Literature Review: Impact of Technology Change on...

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1 Literature Review: Impact of Technology Change on Issue Areas Relevant to Connectivity in Remote and Indigenous Communities prepared by Ruth Grossman (September 2008) for CCIRDT and NICSN LITERATURE REVIEW: IMPACT of TECHNOLOGY CHANGE on ISSUE AREAS RELEVANT to CONNECTIVITY in REMOTE and INDIGENOUS COMMUNITIES prepared by Ruth Grossman September 2008 for CCIRDT (Centre for Community Informatics Research Development and Training) and NICSN (Northern Indigenous Community Satellite Network)

Transcript of Literature Review: Impact of Technology Change on...

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Literature Review:

Impact of Technology Change on Issue Areas Relevant to Connectivity in Remote and Indigenous Communities

prepared by Ruth Grossman (September 2008) for CCIRDT and NICSN

LITERATURE REVIEW:

IMPACT of TECHNOLOGY CHANGE on ISSUE AREAS RELEVANT to CONNECTIVITY in REMOTE and INDIGENOUS COMMUNITIES

prepared by

Ruth Grossman September 2008

for

CCIRDT (Centre for Community Informatics Research Development and Training)

and NICSN

(Northern Indigenous Community Satellite Network)

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Literature Review:

Impact of Technology Change on Issue Areas Relevant to Connectivity in Remote and Indigenous Communities

prepared by Ruth Grossman (September 2008) for CCIRDT and NICSN

INTRODUCTION: The purpose of this review is to identify what is currently known and what is currently not known, as recorded in the published literature, about issues relevant to broadband connectivity in remote and aboriginal communities. While this preliminary research is primarily concerned with application to the Canadian experience, and specifically to projects and initiatives of NICSN, a broader usefulness to undertakings in the global arena is also anticipated. Accordingly, the review casts a deliberately wide net in the interest of bringing a comprehensive collection of materials to bear upon efforts to assess long-term impacts of diverse technology change on remote and indigenous communities. Source material has been gathered from existing work in the fields of sociology, anthropology, history, linguistics and political science, as expected, but also from collaborative and cross-cultural disciplines, the community informatics arena, artistic and philosophical ideas, and initiatives related to community activism. The result constitutes a mix of book materials, research papers, government studies, project reports and journal articles, retrieved in either their original formats or online transpositions. Some materials exist exclusively in the online environment, whether shared or proprietary. While it is clear that motivation, agenda and mandate governing the production of these source works will have been inevitably wide-ranging, a larger picture is aimed at that identifies some consensus of understanding around the patterns, risks and advantages associated with the introduction of new technology to communities; a larger picture that may hence be used to inform initiatives pertaining to study and focus areas most in need of further consideration. The current document organizes its findings within loosely grouped categories, more rigid arrangements being poorly suited to the generous overlap of concerns addressed by the preponderance of authors. The impact of technology change on issue areas related to health, education and youth comprises the first such category. The second section concerns issue areas related to language and culture, the third – issue areas related to governance, justice and self-management, and the fourth – issue areas related to environmental sustainability and resource management. Depending upon the situational stance of the reader, these divisions will be, to varying degrees, somewhat arbitrary, but hopefully will also serve to provide a convenience to those seeking to narrow the range of findings to a specialized purpose. A comprehensive bibliography is appended that merges all categories and includes additional materials relevant, and also tangential, to topics identified in this review. The idea of technology change carries multiple connotations. These can be as straightforward as the introduction of discernible tools and machines for the enablement of practical and particular advantages. They can refer to the extension of a society’s

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Literature Review:

Impact of Technology Change on Issue Areas Relevant to Connectivity in Remote and Indigenous Communities

prepared by Ruth Grossman (September 2008) for CCIRDT and NICSN

accumulated techniques for solving problems. Technology change also concerns the reorganization of societal structures, hierarchies and institutions in response to new technologies. It can constitute the narrative of both immediate and incremental acculturation or assimilation brought about by the absorption process itself. It can beg consideration of nuances of interpretation and applicability between communities and across cultures. And it can be the outward appearance of complex power imbalances, cultural chauvinism and economic coercion. It would seem that to effectively discuss the impact of technological change requires, therefore, the definition of a fairly specific set of contextual elements peculiar to the circumstances being studied and to declared investigative aims, as well as an appreciation of the multiple viewpoints of concerned parties, in order to ensure an even minimally accurate accounting. With these general observations in mind, the following review attempts to discern loci in the literature that illustrate and illuminate some of these complexities of analysis. IMPACT of TECHNOLOGY CHANGE on ISSUE AREAS RELATED to HEALTH, EDUCATION and YOUTH: There is no shortage of statistical evidence (e.g. Royal Commission on Aboriginal Peoples (RCAP), 1996; Keresztes and Shaw, 2002; Macaulay, Harris, et al, 2003; Canada-Aboriginal Roundtable Lifelong Learning Background Paper, 2004; Greenall and Loizides, 2001, etc.) to demonstrate the need for improved supports of all types to facilitate access to health services and educational opportunity for remote and Indigenous communities. The persisting question is how to ensure that the provision and design of services be built upon an appreciation of community realities, historical sensibility and renewable infrastructure, such that benefit is maximized and negative impact impeded (if not entirely averted). Cultural denigration over time and cultural discontinuity borne of educational programs that either disregard or inadequately accommodate traditional knowledge and practice are significant contributors to the diminished health of Indigenous communities. Reduced social capital has been linked to suicide risk factors among First Nations youth (Mignone and O’Neil, 2005). Broad, Boyer and Chataway (2006) consider the findings of the Suicide Advisory Group (2004) in developing methodologies of community participation in cultural renewal within the larger decolonization agenda, and affirm the importance and centrality of family connections and holistic cultural practice to overcoming collective trauma (see also Chataway, 2004). The deployment and absorption of variable tools for interpersonal communication and for the reclamation of collective identity become key to a self-reinforcing and cumulative renewal process – based on active individual and community participation – and facilitates the problem-solving dialogue and social intervention that is crucial to communication for development, in itself a process rather than a product (see Richardson, 1997). Communication for development refers to the implementation of processes of expression intended to encourage bottom-up communication as a way of exploring solutions (Bessette, 1996).

