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8/10/2019 Liszt and Harmonies Poetique Et Religieuses
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The Genesis of the Funrailles. The Connections between Liszt's "Symphonie rvolutionnaire"and the Cycle "Harmonies potiques et religieuses"Author(s): Adrienne KaczmarczykSource: Studia Musicologica Academiae Scientiarum Hungaricae, T. 35, Fasc. 4 (1993 - 1994), pp.361-398Published by: Akadmiai KiadStable URL: http://www.jstor.org/stable/902314.
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The
Genesis
of
the
Funerailles
The
Connections
Between
Liszt's
Symphonie
evolutionnaire
and
the Cycle
Harmonies
oetiques
t religieuses
Adrienne
ACZMARCZYK
Budapest
Symphoniere'volutionnairend the cycle for piano Harmonies
poe'tiques
t religieuses
had
ong
been
on
Liszt's
mind
rom
hebeginning
of his
career
as
a composer
n
the
early
1830s
up
to his
Weimar
ears
n
the 1850s.
The
surviving
documents
which
are
nottoo
numerous
n con-
nection
with the
Symphonie
eveal
that
during
hose
morethan
twenty
years
composition
on
thesetwo
works
proceeded
ither
parallel
or
con-
secutively,
urthermore,
hat
he
concept
of
both
works
underwent
more
or
lessmodifications
n
the
various
phases
of composition.
t is probably
ue
to this
parallel
manner
f composing
hat
hetwoworksappearingotally
different
n
character
t first
sight
display
considerable
arallels,
t
least
the
latest
versions.
Funerailles,
the
seventh
movement
of Harmonies
poe'tiques
s related
with
the
Symphonie
e'volutionnaire,
articularly
ith
the
Rakoczi
t
Dombrowski
movement,
oth
in its
concept
andstyle.
The
Tristis
st
anima
mea
movement
f
thesymphony
s connected
hrough
ts
musical
motifs
withthe
piano
cycle
as
well,
since
the
first,
slow part
of
the movements constructedf thesametwo motifswhichwerethe un-
derlying
motifs,
he
maqam
f the
Harmonies
rom
heautumn
f
1847
at
thelatest.
This
study ntends
o throw
ight
upon
hisrelationship
etween
thesymphony
nd
he
piano
cycle
detectable
rom
around
1850
onwards.
In
order
to
be able
to analyze
the
farther
onnections
of the
Sym-
phonie
re'volutionnaire
heessence
of the
symphony
must
be
clarified.
Up
to the
present
day
Liszt's
biographers
ave
disclosed,
almost
without
ex-
ception,
only
theconcept
mentioned
y
Lina
Ramann
ated
1830.l
This
s
l See Lina
Ramann,
Franz
Liszt.
Als Kunstler
undMensch.
Vol. i (Leipzig,
1880),
pp. 143-150.
Studia
Mu.vicolngica
Academiae
Scientiarum
Bungaricae
35/4,
1993-941
pp. 361-398
Akademiai
Kiado,Budvest
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362
A.
aczmarozyk:
he
Genesis
of
the
Fune'railles
all
ut
ortunate
ince
in
Lina
Ramann's
description
he
elements
of
several
oncepts
by
Liszt
mingle
dating
rom
after
he
1830s,
as
we
shall
seeaterntheevidence
of
the
drafts
f
the
symphony
nd
he
writings
n
the
ombination
f
the
movements.
Concerning
omposition
Ramann
elated
hat
Liszt
may
have
inter-
woven
he
melody
of
three
songs
with
his
work:
a
15th-century
ussite
song,
he
chorale
beginning
with
the
words
Ein'feste
Burg
and
the
Mar-
seillaise.
is
intention
o
do
so
can
be
deduced
with
certainty
rom
one
of
the
ocuments
f
the
symphony
nly,
i.e.
from
the
three-movement-draft
of
he
o-called
Lichnowsky
ketchbook
WRgs
N8,
p.
10)
which
he
used
inhe irsthalfof 1840s:
"Symphonie
evol[utionnaire]
Hussiten
Lied
/
Choral
e
Luther
Marseillaise".
On
the
first
page
of
the
four-page
ketch
WRgs
A21,3)
originating
n
1830,
hat
s
more
han
one
decade
arlier,
here
are
also
remarks
oncern-
ing
he
musical
realization
f
the
symphony
among
the
lines
reflecting
Liszt's
rame
of
mind:
"The
march
of
the
royal
guard
..
8
different
arts
...
March
of
the
national
guard
6/8,
...
a
fragment
f
Vive
Henry
4
...
scattered.
o
combine
with
'Allons
nfants
de
la
patrie"'.
Accordingly,
t
wasiszt'sintentionat that
time
already
o
weave
the
Marseillaise
nto
the
usic
fabric
whereas
races
of
the
other wosongscannotbe found n
the
ketch.
Though
he
surviving
our
pages
of
music
do
not
suffice
to
dare
o
declare
or
deny
the
concept
of
1830
in
detail,
he
absence
of
the
two
ongs
as
well
as
the
presence
of
Vive
Henri
IV
and
Marche
de
la
garde
n
6/8
allow
us
to
conclude
hat
the
original
dea
had
substantially
differed
rom
what
Ramann
described.
According
o
her
Liszt's
artistic
goal
with
the
symphony
was
to
find
musical
expression
o
two
ever-last-
ingandsupranationalualities:he
notion
of
revolution
nd
the
longing
for
reedom.
The
three
songs
of
different
ational
dentity achrepresent-
ing
a
deviating
world
view
were
destined
o
carry
his
meaning.
n
con-
trast,
he
sketch
of
1830
reveals
he
plan
of
a
symphony
f
definite
per-
sons
linked
with
a
particular
ccasion
a
specific
place
and
a
definite
date
that
still
reminds
s
considerably
f
Beethoven's
Battle
Symphony
serving
as
a
model
of
the
work
and
mentioned
y
Ramann
s
opposed
o
the
plan
of
the
1840s.
Although
everal
movements
r
rather
rrangements
of the just described wo kinds
of
sketches
and
themes
were
made
separately
such
as
the
Hussitenlied
n
1840,theMarseillaisen 1872
Studicl
Musicologiccl
Accidemicle
cienticirum
ungciriccle
5/4
1993-94
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SketchbookCequ
on
entendp. 17
Verzeichnis
er
Furstin
p. 3
1
Introit -?)
Marche
f[unebre]
1.
Heroide
funebre
2
Fugue
Mars.
[Martiale?]
2.
Trista
animam
meam
[sic ]
3
Tristis
est
animam
meam
[sic ]
3.
Rakoczy
[sic ] et
Dombrowski
4
Rakoczy-
[sic ]
et
P-
4.
Marseillaise
5
Psalm?
5. Psaume II.
6
(?)
Hungaria
A.
Kaczmarozyk:
The
Genesis
of the
Fune'railles 363
and
the
Vive
HenriIV
in
the
seventies-eighties,
moreover,
Ein
feste
Burg
had
already
been
incorporatednto
the
Hugenotte-phantasy
ritten
after
Meyerbeer's peraback in 1836 apart romthese pianopieces no
manuscript
urvives
hat
would
refer o
the
instrumentation
nd
the
com-
positionof
the
symphony,
espectively.
It
is
easier
o make
a
clear
notion
of the
last
symphony
oncept,
ub-
ject-matterf
the
present
paper
stablished
round
1848
whichmust
have
been
topical
or
its
composer
n the
firsthalf
of the
1850s.It
is
known
n
two
combinations
of
movements,
the
earlier
being in
the
so-called
Ce
qu'on
entend
sketchbook
WRgs
N1,
p. 17)
usedfrom
the
late
1840s
to the earlyfiftieswhile the latteremerges n companyof compositions
dating
rom
about
1850
n a
catalogue
f
workskept
by
Princess
Carolyne
von
Sayn-Wittgenstein,
nownas
the
Verzeichnis
er
Furstin
WRgs
MS
141/1).
