Lessa and Mendonça de Souza - Violence in the Atacama Desert during the Tiwanaku Period: Social...

8/7/2019 Lessa and Mendona de Souza - Violence in the Atacama Desert during the Tiwanaku Period: Social Tension?

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International Journal of OsteoarchaeologyInt. J. Osteoarchaeol. 14: 374388 (2004)Published online 7 July 2004 in Wiley InterScience (www.interscience.wiley.com). DOI: 10.1002/oa.722

Violence in the Atacama Desert during the

Tiwanaku Period: Social Tension?A. LESSA* AND S. MENDONCA DE SOUZAEscola Nacional de Saude Publica/FIOCRUZ, Rio de Janeiro, Brazil

ABSTRACT Tiwanaku influence significantly affected the lifestyle of the prehistoric peoples of theAtacama Desert as it represented an important period of social and economic change.Such intense changes as social stratification and new religious and ideological influenceshave always been characterized as peaceful ones. Palaeopathological studies based on theviolence-induced traumatic lesions of 64 well-preserved human skeletons from an excavatedfunerary site named Solcor-3 have facilitated a comparison between Pre-Tiwanaku andTiwanaku periods. Results show an increase in violence between males represented bylow-intensity skull traumas, arrow wounds and a high mortality rate between 20 and 30 years

of age during the Tiwanaku period. The interpretation of this data is contrary to the model ofpeaceful acceptance of the changes that followed the Tiwanaku influence into the Atacama.At least for Solcor-3, economic and political factors should be re-considered in order toexplain the emergence of social tension during the Tiwanaku period. In the future, moredetailed studies will probably help to clarify if conflicts had also extended to other sites in SanPedro de Atacama under Tiwanaku influence. Copyright 2004 John Wiley & Sons, Ltd.

Key words: palaeopathology; violence; trauma; Chile; Atacama; Tiwanaku

Introduction

In the last few years anthropological and paleo-pathological research has emphasized studies ontrauma and physical violence during prehistorictimes. Such studies have challenged the old con-cept that the prehistoric societies lived peace-fully, in perfect harmony with each other(Heckenberger, 1996; Wilkinson, 1997). Recentanalysis encompassing those questions haveshown that violence among the prehistoricAmerindians did not start after their contactwith Europeans as many academics and laymenbelieve. The iconographic and archaeological

evidence of defensive structures, weapons, andespecially the osteological register showing signsof beatings and other physical violence, make theexistence of antagonistic relationships inside andamong different groups even more evident.

This paper sets out to clarify a possibleincrease in social tension during the expansionof the Tiwanaku Federation over the traditionalcultures in San Pedro de Atacama, Chile. Humanskeletons found in Solcor-3 cemetery, an archae-ological site covering the two periods, wereanalysed from a paleoepidemiological perspec-tive to compare the amount and distribution ofthe violence during both periods in that site.

Tiwanuku expansion and theemergence of social tensionin the Atacama

In northern Chile a large desert area surroundsthe Salar of Atacama where human prehistoricoccupations flourished for millennia. During thelast 2000 years, inhabitants living by horticulturehave occupied a small oasis around what is nowthe San Pedro de Atacama village (Figure 1). Thetraditional culture of the so-called Atacameneangroups originated there and from that cultural

Copyright# 2004 John Wiley & Sons, Ltd. Received 2 July 2001Revised 17 June 2003

Accepted 21 October 2003

* Correspondence to: Departamento de Endemias Samuel Pessoa,Escola Nacional de Saude Publica, FIOC, Rua Leopoldo Bulhoes,1480Terreo, Manguinhos, Rio de Janeiro, Brasil 21041-210.e-mail: [email protected]


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centre they extended their influence across a verywide region, from the coast to the Andes cordil-lera. Adapted to the desert, they transported,goods and products by caravan between theplateau and the coast for centuries. This well-

structured exchange system guaranteed that theitems that were absent or scarce in the desertcould be supplemented and a very prosperoussupra-regional interaction with other groups tookplace (Llagostera, 1996). Although peripheral inrelation to the large Andean societies, the Ataca-menean were under very important externalinfluences, both cultural and economical, mainlyduring the Tiwanaku expansion. The Tiwanaku

Federation was placed in a urban ceremonialcentre, by Lake Titikaka, in the southern BolivianPlateau, and it is characterized by an unique styleof architecture and sculpture.

