Linguistics, Applied Linguistics, Language and...
Transcript of Linguistics, Applied Linguistics, Language and...
in Linguistics, Applied Linguistics, Language and Literature
in Honor of
on
His 75th Birthday
Contents ~rssruumrrn7~7m~nf21~~u'iwt<1
n.m.r.qmu ~T~mBnuGan' CONTEXT MATTERS
Edward M. Anthony
TONAL EXPERIMENTS WITH WHISPERED THAI
Arthur S. Abrarnson
Analgctisrn after Tai fashion
Lev N. Morev
Framing h e Foundations of lhe Buddhist Theory of Language
Charles Pyle
Enantiodmmia in National Language Policy and Language Planning :
The Case of the Lao PDR
James R. Chamberlain
Neuroplasticity In the preattentlve processing of linguistic pitch :
Evidence from cross language and crossdornaln studies
Bharath Chandrasekaran, Jackson
T. Gandour, 8 Ananthanarayan Krishnan
A Touch on Thai Uterature Viewed from another Perspective
Wbha Senanan Kangkanadana
TEMPORAL ASPECT IN THAI
Ponrasit Noochoochai
p a 1 NOUN MORPHOLOGY
George Bedell
Ethnic Mlnorlty People and the United Nations
Millennium Development Goals : Global Trends in Language Rights
and Mother-Tongue First Multilingual Education
Kirk R. Person
Reflections on the Piffsburgh Connection
Doris WFbunsin
Reinterpreting Inscription I
Wlaiwan Khanittanan
Page
5
A Close Look at Farangfforeign Vlllages from the Standpoints
of Linguistics and Its Related Disciplines
7 3 1 7 I l t l ~ $ ' h $ ~ ~ a r ~ ~ ! ~ (Government & Binding Theory) -.. C 4 h ~ d s u n s u u u u ~ ~ ~ (Minimalist Program)
m ~ . l a ~ ' m p y u C U R R I C U L U M V I T A E
Page
170
UDOM WAROTAIWASIKKHADTT
Neusoplasticity in the preattentive processing of linguistic pitch: Evidence from cross-
lanpage and cross-domain studies
Authors: Bhmth ~hnndrss~karan'. Jackson T. ~nndour', & ~nanthanaraian ~rlrhnan'
' ~ o x e l ~ n and Richard Peppcr Dcpartmcnt of Cvmmunicatim Sciences, Northwcstcnr Univasity, USA
'~e~artmcrrt of Spcech Languagc Hearing Sciences, Purdue University, USA
Sources af support: N n i research grant KU1 DC1008549 (A,K.); College of Liberal Arts (A.K.; J.T.G.); New Cent~~ry doctoral feUowship, ASHA Foundation (H.C.)
Author responsible for correspondence:
Jackson T. Candour, PbD
Purdut Univcrsiiy
Depastmcnt of Speech Languagc Ilearing Scictlces
f 353 Hcavilon Ha11
500 Oval Drive
West La faycrtc, IN 47907-2038 USA
Fax 765.494.0771; lcl 7G5.494.382 1
Emai I: [email protected]
1681 F e s t s c h r i f t
Abstract
The mismatch tlegativity (MMN), a cortical event-related potential (EW) hypothesired to be an
objcclive index of auditory discrimination. is known to he modulated by Inng-tern auditory
expcrlenccs le.g. IansUagc. music). Experience-dependent plasticity in thc pmttentivc
processing of linguistically reievm t ski muli. as rtllcctcd by the mismatcl~ twpal i viiy (MMN ). has
beell assumed la retlect the influence of long-icm stored ca~egorical representations tor irative
speakers. However, emerging cross-language and cross-domain rescarch cxamiriing I ingujstic
pitch processing have qucstioncd the influcncc of cattcgc~ries iln experience-dependent neural
modulation. Thcse data shed light on the possibiliy that ~curoplasticity, as rcflccted by thc
MMN, may wsult from morc faithful net~ral encoding of acoustic dimensions as a result sf long-
term exwnence. Such findings are cmsistent with ncurobinlogical studies on animals that have
demrmslratcd illcreased neural valence to behaviorally-relevant acoustic feanvcs. Furthermore, a
proposal focusing on the acoustic rather than a phonetic basis for expcrieoce-depcndent
neurepIasticity has the potential to explain recent findings that long-term experience in the
dumain of music can influence preattcntive processing of linguisticnlly rclevant stimuli. T h i s
review summarizes tecent cross-language and cross-domain sludics using the MMN. and relates
their findings to current knswledgc regadmy the neurobialogical basis for expcricncc-depndent
plaqricity. I
Introduction
The mismatch negativity ( M m ) is a n autu~natjc. change-detecf on, fronlo-ccntmlly
