Learned helplessness and community development: A case study

Journal of Community Psychology Volume 13, October 1985

Learned Helplessness and Community Development: A Case Study

Adele Gordon National Institute for Personnel Research

Johannesburg, South Africa

A community development program was implemented in the communities providing labor to a timber-producing company in a rural area of South Africa. The program was preceded by a survey that compared the life-styles and residential and work histories of residents in the different communities. The survey indicated that the degree of dependency on the company for facilities and services affected labor turnover and job advancement. Fur- thermore, community affairs were disorganized and, on average, income levels were below the Household Subsistence Level calculated for the area. The community development program was assessed over a 12-month period. Participation in community affairs by the local residents increased con- siderably during this time. This increased level of participation is interpreted within the framework of an attributional analysis of the learned helplessness theory. Aspects of the theory appear to require modification and reformulation if they are to be applied successfully to a community setting.

Passivity towards implementing community upgrading schemes and alienation from community life have been reported in rural and urban communities (Ball, 1968; Hawley, 1963; Wirth, 1938). In Third World countries this has arisen in the context of the urgency of providing basic needs, such as housing and education. The way in which basic needs are met influences residents’ level of autonomy over community affairs and family life- style. For example, houses can be built either according to fixed regulations laid down by official bodies or by encouraging community participation in the housing process so that individual needs are taken into account (Turner, 1968; Turner & Fichter, 1972). Sue and Zane (1980) suggest that low levels of autonomy in community affairs can result in learned helplessness. Perceived lack of control over the outcome of events may lead to feelings of helplessness whether or not the perception of the lack of control is ac- curate. This can result in motivational, emotional, and cognitive deficits such as apathy, passivity, anxiety, depression, and failure to learn that events are controllable. If the individual can distinguish between controllable and uncontrollable situations, pervasive expectancies of helplessness may not develop (Seligman, 1975).

A reformulation of learned helplessness theory posits that individuals attribute their helplessness to causes that can be classified along one of three orthogonal dimensions, namely, internal-external, stable-unstable, and global-specific (Abramson, Seligman, & Teasdale, 1978). The internal-external dimension defines the distinction between personal and universal helplessness. Personal helplessness occurs when the individual believes that potential responses do exist but that he or she is unable to produce them. Universal helplessness, on the other hand, is characterized by the belief that the outcome of events is independent of one’s own responses as well as the responses of all others. The stable-unstable dimension defines the extent to which an individual attributes his or

Reprint requests should be sent to Adele Gordon, Human Development Division, National Institute for Personnel Research, P.O. Box 32410, Braamfontein, 2017, Republic of South Africa.

327

328 ADELE GORDON

her lack of control to intermittent factors, whereas the global-specific dimension considers the variety of situations affected, The three dimensions yield eight different attributions: internal, stable, and global; internal, stable, and specific; and so on. These attributions predict future expectations of lack of control, which in turn determine the severity of the helplessness. Chronic helpless behavior probably develops when attributions of lack of control are made to factors recurring over a broad range of situations, irrespective of the personal-universal dimension. On the other hand, anxiety or depression are more likely to occur if attributions of internality are made (Abramson, Garber, & Seligman, 1980).

Sue and Zane (1980) propose that a facilitation effect may develop in response to attributions of specificity, instability, and externality; i.e., individuals may react with vigor rather than with helplessness, passivity, or depression to influence outcomes of uncontrollable events. (In other words, lack of control is associated with specific situations that occur in a changing environment and affect a number of individuals equally). These authors suggest that the facilitation effect is also influenced by perceptions of the controllability of the casual agent and by access to its control. Changes in perceptions of control may alter behavior by promoting attempts to reassert control.

Learned helplessness is closely related to the construct of locus of control, initially formulated by Rotter (1966). Unlike helplessness, locus of control is considered by its proponents to be a relatively stable personality construct (Lefcourt, 1981). It is related to the internal-external dimension of attributional analysis; external control is defined as the pervasive belief that outcomes cannot be determined by one’s own actions, and internal locus of control is defined as the belief that outcomes are contingent with one’s actions (Lefcourt, 1976). According to Lefcourt, behavioral manifestations of external locus of control are congruent with descriptions of helplessness, and he concludes that “~ocus of control is an adequate personality equivalent of the states of helplessness that have been examined in laboratory research” (Lefcourt, 1981, p. 248).

