Lifelong Learning: New Member States Citizens’ … › commfrontoffice › publicopinion › ...-...

European Commission Special Eurobarometer 231

Spe

cial

Eur

obar

omet

er 2

31 /

Wav

e 63

.3 –

TN

S O

pini

on &

Soc

ial

Lifelong Learning: New Member States Citizens’ views

Report

Fieldwork: April 2005

This survey was requested by Directorate-General for Education and Culture and coordinated by Directorate-General for Communication (“Research and Political Analysis” Unit)

This document does not represent the point of view of the European Commission. The interpretations and opinions contained in it are solely those of the authors.

SPECIAL EUROBAROMETER 231 “Lifelong learning: new Member State Citizens’ views

- 1 -

Table of contents

1. Creating a world of lifelong learning – an integrated approach for an inclusive society ...........................................................................................4

1.1. What do citizens think about lifelong learning?...........................................4 1.2. Do citizens think that lifelong learning is for everyone? ...............................5

2. Skills for a knowledge-based Europe ........................................................7

2.1. What knowledge and skills do citizens think they need? ..............................8 2.1.1. Most skills are seen to be very useful in general - but there are some notable exceptions ....................................................................................8 2.1.2. Half the new Member States population think ICT skills are very useful across the board - but there are substantial country differences.....................11 2.1.3. The majority think intercultural skills are very useful, but this does not hold for foreign languages ........................................................................13 2.1.4. Only 4 in 10 new Member State citizens consider scientific/technological skills as very useful .................................................................................15 2.1.5. A large majority thinks that social skills are very useful, with the exception of being able to manage people.................................................................16

2.2. Do people think they have the necessary knowledge and skills? .................17 2.2.1. A non-negligible proportion is aware of an ICT skills gap......................18 2.2.2. Most important skill gap is associated with the use of foreign languages 20 2.2.3. Scientific/technological skills gap comparable to the ICT skills gap ........21

2.3. How do citizens’ views differ? ................................................................22 2.3.1. Some views differ for low level status women and men .......................23 2.3.2. Impressive age differences for five skills............................................25

3. Lifelong learning and the diversity of learning contexts .........................26

3.1. In which context do people think they learn?...........................................26 3.1.1. The majority of citizens in the New Member States think they learn best in informal settings. ....................................................................................26

3.2. Who learns in this wide variety of contexts? ............................................28 3.2.1. Most people in the New Member States think they have learned in various contexts, but profiles differ by country, age and education ............................28 3.2.2. Learning at the workplace is more salient for men ..............................31

3.3. Where do people like to pursue work-related learning?............................33 3.3.1. Citizens in the New Member States tend to prefer taking courses and receiving professional guidance and support for learning - but they choose a range of contexts to do so ........................................................................33 3.3.2. Taking courses is not equally popular everywhere in the New Member States ...................................................................................................34


- 2 -

3.3.3. Work-related learning environment preferences differ greatly between countries ...............................................................................................35 3.3.4. Mobility as a learning tool is very much a minority pattern ...................37 3.3.5. Citizens in the New Member States agree more with situations that might offer the opportunity to learn something for private life ................................37

3.4. What kind of new learning opportunities are there on the horizon? .............39 3.4.1. ICT-related learning technologies: the most important learning opportunity. ...........................................................................................39

3.5. How do citizens’ views differ? ................................................................41 3.5.1 The selection of learning contexts varies according to the social status of the respondent. ......................................................................................41 3.5.2 Can gender be considered as a discriminative factor? ...........................42

4. Participation and motivation: patterns, obstacles and incentives ...........44

4.1. Previous education and training experiences, motivations and benefits........44 4.1.1. 57% did not participate in education and training whereas 38% did so ..44 4.1.2. Motivations to take part in education and training tend to be of a mixed nature ...................................................................................................45 4.1.3. Reasons to participate in education and training are extrinsic for a majority of respondents ...........................................................................46 4.1.4. Personal benefits outweigh work-related benefits................................48 4.1.5. Initial motives for training are also to some extent seen as benefits ......49 4.1.6. Those who were prompted to participate tend to recognize work-related benefits afterwards..................................................................................50

4.2. Future plans for learning: obstacles and incentives...................................51 4.2.1. Motivations to take part in future education and training are mixed, but personal motives slightly dominate ............................................................51 4.2.2. Age is the most important barrier to take up future education ..............53 4.2.3. Flexible working hours seen as most effective incentives......................54

4.3. Non-participants..................................................................................56 4.3.2 The typical non-participant is more likely not to be particularly interested in education and training .............................................................................56

4.4. How do citizens’ views differ? ................................................................59 4.4.1 Motivations, reasons and decisions to participate in learning vary between socio-economic status groups ...................................................................59

5. Other snapshots......................................................................................62

5.1. Citizens’ further opinions on lifelong learning...........................................62 5.2. Citizens and financing lifelong learning ...................................................63 5.3. Citizens and guidance and counselling ....................................................66 5.4. Citizens and mobility............................................................................68


- 3 -


- 4 -

1. Creating a world of lifelong learning – an integrated approach for an inclusive society 1.1. What do citizens think about lifelong learning? - Citizens of the New Member States agree that lifelong learning is important - More than nine in ten citizens of the new Member States disagree with the statement ‘Lifelong learning is not important’. The Poles and Maltese top the ranks with respectively 97% and 95% of the opinion that lifelong learning is important. A less unanimous point-of-view is observed among the Estonians, Hungarians and Lithuanians.

Compared to the 2003 survey conducted in the former 15 Member States of the European Union, a somewhat higher proportion of citizens of the new Member States seem to consider that lifelong learning is important. However, the two-year gap which separates these surveys should of course be taken into consideration when interpreting this finding.


- 5 -

- Lifelong learning is important for both social and economic reasons –

Results obtained in the new Member States are quite similar to those observed two years ago for the former Member States of the European Union. Eight out of ten citizens think that lifelong learning is a way to avoid unemployment and almost nine in ten believe that it is an important factor in order to live a full and satisfying life. We should note here that Hungarians are far more pessimistic than their fellow new Member State citizens. Four in ten Hungarians tend to disagree with the statement ‘lifelong learning helps people to avoid unemployment’. Opinions of course depend on the social status of the respondents, for example, the length of a respondent’s education and their level of support for lifelong learning. Regarding unemployment, eight in ten of the unemployed believe that lifelong learning helps people to avoid this situation and almost nine in ten managers share this point-of-view. In general, citizens of the new Member States believe in the importance of lifelong learning. Lifelong learning helps to improve job and career prospects while at the same time being important for coping with the rapid changes in one’s working life. It also allows the disadvantaged to improve their lives, to face the rapid changes in society and take control of their lives. 1.2. Do citizens think that lifelong learning is for everyone? Here it is essential to analyse citizens’ point-of-view on the importance lifelong learning should have in individuals’ lives: is it something that must only take place at a particular moment of our lives or is it a path that we should follow all our lives long? Respondents were asked to agree or disagree with a list of items put to them which included the following assertions: “Lifelong learning should take place only when you are young” and “Lifelong learning is mainly for the middle-aged”. The survey conducted in 2003, showed that Northern European countries, such as Denmark, Finland, Sweden and The Netherlands, together with France and the United Kingdom, were the countries with the largest proportion of citizens agreeing that lifelong learning is for everyone. On the other hand, the Germans and Spanish associated lifelong learning with the middle-aged to a greater extent while the Belgians, Greeks, Irish and Portuguese believe that it is more a part of one’s initial education. What is the situation in the new Member States? An overall glance, shows that 8 out of 10 respondents disagree with the idea that lifelong learning should only take place during a person’s youth while a similar proportion, 7 out of 10, do not think that lifelong learning is mainly for the middle-aged.


- 6 -

Generally speaking, we observe that disagreement with the idea that lifelong learning is more a part of our initial education is stronger compared to the opposition revealed regarding the link between middle-aged and lifelong learning. The idea of learning mainly during a person’s middle-age, suggesting an association between lifelong learning and working life, remains relevant for Latvians, Maltese and Slovakians with one out of three citizens agreeing with this view. From a socio-demographic point-of-view, this idea is more prevalent amongst those aged 55 and more as well as between the less-qualified respondents and the retired. The same situation can be found in rural areas compared to middle-sized and large towns. At the same time, one third of citizens in the NMS think that lifelong learning is mainly for those who did not do well at school. Today this idea seems to be less present in this group of countries than it was in the former Member States two years ago: according to the results obtained in 2003, 45% of European citizens, especially in Greece, Luxembourg and Spain believed it. On the other hand, we can observe that Cypriots, Slovenians and Estonians, are the countries with the largest proportions of people thinking that lifelong learning is for everyone, with similar levels of disagreement with both statements.


- 7 -

2. Skills for a knowledge-based Europe This chapter will examine how people from the 10 new Member States value different kinds of skills in terms of their role for a knowledge-based society. We will describe how respondents assess their own competence levels in relation to these skills. The survey focused on respondents’ subjective views of their acquired skills. We should note here, that respondents probably over- or underestimate their capacities. Nevertheless, interesting findings emerge by focusing on the self-perceived skill-gaps. Self-assessment is an important indicator of people’s levels of self-confidence about what they know and can do. The skills list used in the questionnaire is based on what is known as the ‘extended Lisbon list’ and contains 15 kinds of skills as listed in the “categorisation of skills” box below. For the purposes of our analysis these 15 skills have sometimes been regrouped into the broader categories shown below, as was done for the 2003 analysis of the former 15 Member States.


- 8 -

2.1. What knowledge and skills do citizens think they need?

2.1.1. Most skills are seen to be very useful in general - but there are some notable exceptions

Respondents were first asked to assess the personal usefulness of a list of skills in their family or private life and secondly to rate the usefulness of the same skills outside their family or private life1. The graph below represents the strong relation existing between the answers of the respondents to both questions. It illustrates that skills that are considered to be very useful in the private life sphere are also perceived to be very useful in the public life sphere or vice versa. On the other hand, the graph shows that aside from there being a strong relationship between very useful skills both ones in private and public lives, the intensity of the usefulness depends significantly on the kinds of skills.

1 ‘Outside family or private life’ means above all ‘in the paid work world’ for the majority of adults, but it can also encompass leisure, community and civic life, especially for those not active in the labour market. The aim was to distinguish between the private and public spheres of life, but this terminology cannot be used in questionnaire surveys for the general population. Furthermore, boundaries between the private and public sphere differ somewhat between cultural settings. These considerations led to the way in which the question was phrased, but the text that follows uses the terms ‘private life/sphere’ and ‘public life/sphere’ in accordance with the survey’s aim. In many cases, the current analysis combines the values for these two categories into an average, but also refers on occasion to differences between the values for both spheres.