distriht~ted cortical p t c s n ~ i a l elicited usins a passive oddbalt paradigm. To vbrain thc auditory
MMN, the brain" response t o a Rcrluently presented standard is su btr;lcted from the respnnsc to
a rarely presented dcv iant. The di fl'ercncc wavefnna shows a large s~~staincd ncgativily (bctwcen
125- 300 ms), that reflects the extcnr to which the bmin detects a changc in the-incoming
nuditory stimulus stream (Naitincn, 200 1 ; hT#atanen, Paavilainen, Kinnc, & Alho.' 2007). The
MMN is typically cliciied passivdy, i.c.. when the participant is engaged in a divtracter task
(v.alcl~ing a movic ox reading a book). h has becn extensively utilized in basic and clinical
rcsearch as an index of preatteniive auditory discrimination (Kujala, Tervanierni, #t Schroscr,
2007; Nagtanen, ct a]., 2007). According to the memory model of MMN generation, tbc i~eural
trace generated tn the deviant stimuli violates the established neuni Itrace of tlsc rcpctitively
presented standard (NZitancn, 2001). The MMN therefore- represents the integrity o r the ncural
representation to the standard.
Language-espcrience modulates the MMN respnnse to spccch sounds
Thc MMN has been shown to be sensitive to lanpagc cxperlcnce (Cheour, et al.. 1109R1.
In a landmark study, using a cross-language dcsigl, Niilttincn and colleagues demonstsatcri
larger MMW rcs-ponsm hr native Estcmians, relative to native Finns- fur a prototypical \~osve2
illat occurs in the phorle~nic inventory ol' Eslonian, but not jn that of Fiunish (Niistinen, cr 21..
1997). In addilion, the htonian M M N rcsponse for the prototypical vowel was larger i n the left
hemisphere (LHI. rclativc to the right. In contrast, the Finnish MMN respnsc did not show an
t~symmctric pattern. Bascd on these results, Nagtfincn ct al, suggested that. in addition to the
?lcoustics, the MhlN respunsc fot na tivt. speakers is influenced by long-tcnn stored ci~rcporical
1701 F e s t s c h r i . f t
rcprcsentatiuns. Since this study, experic occ-dependent effects havc hcen dernunstmted for
consonallts (Shamla & Dorms~n, 2900). B ~ C I ofher e g m ~ t i i l aspects nf phonology incf uding
phunntt~ctics (llchnenr-Lambertz. D~rpotrs, & Gonr, 2000L phortemc boundaries (Ylillen.
Shcl;~akoi:t. fl\~otilaincn, A h . & Naatancn. 2006). and size ol'phuneme itlventories (Hacquard.
Walter. & Maritntz, 2007). Apart frum sqrncnral infbmation in spcet.h, crossIanguage sludies
have also examined preattentive processing of suprascgrncnhl features (i.c. duration, pitch.
loudness) using thc MMN. Thc MMN response w;rs found te be sensitive 10 changes in dwation
associaled with contraszive vswcl lcngth (e.2.- / hlli / "tire"' vs. / tu:Ii I "wind) in Finnish
(Nenonen. Shestakova. Huotilainen. dL. NZIatlncm, 2003) and will1 uha~igcs in pitch associated
with lexical contrasts (Chanrirasekarnn. Krishnun. 8: Gandour. 3007b).
A rnndcl of experience-dependent plasticity bascd on studics examining segmental
in lbr~nation in spccch suggests that in additivn tu an ac~>ustic changc detcction process, the
h4MN responses far native spcakers is modulated by a LH dominant phunetic change detcctio~z
process (Niiatiinen, 2001; Ni8tiineil. c t aI., 1997; N3itiinen, ct al., 2007). Sincc non-nativc
speakers do not have long-term stored catcgo~ical representations fbr native phonemes, the
tnodcI predicts that they rely purely un the acortstic change detection process. There arc three key
predictions made by the model. MMN modulation for native spetlket-s scsults from a. langtmoge-
specific process that utilizes categorical pho~~etic reprcsmtatims. Thcse long-term stored
categorical rcprcsentations. absent in nun-native speakers. are hypothesized to drive experience-
depcndcnt plasticity for nii tive speakers. The acoustic change-detection process is /nyunge-
~lrr~ver*sal. In o thcs words, up to ihc cerebral cortex, ling~~istical ly relevant sounds engage the
auditory systcrn 1n u similar manner Tor native and on-native speakers. MMN modulation to
lin~~~isticall y-rc!cv~lnt stimuli, as a %net ion of language expcricnce, i s a Lf1 dominant proccss.