By
means
of
some
sketches n
Ce
qu'on
entendas
well
as
two
movements,
he
Tristis
st
anima
mea
andan
untitled
draft
which,
by
vir-
tue of
its
content,can
be
substituted
or
Fugueand
Marseillaise
espec-
tively,
the
identityof
the
movements
f the
two
combinationsan
be
es-
tablished:
Musically he
movements an
be
divided nto
two
categories.
n
the
firstare
those
which
contain
xcerpts
rom
the
Marseillaise
the
move-
ment
Marseillaise
and
derivatives f
this
march
Fugue
Mars.and
Marseillaise,
He'roide
unebre,
Psaume
11.
(and
Psalm?).As
seen in
the
foregoing
hisis
the
layer
hat
hadbeen
present
n all
concepts
ince
1830.
ThoughquotationsromtheMarseillaise anbe found n one draftof the
last
version
only,
this
motif
which,on
the
strength
f
rhythm
nd
melody
Studicl
Musicologiccl
Accidemicle
cienticirum
ungciriccle
5/4,
]993-94
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364
A. Kaczmarozyk:The Genesis of the Funerailles
can be traced o the marchappeared lready n the sketchof 1830 as well
(WRgsA21,3 p. 4):
21 1 1. ;
;b$$ Y:'8t Cr 1[;;s
1 l r i [ 1 ] :
This motifcameto headthe fugatoas theme n the last versionof the
symphonywhich is illustrated y the quotationbeside the Fugue in the
combination f movements f the sketchbookCe qu'onentend:
2
b D [ j '
H [ ; '
>
B ; } f R t t y }
This excerpt s probably reminderwrittenout from the two drafts
withoutdateandtitle whichcontain he entiremovement nd n which he
Marseillaisequotations an also be found(WRgsA21,1 and 2). The first
of the two draftsmarkedA21,1 s a score in whichLiszt crossedout the
firstand ast pages as a matter f fact, the framesof the fugatosection.
The otherdraftmarkedA2 l ,2 is an arrangementf the previouswritten n
particella.Being the case that in the movementboth the Marseillaise
quotations nd the fugato are present t can be supposed hat the titles
Fugue in the sketchbookCe qu'on entendand Marseillaise n the Ver-
zeichnisder Furstindenote he samemovement.Taking ntoconsideration
the seriesof movementsn the Verzeichniss well, the only statementhat
can be made s that he originalandthe variedmusical abricsoriginating
in the Marseillaise elonged o one single movementn the beginning.By
the time this combinationwas madethe fugatosectionhad alreadybeen
built nto severalmovements. t occurs n the Heroideunebre the mid-
Stadia Musicologica Academiae ScientiaramHangaricae 3S/4, 1993-94
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A. Kaczmarczyk:heGenesisof theFune'railles
365
dle sectionto be performedmarziale, olenneof the Piu lento section n
D flat major and the closing section of the symphonicpoem which
Ramannmentionedn her Liszt biography2 as well as in the introduc-
tion to Psaume11.written or tenor olo, chorusandorchestraWRgsB6).
In this way the Marseillaisemovementmayhavebecomeempty.
The movementswhose individual lementsbelong to the scope of
Liszt'sHungarianssociations epresent nothermusical ayerof the sym-
phony.They include: ntroit-Marche[unebre]andHe'roideunebre,Tri-
stis est animamea, Ra'koczit P. and Rakoczi t Dombrowski, ungaria.
The first documentof this layer is the draftSymphonie e'volutionnaire
which has alreadybeen mentioned n connectionwith the Lichnowsky
sketchbook.t emerges rom his draft hatLisztthought f elaboratinghe
Hungarian heme in a separateHungarianNationalSymphonyat that
time, n the early 1840s yet. He musthave ntended his work o be a wor-
thy gift to the Hungarian ation n return or the boundless onfidence nd
affection xperienced t his firstvisit to Hungaryn the winterof 183940
(WrgsN8,p.10):
3 Symphonie revol.
HussitenLied - National UngarischeSymphonie
Choralde Luther
Marseillaise
v e qS
. . . .. . . .. . . . et marche in
The musical quotationwhich, according o the remarkof some
words,wouldhave been included n the firstpartor the introductoryars
of the Ra'koczimovement s taken from item number1, volume 1 of
MagyarDalok UngarischeNational-MelodienR. 105a).Similar o the
HungarianNationalSymphony here s a directconnectionbetweenthe
genesis of volumes1 and 2 of MagyarDalok (1840) andLiszt'sfirst visit
to Hungary. hispianocycle was one of the firstreactions o Liszt'smusi-
cal experiences n Hungary nd, at the same time, the beginningof the
historyof the Hungarian hapsodies.
The afterlife f the firstMagyarDal took a differenturn n thatLiszt
arranged t in the Tristisest anima mea movementof the Symphonie
2 L. Ramann,
Op.
it. Vol. iv (Leipzig, 1887), pp. 299-304.
Stadia Masicologica Academiae ScientiaramHangancae 3S/4, 1993-94
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366
A.
Kaczmarczyk:
The
Genesis
of
the
Fune'railles
revolutionnaire
nd
not
in
the
Rhapsodies.
his
symphony
movement
ur-
vives
in
two
drafts
dating
rom
between
1853
and
18563
WRgs
A21,6)
of
which
the
one
notated
n
compressed
coreis complete, he draftwrittenas pianoreductionbreaks
off
at
the
beginning
of
the
second
half
of
the
movement.
The
first
piece
of
Magyar
Dalok
became
one
of
the
pillars
of
the
thematic
material
n
the
first
(E
minor)
ection
of
the
movement
while
the
second
(E
major)
part
s
built
on
one
of
the
motifs
of
the
Rakoczi
march,
he
same
as
piece
No.
10
of
the
fourth
series
of
Magyar
Dalok
published
n
1843.
The
marche
in[ale]
of
the
Rak6czi
movement
of
the
National
Ungarische
Symphonie
would
probably
have
been
constructed
from
motifs
of
the
Rakoczi
march
and,
in thatcase,the Tristisdraft romthe1850scanbe
considered
s
the
realization
f
this
idea
of
the
early
or-
ties
a
decade
ater.
The
set
of
the
movements
f
the
symphony
riginating
from
around
1850
and
cited
before
suggests
he
inner
relationship
f
the
two
Magyar
Dalok
used
although
he
two
songs
appear
n
them
as
two
separate
movements
et,
following
each
other
n
the
same
sequence
Tri-
stis
est
anima
mea,
Rakoczi
et
Dombrowski).
he
innumerous
rrange-
ments
f
the
Rakoczi
march
rom
1840
onwards
are
as
much
the
reflec-
tions
f
the
experiences
f
his
stayin Hungary s theoriginal ormof thesymphonic
oem
Hungaria,
he
Heroischer
Marsch
n
ungarischem
til
from
840
(R.
53)
intended
o
be
the
closing
movement
f
the
symphony
originally.
he
funeral
march,
he
first
movement
f
the
symphony
which
came
o
be
a
separate
work
under
he
title
Heroide
unebre
belongs,
by
means
f
its
main
theme,
o
this
range
of
works
with
Hungarian
ssocia-
tions.
t
cannot
be
accidental
hat
he
F
minor
beginning
f
the
Hungarian
Rhapsody
o.
14
reminding
us
of
funeral
march
(Lento,
quasi
marcia
funebre)
ritten
more
orlesssimultaneously ith t andpublishedn 1853
begins
ith
the
same
melodic
dea
as
the
main
theme
of
the
symphonic
poem.
It
emerges
from
the
survey
of
the
latest
version
of
the
Symphonie
re'volutionnaire
hat
this
concept
together
with
the
one
planned
at
the
beginning
f
the
forties
owes
its
existence
o
the
inspirations
licited
by
iszt's
personal
xperiences.
Even
f
he
did
not
participate
n
the
Hun-
3
See
R.
Charnin-Mueller's
description
of
the
paper:
s(ca.
1853-56)
(365x275
mm;
brownish
paper,
astraluled, 22 staves, 8 rnmrastral)".Liszt's 'Tasso' Sketchbook:Studies in Sources and
Revisions
(New
ork,
986),
p.
381.
