Lecture 16 Economic Stability and Growth

download Lecture 16 Economic Stability and Growth

of 36

Transcript of Lecture 16 Economic Stability and Growth

  • 8/13/2019 Lecture 16 Economic Stability and Growth

    1/36

    A Libertarian Perspective on

    Economic and Social Policy

    Lecture 16

    Economic Stability and Growth2009 Jeffrey A. Miron

  • 8/13/2019 Lecture 16 Economic Stability and Growth

    2/36

    Introduction

    Traditional libertarianism is most often associated withmicroeconomic issues, and the standard libertarianinsights might seem better suited for addressing thosekinds of policies.

    Macroeconomic policies are important too, however; These policies affect the entire economy, so the potential for

    benefits or costs are greater than for many micro policies.

    And, bad economic times often give rise to bad economicpolicies generally.

    So, even libertarians might consider intervention to improve the

    overall functioning of the economy if this intervention works andpromotes better policies in other areas.

    This lecture examines a range of macroeconomicpolicies from a libertarian perspective.

  • 8/13/2019 Lecture 16 Economic Stability and Growth

    3/36

    Introduction, continued

    Despite the fact that issues of rights,

    externalities, and the like are less obviously

    relevant for macroeconomic issues, I will

    suggest that the version of libertarianism I havepresented in this course thoughtful cost-benefit

    analysis is just as useful for examining macro

    policies as it is for examining micro policies:

    And this approach leads to similar conclusions:

    Most interventions do more harm than good.

  • 8/13/2019 Lecture 16 Economic Stability and Growth

    4/36

    Outline

    Stabilization Policy

    Deficits

    Central Banks and Money

    Fixed Versus Floating Exchange Rates The Exchange Rate as a Target

    The Balance of Trade

    Free Trade Immigration

    Foreign Aid

  • 8/13/2019 Lecture 16 Economic Stability and Growth

    5/36

    Stabilization Policy

    Until the Great Depression of the 1930s, thefocus of most economics was micro: The idea that the overall economy could suffer a

    general, coordinated decline was not given much

    attention.

    Instead, analysis addressed the behavior and failuresof individual markets, assuming that with a largenumber of individual markets, some growing and

    others declining, overall economic progress would bereasonably steady, and any fluctuations would reflectexogenous, unavoidable events such as weather ordisease (e.g., the bubonic plague).

  • 8/13/2019 Lecture 16 Economic Stability and Growth

    6/36

    Stabilization Policy, continued

    The Great Depression changed this view:

    Many economists concluded that capitalist economies

    could suffer substantial, prolonged downturns from

    which they would not quickly recover on their own. Macroeconomists therefore developed two

    things:

    A theory of cycles and recessions (based on sticky

    prices); A theory of how policy could reduce or eliminate

    these cycles, i.e., stabilize the economy.

  • 8/13/2019 Lecture 16 Economic Stability and Growth

    7/36

  • 8/13/2019 Lecture 16 Economic Stability and Growth

    8/36

    Problems with Stabilization Policy:

    The Lags are Long and Variable

    A basic problem with stabilization policy is

    that it affects the economy with a lag:

    This is partly because it takes time to

    recognize that the economy is going into a

    recession;

    This is partly because it takes time to choose

    and implement an appropriate policy; This is party because it takes time for the

    chosen policy to affect the economy.

  • 8/13/2019 Lecture 16 Economic Stability and Growth

    9/36

    Long and Variable Lags,

    continued The lags would not be an issue if forecasting were easy

    and if the lags were of fixed or highly predictable length: Under these assumptions, policymakers can simply start

    adjusting policy in anticipation of an expected downturn, therebysmoothing out the cycle.

    In practice, however, forecasting is an inexact science,and the lags in policy are long and variable.

    Thus, attempts at stabilization can easily be counter-productive, i.e., destabilize the economy.

    The evidence on whether policy has stabilized or destabilizeddoes not make a compelling case in either direction.