Presumably. this rt'flccts the stored catcgoricnl representations for t~ative speakers.
Thc Naaiiinm ct al. rnodci of ncuroplasticity was based nn cross-language s~udics uslny
se~mrmtal units in speech It is ~mclcar if i t has [he potential to explain neuroplasticily duc to
experience with slryrawg~n~nlnt units. in this paper we revicw scccnt studies on psenatcntive
processing of linguistic pitch, and discuss whether rhcir model of neuroplasticity cxtenrls to
linguistic pitch processing.
Tone Irngaages as windows on neural processing of pitch
Mandarin Chinese is a tune language. Jn addition to consonanrs and vowels, Chinese has
k u r tunes: n~u' 'mother', ma' 'hemp'. ~?~a"borsc', maJ 'scold'. Tones 1 tc~ 4 can bc described
phonelical!y as hi@ lcvcl (Ti), high rising (T2). low falling rising (T3), and hizh falling (74).
respeclivcly (Howie, I 976). Voice filndamental frequency (fo) contours provide thc dornjnani
cue for lane recogaition (Xu, 1997). I'crceptual data on Mandarin tonlcs indicate that variation in
Fo yields high levels of recognition for isulatd tones (Howie, 197h),
Thai is also a tonc lt~ngua_ce. Jt 11ac jive [ones: 7i"odt 'stuck', pod 'galangal'. h J r d
'kill', Pm" 'trade', k''m~' 'Ecg'). The mid tone (M) can be dcscrlbed phonaically as ~ n i d level
with a final drop, low tone (Lf as low falling, falling tone (Ff as high fdljng, high tone IH) as
high rising. and rising tone (R) as low rising (Tingsabadh RL Ahramsan, 1993). Perceptually,
contours have been shown to be tbc primary acoustic correlate of Thai tones (Ahramson, 1962).
Using tone languages to cxplore experience-dependent pfas ticiq to Iioguistic pitch patterns
In tonc lang~agcs, pitch variations arc i~nparlaut in every syllable. This information is as
important f'nr natiic speech proccssinp as consonants or vowels, l 'hry givc us an opporhiniiy to
eltami~~c !lie linguistic role of pitch at attenlivc and preatteotivc stages of processing.
m? F e s t s c h r i f t
As pitch itself i s multidimensional in nature, muttidimensiona! scaIirrg srudics (Gandour,
1983; Gndour 8r Harshman, I 978) have revealed that although pitch dimensions arc shascd in
common regardless of laillpage typology, these dinlensions are differentially weighted ;a a
functioll of language experictlce, Across the board, nativc spes~kcrs of a tone languugc place
morc emphasis on pitch contour, chnractcriz~d by pitch direction nnd ~topc , than on pitch height,
whercas just the opposite is tnre for spcakers of a non-tone language (English). Thcse dart?
suggest illat long-term language cxpericnce shape the relative saliency of pitch di~ne~lsions at
perceptual stages of processing.
Functional neuroimaging studies using PET (ps i tron nnission tomogrnphy) and IM Rl
(functional magnetic rcsonsl~~ce imnging) hnve examined pitch processing io native vs, t~onnativc
speakers of tanc languages at the lcvel of the ccrebml cortex (Candour, 2006a. 2006b, 2007;
Zatam & Gandour, 2008, for reviews). Thcse shldics havc consis!ently implicated the LH in
pitch processing when pitch pattcrns arc linguistically relevant to thc tistencr. For aample, Thai
tones do not elicit LH activation whcn discrimination judgments are pcrformcd by Mandarin
speakers, The influence of long-term categorical rcpresentatio~~s on pitch psoccssing llas bcen
further dcmonstrited using hybrid stimuli, cscnted by superimposing Thai tones onto Mandarin
syllables f tonal chimerm) and Mandarin tones onto the same syl1nbles (real words) (Xu, er al, ,
206). In the left planurn temporde. a double dissociation occurs behvccn languagc experience
(Chinese, Thai) and neural representation of tonal contours (native, nonnative). such that
stronger activity js elicited in response to native as somparcd to non-native tones.