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Literature Review:

Impact of Technology Change on Issue Areas Relevant to Connectivity in Remote and Indigenous Communities

prepared by Ruth Grossman (September 2008) for CCIRDT and NICSN

Acknowledging the vast diversity among remote communities is vital to the development of appropriate programs and the effective deployment of accompanying technologies. Due to widely varied needs and priorities, broadband development should generally be addressed at the local community level instead of at the regional and national level (Perley

and O’Donnell, 2006). Clearly, telecommunication technologies are useful in the reduction of disadvantages due to geographic isolation, improved access to health and education services being among the most readily observable and most generously documented implementation scenarios (see, for example, Rowlandson, 2005). At the same time, technologies requiring training and maintenance beyond that which the community of focus may be able to effectively supply can exacerbate the divide, contributing to collective crises of self-esteem that those very same technologies were intended to erase. Carrying both benefit and danger, the introduction of technologies becomes neither sweeping nor linear (see Kling and Lamb, 1997, on the ‘technological conundrum’). The information kiosk is one model of connectivity aimed at delivering information and services to under-served communities. Whereas the Internet café tends to provide market-based points of access, the information kiosk with its broader capacity for engagement has the effect of encouraging collaboration among its users, in this way enhancing potential benefits, especially in the areas of health and education (Badshah, Khan and Garrido, 2005). The literature also documents the impact of ICT use on the reduction of youth unemployment. Not only is exposure to employment opportunity dramatically increased, but self-confidence and technological comfort is also fostered. As illiteracy ebbs and academic performance improves, youth are empowered to create content at the local level, with fairly direct implications towards the alleviation of poverty in remote communities. Increased income attributable to the appropriate use of technology by individual users has allowed research to postulate a direct connection between poverty reduction and access to ICTs (Ulrich, in Badshah, Khan and Garrido, 2005). Furthermore, the ‘pull’ environment facilitated by the most recent and sophisticated incarnations of information technology allows the possibility of moving away from factory models of education designed to support ‘push’ economies (Brown, in Bollier, 2005). The online environment allows students to obtain desired resources and locate knowledgeable experts. According to Brown, the student learns by doing, developing critical, independent skills and becoming part of learning communities that share similar interests. Online technology, from this point of view, allows the possibility of engaging the world directly. The lack of coordinated control mechanisms within fragmented pull supply systems is replaced by a dynamic set of shared goals conducive to formation of a stable community. According to Bollier, “previously atomized individuals can self-organize to create new mechanisms and types of knowledge that never could have occurred through the top-down design of a push system” and this enables the move from a learning environment based on instructivism to one based on constructivism (Bollier, 2005).

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Literature Review:

Impact of Technology Change on Issue Areas Relevant to Connectivity in Remote and Indigenous Communities

prepared by Ruth Grossman (September 2008) for CCIRDT and NICSN

Extending this characterization to early learning, Caperton defines constructionism as a theory that claims that children learn best when they use technology-empowered learning tools and computational environments, and when they use them to take up active roles as designers and builders (Caperton, in Bollier, 2005). Putnam theorized extensively on the value of social connectedness and communal activity and its relation to life satisfaction and, hence, to health (for example, Putnam, 2000). Depleted social capital will tend to correlate to lower educational achievement, higher suicide rates and greater health needs. Addiction, mental health issues and family violence are among the targeted areas of primary concern in many remote and Indigenous Canadian communities, where telepsychiatry initiatives, for example, have supplemented existing mental health services to dramatic advantage (see McKenzie, Edye, Chase and Suggashie, 2002). After successful completion of pilot stages of the telepsychiatry project, a call for further expansion of services, and for technologies to be controlled locally in the interest of maximum benefit, were indicated. The use of technologies such as teleconferencing and videoconferencing has also enabled the launch of training programs to develop local expertise and service delivery, the implementation of models for community networking and shared infrastructure across programs, the inclusion of traditional healers and counsellors among service providers, and, not insignificantly, a general sense of hope. The success of these services has been preceded by broader technological changes that have made computers more accessible and attractive to community members (see Keresztes and Shaw, 2002). First Nations communities in Canada show educational attainment to be a primary determinant of many community outcomes, such as economic development and health, although efforts related to the maintenance of indigenous cultures will tend to confound definitions of quality education (White, Maxim and Spence, in White, Maxim and Beavon (eds.) 2002). Ethnic mobility, or ethnic drift, referring to changes in declared identities within reporting mechanisms, will also skew statistics on higher education, and is a factor in understanding the composition of Aboriginal populations (White, in White, Maxim and Beavon (eds.), 2003; Guimond, in White, Maxim and Beavon (eds.), 2003). Reporting issues notwithstanding, however, studies of Aboriginal health have repeatedly pointed to wealth inequalities between the Aboriginal and general population to explain higher incidences of disease as well as excessive early mortality (Anderson, 1994, cited in White, Maxim and Beavon (eds.), 2003). Inequities in educational achievement of First Nations people as a result of remoteness are mitigated to some degree by the provision of online educational programs. An examination of online learning systems, however, indicates the need for greater flexibility in content and implementation, and points to the necessity for thorough needs assessments particular to each community (Bale, Brooks, Grummet and Tymchak, 2005). The local communities themselves are best situated to assess learning challenges and to determine appropriate content, and locally-based program delivery encourages effective use (see Gurstein, 2003). Several distance learning initiatives, such as CommunityNet (Saskatchewan) and SuperNet (Alberta) are exploring the social benefits that accompany e- learning shared across institutions and across communities.

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Literature Review:

Impact of Technology Change on Issue Areas Relevant to Connectivity in Remote and Indigenous Communities

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In Standards for Technological Literacy (International Technology Education Association, 2000), the influence of technology on history is considered to be less significant than the role society and technological education plays in the development and use of technology. The variability of institutional cultures and individual communities will have a significant influence on the development, diffusion and absorption of learning technologies. Indeed, in the e-learning environment, the seeker (or synthesizer) of knowledge directs the flow of information. The health practitioner looking for assistance in diagnoses and treatment pulls what is needed from the system and in effect builds the necessary technology. The young person accessing self-help programs and collaborative online projects is defining identity and community need. In this way, contingency replaces technological determinism (see Pannabecker, 2004).

Greenall and Loizides (2001) include digital technology skills among the key success factors for reduction of the digital divide and for promotion of self-sufficiency among First Nations communities. K-Net has facilitated participation in university courses and virtual schools (such as the Northern Ontario Medical School, NOMS), by improving access to ICTs. The result is that young people are able to stay, and learn, in their own communities, without having to leave their homes to participate in external institutional environments. The technology, therefore, has an impact on patterns of living, producing new clusters of users. As Pacey (1990) has noted, “Technology can never be adequately understood in terms of machines and techniques alone... [and is] always used within a framework of organization and management”. As part of this institutional and societal reorganization, new technologies for learning have also necessitated training and mentoring, and have brought into being entirely new roles and workplace functionalities in order to animate and manage e-centres, sophisticated equipment and comprehensive program areas such as telehealth and telepsychiatry (see Aitkin, Jamieson, Ramirez and Richardson, 2004). The general conceptualization of media literacy in the literature emphasizes the ability both to consume (that is, access, decode, analyze and evaluate) messages transported through electronic or mechanical systems and to produce (that is, create and communicate) messages in a variety of technical genres (Schaefer, 2005).

The demographics of a growing Aboriginal population with proportionally higher children and youth than the general Canadian population indicates an equally greater demand for pre-natal and post-natal services, early childhood learning programs and skills training across a lifelong learning spectrum (see Canada-Aboriginal Peoples Roundtable Lifelong Learning Background Paper, 2004). The capacity for dramatically increasing the reach and effectiveness of both learning and treatment programs is inherent in the appropriate deployment of new information technologies across remote communities; and is particularly related to interventions concerned with enriching the options for Aboriginal youth, since effects will be longest lasting with this segment of the population. But just as crucial to the lifelong learning continuum, and at the core of Aboriginal philosophies of education, are the facilitation of intergenerational knowledge transfer and the inclusion of community Elders (Canada-Aboriginal Peoples Roundtable Lifelong Learning Background Paper, 2004). Communication technologies adapted to these objectives are the most potent for insuring the long-term health and sustainability of Native communities (see Aitkin, Jamieson, Ramírez, & Richardson, 2004).