    But it certainly fails to indicate that policy has on average been astabilizing force.

  • 8/13/2019 Lecture 16 Economic Stability and Growth

    10/36

    Aside: What did We Learn from the

    Great Depression? The Great Depression was regarded at the time as proof

    that economies are inherently unstable and thatstabilization policy is needed.

    In fact, later research (Friedman and SchwartzsAMonetary History of the United States) argues that amodest recession became the Great Depressionbecause the Fed allowed the money stock to fallsubstantially: Thus, F&S claim the Great Depression resultedfrom bad policy,

    rather than being evidence that active policy is desirable.

    There is a range of opinion among reputable economistsabout the FS hypothesis. But few deny the possibility that policy contributed substantially

    to the outcome.

  • 8/13/2019 Lecture 16 Economic Stability and Growth

    11/36

    Long and Variables Lags,

    continued A possible response to the long and variable lags is that

    policy should attempt to stabilize, but cautiously: That is, only take action in response to large, obvious shocks,

    rather than attempting to fine-tune.

    In fact, there is no longer much support for fine-tuning, despite

    continued support for some degree of activism. A second possible response is that, over time, the

    uncertainty about policy and the difficulties in forecastingwill diminish; Plus, there will be learning by doing, so its useful to practice.

    These arguments are not totally silly, and if there wereno other costs to stabilization policy, they might bepersuasive.

    But there are substantial other costs.

  • 8/13/2019 Lecture 16 Economic Stability and Growth

    12/36

  • 8/13/2019 Lecture 16 Economic Stability and Growth

    13/36

    Problems with Stabilization Policy:

    Growth versus Stabilization

    A related problem with the focus on

    stabilization policy is that it distracts from

    thinking about growth:

    There is a reasonable case that the benefits

    of even slightly faster growth swamp any

    benefits of reduced fluctuations.

    The stabilization view therefore encouragesthinking about the less important issue.

  • 8/13/2019 Lecture 16 Economic Stability and Growth

    14/36

    Problems with Stabilization:

    Adding Uncertainty

    A different effect of stabilization policy is thatthe private sector expends resources forecastingwhat policy is going to do, instead of justforecasting what the economy is going to do.

    This is wasted effort; the extra uncertaintycomplicates life for the private sector.

    Indeed, there is a plausible case that some

    instability arises from the private sector trying tofigure out what policy is going to do, rather thanfrom inherent instability.

  • 8/13/2019 Lecture 16 Economic Stability and Growth

    15/36

    Problems with Stabilization Policy:

    Microeconomic Considerations One standard tool of stabilization policy is increased or

    decreased deficits: Cutting taxes or raising expenditure expands the economy, and

    vice versa, so policy can attempt to offset fluctuations byadjusting taxes or expenditure.

    The problem is that taxes and expenditure havemicroeconomic implications, independent of any impactson stabilization. That is, Deficit = G T

    And we should care about the levels and composition ofG and T separately, not just the difference.

    It is possible that policy should consider both effects: But it certainly should not ignore the micro side.

  • 8/13/2019 Lecture 16 Economic Stability and Growth

    16/36

    Deficits and Debt

    The conventional view of budget deficits and governmentdebt is that these are bad things:

    In particular, the standard claim is that when thegovernment runs a deficit it must borrow from the

    public, which raises interest rates and crowds outprivate investment.

    This view is reasonable, but it is not the only possiblescenario:

    Under Ricardian equivalence, deficits have no effect.

    Existing evidence suggests the U.S. economy is some-where between the extreme views.

  • 8/13/2019 Lecture 16 Economic Stability and Growth

    17/36

    Deficits, continued

    How should libertarians feel about deficits?

    The first reaction should that expenditure is toohigh in most economies and should be reduced,independent of the deficit.

    If this occurs, deficit issues become moot. A second reaction might be that, even if

    expenditure is not cut right away, starving thebeast helps control expenditure over time:

    Thus, (virtually) all tax cuts are a good thing, even ifthey raise the deficit.