Studia
usicologica
Acadenuae
Scientiarum
Hungaricae
3S/4,
1993-94
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A. Kaczmarczyk:
TheGenesis
of the Fune'railles
367
garian
war
of independence
ought
with outward
nemies
t stirred
im at
least
as profoundly
s
the revolution
whichbroke
out
in 1830in
France
whichpassedfor his secondhomecountry or reasonsof homepolitics
andwhich
he endured
lso personally.
His
Hungarian-French
nclinations
areso much
characteristic
f
this notion
of symphony
hateven
thetones
of
despair
andanguish
arewoven from
typical
elements
of national
den-
tity,
both in the
Tristis
est anima
mea movement
and
the introductory
music
to the Psalm
11
whichLiszt intended
o be
the
movement rowning
thewhole
workpromising
he
arrival f the
Messiahand
raising
helong-
ing
for liberation
nto
transcendent
imensions.
Seeing
how utterly
well
organizedhe symphonys, the presenceof a movementwhichdisrupts
theunity
of the
concept trikes
us. I have
in mindRakoszi
t
Dombrowski
which,since
Dombrowski
wasa Pole,
lies
outsideboth
he Hungarian
nd
the
French opics.
Liszthimself
musthave
felt
it because he
Tristisest
anima
mea draft
from
about 1853-1856
which
includes
motifs
of the
Ra'koczi
march n the
secondpart
of the
movement efers
o the fact
that
Liszt
hadalready
ivenup composing
Rakoczi
t Dombrowski
r
at least
Dombrowski
s a separate
movement
y that
ime.It is
worth
tartingwith
Dombrowski's ersonwhen t comesto elucidatingwhatthisplannedbut
neverexecuted
movement ould
havebeen
and
why it got into
theSym-
phoniere'volutionnaire.
Jan
HenrykDombrowski
r Datbrowski
ithanother
pelling
1755-
1818)fought
at
the sideof
Kosciuszkon
the 1794
Polishuprising
which
broke
out against
heoppression
f
theRussians
andwas soon
defeated.
Hoping
to
find an ally
in Napoleon
o liberate
his country
Dombrowski
joined
the
Frencharmy
andorganized
Polishlegion
in Northern
taly.
Themarchassociatedwithhis name s saidto haveoriginatedhereand
musthave
kindledLiszt's
interest
much
as the Ra'koczi
march
did. The
Mazurka
Darbrowskiego,
he
presentPolish
national
anthem
gainedwide
popularity
not
only with the
Poles but
also
with otherSlavic
peoples
duringthe
l9th century
and
was known
in Germany
with the
words
"Noch
st Polen
nicht
verloren".As
a hymnof freedom
t fitted
well
with
the
compositional
lans
of Liszt's
symphony.
n the
knowledge
of the
Mazurka
Dacbrowskiego
he
title of the movement
Rakoczi
t
Dombrowski
canbe better onstrued.Evidentlyhe composerdid nothintat themusi-
cal
portray f the
two
personsbutat
themarches
onnected
withthem
and
StudiaMusicologica
Acudemiae
ScientiarumHunguricue3S/4,
1993-94
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368
A.
Kaczmarezyk:
he
Genesis
of
the
Fune'railles
the
Hungarian
nd
Polish
nations
epresented
y
the
marches.
Drafting
he
message
o
the
two
nations
n
one
common
movement
may
have
been
us-
tified
by
the
common
fate of the two peoples:the Hungarianndepen-dence
seemed
o
be
as
much
orlorn
ince
1849
as
that
of
the
Polish
nation
since
1831.
Considering
he
fact
that
neither
drafts
nor
sketches
have
emerged
o
far
no
further
onclusions
an
be
drawn
of
the
Rakoczi
et
Dombrowski
movement
tself
and
its
importance
n
the
symphony,
espectively.
t
may
seem
that
all
efforts
to
find
a
solution
could
be
left
off
here
because
he
movement
lone
would
not
deserve
greater
ttention.
There
s,
however,
a
momentous
work
of the sameage withthis Polishmovementn Liszt's
ceuvre
which
raises
a
similar
question
as
this
symphony
movement
nd
n
the
understanding
f
which
the
movement
Ra'koczi
t
Dombrowski
an
provide
a
clue,
that
s
Fune'railles.
he
incentive
o
write
his
piano
piece
came
also
from
the
Hungarian
ar
of
independence
the
sub-title
being
"October
849"
and
it
had
to
do
with
a
Pole
as
well,
namely
with
Chopin
whose
E
major
middle
section
of
his
Polonaise
n
A
flat
major
served
as
background
or
or
model
of
the
stretto
ection
of
the
Lisztian
work(bars 109-155). Whatjustifieskeepingin mind the parallelsof
Rakoczi
nd
Dombrowski
nd
Fune'railles
s,
in
addition,
hat
all
traces
which
an
be
of
any
help
to
unravel
he
otherwise
airly
obscure
history
of
composition
f
the
Fune'railles
eads
us
in
the
environment
f
the
Sym-
phonie
e'volutionnaire.
The
genesis
of
Fune'railles
s
not
covered
n
Liszt's
correspondence,
and
he
various
phases
of
composition
re
not
recorded
n
surviving
drafts
and
ketches.
Only
one
sketch
of
the
pesante
bass
theme
(bars
24
4
0)is
knownwhichcanbe readon page 19of thesketchbookCequ'onentend,
two
pages
after
the
plan
and
drafts
of
the
Symphonie
e'volutionnaire,
n
E
major
nscribed
Magyar"
Ex.4).
The
appearance
f
the
theme
n
this
sketchbook
s
therefore
urpris-
ing
because
n
it
Liszt
entered
pronouncedly
he
ideas
of
his
symphonic
works.
he
context
uggests
hat
Liszt
had
originally
ntended
o
include
t
in
symphonic
work,
more
precisely
n
a
work
with
Hungarian
ssocia-
tions,
erhaps
n
one
of
the
movements
f
the
Hungarian
ayer
of
the
Sym-
phoniee'volutionnaire.ince it was underthe spell of the Hungarian
revolution
nd
war
of
independence
f
1848X9
that
Liszt
felt
particularly
Stublia
u.vicologica
Aczlemiae
Scientiarum
Hungaricae
35/4
1'Y'93-'94
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A. Kaczmarczyk:
The Genesis of the
Funerailles
369
4
Magyar
- ._,
se"] $ $" t +$ 1 $ S
f
"]:
-
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11/39
370
A. Kaczmarezyk:The Genesis of the Fune'railles
Evidenceof the Hungarian ssociations f the piano work are not
only the subtitle ndLiszt'sanswer o LinaRamann-"The 'Funerailles'
point to the tragic event (1850) [sic ] in Hungary"s but its musical
genealogyas well. It has nevercauseddifficulties or the exponents f the
Funerailles o acknowledgets Hungarianharacter,o intexprethe sec-
tion reminding f Chopin'sworkhas posed all the moreproblems.That
the middle ectionof Chopin'sPolonaise n A flat major s actuallyunder-
lying this portion s borneout beyondquestionby Liszt's words noted
downby one of his pupils,AugustGollerich: ... At the triplet igureheld
in the basseshe (i.e. Liszt)said: 'in reality, t is an imitation f Chopin n
the well-knownpolonaise;only I have made t somewhatdifferent'
..Z6
Being the case that this hint is very direct the view spread n Liszt's
lifetime already hat the composerpayedhomage o the memoryof his
frienddeceasedalso in October1849. Though his is an acceptable x-
planation he questionremainsunansweredwhy Liszt kept silent in the
matterwhenever he pianoworkwas mentioned lbeithe even dedicated
book to the memory of Chopin. Ramannrefutedrepeatedly hat the
Funerailleswas inspired y the deathof Chopin,moreover, he wentfrom
one extreme o the otherwhen she claimed hatthe similarity f the two
musical solutions was only outward, wellnigh accidental: "...The
similarity f this triplet igure with the octave figure in Chopin'sA flat
majorpolonaise ed to the assumptionhat he former mitated he latter. t
has existed,thoughonly in the continuos romBach to our days. Liszt's
basso continuo is rooted in the bell motif of Funerailles..."7 n my
opinion he only way leading o a proper olution s not to examine he
composition eparately, etached rom the musical-speculativehain of
thoughts ncluding t too, but to approachhe Funeraillesas far as pos-
sible fromthe side of the symphony, s an oeuvre elonging o the sphere
of attraction f the Symphonie evolutionnaire.he meetingpointsof the
genealogyof the pianoworkandthe symphony ot only entitleus but re-
quire right away to take into consideration he parallelbetween the
5 Fragezettel Ramann-Liszt No. 9 (November)
1875.
n: L. Ramann,Lisztiana. A. Seidl, ed. (Mainz,
1983), p. 394.