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Literature Review:

Impact of Technology Change on Issue Areas Relevant to Connectivity in Remote and Indigenous Communities

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Factors such as a historical distrust of education institutions render the on-site and flexible features of teleport connectivity additionally suited to the learning challenges of Indigenous communities. The enablement of formal education has significant implications for improved socio-economic conditions in the case of all Aboriginal identity groups, with postsecondary attainment having the greatest impact on narrowing the gap between Aboriginal and non Aboriginal people in regard to employment rates, especially for women (Brunnen, 2003; Howe, 2004). Studies have yielded support for the link between mastery and health-related behaviours and have explored interpretations of the legacy of colonization experienced by Indigenous communities as a dissociation from meaningful work (Daniel, Brown et al, 2006). Broadband connectivity permits the unpacking and rebuilding of psychosocial contexts over time with very real outcomes for the management of perceived stress, risk behaviour and morbidity. Associated technologies empower individuals and groups to channel learning in ways that shift the locus of control and equip users to take an active role in shaping the social determinants of community health (see Wood, Siegel, Dutcher et al, 2005). The content of curriculum materials, however, has long been a major pedagogical issue for Aboriginal peoples. The need to counter assimilationist approaches to education, while constituting an entirely separate discourse, is a necessary part of any inquiry into technological adaptations. ICTs, given their excellent suitability to undertakings in situ, given the removal of the necessity to uproot members of the community for purposes of outside education, and given the great irrelevance of distance, offer the opportunity to strengthen communal identities by developing adaptive curricula of place. Educational experiences that occur within the communities proper and that rest upon individual community histories encourage participants to become contributing members of those same communities (Benham and Cooper, 2000; Lee, 2006). The fluidity and interactivity that characterize typical ICT use within pull systems further supports the re-sketching of identities and the articulation of ethnicity. Objective content that absorbs cultural difference is overtaken by theories of difference and community narrative (Grande, 2004). Collaborative online learning by means of networked technologies offers tools for affirming shared interests and collective memory as well as for comparing social practice (Carlen and Jobring, 2005). The First Nations Technology Council has compiled survey information in support of technology plans specific to individual communities. Use of technology is presented as the primary means of improving the quality of life in First Nations communities by enabling broader health care delivery, by removing many of the impediments to education and by facilitating its usefulness to economic development (First Nations Technology Council, 2005). ICT is generally viewed globally as being indispensable to meeting goals such a poverty reduction, basic healthcare and education (Badshah, Khan and Garrido, 2005; United Nations ICT Task Force, 2003; Labelle, 2005). Projects of the Kuh-ke-nah Network (K-Net), which was developed as the ICT arm of the Keewaytinook Okimakanak Tribal Council, devoted the preponderance of community bandwidth to telehealth applications that have since become integral to the effective delivery of services for remote First Nations communities in northwestern Ontario (Fiser,

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Impact of Technology Change on Issue Areas Relevant to Connectivity in Remote and Indigenous Communities

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Clement and Walmark, 2006; Keewaytinook Okimakanak Research Institute, 2005; Seibel, 2005). Of particular urgency for Aboriginal populations in Canada, is the planning and implementation of culturally-appropriate and community-based primary prevention projects to reduce the epidemic of type 2 diabetes (Macaulay and Harris, et al., 2003). Diabetes is thought to be indicative, in combination with both genetic and contemporary living patterns, of negative sociocultural change and acculturation over several generations of First Nations experience. There remain infinite challenges – financial, communicative and programmatic – to the design of effective intervention strategies related to data collection, the administering of treatment and the monitoring of disease symptoms; notwithstanding, this represents a vast area of concern, statistically, culturally and geographically, and one that lends itself to the diagnostic and counselling flexibilities of mobile technologies of all types. IMPACT of TECHNOLOGY CHANGE on ISSUE AREAS RELATED to LANGUAGE and CULTURE: Despite the multitudinous spatial metaphors conjured and endlessly restated by the institutionalization of the term cyberspace (and its extended family of navigational guide words), computer technology is less about negotiating space and overwhelmingly about animating a system of referential acts. Chesher describes computers as invocational media relating to processes of speech and used to ‘call up’ data; and, furthermore, that digital networks in fact eliminate space rather than perpetuate its illusion (Chesher, 1997). It may not be assumed that the all-encompassing language and mindset of digital environments is readily adapted to Indigenous language and knowledge, which are systems of representation that will have been rooted in a particular set of experiences generated by a particular people living in a particular region. To begin with, Indigenous linguistic traditions include tacit knowledge, which is transmitted orally, or through imitation and demonstration. Attempts at codification present complex problems of translation and cause the loss of linguistic properties (Jarboe, 2002, in Corey and Wilson 2006). Participation in the networked world is primarily through languages and symbolic systems that are already structured by the very technology itself (Krug, 2005), and Krug has critiqued theories of technological determinism for their failure “to account for all the elements of mind, language, and world”. It is the cultural context within which technologies are presented that renders them meaningful and thereby useful. According to Ristilammi (Virilio, 1986; Löfgren and Wikdahl, 1999), the technologies themselves merely provide new forms for the commodification of our perceptions and in turn enable new subject formations; the development of the stereoscope during the mid-nineteenth century, for example, rendered man’s dilemna in relation to the artificial world concrete to a degree, confirming the uncertainty and illusion posited by scientific findings of the day. The drama of present day technologies is similarly based in the emotional counterpoint of old and new.

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Literature Review:

Impact of Technology Change on Issue Areas Relevant to Connectivity in Remote and Indigenous Communities

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Denzin defines language as a technology for extending the potential of the idea to fix experience, thereby permitting the user to posit a relation with the world (Denzin, 1989). Krug talks about the capacity of language to convert the world into things, and that language now comes pre-packaged in technological systems such that the meanings of things are already built in (Krug, 2005). He writes, “The mediated world is no less real than the obdurate, local world, but from the standpoint of the former, the latter does not truly exist”. Our persisting infatuation with the uncertainty and ambivalence of life as it is presented on the computer screen appears to be linked to an aesthetic of ephemerality (Appadurai, 1997). Technology, by definition, is a method for making meaning. Insofar as it engages a system for doing so, meanings are delimited. Heidegger describes modern technology as having the effect of challenging and enframing the world. He writes, “We encounter not the revealing of the world but only the possibilities of transforming it or of using it. Applied to communications, modern technology necessarily displaces the revealing of the world with the characteristics of technology: the world is challenged to mean something, to appear in a particular way, to exist within particular framings, or uses, or gratifications.” (Heidegger, 1977) Mumford viewed the enframing character of modern technology as a legacy of earlier habits acquired during the absorption of industrial technologies, in order to further articulate the linkage between technological determinism and technological adaptation (Mumford, 1963 [1934]). We may understand ICTs as expanding the range of accessible information and encouraging the output of information creators, but the encoding or ordering of the world that is a by-product of these benefits must also be acknowledged: additional stress is placed upon original language systems of user communities, many of which are already struggling to maintain functional and affirmatory environments in which to secure transmission to younger generations. Various indices of continuity are used to measure language maintenance, such as the average age of Aboriginal speakers in a community (that is, the higher the average age, the fewer young people are speakers) and degree of dependency upon outside services and programs (Norris and MacCon, 2003). Some theorists hold that language survival may only be guaranteed by complete cultural autonomy and the avoidance of any exposure to dominant language (Drapeau, 1995). There are others who suggest that diverse elements complement and constitute each other, serving as points of opposition for the strengthening of all other elements (Dascal, 1996). Even without having to consider the perils of cross-cultural language loss, an examination of the impact of telegraphy in America during the early part of the last century, for example, indicates changes in language and language use as a result of organizational restructuring undertaken on a huge scale in order to accommodate the new technology; the publication of rule books and manuals, the substitution of problem-solving techniques for intuitive judgements, the adoption of new descriptive jargon and work identities, and so on (Field, 1903). The effects of the Internet are no less dramatic than was the introduction of the telegraph (Lubrano, 1997: 168), and are additionally so for remote and Indigenous communities where technological change and saturation has not, historically, occurred at a gradual pace. ICTs have facilitated a type of technological fast-tracking that allows change