- 9 -

With scores higher than 95%, traditional skills, like reading/writing and arithmetic have been ranked by all respondents at the top of the list of very useful skills. The other traditional skill, general knowledge, is considered by nine in ten respondents as a very useful skill for both life spheres. The ability to co-operate with other people, categorised as an intercultural skill, has also been ranked by 90% of the respondents as being useful. The other two intercultural skills, the ability to get on with people from other cultures or countries and the ability to use foreign languages, are, to a lesser extent rated as useful (country figures are given in table 1 of the annex). ICT skills and scientific/technological skills are rated as the least useful ones among the list of 15 skills. The most social skills rank mid-way. As was the case for the 2003 survey in the 15 former Member States, the country figures for the new Member States are more or less homogenous regarding traditional skills, with the exception of a notably lower score in Hungary for general knowledge. Two in ten Hungarians do not find this skill useful either in the private life sphere or in that of the public sphere. Country variations are somewhat more pronounced regarding social skills (see table 5 in the annex for usefulness ratings). The socio-demographic analysis of traditional skills does not reveal significant differences. The only noteworthy lower usefulness ratings are again observed for ‘having a general knowledge’ being the case of the older (55 years and more) and those who did not benefit from a long education. All social skills are also rated as being less useful by those who are older and those who left school by the age of 15. Country and socio-demographic results for ICT skills, intercultural skills and scientific or technological skills will be highlighted below. The survey results show that perceptions in the new Member States are in line with the findings of the 2003 survey. The citizens of the 15 former Member States consider traditional skills and most social skills to be useful in both life spheres. ICT skills, scientific or technological skills and language skills were on the contrary perceived by them as more useful in the working life sphere.


- 10 -

The first figure highlighted the fact that skills that are considered to be very useful in the private life sphere are also considered very useful in the public life sphere. The reverse of this relation still holds although to a lesser extent. When comparing the position of the skills to the diagonal line, skills positioned under the diagonal line are to a lesser extent seen to be very useful in private sphere than in that of the public sphere. This means that respondents recognise the need for a broader range of skills in working life than that necessary in ones personal life. The skills that are rated more useful in working life than in private life are those which are rated to a lesser extent as being generally useful: scientific/technological skills, ICT skills and language skills. Figure 2 represents the proportion of respondents considering the skill in question to be very useful in working life but not very useful in ones private life. With a result of 16%, the ability to use foreign languages tops the ranks. Women are more inclined than men to think that using foreign languages is especially useful in public life (18% versus 13%). The highest differences were observed in the Czech Republic (24%) and Latvia (20%). On the contrary, differences between the usefulness in both life spheres are notably lower in Cyprus (7%) and Hungary (9%). Scientific and technological skills (15%) rank second. Czechs and Slovaks stand out among their fellow new Member States citizens (respectively 24% and 22%) believing that both skills are less useful in private life than in public life. Fewer Hungarians, on the other hand, are of this opinion (9%). With a result of 13%, managing people ranks third. Once again, more Czechs and Slovaks are of this opinion (with

19% and 17% respectively). The lowest score is again found in Cyprus (6%). No gender differences are observed, but as we might expect, results decrease with age and increase with the level of education. Around one in ten people rates ICT skills as being very useful in the public life but not very useful in private life. Almost two in ten people believe this in the Czech Republic and Slovakia, but only around one in twenty share this opinion in Cyprus and Estonia. Views differ according to gender (for the ability to use a computer and the ability to use the Internet, scores are respectively 9% and 8% for men and 13% and 12% for women).


- 11 -

2.1.2. Half the new Member States population think ICT skills are very useful across the board - but there are substantial country differences

The figure below shows that the new Member States average for rating the usefulness of ICT skills in life as a whole (meaning very useful in private life and in public life) is 51%. In all surveyed countries, computer skills are rated as being somewhat more useful than knowing how to use the Internet (46% on average). The findings are more or less in line with the results of the 2003 survey. Like for the 15 former Member States, significant country differences are observed among the 10 new Member States. More than seven in ten citizens in Malta and Estonia consider ICT skills as being very useful in their lives as a whole. Above average proportions of Lithuanians, Cypriots, Slovenes and Czechs share this opinion whereas Hungarians, with not even four in ten, fall well below average. Latvians, Slovaks and Poles score around the average.


- 12 -

It is evident that a strong link exists between age and the usefulness of ICT skills. The older the respondent, the lower the usefulness is rated. Compared to the 2003 analysis, this association is even somewhat stronger among the 10 new Member States. Four in five of the youngest respondents, aged 15-24 years, replied it is very useful to use a computer in their lives as a whole. Three in four younger respondents underlined the usefulness of Internet in their life. Only one in five older respondents, aged 55 or more replied that using a computer is very useful. With the same evidence, a clear positive relation is found (see table 2 in annex) for educational level. Only 14% of those who left school by the age of 15 judged the usefulness of computers positively. This percentage climbs to 91% among students. The survey findings depict a similar gender gap as observed in the 2003 analysis. Results of the 2003 survey showed that respectively 57% and 48% of men and women considered the use of a computer as being very useful. For the 10 new Member States these percentages are respectively 55% and 47%.


- 13 -

2.1.3. The majority think intercultural skills are very useful, but this does not hold for foreign languages

Three individual skills have been defined as intercultural skills. The values for the three items differ with a consistent pattern across the countries. On average, almost half of the respondents consider the ability to use foreign languages important in their life as a whole. The ability to get on with people from other cultures or countries is considered useful by 55% of the respondents. However, with an average score of 86%, the ability to co-operate with other people is considered to be the most important intercultural skill. The country differences for this skill are significant but not enormous, with a lowest score of 79% among Hungarians and highest score of 96% for Maltese citizens. We note here that this item is the least explicitly intercultural. However, country differences for the other two more explicit intercultural skills are far more marked. The lowest scores for both items are again measured among Hungarians. One in three Hungarians judge the ability to use foreign languages as being useful in their lives as a whole whereas four in ten find it useful to be able to get on with people from other cultures or countries. On the contrary, these two intercultural skills are perceived as useful by large proportion of citizens in Cyprus, Malta and Estonia. Cypriots, who have rated the usefulness of use other languages the highest, speak Greek and thereby have a language in common with another country. The usefulness ratings for foreign languages are also higher in countries where more than one language is spoken. This is the case for Malta, Estonia and Latvia. Socio-demographic figures again show significant associations between age or education level and the usefulness of intercultural skills (see table 3 in annex): The younger the interviewee, the higher the usefulness ratings. The longer the duration of education lasted, the higher these ratings.


- 14 -

Finally, we note here that the three intercultural skills have the highest useful ratings in the two islands of the new Member States. Geographical aspects clearly play a role in the perception of citizens. It is therefore not surprising that Estonia, Lithuania and Latvia, the northern countries within the 10 new Member States, return usefulness ratings similar to those obtained in Denmark, Finland and Sweden. The usefulness ratings of Slovenia are slightly higher than those measured in Italy. With the exception of the usefulness to be able to co-operate with other people, the scores of the Czech Republic and Slovakia are quite close to those of Austria.


- 15 -

2.1.4. Only 4 in 10 new Member State citizens consider scientific/technological skills as very useful

With 41% on average, the usefulness of scientific or technological skills is rated the lowest among the list of 15 skills. With a result of 63%, far more Estonians recognise the usefulness of this skill, leaving Lithuanians, ranked second with 56%, 7 points behind. All other countries score under the 50% mark with the lowest rates among Hungarians and Slovaks, both scoring 9 points below average at 30%. Table 4 of the annex shows the results by age and level of education. Half of the respondents aged 15-39 consider scientific and technological skills very useful in their lives as a whole. The percentage shrinks to 41% for those aged 40-54 years and to 23% for those aged 55 and more. Those who completed their education by the age of 15 have the lowest usefulness rating (19%). On the contrary, those who benefited from a longer education (to the age of 20 or more) come out with a rating of 55%. As was the case in the 2003 survey, gender is a particularly discriminating factor. In the 2003 survey, 42% of men replied that they thought that scientific or technological skills are very useful in their lives. This score increases to 50% for men in the 10 new Member States. Only 25% of women in the former 15 Member States agreed on the usefulness of these skills in their lives. For women in the 10 new Member States this percentage rises to 32%. Even so, men and women have different perceptions on the subject. Similar to the conclusion drawn in the 2003 analysis, both sexes are more likely to see such skills as useful in the public life sphere (men: 65%; women: 51%) than in the private life sphere (men: 55%; women: 37%) and men, as already seen, are significantly more convinced about usefulness of these skils.


- 16 -

2.1.5. A large majority thinks that social skills are very useful, with the exception of being able to manage people

Table 5 in annex presents the country figures for the six social skills tested in this survey. This survey seems to confirm one of the conclusions of the 2003 survey. As already underlined, the usefulness ratings of most social skills are found in the middle of the ranking (scores between 69% and 81% on average), with a significant exception. Only 54% of respondents find the ability to manage people in their lives as a whole very useful. Furthermore, among the six social skills, this skill is rated the lowest in every country. Other interesting findings are the results obtained in Hungary. All six social skills, receive the lowest usefulness ratings in this country. Some countries return notable ratings for certain skills. We mention here the ratings in Cyprus (97%) and Malta (94%) for the ability to express ourselves well (81% on average). Regarding the ability to assess situations and solve problems, the highest scores are observed in the Czech Republic (92%), Estonia and Malta (both 91%) in comparison with an average of 81%. The ability to take initiatives is perceived as more useful in Cyprus and Malta (90% and 88% respectively) than in other countries (69% on average). With a result of 85%, the usefulness rating of organisational skills is the highest in Cyprus (compared to the average of 72%). Lastly, knowing how to learn is rated more useful in Cyprus, Malta and Estonia (nine in ten compared to three in four on average). With the exception of the ability to manage people, the socio-demographic analysis does not reveal significant differences by gender. Men are somewhat more inclined than women to positively assess the ability to manage people (57% versus 51%). Nevertheless, there is a clear association between age, end of education and the usefulness attached to social skills. The younger the respondent, the more positively the usefulness is judged. The longer the duration education, the more positively the views are.


- 17 -

2.2. Do people think they have the necessary knowledge and skills? Respondents were also asked, for the same list of skills, if they possess the skill or not and if they could produce concrete evidence2 of this. The graph below depicts the relation between the importance of skills and the perceived proficiency. It shows that skills that are judged as being very useful in the working life sphere are said to have been acquired or vice versa. This could at least be an indication that people are inclined to rank skills that they think they don’t have as not very useful for their professional life. Skills positioned above the diagonal line are those for which a gap between possession and usefulness is noted. This means that more respondents replied that the skill in question is very useful for professional purposes but that a lower proportion of respondents replied they do possess the skill. We will analyse survey findings for ICT skills, intercultural skills and scientific/technological skills in detail because as ‘new skills’ they have a high priority in European policy related to the knowledge based society. Figures related to ‘having a general knowledge’ and social skills are given in the annex tables 6 and 7. 2 Showing diploma/certificate, record of achievement/portfolio, employer’s reference/employee performance assessment document, or objects/products that you have made/created or using the skills in practice, etc.