6 W. Jerger, Franz Liszts Klavierunterricht on 1884-1886 dargestellt an den Tagebuchaufzeichnungen
von August G(illerich Regensburg, 1975), p. 61.
7 Lina Ramann,Liszt-Padagogium.. p. 3.
StuzliaMusicologica AcazlemiaeScientiarumHungyaricae 5/4. 1993-94
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A. Kaczmarezyk:
The
Genesisof the Funerailles
371
Rakoczi
et Dombrowski
movement
and
the Chopin
imitation
of the
I,
.
Funerales.
In the l9th centurythe view prevailed hat in his music Chopin
showed
himself
irstof all as
an advocate
f his
nationandnot
as a
private
individual,
s Carl
Dahlhaus
pointedout
in great
detail.8His
music,par-
ticularly
he stylized
olkdances
rom
whichthe
musicalcharacter
f his
nation
was believed
to be
heard,represented
he Polishpeople
in the
world
at least as
authentic nd
intelligibly
s the
MazurkaDarbrowskiego,
the
Polish
hymn of
freedom.
The
concept of
Liszt's Symphonie
revolutionnaire
ating
romaround
1850
leavesno doubt
hatunder
he
titleDombrowski iszthad thissongandits associationsn mindand on
inteipreting
he
referenceso
Chopin n the
Funerailles
we
must at least
reckon
withthe
possibility
of its having
borne
relationo the
Poles.
This
assumption
s also
supported
y Liszt'schoice,
probably ot
by chance,of
a
workby Chopin
whichexpresses
learly verbally,
hrough
he indica-
tionof genre,
with theword
polonaise-the
origin
of the
musicand its
national
dentity.
f takenalso
into
consideration
he parallel
between
he
pianopiece
andthe movement
f thesymphony
ecomes
particularly
ug-
gestive hecause the musical characteristicsf the same two nations
dominate
n theFunerailles
ndtheRakoczi
tDombrowski
movement-
just
think
of thebasstheme
and he
Chopin
eminiscences-and
it
is fur-
ther
enhanced
by the
"inscriptions":
Magyar"
nd "Polonaise".
he
ab-
breviation
f a
symphony
movement
whichoccurs
in the
set of
move-
mentsof
the sketchbook
Cequ'on
entend
mayeventually
e explained
n
this
spirit:
"Rakoczy-
t P-"denotes
probably
Rakoczi
t Polonais(e).
And
if
Liszt'sfuneral
marchwas
also
meant o commemorate
he
deceased
n
the Polishwarsof independencehere s sufficient xplanationwhy the
composer
did
not speakabout
his
meaning. t
wouldnot have
been
ad-
visable
for an
employeeof
the Court
of Weimar
o espouse
openly
the
Polishcase
because
Maria
Pavlova,the
wife
of CarlFriedrich,
Grand
Dukeof
Sachsen-Weimar
for thatmatter,
Liszt's
mostardent
upporter
at
Weimar was
theCzar's
nfluential
ister. n
spiteof the
special
mean-
ing provided
with in the Funerailles
he
invocation
of the
Polonaise i1
A
flat majorwas
nevertheless
iszt's
homage o
Chopin,
hemost
beauti-
8 C.
Dahlhaus,"Nationalismus
und
Universalitat.",
Neues Handbuch
der Musi/cwissenschaft.
Die Musik
des 19. Jahrhunderts
Wiesbaden,
1980), pp.
29-34.
St"nli,M".vicoloBica
c(l(lemiseScientiurxm
H"nguricue3.S/4 1J93-594
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A. Kaczmarezyk:heGenesisof theFune'railles
72
ful expressionpossible of the appreciationf a contemporaw omposer
who, by identifying he Poles with Chopin'smusic,acknowledged im as
the advocate f his people.
It still needs clarificationwhat incitedLiszt around1850 to take a
stand n favourof the Poles in two of his workssimultaneously,ven if he
madeonly hidden eferencesn Fune'raillesndfailed o writeafterall the
more pronouncedlysupporting movement based on the Mazurka
Dacbrowskiego.
It is withoutanydoubt hatone of the reasons f his profoundnterest
must have been his relationshipwith the PrincessCarolynevon Sayn-
Wittgenstein. his autobiographical otive can also have contributedo
the emergenceof compositionswith double, Hungarian-Polishubject
matters,n addition o the similarity f the fate of the two peoples.This is
how the movementDombrowski ould havebeen included n the concept
of Symphonie e'volutionnairef around1850 prompted y motivesof his
autography nd coupledwith movements f Hungarian-Frenchssocia-
tions.
Ever since 1847 when Liszt's ife becameentwinedwith that of the
Princessup to his deathseveralworkswith Polish associationswere on
his mind or at least plans of such works which, apart rom Rakosziet
Dombrowski ndFune'railles, ere not outspokenly olitical n character.
Notwithstanding,he matter ever ost its historicalopicality or him later
on, either.This urgesus to continue ooking or the reasonsof the genesis
of the symphonymovements nd he pianopiece elsewhere.Trying o dis-
cover a meaning n the politicalovertoneswe should nvestigateLiszt's
connectionswiththe Polishexiles whichgo back o his stay n Paris n the
1830s.
After he unsuccessful olishuprising new wave of Polishrefugees
inundatedFrancewhich countedfor a naturalally. In the light of the
Lisztiandocuments t seems thatone of the refugees,AdamMickiewicz
was particularlyeerto Liszt.Born n Lithuania,he Polishwriterarrived
in 1832 in Parisfrom wherehe directed he Polish exile movementbe-
tween 1836 and his death n 1855. His extremely uccessful ectureson
the Slavic anguages nd heir iterature elivered t the Collegede France
between 1840 and 1844 were visited by the most prominent epresenta-
tives of the Paris intellectual ife. Marie d'Agoult who attended hese
StutliaMusicologica Acatlemiae ScientiarumHungaricae 35/4, 1 P'93-Y4
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A. Kaczmarezyk:he
Genesisof theFune'railles
373
events
in the companyof
Chopinand Georges
Sand
kept Lisztinforrned
of these
lectures.9The composer
and the poet felt mutually
attractedo
eachotheras a letterof Maried'Agoult o LisztdatedDecember , 1840
bearsevidence
of: "... I
have ust met Mickiewicz.
Nobodycould
speak
nicerof you and
Hungary s he did ...Z10
On
the otherhand,Liszt's
etter
to Carolynevon
Sayn-Wittgenstein
atedSeptember
, 1855 shows
that
the composer's
nterest n
the Polishwriter
did not cease
lateron, either:
"... Is Mickiewicz
n Paris?Make
nquiries
bout t andif the
answer s
affirmative,
writesome lines
in Polish
..."11The most
importantign of
Liszt's
nterest s thatone
of Mickiewicz's
worksarouse
his phantasy s a
composer.We are nformed f the inspirationindledbyMickiewiczrom
a volumeof around
1848(WRgs
B20, p. 110)
containinghe
manuscript
of vocal
workswith instrumental
ccompaniment
n which there
s a list
with
Liszt'scompositional
lans:
Les 4 Elemens
Ouverture
Ce qu'on entend
sur la Montagne
Marchedu- Micki[ewicz]=
MazeppaOuverture
ManfredSymphonie
Anees
de Pelerinage
Childe H?
Symphoniere[volutionnaire]l2
Moreover, n page
12 of the
sketchbookCe qu'on
entend,which is
the most
importantource
of the sketches
of Funerailles
and Symphonie
revolutionnaire
sketch nscribed
Micki" analso be
found Ex.5).
