Linguistic Phonetics in the UCLA Phonetics Lab Pat Keating Sound to Sense / June 11, 2004.
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Transcript of Linguistic Phonetics in the UCLA Phonetics Lab Pat Keating Sound to Sense / June 11, 2004.
Linguistic Phonetics in the
UCLA Phonetics Lab
Pat Keating
Sound to Sense / June 11, 2004
I. Language description
• Archives of recordings• Korean• Intonation• Phonation
3
Intonation
• ToBI: Tones and Break Indices• Intonation in 14 languages: Prosodic
Typology: The Phonology of Intonation and Phrasing (Sun-Ah Jun, ed.)
• Phonology and phonetics of intonation/ ToBI models of Korean (Seoul, Chonnam, Kyungsang), French, Greek, Argentinian Spanish, Farsi
4
Phonation
Contrastive phonation types (voice qualities) in languages:Modal, breathy, creaky
e.g. Zapotec languages of Oaxaca, Mexico
a Zapotec language(San Lucas Quiavini)
‘gets bitter’
‘gets ripe’
‘lets go of’
modal
breathy
creaky
‘rdaa’
‘rah’
‘rdààà’
(M. Epstein)
Modal: ‘can’ lat Breathy: ‘place’ la̤t Creaky: ‘field’ la̰ts
Esposito (2003): Santa Ana del Valle Zapotec
H1-F3
Effect of f0 on phonation: Contrast is minimal with high f0
-10
-5
0
5
10
15
20
higher f0(isolation)
higher f0(initial)
mid f0(medial)
lower f0(final)
dB
Modal Breathy Creaky
(C. Esposito)
II. Prosody
•(Intonation description)•Prosody and voice quality•Phrasing and articulation
Prosody
• the organization of speech into a hierarchy of units or domains
= grouping function • some units are more prominent than
others = prominence-marking
function
10
Prosody and voice quality
Epstein (2002, 2003): Voice quality variation in English as a function of position and accent
2 kinds of voice quality variation:• Modal vs. non-modal (breathy, creaky)• Variation within modal (laxer, tenser)
English phrase-final non-modal phonation
Low boundary tones (but not low f0 in general) have more non-modal phonation
% non- modal phonation for H vs. L
boundary tones
0
20
40
60
S1 S2 S3
speaker
% L
H
(M. Epstein)
English prominence and non-modal phonation
Unaccented words have more non-modal phonation
% non- modal phonation for unaccented vs. accented words
0
10
20
30
S1 S2 S3
speakers
%unaccacc
(M. Epstein)
13
Phrasing and articulation
• Prosody (grouping, prominence) affects segmental articulatory properties
• How each segment’s phonological properties are realized phonetically depends in part on the segment’s position in prosodic structure
Prosodic strengthening
• Some prosodic positions are stronger than others, and segments there are stronger– Articulatory strengthening: more
extreme articulations – Stronger positions: derived from a
prosodic hierarchy– Domain initial is a strong position
(partial) prosodic hierarchy across languages
Utterance U
Intonational Phrase IP IP
Smaller Phrase XP
Word W W W W W
Syllable s ss s. . . . . .
higher
lower
XP XP
Electropalatography studies
• Compare peak linguopalatal contact of segments across prosodic positions, e.g. different initial positions
• Several languages– English (Fougeron & Keating 1997)
– Korean (Cho & Keating 2001; Kim 2001)
– French (Fougeron 1998, 2001)
– Taiwanese (Keating, Cho, Fougeron, Hsu 2003)
Pseudo-palate for EPG(Kay Elemetrics)
front
Sample frame showing contact:
Korean word-initial /n/
Circles are electrodes; filled ones are contacted
front
42% contacted
Sample contacts: French /n/
…Tata / Nadia… …Tata Nadia…
(C. Fougeron)
4 Korean consonantsin 4 initial positions
35
40
45
50
55
60
65
70
75
80
Ui IPi APi Wi
Lin
guop
alat
al C
onta
ct (
%)
/t*/
/th/
/t/
/n/
Korean fricatives in 3 positions (Kim 2001,2003)
mid region contact
0
2
4
6
8
10
12
14
16
18
Cell
Mean f
or
channel
IPi APi APm
channel region contact
IPi APi Wi IPi APi Wi
Bigger picture:Prosody and production planning
• Each phonetic segment - with its features - is a terminal node in a prosodic tree
• So each segment has a position in the tree relative to the domains and prominences
• Pronunciation of each feature depends in part on this prosodic position
Features in a prosodic treeIPwp
ip ip egi Wd Wd Wd that new ei σ σ σ σ
ð pro pa gan da… [+continuant]
p p [-continuant] [-voice]
accent
stress
III. Coarticulation
•Initial strengthening•Lexicon
25
Coarticulation and initial strengthening
Cho (2002, 2004):• Coarticulation: interaction effects
between neighboring segments, generally due to articulatory overlap
• How does prosodic strengthening affect overlap and thus coarticulation? Does a “strong” segment “resist” coarticulation?