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Literature Review:

Impact of Technology Change on Issue Areas Relevant to Connectivity in Remote and Indigenous Communities

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that may have occurred over two or three centuries in some industrialized societies to occur within a single generation in isolated, remote or underdeveloped regions (Labelle, 2005). The need for strategies by which to overcome the disjuncture between traditional language structures and the mediated world of cross-cultural communications has, on the more positive face, propelled Indigenous communities to focus on the promotion of ethnic identification, the articulation of world views embedded in traditional language, and the preservation of particular lexicons for the enablement of members in a networked society. Self-chosen reference terms being used in some broadcast environments, for example, are also contributing to a more accurate understanding of Native concepts of place, of nationhood and of spiritual association (Retzlaff, 2005). Multi-media technologies have been instrumental in recording and preserving ritual and linguistic culture (Hunter, Koopman and Sledge, 2002). In the context of Caribbean Amerindian culture, Forte has elaborated on the capacity of website initiatives to facilitate mutual recognition and validation between groups and, as a consequence, to enhance the effectiveness of offline contexts as well (Forte, 2008). It has also been observed that social capital tends to increase when virtual communities develop around physically based communities and when these communities foster offshoot communities of interest (Blanchard and Horan, 1998). And Cisler characterized the Internet as a place where it was possible to develop a cultural presence and viewpoint not typically voiced in mainstream media (Cisler 1998). ICT-enabled language preservation projects offer rich sources of informational and interactive materials for the revival and support of linguistic diversity (for example, eastcree.org ; FirstVoices online database; AILegacy.org; initiatives of the American Indian Language Development Institute, etc.), the most successful being those that understand Indigenous leadership as central to reversing the tides of language shift (Crawford, 1996). These technologies tend usually to document participant activity and facilitate research, helping to direct the narrative of collective struggle for the preservation of traditional languages and helping to expand the shared territories in which Indigenous languages are used. ICTs in the decolonial era are veritable tools for the emancipation of Indigenous knowledge and language systems. Doxtater has explored the dilemma of dominant knowledge cultures and intellectual colonization (Doxtater 2004), and Ostler frames the urgency as follows: “Languages are becoming extinct at twice the rate of endangered mammals and four times the rate of endangered birds. If this trend continues, the world of the future could be dominated by a dozen or fewer languages... The definition of a healthy language is one that acquires new speakers. No matter how many adults use the language, if it isn’t passed to the next generation, its fate is already sealed. Although a language may continue to exist for a long time as a second or ceremonial language, it is moribund as soon as children stop learning it. For example, out of 20 native Alaskan languages, only two are still being learned by children...” (Ostler, 1999) The Crossing Boundaries National Council has identified the collection and protection of cultural information and traditional knowledge as being a key priority “given the propensity towards the isolation and fragmentation of Aboriginal peoples and disengagement from Aboriginal ways of life”, and connectivity as offering “the potential for enhancing cultural continuity and rejuvenating community ties… particularly in light of the aging population

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Literature Review:

Impact of Technology Change on Issue Areas Relevant to Connectivity in Remote and Indigenous Communities

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of oral knowledge keepers” (The Crossing Boundaries National Council, 2006). And the Task Force on Aboriginal Languages and Cultures of Canada highlights the use of “state-of-the-art technologies” for the purpose of collecting, preserving and encouraging ongoing transmission of Aboriginal languages and cultures (Government of Canada, Task Force on Aboriginal Languages and Cultures, 2004). Questions, however, regarding the effectiveness and appropriateness of digitization projects for the collection and storage of cultural artefacts and texts of all types demand that these virtual spaces be ventured into with thoughtfulness and with a mind to longevity. The convenience and attraction of collaborative environments and the interests of multiple stakeholders may easily compromise evidential value and original intent, and cultural institutions may be similarly reconfigured by the gesturing of powerful communication tools. Heim argued against what he called ‘technology-based rhetoric’, seeing electronic media as destroying the individual’s relationship with himself (Heim 1988). And Ellul’s view of humans as being subservient to technology is widely known (Ellul, 1964). More recently, and with an interest in ensuring that cultural integrity accompanies the tremendous opportunity of digital technology, Holland has asked whether electronic intervention is even desirable for cultures that do not necessarily have a need for written language (Holland, 2002). Pannabecker (2004) has articulated the tendency toward heroic historiography and the linking of this heroic view with the technology upon which it is stored. Deconstructing, then, the interactions of technologies and user communities, with an interest in identifying conflict, challenge, failure and accident, becomes the more reliable means by which the subtext of cultural acts is revealed. Internet connectivity is also being harnessed to create a virtual territory that attempts the democratization of history. The virtual Museum of the Person, a digitization project based in Sao Paulo, for example, has uploaded approximately 6,000 ‘histories’ of individuals from marginalized communities in order to identify, accumulate, store and make available alternative historical records and to stimulate involvement in the recovery of collective and oral memory (Worcman, 2002). Theorists such as Carey and Innis examined the effects of communication technologies on the utility of time and space; specifically, the capacity to alter the boundaries of human interaction, to influence language and conceptual systems and to spawn new forms, and therefore new classes, of social relations (Stevenson, 1995). According to many Aboriginal belief systems, knowledge is only powerful when it is shared (Retzlaff, 2005). The collaborative, networked environment, which is based in the computer’s adept and unprecedented oscillation between reader and writer, and between observer and producer, is highly conducive to realized worlds, shaped into a more or less cohesive whole but structured around a common centre of focus much like the ancient topoi, or common places (Langham, 1994). Technology change relating to connectivity carries embedded methodologies, then, that are well suited to communal investigations of perceived cultural values. And research has shown community participation to be key to cultural renewal efforts and especially significant in overcoming collective trauma. The project to explore the cultural bases for social cohesion among the Batchewana First Nation is a case in point (Broad, Boyer and Chataway, 2006). Richardson has described communication for development practitioners as being more concerned with catalyzing two-way communication