    In fact, the evidence does not support STB.

  • 8/13/2019 Lecture 16 Economic Stability and Growth

    18/36

    Central Banks

    If stabilization policy is undesirable, is there agood reason for a central bank?

    No. Once a central bank exists, it will intervene.

    The only intervention that is necessary in connectionwith money (i.e., the means of payment) is thatgovernment must establish what form of payment itaccepts in those transactions it conducts.

    This may establish a default money.

    But everything else can be done privately.

    Note that the U.S. got along quite well without acentral bank until 1914.

  • 8/13/2019 Lecture 16 Economic Stability and Growth

    19/36

    Fixed Versus Floating

    Exchange Rates

    A different macroeconomic question that

    economies confront is whether to have a

    fixed or floating exchange rate.

    Eliminating the central bank does not

    avoid this issue, since Treasuries can and

    do attempt to peg exchange rates.

    And its an important question for countries

    that do have central banks.

  • 8/13/2019 Lecture 16 Economic Stability and Growth

    20/36

    Fixed Versus Floating

    Exchange Rates, continued

    This is an easy issue: There is no sensible case for fixed rates.

    The negative things people associate with

    exchange rates (e.g., currency crises) can onlyhappen under fixed rates: Under floating, the rate simply adjusts to changes in

    the demand and supply, just like for any other good.

    Moreover, much of the uncertainty aboutdemand and supply occurs because offluctuations in government policy towardexchange rates and related issues.

  • 8/13/2019 Lecture 16 Economic Stability and Growth

    21/36

  • 8/13/2019 Lecture 16 Economic Stability and Growth

    22/36

    The Current Account Deficit

    In addition to worrying about the exchange rate,

    countries worry about current account deficits.

    The balance of trade of any country is the record

    of all its transactions with the rest of the world. This balance of trade has two pieces:

    The current account, which records trade in goods

    and services. It equals exports minus imports and is

    often referred to as net exports.

    The capital account, which records trade in assets.

  • 8/13/2019 Lecture 16 Economic Stability and Growth

    23/36

    The Current Account Deficit,

    continued

    An inescapable fact of accounting is that thebalance of payments always balances: CA + KA = 0.

    In words, if I buy a bottle of wine from France, theU.S. has a CA deficit but an offsetting KA surplus:

    Goods flowed into the U.S. but an asset (the dollars Ispent on the wine) flowed out.

    NB: if I first bought francs from France, that was a

    wash in the KA. The CA and KA do not necessarily balance

    individually and in fact are zero only rarely.

  • 8/13/2019 Lecture 16 Economic Stability and Growth

    24/36

    The Current Account Deficit,

    continued The question is, should a country care whether its CA is

    positive or negative?

    If the CA is negative, it means the country is borrowingfrom the rest of the world.

    There is nothing inherently bad about that. A CA deficit might be a reflection of underlying problems:

    A CA deficit occurs when domestic saving is low.

    So, if there are policies that inappropriately discouragesavings, it makes perfect sense to undo those. But this would be true in a closed economy.

    The CA deficit plays no independent role.

  • 8/13/2019 Lecture 16 Economic Stability and Growth

    25/36

    Free Trade

    Of all the propositions in economics, the view that freetrade is best is perhaps the most widely held. And forgood reason: Barriers to trade such as tariffs or quotas reduce or prevent

    Pareto-improving exchange;

    And trade has additional benefits, such as providing competitionfor domestic industry.

    Are there reasonable arguments for restrictions? In theory, perhaps, but in practice, no.

    This does not mean trade is always good for everyone: It adversely impacts low-skill labor in high-wage countries.

    But it also helps low income workers through standard channels,and it makes more sense to redistribute directly, if warranted.

  • 8/13/2019 Lecture 16 Economic Stability and Growth

    26/36

    Free Trade, continued

    The libertarian view, therefore, is that any

    country with trade barriers should remove them,

    unilaterally and immediately.