The readily accepted model for regional pre-

history shows that the relationship between theAtacamenean oasis and Tiwanaku Federation wasstill very insignificant during the Quitor phase,around AD 200 to 500. It intensified during theCoyo phase sometime around AD 500 to 900(Llagostera et al., 1988). The Tiwanakus influenceis very clearly represented by the increase inparaphernalia associated with the inhaling ofhallucinogenic substances (tabletas, inhaling tubes,

Figure1. Map ofthe Atacama Desert and circum-Titicacaregion, modified from Berenguer & Dauselsberg (1989), indicating the approx-imate location of the San Pedro de Atacama oasis.

Violence in the Atacama Desert during the Tiwanaku Period 375

Copyright# 2004 John Wiley & Sons, Ltd. Int. J. Osteoarchaeol. 14: 374388 (2004)


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spoons, spatulas and bags with typical iconogra-phy of Tiwanaku). The complexity of the funeraryrituals also indicates the strength of the religiousand political power of the local religious leaders(xamas) and landlords (senorios), as well as thestrong ideological penetration in the oasis

(Nunez, 1992). During the Tiwanaku period,there may have been an expansion in traffic ofllama caravans connecting the oasis with thecoast, the south and northwest plateaux, includingthe northwest of Argentina and the Lake Titicacaregion. San Pedro de Atacama was probably adistribution centre for such goods as corn,algarrobo, chanar, copper, semiprecious stones,wood, salt, dry food, animal skins, aj , and qu nuawhich were taken to Tiwanaku to be exchangedfor many different items, including those whichexpressed the different social and religious status.

To some archaeologists, the relationshipbetween Tiwanaku and the Atacamenean oasiswas based on a liturgical strategy that helped toassure social harmony in the absence of militarycoercive tactics (Nunez & Dillehay, 1995).However, Berenguer et al. (1980), Berenguer &Dauelsberg (1989), Browman (1980, 1981),Thomas et al. (1985) and Orellana (1985) haveproposed a different interpretation. They partiallyagree with the idea of a complementary system ofexchanging goods and resources, but they are notunanimous about a peaceful acceptance of thesocial and economical changes that occurred dur-ing that period. The hierarchical process that tookplace during the Tiwanaku period may have privi-leged those individuals who organized and sus-tained the new alliances. Increasing religiouspower, the changes in the social relationshipsbetween landlords of local and other groups, andcontrolled access to certain goods seem to confirmthat. It would be very unlikely that a new system ofvalues could come about without social and poli-tical costs. Reorganizing forces and political links

between local landlords, and/or landlords fromadjacent regions, could strengthen some socialalliances and disrupt others, causing conflicts.The most expressive presence of weapons in tombsof the Tiwanaku period (Llagostera etal., 1988) alsosuggests this. Despite the absence of archaeologi-cal evidence of war, it is relevant to ask if all theAtacameneans would have equally accepted thatgrowing process of social discrepancy.

Previous studies of the Atacama Desert popu-lations suggest violence-induced lesions in differ-ent periods. For 74 Chinchorro skeletons ofMorro 1, Standen et al. (1984) found one indivi-dual with depressed skull fractures, two with face/skull trace fractures and one with a perforated

wound probably caused by an arrow, most ofthem in adult males. One female had a parryfracture. Although those authors considered headwounds as accidental, modern literature consid-ers them violent. In those papers parry fracturesand perforated head wound were consideredviolent trauma. Munizaga (1991), describingpaleopathological findings in 50 skeletons fromthe Loa River also associated four skull fractureswith violence. In both cases the populations livedon the coast and are not related to the Tiwanakuperiod.

Hypotheses about bioarchaeological differ-ences between the Tiwanaku and Pre-Tiwanakuperiod were also proposed in previous studies(Neves & Costa, 1998). Neves and colleagues(1996) proposed an increase in social tensionduring the Tiwanaku period but the results oftheir analysis were negative. Summing evidenceof trauma from 161 adult skeletons from threedifferent sites (Solcor-3, Quitor-6 and Coyo)these authors considered skull and parry frac-tures to be the only indicators of violence, andfound no increase in social tension during theTiwanaku period. Two years later Costa-Junqueira et al. (1998) examined only depressedskull fractures in the same three samples. Theyalso summed trauma in addults of both sexes andall ages for the three samples. They concludedthat a higher frequency of violence-inducedlesions occur during the Tiwanaku period. In asubsequent paper Neves et al. (1999) publishedfurther results on trauma from these sites. Con-sidering the same 161 adults and adding 83subadults, they estimated the frequency of

non-skull fractures. Finding no fractures in sub-adult skeletons, and no statistically significantdifference between the number of fractures inadult males and females, they proposed thatexcept for the skull fractures, all bone trauma,parry fractures included, were accidental. Sincethese studies took into account pathology but notmortality rates, summed series and samples,instead of segregating them, and did not include