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to enhance participation of community members than with the creation of media products (Richardson, 1997). Applying ethnographic methods, Michaels undertook an assessment of the impact of television on remote Aboriginal communities in Australia. His research, conducted over a period of four years during the 1980’s, articulated many of the difficulties in assuming any homogeneity or controllability between production text, produced text, transmitted text, received text, perceived text, social text and public text. In other words, he argued against the simplistic view of television as a mass medium that allows the same thing to be in many places at once (Michaels [1987], in O’Regan, 1990) and instead presented a model of natural resistance, interpretive bias and social diversity enacted to counter pressures towards standardization brought about by introduced media (Michaels, 1987a). It was also his position that technologies of the information age by no means support the orality of non- industrial societies, but rather represent a set of constraints on knowledge when overlaid upon an oral information economy (Michaels, 1985). Apollinaire understood and anticipated this tension, as early as 1925, when he predicted the evolution of a network of communications media made up of “ambiguous lines of both intimacy and bondage” (Apollinaire [1925], cited in De Lauretis, Huyssen and Woodward, 1980). The primacy of unique cultural dictates over the adoption of technologies, and not the other way round, was also a tenet of Carey’s analytical stance: “Stories about technology play a distinctive role in our understanding of ourselves and our common history… technology is thoroughly cultural from the outset: an expression of the very outlooks and aspirations we pretend it merely demonstrates.” (Carey, 1989). For Michaels (1987b), the difficulty of introduced media for Aboriginal people lay equally in the mediation and construction of consequent texts predicted by the technological model. Speculation on the total subjugation of technological culture to societal culture has produced hypotheses that technology may one day exist as pure utility, without the power to determine the course of social relations. Other theorists have taken up a more moderate approach to the discourse concerned with directional relationships between technology and social interaction. Perez has suggested that “the process of re-establishing a good match [between new and old technologies] and creating conditions both for recoupling and full deployment of the new potential is complex, protracted and socially painful” (Perez, 2002). Impacts of technology introduction almost always produce cultural lags, during which time a period of testing and identity formation, or domestication, takes place (Löfgren and Wikdahl, in Lundin and Åkesson, 1999). Precise intersections of ethnicity and technological culture are, therefore, elusive or at least ambiguous and retrospective investigations often illuminate these spaces of contention and resistance within the adaptive process (DiPaolo Loren, 2008). Conversely, cultural disruption can also be the stimulus for the emergence of new kinds of technology as catalysts for desirable institutional change (Monk, in Monk and Schmutzer, 1995). While mobile technologies appear to encourage personal availability and social cohesion, questions arise concerning the authenticity of social bonds formed within virtual parameters (Chayko, 2007). Holmes talks about the appropriation of the virtual having problematized sociologies of technology and that computers and the connectivity factor of technoscience make redundant what is being simulated, thereby constructing endless abstract worlds

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which are often confused with truth (Holmes, 1997). Further postulations characterize cyberspace as serving to liberate individuals from the social relations of all levels of face-to-face community by allowing the cultivation of remote virtual relationships, and by redefining what is meant by social action (see Loader, 1998). Social action, once based on proximity and shared physical experience, is reconceptualized based on hovering networks of common perceptions of experience (Loader, 1998). The ubiquity of social connectivity, however, remains highly tentative since online contact occurs in a domain where power relations that normally underlie personal affinity and social engagement are not fully operative (Zhao and Elesh, 2008). Forte sees the phenomenon of website development for marginalized, remote or even voiceless groups as a form of action research (Forte, 2008). And many Indigenous artists who have resided outside the ‘imagined community’ and culture of Canadian society are now, with the facility of networked environments, replacing cultural homogeneity with layered spaces of cultural hybridity (Sojka, in Thomsen, 2006) Serexhe (1997) has considered effects of the encroachment of new technologies on cultural development, and calls for the mobilization of creative resources to offset the erosion of identities within new and fluid ICT environments. Critical Art Ensemble is an art collective made up of tactical media practitioners of various specializations that scrutinizes the intersections between art, critical theory, technology and political activism. Projects employing digital media, text art, film, photography, book arts and performance take no experiential positions for granted and conjure rigorous self-examination as a response to invasive technologies of production (see Critical Art Ensemble, in Kroker, 1997). The impact of technology change on cultural and psychological behaviours also finds expression in resistance and technophobia (Brosnan, 1998). Fear of changes brought about by technology introduction (changes in skills, for example) may manifest in reduced self-esteem (Schein, 1985; Seltzer, 1983; both cited in Brosnan, 1998). Additionally, gender and power relations are often perceived as underscoring technology change and interactions will therefore tend to be different across genders (Bromley, 1995; Popovich, 1987). The marked gendering of technologies is generally associated with the control of competence, and the history of the telephone prior to its ultimate domestication illustrates this notion well; having been first defined as a tool for male decision makers (to be used for ‘important information’, brief notifications and concise orders) until mass dissemination demanded that the telephone be ‘feminized’ to keep step with a growing workforce of women (Lofgren and Wikdahl, 1999). IMPACT of TECHNOLOGY CHANGE on ISSUE AREAS RELATED to GOVERNANCE, JUSTICE and SELF-MANAGEMENT: Information machines supply the interface for most political issues (Holmes, 1997). And Castells has described media as the space of politics in the information age (Castells 2004). The newest technologies, however, are distinguished by their markedly decentralized form and their inherent capacity to set up oppositional subjectivities within an expanding public sphere (Chesher [1997], in Holmes, 1997). Among the political advantages of cyberspace is its readiness to rally fluid identities and emergent force relations, which reside in a type

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of reserve suspension (amid traditional state apparati) awaiting the call to action. Cooper refers to this new ecology created by the invention of a virtual world, or surrogate utopia, as “ego-logical subjecthood” and considers evolving modes of engagement for the mediation and empowerment of parties or collectives, not previously supported by earlier broadcast technologies such as radio, television and film (Cooper, 1997). Poster sees the participants of cyberdemocracy as representing new combinations of human-machine assemblages with new collective voices and spectres, and defines Internet technology as “advancing the goals of its users, who are understood as preconstituted instrumental beings” (Poster, 1997). The capacity of basic e-mail and e-governance to find broad platforms of interest without the coaxing of formal diplomacy allows the NGOs of the world to become more effective (Merrill, in Bollier, 2006). Remote communities are pursuing self-proclamation, advocacy and e-government initiatives by mobilizing social capital resources and by developing leadership that is more organically connected to communities and more familiar with the pull paradigm (see Brown, in Bollier, 2006; also see Corey and Wilson, 2006). Not only is the urgency of local action for the construction and communication of cultural identities effectively managed by increasingly pervasive new media, but it is also becoming clear that anything beyond the media sphere is reduced, essentially, to political marginality (Castells, 2004[1997]). The over-representation of Aboriginal people in Canadian prisons is a symptom of the high rates of crime in many First Nations communities, and generally the result of poverty and dysfunction, which in turn is largely linked to a history of repression and forced acculturation (Dickson-Gilmore and La Prairie, 2005). Restorative justice programs have in recent years begun to incorporate traditional methodologies of conflict resolution and develop partnership models with local communities (see Pranis, 1998; Crawford 1997); and the use of new technologies is facilitating the effective implementation of projects such as these. “The way in which community is defined and involved in restorative conferencing models is a critical factor affecting the nature and extent of citizen participation and ownership” (Bazemore and Umbreit, 1999). Many organizations make use of web applications for the diffusion of legal material to the widest possible community of interest. The Native Law Centre of Canada, for example, makes available a comprehensive collection of treaty documents to help elucidate the unique status of Native Peoples in Canada, whose lives are in large measure still defined by the Indian Act of 1876 (Native Law Centre of Canada website). New governance structures that reconfigure relationships and jurisdictions within a post-colonial paradigm are crucial to the enablement of local decision-making and the involvement of citizenry. Creating a basis for the mutual accommodation of difference is posited as the starting point for recovery from the alienating repercussions of assimilationist policy endured over periods of centuries (Cairns, 2000; Macklem, 2001). Tully has observed that “modern communication technology tends to be hedged with notions of the disappearance of boundaries and places” (Tully, 1995). This has interesting implications for understanding and managing expectation around the use of ICTs, and a particular resonance in legal undertakings, sovereignty claims and the pursuit of rights to self-determination. The introduction of new technologies for the advancement of aims has the capacity to alter the course of those same aims, by reorganizing generational and