- 18 -

2.2.1. A non-negligible proportion is aware of an ICT skills gap On average, 45% of the respondents replied that they could not use a computer. This percentage climbs to 49% among Cypriots and 59% among Hungarians. In Estonia, Slovenia and the Czech Republic a considerably lower proportion say that they cannot use a computer. The socio-demographic analysis reveals that women are more disposed to admit that they do not possess ICT skills (respective scores for computer skills and Internet skills are 48% and 57% for women in comparison with 41%and 48% for men). Self-assessments on possession of ICT skills are obviously decreasing by age and increasing by educational level. While 90% of those aged 15-24 years old say that they can use a computer, this percentage drops to 71% for the 25-39 age category, to 49% for the 40-54 age category and to 19% for the older group (table 8 and 9 in annex presents the basic data on ICT skills). It is interesting to have a look here at the proportion of respondents who replied that they cannot use a computer and yet responded that it is useful outside their private or family lives. On average, 13% recognise this personal job skill gap. The highest proportion is observed in Lithuania (26%) and followed closely by Malta (24%). In Cyprus, the Czech Republic and Estonia almost 1 in 5 citizens admits that using a computer is very useful in their working life but that they do not think they possess the skill. The lowest scores are observed in Slovenia (7%) and Hungary (10%). We would like to underline the specific situation in Hungary: six in ten Hungarians admitted that they do not possess the skill and not even one in two says that it is very useful in their working life. On the contrary, the situation in Slovenia is far more encouraging: only one in three recognises that they do not possess the skill and two in three thinks it is useful in their working life.


- 19 -

More women (14%) perceive this personal job skill gap regarding the use of a computer than men (11%). At the same time it is function of age, going from 4% for the youngest to 12% in the 25-39 category to 16% in the 40-54 category and 17% for the older group. Similarly, it decreases with the educational level: from 18% for those who completed their full-time education between the ages of 16 and 19, to 8% for those having benefited from a full-time education until the age of 20 or more. All in all, these findings suggest that, in order to allow people to get rid of their self-perceived weaknesses, it should be possible to easily entice them to partake in a training course in order to improve their computer skills.


- 20 -

2.2.2. Most important skill gap is associated with the use of foreign languages

When it comes to the ability to use foreign languages, the survey results depict clear differences between the 10 new Member States. Seven in 10 Hungarians replied not being able to use foreign languages. 54 % of Slovaks replied the same. The Polish and Czech score is equal to the NMS average: one in two citizens of these countries admitted not being able to speak a foreign language. The situation is seemingly less dramatic in the other countries of the 10 new Member States. Around one in three citizens of Cyprus, Slovenia, Lithuania, Estonia and Latvia recognises that they cannot speak a foreign language. This shortcoming is observed to a lesser extent in Malta, where only one in five people cannot use foreign languages. No gender differences were observed, while again age and the level of education are influential on the results. The older the respondent, the more inclined he/she is to say that he/she cannot use a foreign language. On the contrary, the longer the duration of ones education, the more likely he/she is to declare that they can use a foreign language.(see table 14 for further details). Again, we should have a deeper look at the self-perceived job skill gap related to the use of foreign languages. How many respondents replied that they cannot use foreign languages but admit that these are very useful in their working life? On average, one in five citizens of the 10 new Member States admits to have a language skill gap in their working life. Citizens of the Czech Republic and Slovakia top the ranks. One in three recognises the score for the usefulness of the ability to use a foreign language but cannot use them themselves. Cypriots, Estonians, Lithuanians and Poles are more or less close to the average. The job skill gap is perceived to a lesser extent in Hungary (17%), Latvia (15%), Slovenia (12%) and Malta (10%). Table 13 in the annex presents the results for the self-perceived job skills gap related to intercultural skills. The younger respondents and those who are more highly educated seem to encounter less problems in their working life related to the use of foreign languages (table 12 depicts the situation in their life as a whole).


- 21 -

2.2.3. Scientific/technological skills gap comparable to the ICT skills gap

On average, 46% of respondents admit not being able to use scientific/technological equipment. The highest percentage is again observed in Hungary (65%). Six in ten Maltese and Cypriot citizens replied that they do not think they are able to use these kinds of equipment. In Slovakia and Slovenia, 54% of respondents declared the same. Estonians (33%), Poles (39%) and Latvians (40%) are positioned below the new Member States average. As we would have thought, gender differences are significant. While 35% of men think they cannot use scientific/technological equipment, this percentage rises to 56% for women. Besides this, as we might expect, this perception is linked to the age of respondents and their level of education. Only 1 in 3 respondents below the age of 40 replied that they cannot use such tools, while this amount rises to two in three for those aged 55 and more. While 24% of those who were 20 or over by the time they completed their full-time education replied that they were not able to use scientific or technological equipment, 81% of those who left school by the age of 15 replied that they could not use such tools. When looking at the self-perceived professional weakness on the subject, on average 13% replied that they cannot use scientific/technological equipment but admit that it is useful in their working life. The highest job skill gap is observed in Latvia (25%). Malta follows closely with a score of 23%. Also in Slovakia, Estonia, the Czech Republic and Cyprus two in ten respondents think that the use of scientific or technologic equipment is useful in ones working life but admit that they do not possess such skills. The lowest gap is observed in Poland where not even 1 in 10 perceives this weakness. Unremarkably, more women (15%) than men (10%) reply that they cannot use scientific/technological equipment but admit that it is useful in their working life. Differences are less pronounced for age but still holds for education level (see table 15 in annex).


- 22 -

2.3. How do citizens’ views differ? In the 2003 analysis education and occupation were combined to define three broad socio-economic status groups3. In this analysis, the sample is too small to yield groups of sufficient size for the purpose of a reliable analysis. Nevertheless, within the technical limits, we have opted to use additional categories in order to bring out parameters known to influence attitudes towards learning, especially education and participation rates. Therefore 4 groups have been defined:

1. Women with a high status level falling under the following categories: professional self employed (lawyer, medical practitioner, accountant, architect, etc.), self employed business proprietors, employed professionals (doctor, lawyer, accountant, architect, etc.), a top management function or a middle management function (department head, junior manager, teacher, technician)

2. Women with a low status level falling under the following categories:

unemployed or temporarily not working or skilled manual worker or an unskilled position (manual worker, servant)

3. Men with a high status level falling under the following categories:

professional self employed (lawyer, medical practitioner, accountant, architect, etc.), self employed business proprietors, employed professionals (doctor, lawyer, accountant, architect, etc.), a top management function or a middle management function (department head, junior manager, teacher, technician)

4. Men with a low status level falling under the following categories:

unemployed or temporarily not working or skilled manual worker or an unskilled position (manual worker, servant)

This classification permits us to have a deeper look at the extremes. On the one hand it will highlight differences between the upper and lower classes of society. At the same time, it reveals gender differences within the socio-economic groups. It should be noted that middle professional functions are not represented by one of these groups. In addition, we mention that students and retired are not represented in one of these groups.

3 Group 1: the highly educated with a high level job Group 2: the low educated with a low level job Group 3: the low educated who are not active in the labour market


- 23 -

2.3.1. Some views differ for low level status women and men Table 16 in the annex presents the usefulness ratings for traditional and social skills according to the four defined groups. People belonging to the low level status groups still concur on the usefulness of traditional skills. Perceptions are, on the contrary, more differentiated when it comes to social skills. A consensus exists among women and men belonging to the high level status group, with one outstanding exception, the ability to manage people. While nine in ten people (regardless of their gender) of the high status group believe in the usefulness of the skill in question for working life, usefulness ratings for the private life sphere fall to 82% for women and 84% for men. When it comes to women and men belonging to the lower status group, usefulness ratings are smaller for social skills in general, ranging from 66% (ability to take initiatives) to 78% for men in their life as a whole and from 73% to 81% (ability to assess situations and solve problems) for women in their life as whole. Again, for the low status group, the exception in the social skills category comes from the ability to manage people. If 61% of low level status women replied that the ability to manage people is very useful in their public life, this rating dropped to 50% for their private life. Men of low level status rate this skill somewhat more useful than women of low level status. 60% of them think it is very useful in ones private life and 66% think it is very useful in public life. The figure below shows that the differences are even more marked for ICT skills. Around eight in ten high level status women and men rate ICT skills as very useful in their lives as a whole. Only a minority of low level status people replied that these skills are very useful in their lives as a whole. A non-negligible difference is observed between women and men from this status group. More men think that these skills are useful in their live (using a computer: 47% for men compared to 38% for women).


- 24 -

Views differ even more when asked about the usefulness of scientific or technological equipment. 60% of high level status women rate the skills in their life as useful, compared to 67% for opposite gender. Only 28% of the low level status women see these skills as useful in their life, but 51% of low level status men replied that these skills are very useful in life. As far as intercultural skills are concerned, views differ sharply for the two most explicit of these skills (see table 18). Seven in ten people from the high level status group consider the ability to get on with people from other cultures or countries as very useful in their lives as a whole. However this proportion shrinks to 44% for low level status women and 52% for low level status men. The ability to use foreign languages is considered to be useful by 77% of men with high level status. However, fewer women with the same status replied that this is useful in their lives (65%). The usefulness ratings plunge to 41% for low level status men and 37% for their female peers. Nevertheless, the fact that the usage of foreign languages is perceived as more useful in public life is noteworthy. The percentages range from 91% for men from the upper society, to 81% for their female peers, to 60% for women with a low level status and to 53% for their male peers. As far as self-assessments are concerned, those who are more inclined to rate a skill as useful are also more inclined to think they possess the skill in question. Table 17 presents the reported acquisitions of traditional and social skills. We can immediately focus on the ability to manage people: 92% of high level status men report to have the skill in question. 92% of women of the same peer group report the same. When low level status men were asked whether they think they are able to manage people, only 58% think so. Only 46% of their female peers think they possess the skill.