    The one possible argument against thisapproach is that, by threatening to retain its

    trade barriers, a country like the U.S. might

    convince other countries to reduce theirs.

    This is possible in principle:

    In practice, it simply seems to be an excuse for further

    delay in removing existing barriers.

  • 8/13/2019 Lecture 16 Economic Stability and Growth

    27/36

    Immigration Restrictions

    Until the end of the 19th century, the U.S.had virtually no regulation of immigration.

    During the early 20th century, there was

    some regulation and a few notoriousrestrictions enacted (in particular, theChinese Exclusion Act of 1882).

    But overall, immigration was barelyregulated by todays standards, andimmigration rates were high.

  • 8/13/2019 Lecture 16 Economic Stability and Growth

    28/36

  • 8/13/2019 Lecture 16 Economic Stability and Growth

    29/36

    Immigration

    Most (rich) economies restrict immigration

    substantially.

    There is no good efficiency argument for this; in

    fact, restrictions reduce global efficiency. The only argument is distributional:

    Existing low-wage workers are likely to lose out as a

    result of immigration, which fits with the fact that

    unions and other low-wage groups strongly opposerelaxed immigrations restrictions.

  • 8/13/2019 Lecture 16 Economic Stability and Growth

    30/36

    Immigration, continued

    The libertarian position is that income effects are bestaddressed, if at all, using other policies such as an NIT.

    Thus, libertarians tend to favor eliminating all barriers toimmigration.

    The only possible caveat is that one significant group ofbeneficiaries the immigrants are not (yet) citizens orresidents of the country allowing the immigration. So, some would argue they deserve less weight in the social

    welfare calculation.

    If there were no costs of immigration restrictions, thismight be a tough issue.

    But there are such costs.

  • 8/13/2019 Lecture 16 Economic Stability and Growth

    31/36

    Costs of Immigration Restrictions

    Like all prohibitions, those on immigration

    generate black markets, with all the standard

    negative effects:

    Violent dispute resolution Disrespect for the law

    Rewarding the relatively dishonest

    Corruption

    Reduced product quality

    Plus, there are direct costs of enforcement.

  • 8/13/2019 Lecture 16 Economic Stability and Growth

    32/36

    Immigration and Security

    A different argument for restricting immigration is

    that this is necessary to keep out terrorists.

    But the restrictions do not work particularly well:

    Tons and tons of illegal drugs enter every year Hundreds of thousands of illegal immigrants enter

    every year

    It is hard to see how a determined terrorist is

    affected by any enforcement regime we canimagine.

  • 8/13/2019 Lecture 16 Economic Stability and Growth

    33/36

    Foreign Aid and Lending

    In addition to trying to manage their own

    economies, some countries (the rich ones)

    attempt to manage developing economies.

    The main mechanism is organizations like

    the IMF and the World Bank, which lend to

    poor countries conditional on adoption of

    the right economic policies.

  • 8/13/2019 Lecture 16 Economic Stability and Growth

    34/36

    Foreign Aid and Lending, continued

    This policy sounds sensible in theory; thepractice is much tougher.

    First, stabilization policy is difficult at best, asdiscussed above.

    Second, ensuring that the recipient countriesfollow these policies is hard.

    Third, there is much scope for diversion of the

    funds to bad purposes. Fourth, the incentives of the IMF, WB are to

    keep making loans, not to be tough.

  • 8/13/2019 Lecture 16 Economic Stability and Growth

    35/36

  • 8/13/2019 Lecture 16 Economic Stability and Growth

    36/36

    Conclusions

    Eschew active stabilization policy.

    Choose spending levels and tax programsbased on efficiency considerations.

    Eliminate the Fed; fix the money stock atwhatever it is now (or adopt a rule).

    Let the exchange rate float.

    Ignore the exchange rate and the CA deficit in

    making policy. Free trade, unrestricted immigration.

    Leave other countries alone.