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institutional hierarchies, by generating exclusionary and inclusionary practices and by manipulating reflexive attitudes that may in fact be the motivational core of projects. It would appear that the engagement of technology, which itself is neither pure nor neutral (Loader, 1998; Michaels, 1987; and others), must avoid becoming a substitute for knowledge, experience, context and even trust. Legal and jurisdictional initiatives intended to shed the myths and impoverishments of cultural identities assigned by dominant culture will be fuelled in large measure by the trust of those represented, and hampered by a distrust of the bravado of new technologies; scepticism towards a kind of technological prowess posited on the requirement of distance (reconstituted as anonymity, fairness and freedom) for the promise of nearness (a.k.a. authenticity, identity and truth). Ultimately, however, it is the quality of openness that prevails, despite the persistent mediation of technology by political economies, and that renders information and communication technologies immeasurably well suited to both the legal agenda generally and the mobilization of local opinion in particular (see Kroker, 1997). Technology is often interpreted as the locus of power struggle and Loader writes, “the social and economic fabric of the information society will be unevenly woven by the warp of commercial innovation seeking competitive advantage and the weft of social action militating its realisation” (Loader, 1998). The use of media applications of all varieties necessitates the active negotiation of rights between cultures. Michaels’ work with the Warlpiri people of Australia revealed complex problems relating to the management of traditional information, rights to maintain certain principles of oral culture, rights to the production, organization and distribution of texts and rights to control conditions under which projects were conducted, as well as to the negotiation of monetary arrangements in connection with any and all of these (see Michaels, 1987). The search for media autonomy was very much at the centre of the Australian Aboriginal production work that Michaels documented and the anthropological research that followed its activity. In 2002, the Maori of New Zealand introduced the Toi Iho trademark, created to assert authenticity in the creative arts and to provide a cultural context for works that have a Maori lineage. This initiative has enabled cross-cultural partnerships without compromise to concepts of respect and ownership and has also served as the precedent for companion trademarks denoting other properties applicable to original exhibition material or to the work of an individual artist (Sullivan, 2002). This type of e-governance insists upon the acknowledgment and transmission of contextual information considered significant to the creators and consequently is key to maintaining the provenance of cultural artefacts whether they are destined for physical or digital repositories. There exist draft declarations concerning the ownership, control and protection of Indigenous culture, languages, resources and intellectual property (for example, UN Commission of Human Rights, 1993; Declaration of Belém, 1988), and there are also international guidelines aimed at incorporating tribal values and the directives of creator communities into the planning of digital collections. Furthermore, the Indigenous communities themselves are seeking to control emergent issues of rights management (see recommendations of the Digital Collectives in Indigenous Cultures and Communities meeting, Hilo, Hawaii, 2001; Hunter, Koopman and Sledge, 2002).

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When the concept of intellectual property rights first surfaced in European and North American law for the protection of individual and industrial inventions, it was considered unlikely that it could have relevance for the assets of Indigenous cultures, which were perceived to be transhistorical, collective and of nebulous quality (Posey and Dutfield, 1996). And traditional communities often had their own concepts of intellectual property and resource rights. Trends, however, towards elaborate trade agreements and the commercialization of resources have necessitated the involvement of local communities and Indigenous peoples. Posey and Dutfield recommend that, where possible, Indigenous peoples should be the initiators of research projects concerning the collection and control of knowledge rather than be participants in other people’s plans, and there is much evidence of the shift towards community-controlled projects. Some examples cited include the securing of copyright for ecological knowledge recorded by researchers in the Solomon Islands and the background paper prepared by the Inuit Tapirisat concerning the development of guidelines for research relationships in the North. The evolution of ethnographic research technologies, the fact of web access in most Aboriginal communities, and the contingencies that have propelled the maturation of the intellectual property discourse (along with its legal toolkit) have all contributed to strategic responses from the Indigenous world. Seadle (2002) has addressed these questions to establish bases for the selection and articulation of rules and Holland has explored the ways in which tenuous collaborations have taken up the challenge posed to individual and collective privacy, rights and privileges by essentially Western technology constructions (2002). Other initiatives are assisting Aboriginal peoples in examining how traditional knowledge is shared and protected within their own communities in order to enable more confidence in designing appropriate policies for sharing knowledge beyond community parameters (Brascoupé and Endemann, 1999). Gigler has studied the role ICTs play in facilitating more extensive participation of indigenous communities in the decision-making processes of local governments. Drawing on Bolivian examples, programs in support of decentralization and improved social accountability (and, hence, well-being) were found to thrive when political, cultural and social factors demanded the transparency and responsiveness of local government. Economic and technical factors were found to contribute only secondarily (Gigler, 2006). Although media literacy has been positively correlated to the playing out of fully engaged and operational democracy (Schaefer, 2005), it is also a commonly held contention that advanced computer utilities are the arms of centralized political power, profit and productivity (Mumford, 1963 [1934]). As a means for taking control of collective narratives, the challenges posed by copyright issues in relation to digitization projects are motivators for the engagement of isolated communities in the management and communication of local knowledge and in the organization of information in a manner appropriate to local tradition (Worcman, 2002). An environment characterized by multiple stakeholders and diverse perspectives foregrounds self-management as the foundational stage for community ownership and strength. K-Net (Keewaytinook Okimakanak First Nation), COIN (County of Oxford Integrated Network, in Ramirez and Richardson, 2000) and LCN (Lanark Communications Network) are organizations that have promoted the interests of First Nations by acting as mediators across band offices, by creating awareness and opportunity for members to