- 25 -

2.3.2. Impressive age differences for five skills As already highlighted earlier in this report, age is a very important factor in attributing usefulness ratings to different kinds of skills. In order to spot the light on the differences, we compare those aged 25-29 with those aged 55-59. The analysis shows that differences are impressive for five skills: foreign languages skills, knowing how to learn, computer and Internet skills and scientific or technological skills. The figure below depicts the situation for ICT and science or technological skills. Since adults in their late 20s are more often confronted with the use of ICT than those in their late 50s it is not surprising that differences are somewhat more notable for ICT than for scientific or technological skills. Foreign language skills are seen as useful in their life as a whole by 60% of the 25-29 years olds (rising to 75% for public life purposes) and by 43% of the 55-59 years olds (rising to 57% for working life). In life as a whole, knowing how to learn is rated useful by 92% of the 25-29 years olds and 70% of the 55-59 years olds. Differences between private and public sphere ratings are rather small for this item.


- 26 -

3. Lifelong learning and the diversity of learning contexts 3.1. In which context do people think they learn?

3.1.1. The majority of citizens in the New Member States think they learn best in informal settings.

The results of the Eurobarometer on Lifelong learning, conducted in the New Member States, show similar patterns to those obtained in 2003 in the Old Member States, as far as people’s perception on in which situations they learn is considered. In effect, as shown in the graph below, informal situations are perceived as the main learning context.


- 27 -

Almost 3 out of 4 citizens declare thinking they have learned something through activities at home (such as watching TV, housework or hobbies), while 6 out of 10 believe so as far as socializing with other people is concerned. Moreover, more than half of respondents mentioned leisure activities as a situation in which they estimate have learned something in the preceding year. Gaining knowledge at work through informal activities, such as talking to colleagues or simply working, follow in the list with respectively 36% and 34% of respondents stating so. Other informal settings seem to be sources of knowledge as well: one in three citizens learned something in the preceding year by using local learning resources centers/libraries. With a 22% score, citizens in the New Member States declare have learned something by traveling abroad. Formal learning settings, such as schools or universities are mentioned by 20% of respondents (this answer being given primarily by those respondents still studying). Learning situations formally related to work (training courses, sessions in the workplace) get the same score. It is worth noting that this is far more the case with Managers (71%), compared to other white collars and manual workers (45% and 35% respectively). The rest of proposed situations obtain minor scores that range from 17% attained by other kind of training session, to 5% got by social, voluntary or military service. Two main conclusions may be drawn from these results: firstly, the homogeneity with the patterns obtained in the 2003 Lifelong learning Eurobarometer, conducted in the Old Member States; secondly, even if the proportion of the adult population committed in formal education and training is small compared to the main population, the informal situations prove to be the main component in the diversity of learning contexts. This general picture has nevertheless important nuances linked to national and socio-demographic characteristics that will be depicted in the following subchapter.


- 28 -

3.2. Who learns in this wide variety of contexts?

3.2.1. Most people in the New Member States think they have learned in various contexts, but profiles differ by country, age and education

Almost nine in 10 Europeans in the New Member States think they have learned something in at least one informal learning context in the past 12 months but only 4 in ten declare they have gained some knowledge in formal settings during the same period. The graph below shows on one hand that almost all the interviewees in Malta, Cyprus and Slovenia, perceive that, during the past 12 months, they learned something in informal settings. On the other hand, as far as formal contexts are concerned, these seem to have been more “successful” in terms of learning in Slovakia, Latvia, Slovenia and Czech Republic.

Finally, it is worth noting the position of Hungary, detached from the rest of the countries: the perception of having acquired knowledge is below the EU10 average in both cases, but it is more strongly marked as far as formal situations are concerned. These responses may or may not reflect actual learning but they certainly reflect cultural differences in the extent to which people are prepared to admit openly if they have learned something or if they can identify a specific context as a possible learning situation.


- 29 -

As already announced, the situations allowing citizens to gain knowledge differ, not only from one country to another, but also highly depend on the respondents’ personal and social situation. As shown in the graph below, there is a clear and strong relation between the length or time spent in full-time education and training awareness: the longer the educational experience and consequently the higher the level of qualifications, the more likely people perceive themselves as having learned something during the past 12 months in all sorts of situations. This is the case for those having finished their education at the age of 20 or more, for whom formal learning settings seem to be logically related to work, and especially for those still studying.


- 30 -

Observable differences exist also if we look at the age breakdown. The younger the interviewee, the more likely he/she mentions formal training (such as school or university or following a program combining periods of study with workplace-based learning) but also informal training like being at home or getting together with other people. Logically, the big fall-off with increasing age is far more evidently related with formal training: while 82% of those aged 15-24 have learned something in the past in formal situations, only 9% amongst those aged 55+ have done so.


- 31 -

3.2.2. Learning at the workplace is more salient for men We have looked at the age and the level of education as discriminatory factors. Is it also the case of the gender? Looking at the following graph, we will note that men’s and women’s learning patterns are almost identical as far as informal contexts (being at home, socializing and leisure activities) are concerned.


- 32 -

Yet, this self-reported recent learning shows that a gender difference seems to exist as far as the working environment is concerned. In fact, it is men’s greater propensity to report having learned while actually working in informal contexts, such as talking to colleagues (38% compared to 31%) or simply through the work itself (40% compared to 32%) and, to a lesser extent, in formal situations like training courses at the workplace (22% compared to 18%). As already shown by the survey conducted in 2003 in the EU15, these differences are certainly related to the distribution of the labor market by gender in the New Member States. We should note that more women than men checked the “not applicable” category for the workplace-related items in this question. This is indeed confirmed by the analysis of the responses to the item “working (learning on the job)” by crossing it with gender and activity. In effect, the percentage of active women admitting a recent learning and informal learning experience at work is even slightly higher than the one found amongst active men (67% and 66% respectively). The same phenomenon can be observed by crossing gender and the age at the end of education (See table 33 in the annex)


- 33 -

Results per country show that the awareness of having learned on the job is higher in Cyprus (59%) and Czech Republic (52%). Cypriots are, once more, more likely to declare they learned something through other informal settings at work, such as conversations with colleagues during breaks (50%). In this case, respondents in Estonia (47%) and Latvia (47%) answered in the same direction. We must underline the situation in Hungary as opposed to the one depicted above: if 28% of the interviewees declare they learned something informally at the workplace, only 19% affirm so as far as acquiring knowledge in the job is concerned. 3.3. Where do people like to pursue work-related learning?

3.3.1. Citizens in the New Member States tend to prefer taking courses and receiving professional guidance and support for learning - but they choose a range of contexts to do so

Four in ten (42%) adults interviewed in the New Member States (excluding the retired) affirm that in case they would want to improve or update their professional skills now or in the future, they would choose to follow an organized course. The EU10 average results do not notably differ between courses organized at schools, colleges or universities and courses arranged at the workplace. We can also analyze responses by classifying them into learning that takes place in “working environment” or “non-working” environment. On this basis, interviewees in the New Member States seem to prefer learning in a working environment (50%), specially in the Baltic States, to a non-working setting (42%). The latter possibility is relatively preferred in Hungary (44%) and Malta (44%). 18% answered they would seek to learn by using ODL4 and 11% selected using mobility as a learning tool. Unsurprisingly students are slightly more likely to opt for using a study exchange program, training or work experience abroad as a learning tool. With regards to ODL tools, national results show higher preferences towards it in Poland (22%) and Slovakia (22%). These findings are in line with those obtained in 2003 in the Old Member States and seem to confirm that self-directed learning is less attractive for citizens in the 10 New Member States compared to all those learning or training paths that require continuous professional guidance and/or support.

4 ODL includes : learning by using local facilities, learning at home, and using workplace facilities for personal use


- 34 -

3.3.2. Taking courses is not equally popular everywhere in the New Member States

As we have already seen, there seem to be significant differences by country in the preferred routes to update professional skills. We will analyse more in depth these disparities in the following paragraphs. As shown in the graph below, the majority in six of the ten New member States opts for taking courses for updating professional skills. This is the case for a clear majority of Hungarians (6 in 10) and for half of respondents in Slovenia, Estonia, Cyprus, Malta and the Czech Republic.

On the other side of the figure, citizens in the other two Baltic republics, Slovakians and especially Poles are far less “enthusiastic” about this option. Doing a course organised at a school, college, university or training centre is also the preferred option amongst those aged 15-24 and, logically, those still studying (27% and 32% respectively). From a more general point of view, the older the respondents were when they ceased full-time education, the greater is the preference for taking courses. Yet differences between educational categories are less marked than what was found in the 15 EU Member States in 2003. (see table 22 in the annex) In fact, if in the Old Member States results for options related to “taking courses” differed from 36% obtained by those having finished education by the age of 15 to 56% amongst people that studied longer, results of the current Eurobarometer only display a 6 points difference between the preferences of the groups (36% and 42% respectively).


- 35 -

In occupational terms, we can observe that manual workers and lower-level employees prefer taking courses organized at the workplace rather than through education and training establishments. Managers, on the contrary, are more likely to opt for the latter.

3.3.3. Work-related learning environment preferences differ greatly between countries

Differences between countries also appear with regards to learning in a working environment versus a non-working environment. The graph displayed below shows that citizens are, generally speaking, divided by the kind of setting they would prefer for updating professional skills. A majority of Lithuanians and Latvians is more inclined towards working settings (54% and 53% compared to 36% and 38% respectively). To a lesser extent this is also the case of Czechs, Estonians and Poles. Learning in a working environment is slightly less popular in Slovenia and Slovakia, even if it is still the preferred option for a relative majority of the population. On the other side of the graph, preference for learning in a non-working environment is strongest in Malta.


- 36 -

From a socio-demographic point of view, men are more likely to prefer updating skills in a working environment (55% versus 45% amongst women) while women opt more than men for non-working environment. Finally, we can analyse rapidly the relation between preferring learning at workplace and being aware of having learned at the work place in the preceding year. The graph below shows the differences between experience and preference. A good example is provided by Cyprus. We can observe that Cypriots are the citizens that have greatest awareness of having learned at the workplace during the last 12 months; yet their preference for workplace learning is amongst the lowest ones.


- 37 -

3.3.4. Mobility as a learning tool is very much a minority pattern

Choosing mobility as a learning tool for updating professional skills attracted 11% of the population in the New Member States. Values range from 5% in Malta, Cyprus and Hungary, to 15% in Lithuania. Looking cautiously at the results obtained two years ago in the Old Member States, we observe that this path for learning attracted only 5% of respondents. Actually, a majority (46%) of citizens in the New Member States has not participated in such a training or exchange experience during the last 12 months. On average, 8% of respondents reported actually having learned by having a training placement/exchange or as part of an exchange program during the year preceding the survey. Values ranged from 17% in the Czech Republic to 4% in Malta or Hungary. The proportion of respondents affirming they learned something in the past year by traveling, studying, working or living abroad is higher (22%). Here values vary from 18% in Hungary to 34% in Slovenia. The figures seem to illustrate that there does not exist yet a clear pattern towards mobility as a learning tool in the New Member States. Results in countries like Slovenia prove that past experiences of learning through mobility and awareness of it exist while the will of updating skills by choosing a training or exchange program is relatively poor (8%). On the contrary, in Member States such as Lithuania or Latvia the preference towards these kinds of experiences (exchange program) is relatively higher compared to the average.