Concerninghe workof Mickiewiczhatcouldhave nspiredLisztno
evidence
urvives. t may
be surmised, owever,
hatLes Livres
de la Na-
tion polonaise
et des Pelerinspolonais
(Ksigi narodu
polskiego
piel-
9"...
Yesterday
I went to Mickiewicz's lecture
with Mr G[irardin] ...);
I found myself
at the side of
Madame
Sand and Chopin .. ." January
6, 1841. In: D. Ollivier, Correspondance
de Liszt et de la Comtesse d'-
Agoult(Paris,
1934), II,p. 99.
0D. Ollivier, op.
cit.l II. p. 70.
1900),p.260.
12
In the work mentionedR. Charnin-Muellerites the list of WRgs B20 (p. 142) and, supportedby argu-
ments of
papyrology, datesthe music
manuscriptpaper
to 184849: "259x330 mm;
ash-blue, ruledwith rastral,
20 staves;
6 mm rastral".
p. 376)
Studia Mzasicologica
AcademiaeScientiarumHngaricae
35/4, 1993-94
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s
. t. I
I p
o
I I
.s,
13-
l' brb vy te
5;
J
; j
lb
t h P
f
L _
374
A.
Kaczmarczyk:
he
Genesis f the
Fune'railles
-
_
W
,
, l
,1
1 1
'9t
i[;b]Yt i
X l
grzymstwa
polskiego)
was standing
n
the highest
esteem
with
Liszt
which appeared s a revelation or the composerand gave rise to the
emergence f
Parolesd'un
Croyant y
Felicitede
Lamennais.
This
work
written
fter he
suppression
f the 1830
Polish
uprising
n
Dresdenand
published n
1832
became he
Bibleof
the Polish
exiles.
In
the
first
partentitled
Livrede la
Nationpolonaise
hewriter
describeshe
history
of thenation
up to the
point
of
martyrdomorwhich
Mickiewicz
blaimed
Austria,Russia
andPrussia.
The
secondpart,
Livredes
Pelerins
polonais
is
addressed o the
Polish
refugees,
that is the
pilgrims
and
provideshemwithadvice n thespiritof SlavicMessianism.Mickiewicz
proclaims hat
Poland
which,
according o
him,had
always
been
faithful
to the
Christian
deals of
freedom
andjustice
which
died now
as the
"Christ f the
nations"or
the
sin of all but
willrise
again
andwill
realize
the
country f love,
peaceand
ustice
upon he
earth.
The
second
part of
the book
which
created
stir
throughoutwas
published n
Paris
in 1833
translated nd
prefaced
by
Charles-Forbes-
Rene de
Montalembert,
close friend
of
Felicite
Lamennais,
memberon
the staffof L'Avenir.nFranceMickiewicz'sdea of thehistorical,more
precisely,
alvation
historical
missionof
Polanddid not
gain
support,
ay,
his
bias
towards is
ownnation
ather
rouse
rudgewhich
cameto be
ex-
pressed
n the
criticismof
Sainte-Beuve, ne of
the
most
significant riti-
ques of
his time.'3
The
religious
devotionof the
Slav
Christianity
emind-
ingthe
West
of medieval
mysticism
houghto
have
been ong lost
by the
'3 "... Amidst
energetic
andsimple pieces
of advice given
to his
compatriots everal
seriouswords
leave
also the poet's
mouthabout
foreigners,
us Frenchl too,
who are
accustomed to
more praise. The
words oreig-
ner, enemy,idolatre which appear o be synonyms for the poet, apply to us, too, who have failed to accept the
noble
mission
of the overall
war for the cause
of the
people ..." Ch.-A. de
Sainte-Beuve,
"Adam
Mickiewicz:
Le
Livre des Pelerins
Polonais",
Premiers lundis
II. 8juillet 1833
(Paris,
187>75), p. 232.
Stutlia
Musicologica Acatlemiae
ScientisrumBungaricue 3S/4.
15s5s3-5s4
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A.
Kaczmarczyk:
he
Genesis f
the
Fanerailles
375
19th
century
as
well as
the
spirituality
eady
o
make
sacrifices
brought
the
book
enthousiastic
upporters
nd
arouse
sympathy
or
the
Polish
people.The poetic languageof the bookresembling iblicalprophecies
and
the
Gospels
ransmitted
his
deep
religiousness
o the
readers.
Lamen-
nais
who,by
the
good
offices
of
Montalembert,
ame
to
know
the
book
of
the
Polish
pilgrims
while
being
translated
wrote
about t in
terms
of the
highest
appreciation
o
Marquis
de
Coriolison
May
6,
1833
from
La
Chenaie:
"...
There
will
appear
within
short
a
small
volume
entitled:
he
Book
of the
Polish
Pilgrims
by
Mickiewitz
sic )who
is
indisputablyhe
poet
number
ne
of our
age;
thereare
enchanting
hings
n it:
without
dis-
regardinghe considerable istance hatseparateshe languageof man
fromthe
language
of
God
I
make
bold
to say
sometimest
is as
beautiful
as
the
Gospel.
Sucha
lucid
expression
f
Faithand
Freedom
ogethers a
real
miracle
n
our
century
of
slavery
and
unbelief
..a14 Some
days
later,
on
May 16,
Lamennais
eported
o
Montalembert
f
having
tarted
writing
Paroles
d'un
Croyant:
Before
having
read
Mickiewitz
sic ) I
began
a
short
work of
strongly
analogous
genre
...a15 In
Mickiewicz's
words
Lamennais
ecognized
he
formulationf
his
own
liberal
views
of
Chris-
tianbackground.imilar o Mickiewiczhe alsocalledupagainst hepos-
sessors
of
power
considering
reedom
and
respect n
every
fieldas
essen-
tial
human
ights.
He
saw
the
means or
attaining is
goal,
establishing
socialistic
and
democratic
ociety, n
kindling
raternal
ove
and
sympathy
as
well
as
accepting
suffering
with
faith
and
trust
in
God.
Thoughhe
directedhis
words
to the
people
in
general,
o
mankind
nd
not
to one
single
nation
as
Mickiewicz
did he
was
capable
of
identifying
himself
with
the
national
tragedy
of the
Poles.
His
prose-poem
Hymne
a
la
Polognewhichappeared s anappendixo thefirstFrench ranslationf
Livre
des
Pelerins
polonais
bears
to
his
understandingf
Polish
Mes-
slanlsm:
...
Your
dispersed
sons
have
taken
into the
world
the
marvellous
recital of
your
glory-.
They
have
told
that
shaking
off all of
a
sudden the
yoke
of
your
suppressorsyou
have
risen
like the
angel
that God
had
sent
armed
with his
glaive
to
punish
those
who make
a
mockery of
justice;and
the
heartof
the
tyranshas
trembled.
14L.
Le
Guillou,
ed.: F.
de
Lamennais, Correspondancegenerale. Textes reunis, classes et annotes
(LibrarieA.
Colin,
1974),
vol.
V, July
1831-33,
p.
384.
'5F.
de
Lamennais,
Correspondance
e'ne'rale
. . vol.
V, p. 395
(my
italics).
Studis
Mu.vicsl sgics
Acutlemise Sc
ientisrum
Atunguricue
3S/4, 1
5s5s3-5s4
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376 A. Kaczmarczyk:heGenesis f theFune'railles
[Refraine:] Sleep, my Poland, sleep in peace, in what is called your grave: yet me, I
know that it is your craddle ...
Lamennais'work,the Paroles d'un Croyant wes most to Mickie-
wicz's book with respect o style.The poeticproseof Lamennais adear-
lier been enrichedby biblicalphrasesand paraphrasess well, yet it was
under the influence of Mickiewicz that he took over completely the
phraseology f the Bible and expanded t over the entireParoles. His
teachings exhortations nd parables in the spirit of the Gospels
could only awakethe impression f a series of real biblicalscenes and
visions n a style completelymatching hem.