'
From a neural perspcctivc, thesc PET and fMRI findings would lcarl us to prcdict that
supmsegmenral information is similar ro segmental infomation at nttcntive stages 01 prncessing.
Lexical tones arc pmcssed in the LH Tor nalivc speakers. suggesting that tonal categories drive
experience-dependent plasticity, and moreover, that experience-dependent plasticity ta linguistic
pitch is language-specific. .
Wc have recently expanded our knowledge base of how Iinguistic pitch patterns are
neutrally instantiated by examining preutrtrenfivc stages o f processing in the cerebral cortex.
Specifically, we have Investigated the nature and limits of plasticity to linguistic pirch contours
by using both crosslanguage (Chinese, English) and cross-domain (Chinese, hen-native
musicians and non-musicians) experimental designs. The cmss-language design compared the
MMN to pitch from speakers of a tone language (Chinese) and a non-tone language (English).
The cross-domain design compared the MMN to pitch from those with expertise in linguistic
pitch (i.e., native speakers of Mandarin) to those with expertise in musical pitch l ie . , amateur
musicians). We next discuss-the results sf these studies within thc framework of the Naatanen et
a1. model of neuroplasticiiy.
Do long-term stored categorical representations modulate preattentive neuroplasticity to
Finguistfc pitch?
We first comparcd MMN respmses fmm Mandarin and English speakers ro
lingislically-relevant pitch contours (TI, T2, T3) embedded in a speech context ((via
(Cbaodrasekaran, mshnan, et a]., 2007b). All three stimuli represented real Mandarin words.
Ow aim was to examine whether cross-language differences can be observed at early
preattentivc stages of processing in the cerebral cortex. In one condition (TlST3), we compared
TI, the standard, to T3 as a deviant. In (T2iT3), we compared T2, the standard, to T3 as a
deviant. Wc predicted that, by virtue of their long-tern expertise with tonal categories, Mandarin
speakers would demonstrate enhanced M_rMN responses across conditions. Tnstead, we found
experience-dependent enhancement of the MMN fur the TIiT3 condition, but not TUT3.
Since all three stimuli exhibited protomica1 fo trajectories of Mandarin tones, these
results cannot be explained on the basis of long-term stored represcrriations for native speakers
Rather. they suggest that the MMN may be indexing the relative saliency of pcrccpmal
dimensions that undcrIic lexical tones. The contour dinlension has been shown to be important in
separating Mandarin speakers from English (Gmdour, 197X). Since T2 and T3 are very similar
in focontour and direction, we ague that a condition involving thc two tones (T21T3) does not
provide a processing advantage for native speakers at the preattcntive stagc of processmg.
Thus, we conclude that MMNT modulation to pitch contours reflects cross-language
differences in the acoustic weighting of pitch dimensions. Tn a companion study, using a
rnultidi~ncnsional scaling analysis o f the MMN, we examined the number and naturc of
dimensions underlying the prcattcntive tonal spacc in Mandarin and English speakers
(Chandrasekaran, Gindour, & Krishnan, 2007), Wc disco~ered two dimensjons, interpreted as
'contour' and 'hcight' thac defined the shred MMN tonal space across groups- Consistent with
perceptual studies, Mandarin speakers attached more importance to 'contour' than to 'height'.
Discriminant function analysis on the dimension weights further revealed that the contour, hut
not the height dimension, effectively separated the two groups.
Taken together, these studies clearly demonstrate cross-language differences in the
weighting of acoustic dimensions. However, we were unable to rule out lexical effects on the
MMN responses because all stimuli in the above-mentioned MMN studies werc actually-
occurring words in'lulandarin. Lexical status of stimuli (words vs. nonwords) has been shown to
moddate the MMN (PulvemiiI!cr, ct at., 2001; Pulvermilller & Shtyrov, 2006). To diminate this
potential Icxical-semantic confound, we next cxamined Mh?N mponses to non-speech pitch
contours modeled after Mandarin tones using iterated tippled noise (IRN) stimuli
(Chandrasekaran, &-ishnan, & Gandoar, 2007a), Similar to speech stimuli, the nonspeech, time-
varying lRN 4tirnuIi also eIicjted cxpesience-dependent plasticity. Thus, we concIr!de that
neuroplaslicity to linguistic pitch is not specific to the speech context.