3.3.5. Citizens in the New Member States agree more with situations that might offer the opportunity to learn something for private life

Eurobarometer respondents were shown a list of 10 different situations that might offer the opportunity to learn something new in the private and public spheres of their lives. Past experiences appear to be an important source of learning for Europeans in the 10 New Member States: almost 4 out of 10 declare so with regards to private life and 3 out of 10 agree as far as public life is concerned. Dealing with unexpected situations obtains a 31% score for the private life sphere and 27% for public life. In third place, interviewees underline the importance of coming into contact with someone whose skills, background or experiences are different from theirs (30% for private life and 25% for public life). Doing new things such as using new machines or equipments and looking for information about something that attracted one’s interest are also popular but mainly in private life. The same pattern is repeated for “doing things together with friends” or “observing and analyzing situations”. Only with regards to the possibility of learning new things by managing or teaching people, opinions seem underline more its importance for public life than for private life.


- 38 -


- 39 -

3.4. What kind of new learning opportunities are there on the horizon?

3.4.1. ICT-related learning technologies: the most important learning opportunity.

Four out of ten Europeans believe that ICT-related learning technologies, such as the Internet or CD-ROM, are the most important learning opportunity to have come about recently as shown in the graph below. Only 11% of the interviewees mention “easier access to courses at schools, colleges, universities and training centers” while 9% refer to the existence of “more opportunities in the workplace”. When recording the most important new learning opportunity to have come about in the past five years, respondents were also offered two options related to the Internet: “New places to learn” such as Internet cafes amongst others, and “Internet chat


- 40 -

rooms, intercultural exchanges or other forms of sharing knowledge”. Only 3% of the interviewees checked these categories. Even if ICT-related learning technologies obtain by far the best score, yet perceptions about the possibilities they offer differ from country to country. The graph below illustrates these differences. While Slovenians are by far the most enthusiastic, with more than half of the population mentioning it, less than 2 out of 10 Cypriots share this view. In effect, citizens in Cyprus seem to be more aware of the possibilities offered by the transformations occurred in the work environment, such as new equipments or the changes in the work organization. (see table 30 in the annex)

Nuances are also found in terms of socio-demographic characteristics. Predictably, age and especially educational level play an important role regarding to the perception of ICT possibilities for learning. Younger interviewees, students and those with a higher level of education are clearly more likely to regard ICT-based learning technologies as the most important new learning opportunity compared to older respondents and citizens with low education levels. 49% amongst the 15-24 age category mentioned it and this percentage increases to 54% for students and those who finished full time education at the age of 20 or more. (see table 31 in the annex)


- 41 -

3.5. How do citizens’ views differ?

3.5.1 The selection of learning contexts varies according to the social status of the respondent.

As in the previous chapter, we will try to bring out in the following paragraphs the influence of socio-economic indicators on citizens’ opinion. When looking at the preferred method/setting for possible job-related learning, we can observe that respondents in both social categories “high level job” and “low level job”, are more likely to choose methods linked to the working environment. Yet, we can note that this preference is significantly higher amongst those with a low level job (61% compared to 53%). In fact, in general, interviewees with a high level job tend more to choose learning environment not related to work (44% compared to 26%). For those in the low level job category, it seems that the most popular work-related learning method would be taking courses organized at the workplace. As far as non work-related environments are concerned, interviewees with a better job status are more likely to opt for updating their professional skills doing a course organised at a school, college, university or training centre. Yet, respondents with a high level job are more likely to declare they learned something in the past year through work: 81% of them declare they learned on the job, compared to 56% amongst the lower category. For the latter group, being at home was actually the most effective setting in terms of learning (with 76% declaring having learned something in that situation). (see table 33 in the annex) In general, what we can observe is that better qualified people and people with higher level working positions are more aware of having learned in different contexts, not only work-related ones. The data is also telling us that these categories have probably an easier access to learning opportunities.


- 42 -

3.5.2 Can gender be considered as a discriminative factor?

Results of this Eurobarometer are also telling us that in the New Member States, gender is still a discriminative factor, even if not as powerful as education or professional situation. Table 34 in the annex shows that even if active women and men have the same level of answer as far as having learned on the job in the past 12 months, active women are clearly more likely than men to mention “being at home” as a past learning setting. The same conclusion can be made when analyzing the data by combining gender and education or gender and professional category. We can also observe that, in general, women with high level status have a greater awareness of having learned in the diverse contexts proposed. Yet, women with low level status are less aware than men about having gained some knowledge through situations related to work. In line with what was commented in the previous subchapter, this would prove that among low job status, gender can condition the access to training or learning opportunities.


- 43 -

As far as situations offering the best opportunity to learn new things are considered, women with high level status are more likely than men to come into contact with someone whose skills and background are different from theirs, and to look for information about something that attracted their interest both in private and public life (see table 16 in the annex). Trying not to repeat mistakes one has made in public life seems to be much more important for men with high level status than for women with the same position who are, on the other hand, relatively more worried about not to replicate such mistakes in private life. In the same direction, trying to deal with unexpected situations offers more opportunities to learn new things to high status men than to women in the same socio-economic situation, who, once more, are relatively more likely than men to do so with regards to their private life. The different perceptions on the opportunity to learn by using new machines or equipment seem to be more related with the social status than with gender. Yet, when it comes to gaining new skills or knowledge by social activities, woman seem to be more active than men especially in private life. Men seem to be more competitive than women especially with regards to the public life.


- 44 -

4. Participation and motivation: patterns, obstacles and incentives 4.1. Previous education and training experiences, motivations and benefits

4.1.1. 57% did not participate in education and training whereas 38% did so

Respondents were asked if they had done any studies or training in the past year. They could indicate a maximum of three motivations that had led them to participate in any form of education. Those replying ‘no’ were also allowed to give the reasons for not to participate. The figure below presents the results only on aggregate level. The results of the 10 new Member States are encouraging once compared with the participation rates obtained in the 2003 survey in the 15 old Member States. In the EU15, the proportion of respondents who did not take part in any form of education or training in the year before was twice as high as the share of those who did participate (67% versus 31%). In the New Member states, fewer respondents reply they did not participate in any kind of education and almost four in ten state they had some education or training during the previous year. Six in ten Slovenes respond they participated in some form of education or training in the past twelve months. Participation rates obtained in Estonia and Latvia are close to the scores of the Nordic Countries in the former survey conducted in the EU15 (around 50%). Participation level in Slovakia and the Czech Republic is also 10 points higher


- 45 -

than the average. Lowest participation rates are observed in Hungary (31%), Cyprus (32%) and Poland (34%). Logically, once students younger than 25 years are excluded, the number of the respondents participating in any kind of education or training decreases slightly. Overall, 34% of the respondents did studies or training during the past 12 months, whereas 63% respond they did not. The difference between the main population and the population without students under 25 is quite stable over the countries (minus 4 to 5 points) but some countries diverge from the average. The difference is more significant in Cyprus, Estonia and Slovenia (respectively 10, 7 and 6 points). On the contrary, the percentage remains more or less stable in Poland and the Czech Republic (respectively 3 and 2 points less).

4.1.2. Motivations to take part in education and training tend to be of a mixed nature

Table 35 in the annex focuses on the main cited motivations that have led respondents to undertake studies or training in the past twelve months picked from a list of twelve options (respondents had a thirteenth spontaneous option, namely the answer ‘for other reasons’)5. These motivations can be sub-grouped into work-related reasons6 and personal reasons7. Chosen motivations seem to be of a mixed nature. Overall, 31% of the respondents indicate at least one personal motive whereas 27% select at least one work-related motive. 10% of the interviewees select only personal motives and 6% only work related motives. Respondents in countries with a higher participation level select more motives whereas, in countries where level of participation is lower, fewer motivations are chosen. Thus, there is not significant relation between the level of participation and the type of motivations chosen. The motivation that tops the ranking is work-related: 19% reply to have done studies or training to be able to perform better at work. Other frequently cited motivations seem to belong to the personal sphere: to obtain a certificate/diploma or qualification (14%), to increase one’s general knowledge (13%) and to obtain more personal satisfaction (8%). 7% of the respondents indicate they have followed a course in order to be able to take on greater responsibilities or to increase one’s chances of promotion. Country by country figures are mainly in line with this ranking. However, some motivations reach higher scores depending on the Member State. We see here that Slovenes, those with the highest participation rate (and thus those who indicate more motives than others), reply more often that they took part in some form of training to increase their general knowledge, to better manage their everyday life and to obtain more personal satisfaction. For Maltese citizens, the most cited past motivation is to obtain more personal satisfaction. Acquirement of a certificate is the most important 5 Since the question was asked to the total population, the list included also options for those who did not take part in education or training during the past twelve months. Thus, the figures refer to the total population and not only to those who participated in education and training. 6 This refers to both job and career-related reasons. It includes the following answers: to be less likely to lose one’s job/to be forced into retirement, to be able to do one’s job better, to be able to take greater responsibilities/to increase one’s chances of promotion, to change type of work, to get a job and to improve one’s chances of getting another job. 7 This refers to non-work-related or personal motives. It includes the following items: to meet new people, to better enjoy free time/retirement, to obtain a certificate/diploma or qualification, to better manage everyday life, to gain personal satisfaction and to gain general knowledge.


- 46 -

motivation for Latvians and Cypriots. Latvians also respond more frequently that they followed education to better manage their everyday life.

4.1.3. Reasons to participate in education and training are extrinsic for a majority of respondents

From now on, those having followed some kind of education in the past twelve months will be called “participants”. Participants were asked if they were advised or required to undertake education or training. They had the possibility to indicate a maximum of three reasons. Options in the questionnaire allow us to divide the participants into two distinct categories: the influenced participants (for whom the source of decision is extrinsic) and the participants on own initiative (for whom the source of decision is intrinsic). In this sub-chapter, we will describe the different extrinsic and intrinsic sources of decision. Section 4.3 will give a detailed analysis of the differences between the group of participants and the group of non-participants. The majority of participants has an extrinsic motivation to take part in education or training (58%). Two countries differ significantly from this average8: on the one hand , the Czech Republic, where even 69% of the participants were advised or required to 8 Country figures are only indicative since only 38% of the main population participated in education or training.