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decide how they wish to make use of technology, and by developing relationships of trust through which the control of change becomes possible (see Richardson, 1999). A world made up of small communities such as these, technologically-enabled for participatory democracy and networked for education, is precisely the formula suggested by Burke and Ornstein for reversing the pressures of conformity caused by the concentration of power and knowledge in elite societies (Burke and Ornstein, 1997). Systematic means for the development of community capacity can entail a move from mentor-supported learning to community-directed learning. Participatory research has been documenting and facilitating such uses of learning technologies within the Yekooche First Nation in British Columbia as preparation for self-governance in a post-treaty environment and particular attention has been paid to enabling e-technologies that are culturally relevant and useful to skills development and self-management (Hamilton and Drummond, 2007). Collaboration and partnership are generally the underpinnings of good e-government, in that they represent ways to realize opportunities, mitigate risk, mobilize resources and ensure current training and technologies (The Crossing Boundaries National Council, 2006). And the Internet, specifically, has been long identified as a communications support for the struggles of self-determination (O’Donnell and Delgado-P, 1995). Because the advent of powerful technologies begs an inevitable clash of cultures and has the capacity to erode stability in Indigenous populations, it is crucial that intentional ownership of these technologies is undertaken as swiftly as possible. The same technological systems that first throw a cultural ecology off balance tend usually to provide the solutions for its recovery (see Lieberman, 2003). The difficulties arise in the interim when, as Shorris describes it, “the weak must speak to the strong in the language of the strong” (Shorris, 2000). The development and ongoing success of the Aboriginal Peoples Television Network (APTN) demonstrates how First Peoples have mediated their own historical trauma by creating a powerful tool of resistance (Roth, 2002). IMPACT of TECHNOLOGY CHANGE on ISSUE AREAS RELATED to ENVIRONMENTAL SUSTAINABILITY and RESOURCE MANAGEMENT: The control of resources and environmental balances is dependent not only upon the ability to define territories of interest and articulate regional priorities within power relationships but also upon the ability to forge strategies for the ongoing management of these relationships (see Retzlaff, 2005). Remote communities most practised in the technologies of shared information spaces will be best able to respond in a timely and effective way to outside pressures exerted upon the survival of cultural and economic local identities. And successful initiatives in Canadian Aboriginal communities, such as the Toquaht First Nation, Tsuu T’ina Nation, and Bigstone Cree Nation, for example, have demonstrated the advantage of basing sustainability development projects in the strategies and established systems of indigenous wisdom (Wuttunee, 2004). While the information highway is generally considered to be a powerful tool for counteracting the geographical isolation of remote communities and for furthering the

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pursuit of rights (see Royal Commission on Aboriginal Peoples, 1996; Trahant, 1996; Ponting, 1997; Belindo, 1997), the unclear or non-existent boundaries that characterize the connected environment tend also to readily facilitate activities and programs that are ultimately assimilationist in nature (Two Horses, 1998). Resource management and sustainability must be additionally conceptualized in terms of control over both material and symbolic assets (Zimmerman, Zimmerman and Bruguier, 2000). Collaborative and cross-cultural natural resource administration has been shown to be an effective way to reduce the opposition of knowledge systems by incorporating plural discourses into existing models of management and development (Whittles, 1995). The Sachs Harbour Conservation Plan is an example of an ecosystem and land use initiative developed by the Banksland Inuvialuit that allows for the interpretation of Western techno-science according to the values, tradition and needs of Inuit culture (Community of Sachs Harbour, 1992). Technologies associated with digital commerce have spawned entirely new repertoires of social and business activities. Davenport (2000) has theorized the related notion of social intelligence as a type of emergent insight, greatly expanding the range and the nature of work and life practices. Applying Davenport’s scenarios of social browsing, social formatting and social filtering to strategies for the management of diverse regional resources, the relevance for long-term undertakings of significance to community histories, environmental sustainability and multiple stakeholders is easily discerned. The aims and organization of TRIBES, created by the Council on Energy Resource Tribes (CERT), were designed primarily as instruments of advocacy on behalf of tribes to reclaim authority over natural resources and to develop energy plans, and is a case in point (see Lee, 2006). The concept of community is itself a target for sustainability action and Connery and Hassan (2005) have acknowledged the commercial value enabled by web-based functionality. Michaels had observed, some twenty years earlier (Michaels, 1985) and in the context of articulating Australian Aboriginal objectives in television media production, that autonomy and resource management would only be possible by taking up both producer and subject roles in tandem. And Ramirez (Parkinson and Ramirez, 2006) constructs definitions of development and equity that rely upon the activation of a confluence of options in a non- linear pattern; as an example of the Sustainable Livelihoods Framework, processes and strategies revolving around telecentre activities in rural areas of Cali, Columbia, demonstrate efforts to achieve an environment focused on sustainability and resource management through emergent responses to contingency that make use of Internet technology to reinforce and improve livelihood options. Sustainability and revenue generation are highlighted as key goals in the establishment of rural telecommunications systems, in turn requiring collaboration and partnership for the appropriate development of technologies and in the interest of long-term capacity building (Richardson, 1999). Lieberman (2003) acknowledges the suitability of e-commerce to collaborative projects for environmental sustainability. The Yekooche Band and Royal Roads University is one such partnership, aimed at developing culturally-relevant sustainability development skills (Hamilton and Drummond, 2007). Indigenous language maintenance must also be noted as being central to the preservation of traditional ecological knowledge and, consequently, central to environmental sustainability (Ignace, 1998 and 2005). Case studies pertaining to

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technology-supported initiatives of K-Net (Keewaytinook Okimakanak First Nations), COIN (County of Oxford Information Network) and LCN (Lanark Communications Network) identify attributes of these learning organizations that are dynamic and evolution-friendly, and that resonate with their base communities by undertaking an essentially mediating function (Richardson, 1999). Indeed, the strengths of communities of place derive chiefly from their shifting forms and from their dynamic constitution, factors supported and enhanced by online communication networks designed to develop a sense of social ownership (Foth, 2003). Decision-making for sustainable development is increasingly being configured at the core of new communications and information technology (UN Secretary-General Kofi Annan 1997, cited in ICT-focused Regional Human Development Report (RHDR), World Summit on the Information Society, 2005). Intellectual property rights, a technology in its own right, may be thought of as a feature of the decision-making landscape. Tools for the development of policies designed to help empower communities in conservation and revitalization projects are allowing a somewhat more level playing field in the wake of colonial, and in some cases postcolonial, histories. The recovery of conditions necessary for collaborative research, and under which local communities are represented as experts in their own experience, is beginning to facilitate fruitful negotiations and controlled access, both key elements in the cultivation and implementation of stewardship and sustainability planning (see Posey and Dutfield, 1996). And international declarations, such as the Declaration of Belém (being the statement of ethics of the International Society of Ethnobiology, 1988) and the Declaration of Principles of the World Council of Indigenous Peoples (1984) were formal mechanisms created at the global level for the affirmation of rights to resources and to self-determination. More recent initiatives, such as the Indigenous Peoples’ Biodiversity Network (Argumedo, 2004) have been set up with connected environments in mind, offering communication alternatives in the ongoing struggle for the preservation of biodiversity and the maintenance of cultures. The Mackenzie Valley Resource Management Act is a Canadian example that formally attempted to recognize the legitimacy of indigenous knowledge in resource management (see Christensen and Grant, 2007) and much has been written in recent years about the adaptive integrity of IK systems and the search for collaborative models of conservation practice (Harrison, 2001; Ascher, 2002; Eglash, 2002; Barnhardt and Kawagley, 2005; and others). According to Semken (2005), land use planners and resource managers are adopting more ecologically holistic approaches to environmental impact assessment, as opposed to purely economically motivated analyses. They are also taking into consideration senses of place in the interest of merging physiographic and geoscience learning with the social, linguistic and cultural shapings of the land’s historical inhabitants (see Gruenewald, 2003, for example). From a slightly adjusted viewpoint, the observation is similarly made that all stakeholders (scientists, policy-makers, etc.) need to base the agendae of project goals and methodologies on the “interdependence of coupled social and ecological systems” (in Folke, 2002). The essence of the notion is that resource management strategies must promote the resilience of ecosystems because these ecosystems are the foundation of social