Learned Helplessness and Community Development Definitions of community include concepts of social interaction, social ties, and

geographic boundaries. A complex network is formed when small groups (such as family units, ethnic groups) interact with each other and with other organizations and agencies (Gottschalk, 1975). The way in which power and control are effected in communities is germane to an understanding of learned helplessness and community life, for feelings of helplessness are influenced by increased controls on individuals either by government or private agencies. They may be affected also by the “impersonal, superficial, transitory, and segmental personal contacts characterizing city life” (Wirth, 1938, p. 12), which can result in anomie and alienation (Rossi, Berk, & Eidson, 1974; Seeman, 1975). Under certain circumstances, lack of personal autonomy can lead to increased feelings of alienation, a loss in the sense of community, and a lack of faith in community systems and organizations (Sue & Zane, 1980); furthermore, individuals may come to rely on government intervention, as they feel unable to act on their own initiative. This lack of involvement in community life may result in depression and anxiety as well as in not know- ing how to initiate and implement upgrading activities.

Despite the presence of supportive family and community structures in rural areas that may result in satisfactory interpersonal relationships, security, stability, and self- esteem, many communities in developing countries appear to resist the implementation

LEARNED HELPLESSNESS AND COMMUNITY DEVELOPMENT 329

of upgrading activities. In these “analgesic subcultures” (Ball, 1968), resistance may have originated from physical, economic, and political constraints (Ortiz Valdes, 1982). In recent years, many community development programs have attempted to reduce constraints by increasing community control over the development process, as illustrated by recent definitions of community development. Warren (1970), for example, includes autonomy, viability, and participation in community life in his definition. Escovar (see Ortiz Valdes, 1982) defines development as the process whereby one gains more control over the environment. By environment, he refers to the immediate (situational) social- physical environment of everyday life, as well as to the sociocultural environment that includes social norms, religious institutions, communication media, and political and educational systems. Environmental constraints that prevent community residents from controlling their lives in any meaningful way may result in helplessness.

Many communities in South Africa live in extremely constrained environments, ex- acerbated by the restrictive laws that control a number of aspects of community life, such as home ownership, land tenure, access to employment, and business enterprises (Morris, 1981). Furthermore, employers in rural areas often provide employees and their families witd‘a wide range of facilities and services if these are not provided by the local authorities. As a result, many of the workers are dependent on their employers not only for their jobs but also for essential facilities and services, such as health, education, and housing. The effects of this dependency are likely to have consequences that differ substantially from the well-documented influences of a company on its employees (cf. Evan, 1977; Faunce, 1976; Friedlander & Margulies, 1969; Gardell, 1977; Kanungo, 1982). It can be hypothesized that this lack of control will lead ultimately to lowered levels of motivation and to apathy, both at home and at work.

In this article the effects of a community development program are examined. The program spanned a 12-month period and was implemented in groups residing on the plantations of a timber-producing company in a rural area of South Africa. Company labor was recruited from these communities as well as from a neighboring township in “white” South Africa and from townships in the adjacent homeland KaNgwane. The National Institute for Personnel Research was requested to plan and evaluate the program. The results of the program are interpreted within the context of the learned helplessness theory (Abramson, Seligman, & Teasdale, 1978).

The community development program was undertaken to improve the living conditions of the workers and their families on the company’s plantations and included training in community procedures (Bopape, 1980; Christenson & Robinson, 1980; Harper & Dunham, 1966). It was preceded by a survey that examined labor turnover, household income, and the existence of groups in the communities that controlled social, economic, or recreational activities. The survey was carried out in all of the communities that provided labor to the company.

The Survey At the time of the survey the company employed approximately 500 workers, 60%

of whom were males. Workers were largely unskilled or semiskilled in keeping with the nature of the work.

lThe term homeland refers to the tracts of land that have been set aside for each of the eight ethnic groups in South Africa.