376 A. Lessa and S. Mendonca de Souza



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fracture of the ulna (Adams, 1976; Ortner &Putschar, 1985; Merbs, 1989; Jurmain, 1991;Webb, 1995) is usually associated with a defen-sive movement of raising the arm to fend off ablow but it may occur when someone falls on thearm or tries to protect the body against a falling

heavy object. Projectile points in bone, besidesclearly indicating violence (Jurmain, 1991;Lambert, 1997; Walker, 1997; Smith, 1997;Maschner, 1997; Keeley, 1997), can be helpfulin reconstructing the spacial relations of victimand aggressor, penetration trajectory and thegeneral situation during the attack. Mortalityrate is an important violence indicator, especiallywhen young males are the most affected becausethis is contradictory to the demographic profileof a natural population (Hassan, 1981). Segregat-ing samples instead of summing them, despitereducing the number of individuals per categoryallowsforacomparisonofvariationinviolenceratesamong different groups. The confounding effect ofmedium values is eliminated and biocultural inter-pretation is improved (Waldron, 1994).

The identification of trauma in the bones wascarried out based on the presence of new boneformation, bone absence and/or destruction andremnant fracture lines. Abnormalities in textureof the surface, form and size of the bones werealso considered (Ubelaker, 1978; Steinbock,1976). Lesions in teeth were beyond the scope

of this research. Observations were limited tovisual assessment, while the diagnosis was estab-lished using comparative criteria available inpaleopathology. Radiology and histological test-ing were not carried out at San Pedro de Atacamavillage. Fractures were counted for each kind of

bone or anatomical region resulting in a differentnumber of individuals examined (N) for eachcase. Arrow wound lesions were quantified basedon the number of individuals in each sample orsubsample, since those lesions occurred in differ-ent parts of the skeleton. Perimortem fractureswere registered but were not considered, becausein the absence of precise information about burialcontext it should be very difficult to distinguishpost-mortem causes.

The series were compared by cultural period,age and sex. The age groups were divided asfollows: I, 1830 years; II, 3040 years; III, 40years. Chi square and Fisher exact tests wereperformed to assess the significance of the differ-ences between samples.

Results

Of the 64 Solcor-3 adult skeletons studied forviolent trauma, 16 skeletons show bone lesions.Most of the skeletons exhibit just one lesion butfour have two and one has four (Table 1). Only

Table1. Distribution ofacuteviolent traumatic lesionsinthe skeletal series of Solcor-3 site, San Pedrode Atacama,Chile

Individual Period Sex Age N of lesions Lesion Anatomical location

1049 Tiw M II 1 Crushing fracture Nasal bones1080 Pre -Tiw F III 1 Parry fracture Left ulna1236 Tiw M I 2 Depressed fracture Frontal bone

Arrow penetration Left r ib1516 Tiw F II 2 Depressed fracture Occipital bone

Crushingfracture Right maxilla1628 Pre -Tiw F III 1 Parry fracture Right ulna2150 Pre -Tiw M III 1 Arrow penetration Left rib III2269 Pre -Tiw F II 1 Depressed fracture Frontal bone3063 Tiw M I 1 Depressed fracture Occipital bone3589 Tiw F II 1 Depressed fracture Frontal bone3599 Tiw M I 4 Arrow penetration Left ilium

Depressed fracture (3) Frontal bone3607 Tiw M I 1 Arrow penetration Right ilium3611 Tiw F I 1 Arrow penetration Sternum;T-713,111 Tiw M II 1 Arrow penetration Left humerus13,118 Tiw M I 2 Arrow penetration Right ribs III and VI13,156 Tiw M I 1 Arrow penetration Right humerus13,586 Tiw F II 2 Crushing fracture Nasal bones; mandible




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two skulls show perimortem lesions, one malefrom each period. The two main types of violenttrauma are depressed cranial fractures and arrowwounds (Table 2). Parry fractures were found intwo females (Table 2).