Havinggot acquaintedwith Lamennais's ook the abbotmadeclose
friendswiththe Polishpoet, the tokenof whichwas the similarity f their
character,n addition o their spiritualkinship.Both had an exceptional
sense of vocation and responsibility owards their own people, traits
which characterizedmore or less the intellectuals f the nationson the
peripheryn the 19thcenturybut Lamennais xpected hem of the intel-
lectual leaders,churchdignitaries nd artistseverywhere.When in the
secondpartof his workMickiewiczdefinedhimselfandhis fellow exiles
as pilgrims t was this socialsense of vocation hargedwithreligious en-
timent hathe tried o instil nto his comradesn misfortune. he extraor-
dinary mportance f the choice of name is shown by the fact that the
second part of the Livredes Pelerinspolonais startswith giving a jus-
tification or it:
The soul of the Polish nation are the Polish pilgrims.
But not every Pole on pilgrimage is called refugee because a refugee is a man
fleeing so that he may rescue his life from the hands of the enemy.
The Pole does not call himself exile, either, for an exile is a man banned by the
decree of his magistrate,and it is not his magistrate hat has expulsed him.
The Pole on pilgrimage has not even a propername but he will be given this name
in the course of time just as Christ's confessors were given theirs n due time.
While waiting, the Pole is called
pilgrim
because he takes the oaths to go on
pilgrimage to the Holy Land, that is to the delivered Poland and to follow his route
until he has found it . . .Ifi
The pilgrim bears the same spiritualcontent in the Parole d'un
Croyant s well but his figure s, becauseLamennais oes not actualize,
16Adam Mickiewicz, Actes de la Natic)npolonaise et des Pelerins polcJnuis.T. SopliSa, trans. (Paris,
1859). p. 75
StudiclMusic(viogic(lAc(lclemi(le cienti(lrumAlung(lric(lf S/4, 1993-94
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A. Kaczmarozyk:heGenesisof theFune'railles
377
still more abstract
nd his facultiesIying far beyond
the averageman's
potentials re evenmoreremarkable.
amennais oesnot use the pilgrim
to symbolize he refugees.He remembershem in the figureof the exile
among he peopleafflictedby various
ufferings ightbefore he closing
chapter f his
workdiscussing he
transcendentaleturn ome. In his un-
derstandinghe
pilgrim s the symbolof the "spiritual
eaders"of the
society,of priests
andartistswith a
senseof vocation.He alone s capable
of illuminatinghe
averagepeople ndreams nd hereby
onvincing hem
of the divinewill
and ts sole redeeming
orce.In the Paroles t appearsn
one single parable
nstilling hope
into an embittered ld man feeling
cheatedout of everything, eprivedven of his son, convincing im of the
truthof the divineteaching:"It s
not the suppressed
who suffermost but
the oppressors"chapter xxiii). Of
all the figuresof the
parableshis em-
pathyand intelligence haracterize
nly the pilgrimandthe spirit Esprit,
chapterxi). Lamennais
xpresses he selectnessof these
two personsby
theirspeechaswell. In contrasto the
restof the protagonists
f the stories
but identically
with the abbotspeaking n the first person
singular, hey
are those who,
by virtueof theirendowments,
re capableof giving ad-
vice, showing heway towards alvation.
Since Lamennais
xerteda life-long nfluenceon
the youngLiszt by
awakening imto his artisticvocation
and most of all by stengtheningn
him this beliefwe mustassume hat
one of the inspirers f the titleAnnees
de Pelerinage
andprobablyhemore mportantne
was the pilgrim
symbol by Lamennais nd, let us
add, because hey are inseparable, y
Mickiewicz.The
earliestdocument f the presence f this
title was the let-
ter writtenby
Maried'Agoult o Liszt'7on October 5,
1840 and ts first
bearerwas thefirst versionof thebook Switzerland ublishedn 1841:l8
lre Annee de Pelerinage,Suisse.
As regards ontents, his work agrees
with the firstchapter f Albumd 'un
voyageur Haslinger, 842) n whose
subtitleLisztretained
he originaldesignation:mpressions
t Poesies.Ac-
cording o the
other iterary xplanation
f the titleAnneesde Pelerinage
considered xclusively n literature
o farLisztmadereferenceo Byron's
epic poem,the
ChildeHarold'sPilgrimage.
t is mostlikely thatboth as-
sociationsarecorrectso that we
only have to find
out which played a
17
D. Ollivier, Correspondance .. II. p. 39.
18
Data by GyorgyKroo in Az elso zarandokev
The first year of pilgrimage] Budapest, 1986), p. 53.
StuclisMu.viczJkJgicacu(lemiaeScientiurumHunguricue3S/4, 1993-94
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378
A. Kaczmarczyk:heGenesis f theFunerailles
decisiverole in the new title. As to the questionwhether t is worth ook-
ing for a literarywork behindthe poetic piano cycles Liszt was preoc-
cupiedwith at the time, in the 1830sand 1840s,provide nough ustifica-
tion: their title was inspiredby a work of belletristic n each case. The
Album d'un Voyageurechos theLettres d'un Voyageurby GeorgesSand,
the
Marie Poeme en 6 chants
planned n 1835borrows ts titlefrom
Marie
Poeme, a collectionof elegies by AugusteBrizeux,a poet of Brittany, ot
to speak of
Har7noniespoetiques et religieuses
which was inspiredby
Lamartine'solume.
Basedof the historyof genesisof the Swiss book of 1841 it mustbe
surmised hatthe title
Annees de Pelerinage
owes its existence o the in-
fluenceof MickiewiczandLamennais. lexanderMain19 ointedout that
by attaching yonandPsaumededicatedo Lamennais s the openingand
closing movements, espectively n the last phase of the compositional
process,Liszt altered he originalconceptof the albummade up from
Swiss pieces in a way thathe dedicated he whole seriestogetherwiththe
two enframingmovements o the abbot.The meaningof the pianowork,
his declaration f commitmentowardsLamennais'sdeas coincides hus
completelywith the pilgrimage ymbolused in the sense of the Mickie-
wicz and Lamennais.ThatLiszt setAnnees de Pelerinage, the new title
expressing he poeticmessageof the ultimate onceptagainst he title and
conceptof the enframingworkAlbum d'un Voyageurandnot theImpres-
sions et Poesie was pointedout by GyorgyKroo n a studyon the history
of genesisof theAlbumandtheFirst Yearof
Pilgrimage.20
It was he who
shed ight on the meaning f the altered oncept xpressed n the title and
the preface o the two volumes as well. To his interpretation, hich is
based on the two prefaces and discusses the differencebetween the
spiritualdispositionof the travellerand the pilgrim,21et me add the
Lamennaisianxplanation f the two symbolic igureswhich must have
influencedLiszt. In the set of symbols of Paroles the two figures are
9"... The Impressionset poesies became, I think, a battleground or two conflicting ideas. The main
one, of course, was that of representingSwiss landscapes.This, probablysuggested by a letter from Lamennais
late in 1835, determined he characterof the Albumd'un voyageuron the whole. But in the autumnof 1837, as
Liszt worked on the Impressionset poe'sies, this apparentlywas joined by anothernotion, that of reconciling,
symbolically, the spheres of Mennaisian iberalismand art . . ." A. Main, Liszt's Lyon", l9th CenturyMusic, vol.
iv,No.3(1981),p.241.
20Gy Kroo op cit
21Gy. Kroo, op. cit., pp. 57-60, 68-72.
StucliclMusicologica AcsblemiaeScientiurumBungaricue 35/4, ISJSJ3-94
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A. Kaczmarczyk:The
Genesis of the Fune'railles
379
clearlydistinguished.While he pilgrim
mayappear straveller,he aspect
of travelling orming
partof his figure,
he opposite s simply nconceiv-
able: he traveller'symbolicsphereof activity s narrower.WithLamen-
nais the pilgrim ulfills a mission,
he is destined ormorethanthe com-
mon runof people
andfor exactly
heirsake. In contrast,he traveller
is the symbolof
the averagepeople,he explains ts meaning
t the end of
the parable bouthim as follows:"The
ravellers the
man, hejourney s
life, the rocksare
he myserieshe
meetsat everystepontheroad".