A follow-up study was conducted to examine whether acoustic or phonetic changc
detection processes contribute towards neuroplasticity to nonspeech linguistic pitch contours
(Chandrasekaran, Krishnan, & Gandour, in press). h4MN respnws b m Chinese and English
were collected in response to two conditions. In one condition, the Mandarin high level tone (TI 3
was cornpared with a convex high rising tone (inverted T2; 'T2i') that occurs as a contexha1
variant of Tl in running speech. In the other, the concave high rising tom (T2) was compared to
T2i. PhoneticaUy, T1IT2i represents a within-category contrast for native speakers, whereas
T2iT2i represents a bcrween-category contrast. Nonetheless, the between-category pair (T2tTZj)
is mere similar acoustically than the within-category pair (Tl/T21). At attentive stages of
proccssing. as predicted, the Chinese p u p was less accurale than the English in discriminating
the within-category contrast (7-1- TZi). Howcuer, with ~espect to the MMN, native speakcrs
showed larger MMM responses than English speakers in both conditions, Indeed, within the
Chinese group, larger MMN responses were elicited for the within-category condition (TLJT2i)
condition relative to the across-category condition (T2R2i). Thesc findings demonstrate that
experience-dependen1 neural effects at early pl-caltentive stages of processing may be driven
primarily by acoustic features of pitch contours that occur in natural speech. At attentive stages
of processing, perception i s strongIy influenced by tonal categories and their relatians to one!
another. Thc mismatch negativity js a useful index in examining long-tmn plasticity to
li nguistically-relevant acoustic features.
Is experience-dependent plasticity to Ilnguist4c pitch palteras language-specific?
The Naatanen el al. model prcdicts that neuroplasticity to 1Enguj;stically-relevant
segmental information is languagespecific. To test this prediction for linguistic pitch, we
examined MMN responses to linguistic pitch contours from Mandarin speakers, and nonnative
English-speaking musicians and non-musicians ( C b a n d r a s e h , Krishnan, & Gandour, 21309).
If neuroplasticity were indeed language-speci fic, we would expect to see no differences between
musicians and non-musicians in the processing of linguistically -relevant pitch, Tnstead, we found
graded neuroplnsticity, as reflected by the robustness of the MMN response (Mandarin 3
musicians > nomusicians). Comparing musicians and non-musicians, we found that musical
experience moduIated the MMN response to Iinguistic pitch contours. Thus, neuroptasticity was
found to be domain-general and nut specific to language, These data are consistent with another
recent study which demonstrated that music experience modulated preattentive brainstem
responses to Mandarin pitch contours (Woag, Skoe, Russo, Dees, & Kraus, 2007). Since the
amateur musicians in these studies had no previous exposure t~ Mandarin, and therefore. no
long-term stored representations of tonal categories, neuroplasticity can only be explained as
more robust acoustic representation for musicians relative to non-musicians.
Is experiencedependent neural plasticity to linguistic pitch restricted to the cerebral
cortex?
The overwhelming majority of cross-language studies on language and the brain have
focused on neuroplasticity at the level of the cerebral corkx. Therefore, until recently,
ncuroplasticity in the brain has been viewed exclusively as a cortical phenomenon. But recent
work suggests that suhcortical processing at the level of thc brainstem is also shaped by long-
term experience with Iinguis~ic and musical pitch patterns ( b u s & Banai, 2007; Krishnan &
Candour, in pmss, for reviews). A seminal cross-language (Chinese. English) smdy examined the
cffects of language cxperience m the frequency-follosving response (FFR) (see Krishnan, 2006.
for lutorial on the FPR; Krishna~~, Xu, Gandnur. & Cariani, 20051. a prcattentivc evoked
response that reflecls sustained neural phasc-locking in thc rostra1 part of the hrainstem. Results
showed that long-term experience with I inguisti call y selevan t pitch patterns modulates thc FFR.
Mandarin speakers, relative to the English, have more robust linguistic pitch representation at the
IevcI of the brainstem Music cxperience also shapes brainstcm processing of nonnative
Iinguistic pitch (Wang, ct al,, 2007), Taken together, these two studies clearly dcmanstratc
cxpcricncc-dcpbndent plasticity to linguistic pitch as early as The brainstem irrespective of the
domain of pitch expertise of thc listener. Thus, the subcortical auditory system is not simply n
way sttltion that transmits infomation fmm the car to the cercbral cortex. As in the cortex, thcse
dnta imply that early sensory processing is subject ro experience-dcpdent neural plasticity.