Only one male (5.8%) and three females (23%)from the Pre-Tiwanaku period had suffered vio-lent trauma, all of them in the oldest age group(Table 3). Of those from the Tiwanaku period,

both males (47%) and females (23.5%) showviolent trauma, most of them young adults, whosemortality was higher than in the previous period(Table 4). Depressed skull fractures are oval andregular, smooth, and healed, being restricted tothe outer table with little variation in size (0.81.8 cm wide/0.42.5 cm long). There is no sign of

infectious complication, and no death can beassociated with them (Figures 2 and 3). Arrowpoint wounds are small and healed, having regularrounded margins, except in the case of #3611female. Entire lithic points or splinters were foundinside those wounds, either firmly stuck insidethe bone callus or trapped in healed cavities(Figure 4). Seven in eight arrow wounds occurin males from the Tiwanaku period.

Depressed skull fractures occur in one of the12 (8.3%) females and no men from the Pre-Tiwanaku period, while parry fractures occur intwo out of 13 (15.3%) females. Only one Pre-Tiwanaku male skeleton (5.8%) has an arrowpoint wound (Table 5). Of those from theTiwanaku period, depressed skull fractures

Table 2. Distribution of acute violent traumatic lesions according to anatomical location in the skeletal series of Solcor-3 site, SanPedrode Atacama,Chile

Individual Period Sex Depressedandcrushingfractures Parryfracture ArrowpenetrationUlna Post-cranialbones

Nasal Frontal Parietal Occipital Max/Mand

1049 Tiw M X1080 Pre -Tiw F X1236 Tiw M X X1516 Tiw F X X1628 Pre -Tiw F X2150 Pre -Tiw M X2269 Pre -Tiw F X3063 Tiw M X X3589 Tiw F X3599 Tiw M X X3607 Tiw M X3611 Tiw F X13,111 Tiw M X13,118 Tiw M X13,156 Tiw M X13,586 Tiw F X XTotal 2 4 1 2 2 2 8

Table 3. Number of individuals from the Pre-Tiwanaku periodon Solcor-3 site with acute violent traumas, distributed by ageandsex groups

Age Male Female Total

(N) n % (N) N % (N) n %

I 3 0 0 2 0 0 5 0 0II 8 0 0 7 1 14.2 15 1 6.6III 6 1 16.6 4 2 50 10 3 30Total 17 1 5.8 13 3 23 30 4 13.3

(N)number of individuals examined; nnumber of individualswith lesion.

Table 4. Number of individuals from the Tiwanaku period onSolcor-3 site, San Pedro de Atacama, Chile, with acute violenttraumas, distributedby age andsex groups

Age Male Female Total

(N) n % (N) N % (N) n %

I 8 6 75 3 1 33.3 11 7 63.6II 8 2 25 9 3 33.3 17 5 29.4III 1 0 0 5 0 0 6 0 0Total 17 8 47 17 4 23.5 34 12 35.2

(N)number of individuals examined; nnumber of individualswith lesion.




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Figure 2. Healed depressed fracture of the frontal bone, female #2269, Pre-Tiwanaku period.

Figure 3. Healed depressed fracture ofthe occipital bone, right side, male #3063,Tiwanaku period.




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occurred in 26.6% (four out of 15) of the men and18.7% (3 out of 16) of the women. No parryfractures were found, but arrow points wereidentified in 35.2% of the men and 5.8% of thewomen (Table 6).

The Pre-Tiwanaku individual skull fracture wason the frontal. The male skull fractures during theTiwanaku period are distributed as follows: nasalbone (14.2%), frontal bone (57.1%), left parietalbone (14.2%) and occipital bone (14.2%) for the

Table 5. Distributionof individuals from the Pre-Tiwanakuperiod on site Solcor-3,San Pedrode Atacama,Chile, accordingtotypeof violent traumatic lesion

Lesion Male Female Total

(N) n % (N) n % (N) n %

Depressed/crushing fractures 16 0 0 12 1 8.3 28 1 3.5Parry fractures 16 0 0 13 2 15.3 29 2 6.8Arrow penetration 17 1 5.8 13 0 0 30 1 3.3

(N)numberof individuals examined; nnumberof individuals withlesion.

Table 6. Distribution ofindividualsfromtheTiwanakuperiod onsite Solcor-3,San Pedrode Atacama,Chile,accordingtotypeofvio-

lent traumaticlesion

Lesion Male Female Total

(N) n % (N) n % (N) n %

Depressed/crushing fractures 15 4 26.6 16 3 18.7 31 7 22.5Parry fractures 17 0 0 17 0 0 34 0 0Arrow penetration 17 6 35.2 17 1 5.8 34 7 20.5

(N)numberof individuals examined; nnumberof individuals withlesion.

Figure 4. Stone projectile point embedded in the distal epiphysis ofthe left humerus, male #13,111,Tiwanaku period.