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systems; and this relation is manifest in the production of goods and services and in the complex mechanisms of systems response to vulnerability and uncertainty. Ecological memory and social memory are in this conceptualization the natural building blocks for repair and reorganization. Secondary technologies relating to feedback learning and adaptive management have been conceptualized as resembling some of the mechanisms for the cultural internalization of traditional practices and the handling of unpredictability in ecosystems (see Berkes, Colding and Folke, 2000). The Sàmi Network Connectivity project was an initiative developed with the Sirges Sàmi (or reindeer herding) Village in the remote region of Northwest Sweden to establish Internet connectivity to support the economic activity of reindeer herding. Relying upon human movement as the primary vector for network propagation in the most outlying areas and using Delay Tolerant Networking (DTN) to largely overcome intermittent connectivity, the project postulates positive impacts in the areas of social cohesion, cooperative business, resource planning, eco-tourism and disaster management (Uden, 2008). The project further advocates creative and independent solutions over variants on mainstream broadband solutions; having itself successfully harnessed a combination of NASA communication technology and some elements of an ad-hoc peer-to-peer technology solution employed by a small cross-section of advanced urban users. Findings of the Sàmi initiative acknowledge the attraction of highly challenging circumstantial factors for the development of innovation and, as is the case with all projects superimposed upon isolated communities, the necessity of building citizen competencies for sustainability. SUMMARY: Technological expertise must, to be sure, keep pace with the technological change it aims to facilitate. And technology-based projects must not, in the end, weaken the very communities they were designed to empower (Lieberman, 2003). But despite the most thoughtfully designed implementation strategies, technologies “will have both beneficial and disadvantageous consequences for their increasing pervasiveness within societies” (Loader, 1998). Initiatives that are dependent upon electronically-networked alliances and technological prowess beg sustainability planning and systems assessment, maintenance programs and training infrastructures. Cisler (1995, 2000), who was a spokesperson and advocate of practical tools for the perpetuation of grassroots community systems, made recommendations that acknowledged the need for a communications component in the design of projects and that insisted upon inclusivity and the engagement of membership; such recommendations apply equally well to the full range of technology-grounded undertakings with which this review concerns itself. The meaningful integration of ICTs into communities and institutions – in other words, a manner of embeddedness that allows the management of local interests over time rather than subservience to time- limited and often stop-gap technological measures – would appear to demand a framework for social inclusion that rejects the abbreviated usefulness

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of the concept of a digital divide and substitutes instead a view of renewable resource development based in all the contingencies and unanticipated behaviours of its human carrier (see Warschauer, 2002). As alluded to by Broad, Boyer and Chataway (2006), best practices around the utilization of information technologies will accompany a shift away from the conventional education model, which has in the past tended to accumulate and rely upon static and packaged knowledge, and will instead thrive on action-based and participant-driven methodologies for creating adaptive knowledge. The networked environment being better disposed to the provision of non-proprietary stores of information, the natural tides of use are likely to dictate local preferences regarding access and content. The point should also be made that technologies are not always developed with a specific purpose in mind (see Williams and Edgem, 1996). It is, moreover, the social, cultural and professional environment of a technology’s reception, exerting the inevitable pressures of experiment, which lead the technology. With the aim of establishing the most stable infrastructure for the adaptation of diverse technologies to diverse community need, and with the vision of maintaining the relevance and malleability of the adaptive process for optimum and renewable benefit to community members, methodologies employed by the RICTA cluster (Research on Information and Communication Technologies with Aboriginal Communities) prioritize capacity building by designing research initiatives in participation with subject communities. Projects built increasingly upon the directives and exigencies of the community itself, rather than solely on the agendas of external investigators, have the potential both to shift the traditional research paradigm as well as empower the applicability of results. Studies, for example, on the use of video communications in remote and Indigenous communities, with the rich opportunity for content creation inherent in such technologies, have been designed in keeping with these principles, and have yielded not only insight and reciprocal understanding but have also given way to partnership, trust and the deconstruction of assumptions (see O’Donnell, Perley, Walmark, Burton, Beaton and Sark, 2007; Perley, 2008; O’Donnell, Perley and Simms, 2008; see also the VideoCom Research Initiative, 2008). This review also considers the activities and attendant technologies of research as comprising, in itself, a technology of impact, and draws attention to the prerogatives of methodology. Not merely being the upshot of funding complexities, research methodologies will embody and ultimately declare the purposes and perspectives of its designers. The incongruity of indigenous and non- indigenous approaches to questions of epistemology, for example, has allowed mechanisms of colonization to persist within the frames of investigative research, by tending to problematize Indigenous peoples (see Smith, L.T., 1999; see also Porsanger, 2004). Schnarch has analyzed contemporary First Nations research with an interest in reinvesting its ethical foundations, and has articulated the principles of ownership, control, access and possession (OCAP) as essential to the expression of self-determination in research methodology and to the development of guidelines (Schnarch, 2004).

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Badshah, A., Khan, S., & Garrido, M. (Eds.). ([2005]). Connected for development: Information kiosks and sustainability. [New York]: United Nations Information and Communication Technologies Task Force.

Bale, D., Brooks, P., Grummett, J., & Tymchak, M. (2005). Research on First Nations e-learning in Western Canada. Regina: University of Regina and First Nations SchoolNet RMO responsible for Saskatchewan and Alberta. http://www.firstnationsnt.ca/UofR-Research/

Barnhardt, R., & Kawagley, A. O. (2005). Indigenous knowledge systems and Alaska Native ways of knowing. Anthropology and Education Quarterly, 36(1): 8-23. Retrieved from http://www.ankn.uaf.edu/Curriculum/Articles/BarnhardtKa

Bazemore, G., & Umbreit, M. (1999). Conferences, circles, boards, and mediations: Restorative justice and citizen involvement in the response to youth crime. St. Paul, MN: Balanced and Restorative Justice Project.

Belindo, J. (1997). AIROS Down Under. In The Vision Maker 11(4): 4.

Benham, M., & Cooper, J. (2000). Indigenous educational models for contemporary practice: In our mother's voice. Mahwah, NJ: Lawrence Erlbaum.

Berkes, F., Johan Colding, J., & Folke, C. (2000). Rediscovery of traditional ecological knowledge as adaptive management. Ecological Applications, Oct 10(5): 1251-1262.

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Carlen, U., & Jobring, O. (2005). The rationale of online learning communities. International Journal of Web Based Communities, 1(3): 272–295. http://inderscience.metapress.com/app/home/contribution.asp?referrer=parent&backto=issue,3,11;journal,12,14;linkingpublicationresults,1:112382,1

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Chesher, C. (1997). The Ontology of Digital Domains. In D. Holmes (Ed.). (1997). Virtual Politics: Identity and community in cyberspace. London: Sage.

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