The Byron
quotations n the Swiss book of Annees
de Pelerinage
leave no doubt
that the impressionsof Childe Harold's
Pilgrimage
resound n thetitle as well. Moreover,he entry"A-neese Pelerinage
Childe H?" in
the alreadymentionedist, WRgs B20,
makes this pos-
sibilityof interpretation
till moreobvious.We must
not forget,however,
that t was writtenn 184849, much
ater han he emergence
f the title
Annees de Pelerinage
in 1839,22 nthe otherhand, he
questionmark ug-
gests that this interpretation
f thepiano work had not
been an ultimate
decisionon Liszt's
partyet. To trace he titleAnnees de Pelerinage
back o
the Byron inspirations contradicted
y the data of origin. How could
anyone ustifythat a work of Byronian onception eceiveda-Byronian
title in the aftermath
nly when ts imagehadalready
een determined y
LamennaisXsoncept
andnot by theoriginal ne.
The title
Annees
de Pelerinage
shouldbe attributed
o the intellectual
influenceof Lamennais
ndMickiewicz
n the firstandsecondplaces.At
the same time
it must be admittedhat these two men
were attached o
Byron'sworkby several ies. To illustrate
ow closelythesethreeauthors
may have belonged
ogether n Liszt's
thinking t is worthquotingan ex-
ampleoriginatingwith Maried'Agoult,however econd-hand,omewhat
distant t shouldbe in this case. Since
the realand ntellectual
rip o Swit-
zerlandand Italywas to such an extent
theircommonexperience t may
be takenfor granted hat the lady's
opinion n literary espectwill also
shedsome ighton Liszt's or us.
On returning
o Paris n the autumn f 1839Marie
d'Agoult oon fur-
nishedherapartment
n the streetNeuvedes Mathurins.
mostportentous
22 Gyorgy Kroo established that the preface to
the Annees de Pelerinage
which must have existed from
1839 on, Liszt's stay in Rome at the latest "was worded
by Liszt in the place of the
earliersub-title as a kind of
poetic paraphrase".Hence
the new title can be datedto 1839.
Op. cit., p.
58.
StubliaMusicologica Acablemiae cientiarumBungaricae 35/4, 1993-94
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380
A. Kaczmarezyk:The Genesis of the Fune'railles
roomof this apartment as the "Boudoir uguste" ervingalso as library
whose decorative lementsand the symbolicsense of their arrangement
was described t great ength n one of her etters o Sainte-Beuvewritten
in the springof 1840:
... As you have failed to come and see the small august boudoir. I have to describe it
for you. By way of help, the idea would be an ideal,the serenity after the fight, the
rainbow fter he storm.
Well, serenity in the arts and poetry, Goethe is of course the
God of this chapel. This is a superb type of sereliity, yet a serenity acquired after
Werther,after Faust. As representatives f sereliity Ms Roland, Mr Ingres, follower of
the witch Rafael should be listed and, if need be, Chateaubriands bermann, wo saints
you can call as you want to, deputies f serenity in Christianism the others are a little
pagan); in our arms painted on the window planes there is a wolf with the slogan
aviduspugna avid for fight] (fight, combat); it is supportedby two angels (serenity);
the slogan above Goethe's poem is difficult to translate iterally t sounds roughly like:
he who remains strongly attached o his idea, his feeling the Germanword includes
both transformsthe world or creates the world in his image or, in other tenns,
governs his fate. My marblebust by Bartolini will be in the background.Other reliefs,
representing ight are:Mickiewicz, Lamennais,Byron
..23
The system of Marie d'Agoult supports, hough indirectly,my
opinion establishedon the basis of the 1841 concept of
lre
Annee de
Pelerinage,Suisseaccording o whichthe threeauthors, onnectedby the
new title and message,could have been attached o each other n Liszt's
phantasyas well. In addition, t provides urther videnceto justify the
view thatMickiewiczmustbe taken nto considerationsnong hoseplay-
ing a role in establishing iszt'sChristian-liberalrtistic reed.The Polish
poet musthavearoused articularttractionn the composer's art,not so
muchbecauseof his personand workbut rather y playingan important
secondary ole in Liszt's 1834 acquaintancef Lamennais. ince Mickie-
wicz belonged o the abbot's lose circleof friends t maybe assumed hat
the authorof Livre des Pelerins polonais was present n the personal
relationship etweenLamennais nd Liszt from the first momenton, at
least spirituall.y.f it is true that Liszt conceived the title Annees de
PelerinageafterJanuary 1, 1838, following the emergenceof the final
conceptof the Swiss book dedicated o Lamennais24n which, n connec-
23 Vte Pleunot de Langle: "loseph Delorrneet la Comtesse Marie"Revue de France 15 dEcembre1930,
p. 705. Cited in: J. Vier, La Comtesse d'Agoult et son temps, vol. ii, 3rd part (Paris, 1959), pp. 13-14. "Petit
Boudoir auguste"was the title of a sonnet by Sainte-Beuve.
24
Liszt wrote to Adolphe Pictet on January31, 1838: ". . . a small volume entitled Impressionset Poesies
that I have finished ..." In: R. Bory, Une Retraiteromantique n Suisse
2Paris,
1930), p. 132.
StudiaMu$icologicaAcademiae ScientiarumBungaricae 35/4, 1993-94
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A. Kaczmarezyk:
The
Genesis of the
Fune'railles
381
tion
withthepelerin
symbol
of Lamennais
hat
of Mickiewicz
must
neces-
sarily
havebeen
involved, t
should
not be a
mistake o assume,
either,
that this processof associationalso workedin the oppositedirection.
More
precisely,
f Liszt'schoice
as a composer
ell on a subject-matter
with
Polishassociations
ater n life
eitheras
his own
ideaor inspired
by Carolyne
on
Sayn-Wittgenstein
then
he
topic tselfset
in motiona
chain-reaction
n the composer's
mind, the principal
inks
being
first
Carolyne,
hen
Mickiewiczand
inally
Lamennais.
t canbe suspected
hat
sucha series
of associations
ies behind
the Polish
musical
hintsof the
Rakoczi
t Dombrowski
movement
f the
Symphonie
e'volutionnaire
nd
the Fune'railles. hroughhis intellectual ttachmento Mickiewiczand
Lamennais
he
espousalof the
Polishcause
meant or
Lisztthe
declaration
of
his commitment
o the liberal
views
of Lamennais
swell,
hence
works
or sections
of works
of this
kindmust always
be considered
s an hom-
mage
a Lamennais
o a certain
xtent.
Thepossibility
hat he
Chopin
m-
itationwith
Polishreferences
n theFune'railles
as
at the
same timean
expression
f respect
owards
he abbot
s also borne
evidence
of by the
inner
relationships
f
the cycleHarlnonies
oetiques
t
religieuses
nclud-
ingthe pianopieceas its seventhmovement swell.
The piano
cycle
Har7nonies
oetiquesreminding
s at first sight
of
Lamartine's
dentically
called volume
of poetryonly
has several
links
with
Lamennais
s well.On
the basis
of Pense'e
es morts, ts
fairly
wide-
ly
known ourth
movement,
t may
already e guessed
hat t
succeeds
not
only the
pianopiece
Har7nonies
oetiques
published
eparately
n 1835
butis, to
a certain xtent,
the
instrumental
uccessor
of De
profundis
Psaume
instrumental
ritten o
Lamennais. t
is the
De profundis
en
faux-bourdon)ectionof psalm(Pense'e: ars58-61) and thecodaof the
firstpart
n sonata orm
(Pense'e:
Adagio
cantabile ssai,
from
bar85 to
the
end)thatwas
taken
overfrom
the pianoconcert
o
the Penseoe
move-
mentof
the cycle.
Moreover,
herearemotifs
n
the movement
whichhad
equally
formed
part
of thepiano
piece Harmonies
ndDe
profundis,
o
mention
only
the most conspicuous
ones,
the soprano
recitative
n the
opening
themes
of the two
works.
Withthe title
Lisztexpresses
among
others
and here it
is worth
recalling
he background
f the title of
Anne'es e Pe'lerinage thatthe Pense'edes morts s the descendant f
two
aeuvres
roughtorth
by a different
ntellectualnspiration
ach.