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males; nasal bone (16.6%), frontal bone (16.6%),occipital bone (16.6%) and maxillary bone (50%)for the females. The small and shallow skullfractures, similar in males and females, suggeststhat the implements used were blunt and appliedwith limited force.

The trajectories of the arrows were estimatedconsidering the standing position. In the onlywounded Pre-Tiwanaku male the arrow entrancesite is located at the upper front of the thorax.The Tiwanaku male skeletons show projectiletrajectories from the back (50%), from abovetheir heads (16.6%) and from both sides(33.3%) (Table 7). Although none of the menhad anterior entrance sites for projectiles, thefemale skeleton, #3611, shows an anteriorentrance at the sternum and the arrow is lodgedin the seventh lumbar vertebra.

The 2 test (5% significance level) indicatesthat the difference between the number of Pre-Tiwanaku individuals suffering violent traumaand the Tiwanaku individuals with similar lesionsis statistically significant (2 4.04, p-value0.0445579). The difference between males andfemales for both periods was also tested. Theresults are statistically significant for males(2 7.19; p-value 0.0073447), but not forfemales (2 0.00; p-value 0.9772243). Fisherexact tests were also performed for age and sexsubgroups but no significant differences could

be found probably because of the reducedN values in theses segregating samples.

Discussion

The number of violent lesions in the Solcor-3skeletons is greater in individuals from the Tiwa-naku period (35.2%) than in the preceding one

(13.3%). Lesions are also more prevalent inyoung men from the Tiwanaku period and themortality of young men seems unusually high.Despite the absence of data on soft tissuelesions for the mummified bodies in the Atacama,precocious mortality suggests that the number ofindividuals subjected to violent acts was possiblyhigher than the bones can demonstrate, as isproposed in the literature (Ubelaker, 1978;Hassan, 1981; Machado, 1992; Mendonca deSouza, 1992/93). In the case of violence, thereis a clear association between morbidity andmortality that helps to solve the apparent osteo-logical paradox of the healthy deceased. Archae-ological evidence in San Pedro de Atacama doesnot suggest warfare during the political transitionto the Tiwanaku period, but the osteologicalanalysis is testimony to increased social tensionexpressed as physical violence against young menof this site. The results reinforce the view that, atleast at Solcor-3, the transition to the Tiwanakuperiod was followed by a period of social tension.Perhaps this is true for other Atacama settle-ments, as proposed by Costa-Junqueira et al.(1998).

The most common violent traumas in theSolcor-3 Tiwanaku sample are skull andface fractures, most of them healed lesions ofthe outer table with little variation in size. Thesimilar oval/round morphology of the wounds as

well as their prevalent frontal and parietal loca-tions are consistent with club strikes to the fore-head during hand-to-hand conflict. Althoughsome skeletons have other bone traumas, threeindividuals have only face fractures, and oneindividual has only face and skull wounds, sup-porting a violent aetiology for these lesions. Thetwo perimortem skull fractures could also repre-sent lethal lesions, but their inclusion would not

Table 7. Distribution of frequency of lesions caused by arrow points on individuals from theTiwanaku period on the Solcor-3 site,San Pedrode Atacama,Chile, accordingtopenetration trajectory

a

(considering the orthostaticposition)

Sex Front Back From the top From the side

N T N % n % n % n %

M 6 6 3 50 1 16.6 2 33.3F 1 1 1 100

Nnumberof individuals withlesion;T total ofthe observed lesions; nnumberof the observed lesions.aIt was consideredjust the lesions of which thetrajectory ofthe arrow penetration could be inferred.




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change the comparative interpretation becausethey were equally distributed between Tiwanakuand Pre-Tiwanaku periods.

Womens depressed skull fractures have a simi-lar morphological pattern and the same preva-lence in both periods, but contrary to mens, they

are not associated with premature death or arrowwounds. This suggests that the aetiology wasprobably also violent, and even the weapon couldbe the same, but the social explanation may bedifferent. An Atacamenean prehistoric pattern ofdomestic abuse is also a possible cause.