Is preattentive procesing o f linguistic pitch patterns left-hemisphere dominant?
A numbcr of studies havc demwnstr~ted larger MMN responses in the LH for native
speakers when listening 10 native segmental contrasts. Thcse results have been interprcled in
terms of modulation of the M by long-tcrm pho~~etic represmtatians residing in the LH.
Conseywently. bilateral or right hcmispllere (W) dominant activity has becn viewed as purcly
acoustic proccssing. As reflected by MRI , nt ntlen~ive s taps of proccssing, native speakers
cngagc the LH when making discrimination judgments of native tones (Xu, et a!., 2006).
To our ktlowledgc, on!y one study has examined hemispheric asymmetries in prcattentive
processing of lioguistic pitch cotltnurs (Luo, et al. , 2006). MMN rcsponscs were clicited from
native spcakcrs when listening io Mandarin syltablcs in which i.1 consonant ur rune was varicd in
passive oddball sequences. A comparison of uonvnnunts to toncs showeif that Mh43 Tor Iinguislic
pitch changes is RH dominant, with the opposite pattern, i-e., LH dominance for segmental
information. Given the distinct acoustic features between a lexicaltone and a consonant. this
opposite lateralizatian pattern suggests the dependence of hemisphere dominance mainly on
acoustic cues beforc speech input is mapped into a semantic rcpresmfation in the processing
stream.
Neurobiolagical basis for neuroplasticity in the early cortical processing of linguistic pitch
In sumasy, the three key predictions of the Naatanen et al. model of neuroplasticity to
linguistically-=levant stunuli do not hoId up when we consider the processing of linguistic pitch.
N~roplasticity at preattentive stages appears to be acoustically driven, not language-specific,
and lateralired predominantly to the RH. Their model of nmmplasticity based on segmental
information does not generalize to suprasegmentals. At present, i t remains an empirical question
whether pitch processing is a special case. It is mote likely that we need to re-conceptualize how
sensorial and cognitive components interact in generating the MMN for all linguistically relevant
stimuli, pitch or otherwise.
From a nmbislogical perspective, it has becn dcmonsmted that the cortex modulates
activity in the brainstern via corticofugal pathways. According to an -a1 model of
neuroplasticity (Suga, Gao, Zhang, Ma, & Olsen, 2000; Suga, Ma, Gao, S h i , & Chowdhury,
2003; Suga, Xiao, Ma, & Ji, 2002), the cortex shapes the brainstern processing to repetitive
sounds via thc corticofugal feedback mechanism. This short-term p las f l c i~ improves the
response properti& of the auditory cortex to the Incoming stimulus stream regardless of its
behavioial relevance. Once the stimuli achieve beharioml nelwance, there is an increase in
corticofugal feedback, resulting in more enhanced subcortical tuning, and consequently long-
lenn cortical plasticity.
The m~isrnatch negativity to l i n y ist icall y relevant stimuli is modulated by Iatlpage-
e xperiei~cc. A n~emory-based model of r~europlasticity derived from data on scgmenlal units
auggests that 101-~g-tcrm categorical representations, rcsjdinp in the LFT. drive M M N modulation
Tor native speakers. This model is unable to explain exp~riencc-depcndcnt plasticity to'linguisiic
pitch. The data reviewed herein reveals cross-language ~ n d cross-domain effects on the relativc
weighting of pitch features underIying he MMN. An explanation based simply on phonetic
categories js not suppprted. Fnstcad, they strongly reffcc t the malt eability of acoustical encoding
of pitch at early stages of auditory processing, and point to the involvement of both hemivheres
that are differcntiatly cngaged in the'generation of the MMN depending on acousticlaudi~ory
fcatirrcs associated with segmcrrtal or suprasegmental information (Poeppe'l, 2003; Pocppel,
Idsardi, & van Wassmhove, 2008; Zatorre & Bclin. 2001; Zatorre & tiandour, 20081, The
cxpericnce-dependent plasticity for pitch reflec~ed in the more robust MMN respunses for native
listcncrs may reflect suhcortical inputs that are mhanced by corticofupal influence on brainstem
pitch mechanisms.
References
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