- 47 -

follow some kind of course, and on the other hand, Estonia, where only 46% indicate an extrinsic source of decision. Cyprus, Poland, Lithuania and Slovakia score around the average whereas scores in Malta, Slovenia, Hungary and Latvia are somewhat below average. Socio-demographic analysis reveals that the source of decision is more often intrinsic among the younger participants (age category 15-24). Less than 1 in 2 young participants indicate extrinsic sources, but the proportion rises to 2 in 3 among those aged 25-54. Overall, most often indicated extrinsic vectors are: education and training required (28%) or paid (18%) by the employer, a trade union or a professional association. This is certainly the case in the Czech Republic and Slovakia but far less the case in Cyprus. Somewhat more men than women indicated this source of influence. At the same time, 13% of the participants point out that their training was required by law. A same proportion (12%) indicates they were pushed by their partner whereas 11% were advised by friends and 7% by colleagues. Advice given by someone in the social context of work, family or friendship network is more influential in Cyprus, the Czech Republic, Latvia, Malta and Slovenia. Somewhat more women than men indicate this source of influence to participate in education or training. Table 36 and 37 in annex present the basic data.


- 48 -

4.1.4. Personal benefits outweigh work-related benefits Section 4.1.2 focuses on the main motivations that have led people to undertake studies or training in the past twelve months. The same list of items was shown to the respondents in order to analyse the main benefits of past education or training. Participants were allowed to give a maximum of three answers. They could also answer spontaneously that they have not gained any benefit from their training experience. However, in average only 3% of the participants chose this option though the percentage was somewhat higher in Hungary (8%). Table 38 in the annex presents the most important benefits. With 43% of the participants stating that they can better do their job as a benefit, the most often given answer is a work-related benefit. Nevertheless, participants report rather personal than work-related benefits. Almost four in ten reply that they have gained general knowledge and three in ten indicate they have met new people. Personal satisfaction is also pointed out by almost three in ten participants. Acquirement of a certificate is mentioned by one in four participants. As 82% of the participants indicate at least one personal motive, only 52% indicate at least one work-related motive. The contrast is even more perceptible among those who indicate only one type of motives: 37% of the participants choose only personal motives whereas 10% pick only work-related motives. It is noteworthy to mark that, in Poland, 45% of the participants select only personal motives. Not surprisingly, gender and age are influential factors: 41% of women select only personal motives whereas only 34% of men do so. Also the age groups of under 25 years and 55+ pick more often only personal motives (61% and 51% respectively) whereas the score for those aged 25-54 years reaches 25%. Better doing one’s job is proportionally more often indicated in Cyprus and Slovakia but to a lesser extent in Hungary9. General knowledge is more often mentioned in Slovenia and somewhat more in Estonia, Latvia and Malta but fewer respondents choose this option in Poland and Hungary. On the contrary, it is to a lesser extent indicated by Polish and Hungarian participants. Having met new people is more frequently cited by Maltese citizens but less so by Slovak citizens. Personal satisfaction comes, again, proportionally more often in the minds of Maltese participants but is proportionally less frequently mentioned by Lithuanian participants. Acquiring certification is more often indicated in Cyprus and Malta. Significant gender differences can be noted. Women indicate more often personal benefits than men: 33% versus 25% for having met new people, 31% versus 25% for personal satisfaction, 39% versus 36% for general knowledge. However, the acquirement of a certificate seems to be more often cited as benefit by men than by women (27% versus 23%). That is also the case for doing one’s job better which is pointed out by 45% of men and 41% of women. The differences are far more pronounced once response patterns of the different age groups are analysed. Only two in ten young participants (15-24) reply they can better do their job whereas this answers is given by more than five in ten participants aged 25-54. Instead, younger participants benefit from meeting new people during their training (four in ten) which is in a less degree the case for older participants (somewhat more than two in ten). One in three younger participants replies he/she 9 Country figures are only indicative since only 38% of the main population participated in education or training.


- 49 -

gained personal satisfaction whereas only one in four of the older respondents state the same experience. Again, the youngest age group mention slightly more often gaining general knowledge as one of the main benefits (43% against 35% and 37% for those aged 25-39 and 40-54).

4.1.5. Initial motives for training are also to some extent seen as benefits

In this chapter, we will analyse whether the motivations that were given as reasons to have undertaken education and training in the past year correspond to the benefits this education or training has provided. The cross-tabulation depicts that benefits from education and training correspond to the motivations people cited as motivations to undertake the education or training. 68% of those who undertook some kind of course in order to be able to do their job better, reply that they are now able to do their job better. 62% of those who whished to meet new people did so, 55% of those who desired to increase their general knowledge state this as a benefit of their training, and 54% of those who where looking for more personal satisfaction indicate they reached their goal. The score of comparisons between other past motivations and benefits of education and training ranges between 30% and 50% with the exception of those who indicate they have taken up a course to find a job or to improve their chances to find another job. Only 5% and 10% respectively cite these motivations as benefits of the training as well. Furthermore, results show that participants recognise other benefits than the ones they cite as reasons for participating in education or training (like described in point 4.1.4.). Nevertheless, it seems that some past motivations interrelate with benefits obtained by doing studies or training. This is also the case for interrelations between personal motives as well as between work-related motives. For example, those who cite, as a personal motive, that they followed some kind of a course in order to obtain more personal satisfaction, reply, beside the fact that the course has given them a lot of personal satisfaction (54%), that they have met new people (38%), that they can better enjoy their free time (12%), and that they can better manage their everyday life (31%). The findings are identical when analysing the work-related motives: those who indicate to have followed a course to be less likely to loose their job, do indeed feel they are less likely so after the course (42%) but, furthermore, also indicate that they can do their job better (60%) and that they can take on greater responsibilities (19%).


- 50 -

4.1.6. Those who were prompted to participate tend to recognize work-related benefits afterwards

It seems that the context of one’s past education or training experiences influences the orientation to education and training. Those for whom training was required, advised or paid for, are more inclined to see work-related benefits than those who decided to take part in some kind of education on their own initiative. 16% of the influenced participants declare that they are less likely to loose their job or to be forced into retirement while only 4% of the participants on own initiative agree with this option. 54% of the influenced participants indicate they can better do their job. This percentage shrinks to 30% for participants on own initiative. The acquirement of a certificate is mentioned by 28% of influenced participants while 23% of participants on own initiative mention this answer. 15% of the influenced participants reply they can now take on greater responsibilities or that they were promoted after finishing the training whereas 7% of the participants on own initiative choose these benefits. 18% of the prompted participants reply they can better manage their everyday life, whereas, with 22% score, the participants on own initiative indicate this benefit more often. Personal satisfaction is cited, as one of the three most important benefits, by 23% of the prompted participants while 37% of the participants on own initiative code this answer. Acquiring general knowledge is indicated by 35% of the prompted participants while 43% of the participants on own initiative see this as a benefit. The answer patterns are quite clear: people having decided about their own training in the past are more eager to mention personal benefits whereas those who where required or encouraged to take up education or training are more keen to mention work-related benefits.


- 51 -

4.2. Future plans for learning: obstacles and incentives

4.2.1. Motivations to take part in future education and training are mixed, but personal motives slightly dominate

All respondents were asked to imagine that they wanted to do some studies or training in the future. They were then asked to indicate what would be the three main reasons to do so. For this purpose, the same list as in the questions analysed under sections 4.1.2 and 4.1.4 was used. Responses can again be re-grouped into job/career related motives and personal motives. 63% select at least one personal motive and 59% select at least one work-related motive. 19% indicate only personal motives whereas 14% indicate only work-related motives. The citizens in Cyprus and Estonia indicate more often at least one personal motive as do the citizens in Malta and Slovenia but in these two countries fewer respondents indicate at least one work-related motive. In Slovakia, more respondents mention both kinds of motives. Cypriots, Maltese citizens and Slovenes select more often only personal motives and less frequently only work-related motives. Gender differences are quite similar to those observed in the previous chapters: women are somewhat more inclined to select personal motives while men choose more often work-related motives. On the contrary, the patterns observed for age groups are not identical to the findings in previous chapters: the older the respondent is, the more likely he/she picks only personal motives, and in the case of only work-related motives selected, the respondent is likely to belong to the age category of 25-39 years. Predictably, only 3% of those aged 55+ selected only work-related motives. Again, the motivation that is selected the most often is, with a score of 28%, the ability to better do one’s job. To improve one’s general knowledge follows with 24% score. More personal satisfaction comes third in the ranking with a score of 21%. The acquirement of a certificate follows closely with 20% share (see table 39 in the annex). The ability to do one’s job better is cited more often by Cypriots and Estonians but fewer times by Hungarians and Slovenes. Instead, Slovenes indicate general knowledge as a main vector for future education and training. This is also the case for Maltese citizens, Latvians, Estonians and Cypriots. Personal satisfaction is mentioned more often by Maltese citizens and also, to a lesser extent, by Cypriots and Slovenes. Lithuanians, Hungarians and Latvians are, on the opposite, less eager to give personal satisfaction as a main vector for future education. The acquirement of a certificate is more often given as a motivation by Cypriots and Latvians. It is worth to note that on average 19% reply spontaneously that they would never want to do any studies or training. Hungarians top the ranking with 24% score. Poles follow closely with the share of 21%. Slovenes and Czechs score around the average. In the other countries, fewer citizens are not willing to be involved in some kind of education.


- 52 -

It is quite interesting to have a look at the response patterns of people who were participating in education and training programs during the preceding year. A cross tabulation between two questions, the past and future motivations, depicts several non-negligible links. Firstly, those who were already involved in training programs in the past, tend to take into account their past motivations when deciding about future education and training. With the exception of better managing one’s everyday life and increasing one’s general knowledge, for all other motivations, the proportion of participants selecting the same incentive for future education that he/she saw as a motivation for past training is 20-35% higher than the proportion in the main population selecting the incentive in question. Secondly, figures depict that there are several interrelations between the motivations. For example, those who followed past education to take on greater responsibilities or to increase their chance of promotion are more than others inclined to follow future education to be less likely to loose their job, to be able to do their job better and to obtain a certificate. Another pertinent example that is noteworthy is: those having done past education to obtain a certificate, are also more keen to follow future education to be able to do their job better, to take on greater responsibilities or to increase their chances of promotion or to find another job more easily. There is seemingly interdependency between work-related motives. Moreover, this conclusion holds also for personal motives. This can be easily illustrated: those having done past education or training in order to obtain more personal satisfaction are more eager to reply they would follow a future course to meet new people, to increase their general knowledge or to better manage their everyday life. Nevertheless, we should also note here that the interdependency holds between some personal and work-related motives as well. Those having followed past education to increase their general knowledge are more likely to justify their future education with reasons like being less likely to loose their job or taking on greater responsibilities. Thirdly, the ability to better do one’s job is systematically and significantly more often indicated as a motivation for future education or training by those having benefited from past education (4 to 26 points more depending on the past motives). Finally, we should also note that while, on average, 19% reply they would never want to do any studies or training, this percentage falls drastically to 1- 2% for those having already followed any kind of education or training in the past 12 months.