Arrow penetration, one of the most universallyaccepted lines of evidence for violence (Jurmain,1991; Ortner & Putschar, 1985; Lambert, 1997;Walker, 1997; Smith, 1997; Maschner, 1997),was frequent during the Tiwanaku period. Thepresence of lithic damage,1 shards, or entire lithicpoints in the bone leaves little doubt as to thedifferential diagnosis of violence. The Atacame-neans used very small arrows and the small flintpoints in the skeletons, measuring 1 to 2 cm,partially explain why most of the individualscompletely recovered from these wounds, parti-cularly since they had not occurred in vital areasof the body. Bennett (1946) considered Ataca-menean bows and arrows too small for effectiveuse in warfare, but even small points can be verylethal, as proven by the female #3611. Accordingto Chagnon (1992) the use of bow and arrows isgenerally associated with conflicts betweengroups that are not closely related. In the caseof Solcor-3, this could point to social tensionamong distant Atacamenean or other groupsinvolved in the complex spheres of cultural andeconomic interactions during the Tiwanakuperiod.

Parry fractures were found in two women outof the total sample, despite the higher overallfrequency of violent injuries against men duringthe Tiwanaku period. This indicates that at

Solcor-3 the parry fracture is not a good measureof social tension. The lack of association betweenparry fractures and other violent trauma couldpossibly be explained by the fact that duringmasculine conflicts lifting arms was either not

possible, or not useful as a defence. Anotherexplanation is that combat techniques or specialbody protection avoided that type of trauma.Violent depressed head fractures are also lessprevalent among women. The sex linked distri-bution of parry fractures could be an indication

of violence in domestic contexts (Lessa, 1999;Lessa & Mendonca de Souza, 2000), and not justaccidental as proposed by Costa-Junqueira et al.(1998) and Neves et al. (1999).

Better models for paleopathology and morerefined paleoepidemiological approaches, as pro-posed by Buikstra & Cook (1980), Waldron(1994) and others are progressively changingand detailing our interpretations. Standen et al.s(1984) descriptions of depressed skull fractures inthe Chinchorros considered them accidental,while parry fractures were considered absolutelyviolent. In previous studies of San Pedro deAtacama parry fractures were first consideredviolent (Neves et al., 1996) and in the followingpapers (Costa-Junqueira et al., 1998; Neves et al.,1999), non-violent trauma. Adjusting models byassociating data and using a biocultural interpre-tation helps us to approach the most probableinterpretation of trauma. Treating the parryfracture as an absolute and independent indicatorof violence can lead to misinterpretations, as canexcluding them from violence-induced trauma.

The prevalence of violence among men ismajor during the Tiwanaku period when com-pared to the previous period, while, similar valueswere found for women in the two periods.According to Larsen (1997), the substitution oflesions caused by accidents for those caused byviolence is frequently associated with a morecomplex social stratification at the humangroups: according to Burbank (1992) this gener-ally happens to men. Wrangham & Peterson(1996), using ethnographic reports, also high-light the fact that power, supported by political

alliances, as well as participation in fights andcombats, are essentially male attributes. Societiesin which women are directly involved in conflictsbetween groups are very rare. At Solcor-3, thesocial changes during the Tiwanaku period,expressed in grave gifts, point to the introductionof a new ideology, to the expansion of theproduct exchange system, to property accumula-tion, and to the strengthening of the local

1Some healed stabbing scars on the bones, like the rib of Tiwanakumale #1236, suggest that atypical wounds could also have beencaused by arrow penetration.




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hierarchy associated with xamas magic-religiousactivities and the senorios political power (Llagos-tera et al., 1988; Berenguer & Dauelsberg, 1989;Llagostera, 1996). The rearrangement of powerand values for the Atacamenean society woulddirectly affect men in social performance and

could explain increasing violence.Ethnographic data propose that in Atacame-

nean society chieftainship was inherited via patri-lineal descent (Bennett, 1946). According toWrangham & Peterson (1996) violence, like beat-ing or raping, is usually practised by men frompatrilineal societies even in a domestic context.According to Levinson (1989) womens violentbehaviour is usually ascribed to polygamoussocieties. According to these models unchangedlevels of domestic abuse, performed by Atacame-nean men against their women, might explain theviolent scars in Solcor-3 women in both periods.