The
Studia
Muvicologica
AcademiaeScientiarum
Bungaricae 35/4, 1993-94
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De profundis
Jay
Rosenblatt's
version)
(iSsH - t- $
}v;XN
t J
>
tr-
C r
S
History of
Crux,Table 1a:
1833-1835
Pense'e es morts s namelymerely hethird itle of thepoemby Lamen-
nais n
question.The
composer
musthave
given thisvery
titleto
thepiano
piece
because he
original itle
hadbeen
De
profundis ndDe
profundis
u
Pense'e
esmorts.25
In
connection
withthe
cycle the
most
decisive fact is that
extracts
from
Deprofundis
an be
foundnot
only inthis
movement.
Lisztbased
on
the
headmotif of
theopening
heme
of thepiano
concert, he
crux
motif
passing
or a
visitingcard
n his later
religious
ompositions theme
each
of severalmovements f theseriesHarmonies. hismotifbecame hereby
one of
the
fundamental
musical
ormulas, he
maqam f
theworkand
the
piano
cycle the
musical-spiritual
uccessor o De
profundis,
due to this
feature
s well as
thequotations
aken rom
Pense'es
esmorts.
n viewof
the role
the
cruxmotif
plays in
Har7noniests
occurrences
n thefirst
ver-
sion of
1847/48
consistingof twelve
movements
s well
as in the
final
series
of 1853
willbe
enumerated.See
Table
a-d.)
Similar o thepianoconcertoLisztplaced hismotifto thebeginning
of the
Hatmoniesas well;
theopening
heme
of
Invocation s a
melodic
variant
f thecrux.
In thefinal
version
of the
movementhere
appearshe
original orm
of themotif
beginningwithan
ascending
econd
stepwhich
is the
counterpartn
major
f theminor
ormpresent
n De
profundis.
The
majorormula
mergesalso in
themovement
Litanie
deMarie
ncludedn
the
Harmonieseriesof
1847
only.
Furthermore,t sounds
n
minor n the
Et ne
nos
inducas n
tentationem
ection of
the Pater
nosterwhere
the
25A.
de Lamatine, aN:uvres
oeti4uesCompletes.
Edition
presentee, tablie
et annoteepar
M.-F.
Guyclrd
Pans, 1963),
p. 1846.
382
A
Kaczmarczyk:
heGenesisof
theFunerailles
Studi(lMu.sicolo8ic(1
c(ldemi(le
Scienti(lrumBunguric(le35/4,
1993-94
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yJ9J9J9
iki I in
Paternoster Bibl Nat. MS 163
Et ne nos in- du- cas
@ I $
MiserereBibl Nat. MS 163
:
-4 L -J
t j T G $
# # [ X ] f C
Invocation . . ,:>
+ # # # C 6 F
i nten.
###14 r 2
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sp:" pW H C o
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- w - -
Et ne nos in- du- cas
,_. b - ^ "t- t t
- B. jS l l J l u
w 1ll r w r W
l
i
48
tj fS Mi- se - re- re me - i De - us
( so $ S1Q^t C@i o
quasi ecitativo
History of Crux,Table lc: 1853, Final version
style26 nd notated,on top of it all, with erroneous art-writingbar23:
e1-d#l-b-a-d#l, 1-d#l-el-d#l nstead)musthavecalledLiszt'sattention y
offeringhim the crab nversion f his own cruxmotif.
26
Since this
Miserere
does not figure n the two Palestrinaomplete ditions t may well be that he
publisher rintedt under is namepurely s a business rick.
384
A. Kaczmarezyk:The Genesis of the Fune'railles
Invocation
Invocation Paternoster
168 A
b # ffi J _ 39
c, $ C,Sia
Miserere
Largo
,3 , 3
Studl(lMusicologic(lAc(ldeml(leScienti(lrumHung(lricue3S/4, 15*Y3-Y4
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26/39
Tristis
est
anima
mea
1
1 . + ;
-
/ 9
fC
f f
r
t
History
of
Crux,
Table
ld:
1853-1856
Symphonie
revolutionnaire
A.
Kaczmarezyk:
The
Genesis
of
the
Fune'railles
385
The
fact
that
Liszt
merged
he
De
profundis
heme
with
that
of
Har-
monies,whichhad been congenialwith it fromthe beginning,he suc-
ceeded
in
solving
his
problems
with
the
unfinished
piano
concert.
He
could
transmit
o the
piano
cycle
the
sections
he
found
valuable
rom
the
point
of
view
of composition
s
well
as
the
intellect;ual
essage
without
burdening
t
with
problems
f the
form
of
the
concert.
Besides,
seting
to
music
he
topic
De
profundis
which
he
had
promised
othe
abbot
who
felt
very
much
attracted
o it
the
work
came
into
being
after
all in
form
of
a
piano
cycle,
if
already
not
asa
concert.
This
means
hat
by
composing
he
firstversionof Harmonieshereemerged nceagaina pianoserieswhich,
similar
o
Album
d'un
voyageur
nd
1 Anne'es
e
Pe'lerinage
uisse,
was
also
corlnected
ntellectually
with
Lamartine27
nd
Lamennais.
While
the
items
finished
around
1840
were
related
o
them,
he
spiritual
nitiators
f
the
journey,
by
external
inks
only
Liszt
"composed
hem
nto"
he
series
Harmonies
nterpreting
he
title,
as
it
were,
literally
as
Lamartineian
nd
Lamennaisian
armonies.
Liszt
seems
to
have
had
opportunity
o
revise
thetwo workswrittenaround1840andto transformhemto a realcycle
organized
n
a
higher
evel
right
after
composing
he
first
version
of the
Harmonies.
That
he
transformation
o
a
cycle
of the
1st
and
2nd
years
of
Anne'es
de Pe'lerinage,
hat
is
of
the
final
books
Switzerland
nd
Italy
which
appeared
n
1855
and
1857
was
begun
by
and
arge
between
1849
and
1852,
simultaneously
ith
the
final
elaboration
f
the
Harmonies
we
learn
rom
Liszt's
etter
o Carl
Czerny
dated
April
19,
1852:
27
A. Main listed convincing arguments
o indicate
that
Liszt
was encouraged
to
compose
Album
d'un
voyageur
y
a letter
of Lamartine
dated
November
1,
1835.
In:
"Liszt
and
Lamartine.
Two
early
letters.",
Liszt
Studien
Eisenstadtl
1978)1
vol.
21pp.
137-139.
Stula
Musicologica
Acatlemiae
Scientiarum
Hungancae
35/4,
1993-594
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386
A. Kaczmarezyk:heGenesisof theFune'railles
... I believeI madebetteruse of these ast threeyears hanof the preceding nes;on
the one hand,I submitted everalearlierworksof mine to a rather eriousrevising
workandcomplete ewritingamong thers he Etudes edicatedo you andof which
I am going to send you a copy of the definiteeditionwithinsome weeks and
l'Albumd'un Voyagellrwhich will appearconsiderably orrected, nlargedand
transformednder he title 'Anneesde Pelerinage,Suite de Compositionsollr le
Piano Suisseet Italie '), on the other, continued omposing o the extentmy
ideascameand imagine aving inallyarrived t thepointwhere hestyle s adequate
forthethoughts.
28
It appears romLiszt'scorrespondenceontemporaneousiththe let-
ter fragment hat the cycle Harmoniespoetiques circumscribedn the
second part of the sentenceand seeminglyof great importanceor the
composer s the firstamonghis new compositions.29ompletinghe Har-
monies opened the road, in my opinion, to carryingout the most sig-
nificantalteration f
Ire
Annee de PelerinageSuisse, wich affectedthe
conceptof the whole work,that s discardinghe dedication f the series
to Lamennais, ogetherwith Lyon and Psaume. As a successor o De
profundis he Harmonies ould namelyassume he taskof the two move-
mentsas well, attached s appendix o the 1841 Swiss book only anddis-
ruptingts unityof contents, hat s expressingLiszt'sgratitude nd hanks
to the abbot. By that it became possible to reorganize he Swiss (and
Italian)Yearsof Pilgrimagen a new,eventuallyByronian pirit.
The removalof Psaume rom the Swiss seriesdoes not requireany
particular xplanation,due to the compositional alue of the piece, so
muchthe more does discardingLyonwith its mysterio