- 53 -

4.2.2. Age is the most important barrier to take up future education Beside motivations for education, respondents were also asked what could be the most likely obstacles to undertake some kind of studies or training. A maximum of three options could be chosen from a list of options, excluding time and money as explicit alternatives10. Overall, 29% of the respondents reply there would be no obstacle at all. This percentage is identical to the one obtained in the survey in the 15 old Member States in 2003. The figures are quite stable in the 10 new Member States with the exception of Slovenia, where the proportion rises to 36%. In the two island states, the proportion is drastically lower than the average with 15% for Malta and 19% for Cyprus. While students constitute the group with the largest proportion of respondents saying that there is no obstacle for future education or training, we should note that, on average, the most often selected obstacle is the fact that respondents think they are too old to learn (18%). With a 29% proportion, the percentage is the highest among Hungarians. In other countries, percentages fluctuate more or less around the average. Family commitments follow next with an overall score of 16%. The percentage grows remarkably to 43% in Cyprus and 32% in Malta, the two countries with fewest respondents having replied there would be no obstacle. On the contrary, only 9% of Lithuanian citizens state family commitments as one of the main obstacles. Giving up free time for leisure activities is cited by 13% of the respondents. Maltese citizens are again far above average with a score of 26%. Job commitments are cited by 10% of the interviewees. This proportion is significantly higher in Cyprus (26%), Malta (19%), Latvia and Slovenia (both 16%) and finally Estonia (15%). This survey in the 10 new Member States seems to validate the conclusion drawn in the 2003 survey in the EU15. The concept of time is subjected to cultural interpretations which leads to specific response patterns in some countries. Greeks are much more likely to perceive family-related obstacles to learning than respondents in other countries. This is also the case in Malta and Cyprus, countries that historically and culturally resemble Greece. Regarding the socio-demographic differences we note here, that 32% of men reply there would be no obstacle to undertake future education or training, whereas fewer women state so (26%). Women are more inclined to say their family commitments would take up too much energy (21% versus 10% for men). On the contrary, men indicate more often that their job commitments take up too much energy (13% versus 8% for women). Age is again a very important factor. The younger the respondent is, the more he/she replies there would be no obstacle to undertake future education or training (ranging

10 Not including time and money explicitly in the list of response items was a conscious questionnaire design decision, taken on the basis that many would select these ‘automatically’, which would not be informative about the real obstacles. Therefore, the concept of time was translated into ‘work commitments’, ‘family commitments’ and ‘threat to leisure/free time activities’. Money was not included in the list of obstacles, only in that of incentives (see Section 4.2.3.).


- 54 -

from 47% for the 15-24 age category to 15% for the 55+ category). On the contrary, those of the age of 40 or more reply more often that they are too old to learn. More respondents in 25-54 age category think that their job or family commitments take up too much energy. Giving up some or all of one’s free time or leisure activities is more often cited as an obstacle by respondents younger than 40 years.

4.2.3. Flexible working hours seen as most effective incentives While people can encounter certain obstacles, it is also very interesting to analyse what could be used as incentives to lead them to take part in future education or training. Therefore, respondents were allowed to choose a maximum of three incentives from a list of options. First of all, we should note here that 2 in 10 respondents indicated spontaneously that nothing could encourage them to take up studies or training again. Not surprisingly, this percentage is far higher among Hungarians (31%). The proportion of respondents is also somewhat higher in Malta (24%) and Slovenia (23%), around the average in Cyprus and Poland but less than average in the rest of the countries (see table 41 in the annex). Flexible working hours to allow for study time comes up as the most indicated incentive (19%). It is far more often indicated by Cypriots (31%), Estonians (29%), Slovenes (25%) and Maltese citizens (24%) but to a lesser extent in Slovakia and the Czech Republic (both 14%). Receiving a certificate or a diploma follows closely with 18%. This incentive seems to be more effective in Slovakia (25%), Estonia and Cyprus (both 23%). The ability to choose the most suitable methods of study scores equally (18%). This incentive is more appreciated in the Czech Republic (24%) and Slovakia (23%) but to a lesser extent in Latvia (12%) and Slovenia (15%). When it comes to the availability of courses that suit the present level of knowledge and skills of the respondents (overall score of 16%), Cypriots and Estonians are above the average seeing this as an incentive to take part in future education. This option seems somewhat less encouraging in Hungary (12%). Having access to good quality information and advice tailored to the needs have an overall score of 16% but are somewhat more encouraging in the Czech Republic (21%) and Latvia (20%). Fewer Cypriots, Estonians and Hungarians choose this incentive (all at 12%). A belief that the training would be socially recognised or valued is seen as an incentive to take part in future education by 15% of the respondents. With a 32% score, it is the most important incentive in Slovakia but of less importance in Cyprus (9%), Malta (11%), Slovenia and Estonia (both 11%). As expected, some answers diverge again in terms of gender and age. Flexible working hours to allow for study time is more often cited by men (22%) than by women (17%). This incentive seems to be the most encouraging for those under the age of 40 (30%). Care facilities for children and family members, are, of course, cited more often by women (13%) than men (4%), and by those aged 25-39 (19%) The younger the


- 55 -

respondent is, the more important a certificate is (34% for the 15-24 age category and 15% for those aged 40-54). Men feel more often that taking up studies should be required by the employer or an employment office than women (respectively 18% and 10%).


- 56 -

4.3. Non-participants

4.3.2 The typical non-participant is more likely not to be particularly interested in education and training

Non-participants can be sub-dived into two distinct categories:

♦ The motivated non-participants: people who did not participate in education or training but who would like to do so

♦ The unmotivated non-participants: people who did not participate in education and training and who are not particularly interested in doing so

A non-negligible proportion of non-participants spontaneously replied that they did not participate in education and training for other (non-specified) reasons. The reasons shown in the figure below are presented for the whole sample and not just for the “non-participation” sub-group. More than half of the non-participants replied that they are not particularly interested. 14% of the total population declared they had not participated in any kind of education but at the same time would like to do so. The proportion of motivated non-participants seemingly depends on the country. The higher the non-participation rate, the less people tend to say that they are interested in further education and training. In countries like Latvia, Estonia and Slovakia, with lower non-participation rates, as many of the non-participants tend to say they would like to participate as those who say that they are not interested. In Hungary, the


- 57 -

country with the highest non-participation rate, there are three times more non-participants that are not interested than those who would like to take part in further education or training. The situation is identical in Poland. In Cyprus and Malta, also countries which top the ranks in terms of non-participation, there are twice as many uninterested non-participants as interested non-participants. Since one of the priorities of the life-long learning policies is to give everyone the chance to update professional skills, it is quite interesting to have a close look at the socio-demographic profile of the non-participants. Both of the graphs below only indicate the proportion of those who clearly replied that they are interested or not. The figure below shows that, of those who did not participate in a training programme in the last 12 months, women are somewhat more motivated than men to do so in the future. The older the non-participant is and the lower his or her educational level, the more inclined they are to say that they are not interested in the life-long learning process. The non-participants that could be easily motivated to take up education or training seem to belong to the 25-39 age-category. People aged 40-54 are also somewhat more inclined to follow a study programme. Of course, those who have not benefited from a lengthy full-time education tend to be older. It is therefore not at all surprising to see the similarity in their answers patterns. We should also note here, that those who completed their full-time education between the ages of 16 and 19 are slightly more inclined to take up further education or training.


- 58 -

The following graph depicts the situation in terms of profession. The highest non-participation rates are observed among those who are retired, the unemployed and house-persons. Obviously, the retired express their disinterest in this question. The proportion of unemployed non-participants who are interested is as high as the proportion of those who are not interested. House-persons, on the contrary, are somewhat less interested in following a course. Far fewer managers, the highest skilled position in the respondents occupation scale, have not followed a traineeship in the year preceding the survey. However, we note that there is an equal split between the interested and uninterested non-participant managers.


- 59 -

4.4. How do citizens’ views differ?

4.4.1 Motivations, reasons and decisions to participate in learning vary between socio-economic status groups

As in the previous chapters, we will highlight the influence of socio-economic profiles on citizens’ opinion. We will focus on variations due to job levels and for a third time the gender differences within both social categories, as defined in chapter 2, namely high level and low level status groups. Since people with a low-level of qualifications and the unemployed are more likely to be non-participants than those with a high level job, it is interesting to look at the source of motivation of these three categories. Table 8 in the annex presents the data. We can note that, although the majority in these three categories replies that they followed a course because they were advised or requested to do so, it seems to be somewhat more the case for those who have a low level job. Besides for this, far more of those in this group state that their training was required by their employer, a trade union or a professional association. Those who are unemployed, on the contrary were more often pushed into training because family or friends advised them to do so. Furthermore, as we might expect, hardly anyone of the high level or low level job categories indicated that it was required or paid for by the employment service, but 19% of the unemployed who were involved in training did so because the employment service required it. 14% also replied it was paid by such a service. The following two graphs present the differences regarding the question about the main motivation for future learning. The options are ranked according to the overall results.


- 60 -

As we can note, differences are quite marked. To be able to do one’s job better is an important motivation for following further education or training, particularly for people of a high level status compared to those of a low level status. Somewhat more men than women of the low level status group find the ability to do their job better as a motivation to take part in further training. Motivations such as increasing one’s general knowledge, more personal satisfaction, obtaining a certificate and taking on greater responsibilities are also cited more as a motivation to take part in further education by those having a high level status. Personal satisfaction is cited more often by women than men of the high level status group. On the contrary, men of this socio-economic group indicated more often that they would be motivated to take up education in order to obtain a certificate or diploma. Interestingly, if on average 19% indicated that they would never want to do any study, percentages are twice as low in the low level status groups. This finding can be attributed to the fact that mostly older people responded with this option and that the retired are not integrated in this grouping. At the same time it is an important signal that people at a lower level status are not opposed to the idea of taking up further education and training. Their motivations are simply different: finding a job, changing job to one that suits them better and being less likely to lose their job or being forced into retirement. It is therefore not surprising at all, that analysis at the aggregate level, reveals that more men (80%) and more women (86%) from the higher level status selected at least one personal motive compared to those from the lower status (respectively 59% and 67%). On the contrary, low level status men and women selected work-related motives more often (respectively 28% and 22%) than those in the high level status group (respectively 14% and 11%).


- 61 -

As we might expect, the data shows a clear link between the socio-economic status of the respondents and the obstacles cited for undertaking further education. While more high level status people indicate that there would be no obstacles at all, at the same time more of them indicated that they would have to give up free time or leisure activities and that their job commitments take up too much energy. Within this higher level status group, slightly more women than men indicate that there would be no obstacles. More men than women replied that their job commitments are a barrier. Family commitments, on the contrary, are seen more as a barrier among women, being the case for both status groups. We should also note here that, although more of those of a low level status indicated obstacles such as the need for equipment, for example computers which they do not have, the fact remains that they would never like to go back to something like school and they believe that they do not have the necessary skills to follow a course.