For the Tiwanaku period sample, 75% of themen with violent injuries died at less than 30years and no one aged over 40 shows signs ofviolent trauma. On the other hand, during thePre-Tiwanaku period, violent trauma was uncom-mon and sequellae were found at older ages. Herewe have an interesting paleoepidemiological pro-blem that could be more easily answered if wehad more information about the time lapse andprecise prehistoric meaning of the Solcor-3 mor-tality cohort. Contrary to what happened to thewomen, as well as to Pre-Tiwanaku men, violenceagainst Tiwanaku men was not a low-lethality,equally distributed permanent risk. If so, violentsequellae would be more prevalent among theoldest individuals, considering its cumulativeeffect during ones life (Lovejoy & Heiple, 1981).As the violence mostly affected males dyingbetween 20 and 30 years, and there is no accu-mulation of scars in the oldest individuals, somequestions should be raised here. Perhaps theimbalance of mortality and the smaller number

of individuals in age categories II and III could beexplained as bias. If it is not bias, particularly inthe case of Solcor-3, the sample might representa short moment of the political and economictransition to the Tiwanaku period, and olderindividuals could have lived through less troubledtimes; the young could represent a special socialsegment recruited to deal with a violentperiod. So far we do not have absolute14C dates

for these skeletons. This is a problem for futureinvestigation.

Despite the suggestive association betweenwounds and mortality, other possible explana-tions for premature deaths must be considered.The dry climate of the desert, the white winds

(Nunez, 1992), frequent contacts with theAndean plateau groups, population crowding atthe oasis, the use of low, dark and insulatedhouses and other epidemiological conditionsfavoured pulmonary tuberculosis (Allison et al.,1973; Buikstra & William, 1991; Ariazza et al.,1995; Salo et al., 1994; Prat & Mendonca deSouza, 2003). This infection could certainly bea cause of premature death, especially underconditions of higher stress (Buikstra & Williams,1991). A parallel search for signs of primary andsecondary infections in the form of periostealreactions or lithic lesions of the ribs and verteb-rae (Mendonca de Souza, 2000; Mendonca deSouza et al., 2003) was performed at Solcor-3, butskeletons of the young adults showed no bonefoci or active periosteal reactions on the visceralface of the ribs (Kelley & Micozzi; 1984; Santos,2000).

Considering the weapons, ethnographic datafrom Atacama refer to the bow and arrow, slingstones, knuckle-dusters and wooden clubs(Bennett, 1946). Stone and metal clubs andaxes, also found, would be more like ritual weap-ons. The morphology of Solcor-3 skull lesionseliminates from consideration such weapons asstone and copper clubs and axes. Knuckle-dustersand wooden clubs match well to the fractures.The frontal and parietal position of most of thedepressed skull fractures suggests a frontal closestrike. Wilkinson (1997) suggests that suchlesions could indicate the intention to hurt butnot kill, sparing alliances, which could be lost inthe case of a death. Although the hypothesis ofdistant fights cannot be ruled out, because the

slings are typical Atacamenean weapons, thefrontal depressed scars are more suggestive ofhand-to-hand fights (Lambert, 1997; Walker,1997). The hypothesis of ritual duels (Chagnon,1992; Walker, 1997), a cultural hallmark for theAndean plateau, must be considered here, espe-cially because the Tiwanaku period coincideswith an intensification of religious and ideologi-cal influences coming from the Andean plateau.




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In the case of womens injuries the same weaponsor any other domestic object with similar con-sequences could be used (Wrangham & Paterson,1996; Lambert, 1997).

In a previous study of non-violent trauma(Lessa & Mendonca de Souza, 2001), a high pre-

valence of rib fractures (46.1%) were foundin Pre-Tiwanaku women. This kind of lesion isusually associated with accidental trauma andwas considered as accidental by Neves et al.(1999). However it is interesting to note thatinjuries to the chest are also very common duringstrikes (Walker, 1997). In the presence of suchviolence indicators, it is necessary to considerthat part of the chest trauma in Solcor-3 observedin females may also be associated with domesticbeating.

Arrow wounds indicate distant fights. Theirpresence in Solcor-3 skeletons point to possibleconflicts between groups (Chagnon, 1992). Theycould be associated with ambushes that occurredwhen the victim was crossing a path or canyon.The Atacama landscape, the routine activities ofthe caravaneers and miners in the desert, crossingand stopping at unevenly grounded regions,would be compatible with this kind of risk. Thehypothesis of strikes beyond the village limitscould also explain the fact that at Solcor-3, suchlesions would spare senile adults and women,who were probably not involved in externaldistant activities. Most of the arrow wounds arehealed probably because they did not affect vitalareas of the body and no deadly poison was used.Although ritualistic fights should not be exclu-ded, strikes between members of Solcor-3 peopleand other groups must be considered, because ofthe rearrangement of political and religiouspower. Ember & Ember (1997) say that socialtension is frequently related to economic andpolitical strategies. Martin (1997) suggests thatat La Plata Valley, New Mexico, immigration and

population growth, imbalance of food supply,food control and enforced labour may have causedbursts of social tension. At Solcor-3 economic andpolitical changes were occurring despite theabsence of archaeological evidence for foodscarcity or demographic growth (Nunez, 1992;Neves and Costa 1998). The rearrangement ofpolitical power can also be a matter of socialtension.