#V1 V2b[a][i]
[a][i]
IP ip Wd
Vowel-to-vowel coarticulationacross different boundaries
And each vowel pitch-accented or not
(T. Cho)
L1
L2 JawT3T2T1
X-axis
Y-axis
EMA: Carstens Articulograph Receivers on articulators
(T. Cho)
Wdip
IP
40 50 60 70 80
10
20
30
40
50Y
(%
) T
ongu
e H
eigh
t
X (%) Tongue Backness
[i#a]
[a#a]
Less effect of V1 /i/ on V2 /a/ across a larger boundary
/a/ pulled towards /i/
(T. Cho)
29
Coarticulation and the lexicon
Brown [Scarborough] (2001, 2004):
Are words from dense lexical neighborhoods, with many lexical competitors, produced with more or less coarticulation than other words?
Lexical competitors
High Relative Frequency
High-R
Low Relative Frequency
Low-R
•easy to access
High Relative Frequency
Low Relative Frequency
•hard to access
(R. Scarborough)
Production of nasal coarticulation
• Compared “hard” and “easy” CVN and NVC words on nasal coarticulation during the vowel
• using the Chen (1996) measure A1-P0
“easy” “hard”
sponge bun
drum fend
blonde gum
Sample CVN words
CVN result
more nasal
less nasal
“hard” words
“easy” words
Answer: more coarticulation for “hard” words (R.
Scarborough)
IV. Production and Perception
•Optical prosody•Heritage language ability
34
Optical prosody:phrasal stress-accent
• Extents, durations, and velocities of movements of lips, chin, head, and eyebrows are all potentially visible to perceivers
• Production-perception comparison: Which of the optical correlates of stress account for visual intelligibility?
Production of phrasal stress
“So TOMMY gave Timmy a song from Debby.”“So Tommy gave TIMMY a song from Debby.”
“So Tommy gave Timmy a song from DEBBY.”“So Tommy gave Timmy a song from Debby.”
eyebrow marker head marker
chin marker
Facepoint markers locations and 11 measurements
lip markers
• Left eyebrow displacement • Head displacement• Interlip maximum distance• Interlip opening displacement• Interlip closing displacement• Lower lip opening peak
velocity• Lower lip closing peak
velocity• Chin opening displacement• Chin opening peak velocity• Chin closing displacement• Chin closing peak velocity
Correlates of phrasal stress
• from all 11 measures, e.g.
• Chin and eyebrow measures are most consistent across speakers
00.10.20.30.40.50.60.70.80.9
1
1st name 2nd name 3rd name
Chin Closing Peak Velocity
accented unaccented
Perception of phrasal stress
• 72 sentences from this corpus, video presentation (no sound)
• 16 hearing perceivers (not screened for lipreading ability)
• Task: See written sentence, click on the name perceived as stressed, or on “NoStress”
Visual perception above chance
46
48
50
52
54
56
58
Sp-LOW
SP-MID
Sp- HI
By talker
By perceiver
Line shows significantly above chance performance
Production-perception comparison:Correlational analysis
• Chin opening measures (opening displacement, peak opening velocity) account for most variance in perception
• Not chin closing, lips, or head or eyebrow movements, even though these cues are available
41
Heritage Language ability
Jun & Au with students, e.g. Oh et al. (2003)
compared 4 groups of adults:• Lifelong native Korean speakers• Childhood-only speakers (stopped by 7)• Childhood-and-later overhearers • Control group (novices)
Adult production of Korean VOT
0
20
40
60
80
100
120
nati
ve
ch s
peak
ch h
ear
novi
ce
ms
VO
T aspirlenisfortis
• Childhood-only speakers as good as native speakers
• Childhood hearers show no advantage (nor on overall accent rating, not shown)
(Oh et al.)
Adult perception of Korean VOT
% correct perception
0
20
40
60
80
100
nati
ve
chsp
eak
ch hear
novi
ce
• Childhood-only speakers as good as native speakers
• Childhood hearers also as good as native speakers
(Oh et al.)
Conclusion:UCLA Phonetics Lab
•Language description•Prosody•Coarticulation•Production and perception•And much more!