SPECIAL EUROBAROMETER 231 “Lifelong learning: new Member State citizens’ views”

- 62 -

5. Other snapshots 5.1. Citizens’ further opinions on lifelong learning Chapter 1 of this report focused on the most significant opinions of the new Member State citizens about lifelong learning. In fact, the survey proposed a list of eleven items where respondents had to agree or disagree. The list included the goals of lifelong learning emphasised in the European and national policy documents. The strongest assertions were already discussed in chapter 1. Here we will present the opinions of new Member State citizens for the remaining statements. While more than nine in ten citizens agree that lifelong learning is important to improve job and career prospects, only eight in ten believe it is necessary in order to avoid unemployment. Cypriots, the Maltese and Estonians are the most positive about the first statement with an almost unanimous view on the subject. Somewhat fewer Hungarians agree with this statement. The most positive opinions regarding unemployment are observed in Cyprus, Latvia and Slovenia, with nine in ten citizens believing lifelong learning is important here. Only half of the Hungarians agree. Hungarians seem to have a less positive view about the subject; scoring around 10 points less compared to the average result for all of the statements tested (see table 43 in the annex). Hungarians are even less optimistic, with 26 points less, regarding the statement ‘lifelong learning is important to avoid unemployment’ and 21 points less for the statement ‘lifelong learning enables people to take their lives into their own hands’. On the contrary, while Hungarians have the most pessimistic views, Cypriots and Poles are the most optimistic. Compared to average, the most significant differences observed in Cyprus are the importance of lifelong learning for coping with rapid changes in society (+ 8 points), the importance of lifelong learning for individuals to take their lives into their own hands (+10 points) and the importance of lifelong learning to avoid unemployment (+10 points). In Poland most of the statements tested score 3 to 4 points more than average and the statement ‘lifelong learning is important to improve the lives of disadvantaged people’ even rises to 7 points higher than the average result. We should also note here the higher proportion of citizens in Estonia, Latvia (+ 5 points for both) and Slovenia (+ 6 points) sharing the view that lifelong learning is important to live a full and satisfying life compared to the average score of 88%. One of the other important questions asked to citizens is whether they think that lifelong learning is mainly for people who did not do well in school. While an average of 31% share this view, the percentage climbs significantly to 55% in Malta. 44% of Latvians also agree with this statement. The most encouraging scores are observed in Cyprus (only 23% agree with the statement) and in the Czech Republic (26%). Table 44 in the annex presents the results for the other countries.


- 63 -

5.2. Citizens and financing lifelong learning Respondents were presented a list of purposes for learning and were asked to indicate if they would pay all, some or none of the cost. The lifelong learning Eurobarometer amongst the old EU15 Member States clearly showed that the respondents were almost equally divided, being the case for every purpose covered, regardless of whether they are willing to pay for the cost of their training. This Eurobarometer survey among the new Member States shows that fewer respondents reply that they would not cover any of the cost themselves. Respondents are more reluctant to pay for retirement, to set up their own business or to acquire new skills for a hobby. On the contrary, more respondents would pay for a better private life as well as job and career opportunities.


- 64 -

Five learning purposes attract the highest proportions (25% and 24%) of those prepared to pay all of the costs involved: learning a new language, setting up ones own business, a better private life, job and career opportunities and obtaining a recognised certificate. Not surprisingly, we might detect some country variations regarding those who are wiling to pay towards the cost of their training. We will only mention the most important results here. Other variations can be found in the annexed table 45. First of all, it appears that Hungarians score below average for each learning purpose whilst the Slovenes, on the contrary, score above average for all of them. Slovaks also show more willingness to pay towards the cost of learning for most of the purposes covered. Compared to average, more Slovenes, Cypriots and Poles would pay towards their learning to get a better private life. On the contrary, the scores are significantly lower than average in Hungary, the Czech Republic, Latvia and Lithuania. There is a greater willingness to pay for opening-up job and career opportunities in Slovakia, Slovenia and Cyprus. Cypriots, Slovaks and Latvians expressed more willingness to pay for learning if it would mean obtaining a recognised certificate. Paying to learn a new language is more attractive in Cyprus, Slovakia, Slovenia and the Czech Republic. The willingness of Lithuanians to pay towards the cost of a training that would help them keep their present job (42%) is significantly lower than the average result of 50%. Cypriots, Hungarians and Latvians also show some reluctance to pay for learning for this purpose. Furthermore, the Maltese and Lithuanians are less willing to pay towards the cost of education in order to get back on the job market (38% in comparison to the average result of 49%). Paying for education and training to set up ones own business would seem to be far more acceptable by Cypriots (64%) but less so by Hungarians (35%). We also highlight the far higher level of reluctance observed in the Czech Republic, Latvia and Hungary to pay for a training that would prepare people for retirement. On the contrary, Maltese citizens show more enthusiasm with regard to paying for this. As we might have expected, willingness to pay for all or some of the cost for training or education depends strongly of the age of the respondents. Table 46 in the annex presents the proportion of respondents who are not willing to pay towards the cost of their learning broken down by the different age categories. Nine to thirty-five points separate those aged 55-59 from those aged 25-29 depending on the learning purpose. We would like to draw your attention to the following most important findings. While 50% of those aged 55-59 are not willing to pay for a training that could help open-up job and career opportunities, compared to only 15% of those aged 25-29. 23% of the younger ones do not want to pay for a training that would allow them to obtain a recognised certificate. This percentage rises to 53% among those aged 55-59. While one in two older people do not want to pay to learn a new language only one in five of the younger ones show the same reluctance. 55% of those aged 55-59 do not want to pay for a training that enables them to set up their own business. This percentage


- 65 -

shrinks to 25% among those aged 25-29. We should underline that these findings are entirely logic but since older workers will be forced into labour activity in the future, we may raise the question if these results are sufficiently satisfactory. Lastly table 47 in the annex presents the observed differences in function of gender and socio-economic status as described in the previous chapters. Women with a lower status level are the most reluctant to pay towards the cost of their learning. This can be attributed to the fact that these women are unemployed, temporarily not working, have a position as a skilled manual worker or an unskilled position. Men of a low status level are, with few exceptions, somewhat less reluctant than women of the same status to make such a contribution to their learning. Least reluctant are those who belong to the higher socio-economic status groups. We notice here that while scores are more or less identical between men and women, some differences are noteworthy. Women of a high status level seem somewhat more willing to pay for training or education that would allow them to keep their present job but on the contrary somewhat less for acquiring new skills for hobbies or for setting up their own business.


- 66 -

5.3. Citizens and guidance and counselling Respondents were asked to select one item from a list of possible useful sources of information to improve their learning and career prospects. While in the former survey among the old 15 Member States, one citizen in five indicated teachers and trainers as the main source of guidance and counselling, for new Member State citizens it ranks as the second most important source of guidance. To their mind, specialised material is somewhat more important. Career advisors and employment counsellors are cited by 9% of the new Member State population. The same proportion of respondents indicates that none of the listed sources are particularly useful. A further 7 % of respondents replied they do not know.


- 67 -

Table 48 in the annex presents the country results. Specialised material such as interactive softwares available from libraries, the employment services or the internet is more useful for citizens of the Czech Republic, Slovakia, Estonia, Malta and Slovenia but lesser so in Hungary. Teachers and trainers is the most useful source of information in Cyprus but is somewhat less important (- 3 points compared to average) in Slovakia and Slovenia. The media is seen as useful as specialised materials in Malta (23%) and is perceived as being least useful in Cyprus. 17% of Czechs and Slovaks find people who did something similar a useful source of information to improve their learning and career prospects. With 6%, the score is considerably lower among Maltese citizens. While career advisors or employment counsellors only attain 9% on average, they are seen as a more significant source of information in Cyprus (20%). While all country results are between 3% and 6% for family, more Hungarians (10%) find family to be an important source of information on the subject. Poles and Hungarians replied more often that none of the proposed sources are useful for them (12% and 11% respectively). The highest do not know scores are found in Latvia (16%) and Estonia (13%). Citizens’ views depend, as we would have thought, on their socio-demographic profile. The older the respondents are, the less inclined they are to cite specialised material as well as teachers and trainers. On the contrary, the media is more often indicated as age increases. Those aged 55 and more are more likely to indicate their lack of interest and motivation.


- 68 -

5.4. Citizens and mobility The lifelong learning Eurobarometer tackles mobility in two different ways. Firstly, respondents were asked to indicate whether they had recently learned or might do so in the future through secondments or exchanges to other organisations and through training, studying or travelling abroad. The second dimension is analysed here. Respondents had to specify, as far as their work situation is concerned, the changes that had taken place in the two years preceding the survey. Since respondents could have experienced more than one kind of change during this period, multiple answers to this question were allowed. As was concluded in the former survey among the 15 old Member States, the most important changes related to the labour market are people who take care of someone full-time (19%), those who started education and training (17%) and people who have been affected by changes in their professional life such as those who changed employer (11%) and those who changed career (8%). Not surprisingly, the changes which have affected specific socio-demographic profiles of new Member State citizens regarding labour market related movements are quite


- 69 -

similar to those observed in the former survey among the 15 old Member States. Women and those aged 25-39 are more likely to have replied that they have started to look after someone full-time. One in two house-persons and one in three of the unemployed indicated this. Nevertheless other occupations do experience this change as well. Respondents aged 15-24 are more likely to say they have started education and training within the last two years (+20 points compared to the average). However we should note here that while 43% of students cited this, 41% of managers have also started education and training within the last two years which is a very encouraging finding. Changes in professional life (career or employer) are more often indicated by white-collars employees and manual workers. Having a higher level job than two years before is indicated more often by managers and white collars employees.

1

Chapter 2 Table 1 Table 2 Table 3

2

Table 4 Table 5

3

Table 6 Table 7

4

Table 8 Table 9 Table 10

5


6

Table 14 Table 15

7

Table 16

8

Table 17 Table 18

9

Chapter 3 Table 19 Table 20 Table 21 Table 22

10


11

Table 26 Table 27 Table 28 Table 29

12

Table 30

13

Table 31

14

Table 32

15

Table 33

16

Table 34

17

Chapter 4 Table 35 Table 36

18


19


20

Chapter 5 Table 43 Table 44

21

Table 45 Table 46

22

Table 47 Table 48

23

Table 49

Lifelong Learning: New Member States Citizens’ … › commfrontoffice › publicopinion › ...-...

Documents

Transcript of Lifelong Learning: New Member States Citizens’ … › commfrontoffice › publicopinion › ...-...