The presence of special groups, like aTiwanaku sacerdotal caste for instance, has alsobeen proposed for the Atacama (Thomas et al.,1985), but the majority of archaeologists thinkthere is no evidence to sustain it (Browman, 1980,1981; Orellana, 1985; Berenguer & Dauelsberg,

1989), and the osteometric data from Solcor-3(Llagostera et al., 1988) are not suggestive ofethnic heterogeneity.

It is more coherent to the historical andcultural Atacamenean context to consider thatsocial tension may have arisen from new politicalalliances, from the search for prestige and power,or from general dissatisfaction created by change.The progressive social hierarchization and newideological and religious influences that followedTiwanaku presence in the area certainly unba-lanced previous social links. According toLlagostera (1996), the political situation duringthe period of Tiwanakus interaction must havebeen more complex, especially for men sharingpower and decisions.

Data from Solcor-3 force us to rethink theinteraction process between the Atacama oasisand Tiwanaku, considering that even in theabsence of domination by strength, some vio-lence could have occurred in some places. Inter-esting grave findings in the same cemetery aredescribed as the killing of the weapons. Theseare represented by some weapons such as bowand arrows, or hand axes, that were intentionallybroken or modified before being disposed withthe dead (Bravo & Llagostera, 1986). Could thisbe part of the symbolic behaviour connected tothose violent events?

The low frequency of violent lesions amongPre-Tiwanaku men may express a condition ofsocial balance, fully guaranteed by stable politicalagreements and secular interaction in the region.Rearrangements resulting from the increasingparticipation of the powerful Tiwanaku Federa-

tion in the secular partnerships, in addition to theinstability caused by a deeper social stratificationmay temporarily have broken the social bondsresulting in increasing violence.

From the point of view of paleoepidemiology(Waldron, 1994; Mendonca de Souza et al.,2003), segregation instead of summing of samplesmust be carefully considered, because resultschange especially if cultural transition periods




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affecting the different sites are considered. Theresults presented here illustrate the Solcor-3situation, and cannot be generalized to the entireAtacama Desert. Although no bone dating hasbeen obtained for Solcor-3, archaeologicalevidence indicates that the skeletal samples

(Tiwanaku and Pre-Tiwanaku) came from a minorcemetery sector and represent a short cohortpopulation in a specific moment of time. Othercemeteries at the Atacama Desert should bestudied before the results can be better under-stood in the prehistoric context of the region.

Conclusions

The comparison of Pre-Tiwanaku and Tiwanakuperiods suggests that, during the later period,there was an outbreak of social tension affectingthe people who were buried at the excavatedsection of the Solcor-3 cemetery. This isexpressed by the significant increase in the pre-valence of arrow wounds and head fracturescharacterizing interpersonal physical violenceand also by the increase in mortality of youngadults, primarily men, probably involved withcontacts between groups and defensive activities.Violent trauma suggests two main types ofaggression against men during the Tiwanakuperiod: hand-to-hand combat that could beeither interpersonal confrontations or ritualisticduels; and distant strikes, probably betweenunrelated groups using bows and arrows. Noincrease in the frequency of lesions was observedin women, skeletons from both periods havesimilar prevalence of signs associated with dailyviolence. Parry defensive fractures occur in thewomen, but not in the men, suggesting that theseinjuries are a good indicator of domestic violencebut not of the violence that afflicted men duringthe Tiwanaku period. The burst of social tension

in Solcor-3 is consistent with the strong socialhierarchical organization, re-alignment of politi-cal, economic and religious power, and ideologi-cal penetration during the Tiwanaku Federationsinfluence over Atacama. Differences in somesubsamples are not significant, but the very smallnumber of individuals certainly affects the resultsof the significance tests. The 64 adult skeletonsused in this study represent but a small section of

the Solcor-3 cemetery. These intriguing findingshave to be tested in other archaeological seriesconcerning the same cultural and economictransition.

Acknowledgements

Our thanks to Maria Antonieta Costa, AgostinLlagostera and Macarena Oviedo (Instituto deInvestigaciones Arqueologicas y Museo R. P.Gustavo Le Paige S. J.) for their inestimablecollaboration during our stay at San Pedro deAtacama. We also thank the valuable suggestionsand comments of the referees and editors, espe-cially Dr Shelley Saunders.

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