330 ADELE GORDON

Communities in KaNgwane Approximately 100 employees (mainly females) lived in two communities in the

homeland and commuted daily using company transportation. The homeland authorities were responsible for the provision of all facilities and services to the communities with the exception of transportation to and from work. The Local Township in South Africa

Approximately 170 male employees lived with their families in self-built mud-and- wattle houses in a township in “white” South Africa that was controlled by the regional administration board. The board provided facilities and services. Families had begun to evacuate this township following a government decision to demolish it within 2 years. They were to be relocated in KaNgwane. Housing Facilities on Company Property

Approximately 60 male employees were accommodated in single quarters on company property. The company was increasing the single quarters to accommodate 140 males. These men usually commuted on a weekly basis, spending weekends with their families, who lived in KaNgwane. The company was not responsible for the housing, medical, or educational needs of the employees’ families but did provide employees with medical care in addition to board and lodging.

Approximately 170 employees lived with their families in four villages on company property. The houses were all owner-built, mud-and-wattle structures. These families were provided with a full range of facilities and services. Survey Materials

Individual interviews were held with a stratified, representative sample of 165 employees, selected on the basis of job category and residential area (Gordon & Sakinof- sky, 1980). Twenty-five percent of the sample were females. Questions were related to biographical, work, and residential history; the presence and efficacy of groups in the communities who were responsible for financial, cultural, educational, sporting, and recreational activities; and household income derived from salaries and informal entrepreneurial activities. Group discussions were held with members of all the communities concerning satisfaction with prevailing living standards, working conditions, and available facilities and services.

Results Residential and work history characteristics among the various groups of employees

are summarized in Table 1. Community stability was greater in the local township and in the self-built housing on company property than in the homeland communities and among employees living in single quarters.

Only 11% and 24% of employees residing in the homeland and single quarters, respectively, had lived in the same community for more than 15 years, compared with 58% and 74% of employees from married quarters on the company plantations or the local township. Data for the homeland communities must be seen within the context of the creation of the homeland and the subsequent resettlement of many families from “white” South Africa to the homeland, precipitated mainly by policies to remove labor tenants from farms in South Africa.

Data for labor turnover show a similar stability pattern, as almost all employees from the homeland (92%) had worked for the company for less than 2 years, whereas

Tabl

e 1

Res

iden

tial a

nd W

ork

His

tory

of

Em

ploy

ees

Res

idin

g in

the

Wor

ker C

omm

uniti

es

Com

mun

ities

~~

m

Yea

rs i

n Jo

b ca

tego

ry (0

70)

Years

of

m

Num

ber

of

com

mun

ity (0

70)

empl

oym

ent (%

) m

3 em

ploy

ees

Sem

ipro

fess

iona

l in

terv

iew

ed

<5

>I5

Uns

kille

d Se

mis

kille

d Sk

illed

&

pro

fess

iona

l <

2

>10

m

m

ti M

arri

ed q

uart

ers (

self-

built

) on

tl

com

pany

pro

pert

y 67

19

58

67

30

0

3 25

27

0

Sing

le q

uart

ers on c

ompa

ny p

rope

rty

29

48

24

58

21

14

7 70

7

0

Mar

ried

qua

rter

s (s

elf-

built

) in

the

Mar

ried

qua

rter

s (s

elf-

built

) in

the

loca

l tow

nshi

p 31

10

74

45

23

26

6

26

29

hom

elan

d 31

70

11

94

4

0 2

92

0

332 ADELE GORDON

approximately one quarter of employees from the communities on the company plantations as well as from the local township had been employed for more than 10 years. The unpopularity of single-quarters accommodation is also reflected by these figures, as 70% of employees in single quarters had been with the company for less than 2 years. Unfortunately, the company did not take cognizance of these results and began building single quarters for an additional 70 male employees.

An enigmatic situation emerged when job category was examined in the context of residential area. No workers from the villages on the company plantation occupied skilled positions, whereas 14% of employees in single quarters and 26% of employees from the local township occupied skilled posts. On examination, it became apparent that the company’s recruitment policy was responsible for this skewed distribution; employees from the local township and single quarters were employed at the mill where skilled labor was necessary, whereas employees residing on the company plantations worked in the fields. But this policy does not explain fully why employees were prepared to remain on company property, often for the duration of their lives, with no hope of advancement. Reasons for residents’ passivity possibly include employee dependency for facilities and services, legal constrains hampering their movements in South Africa, and the limit on alternative employment opportunities.

It seems likely that dependency on the company decreased labor turnover amongst employees living on the company’s plantation, but at the same time hindered advancement at work. The high labor turnover of homeland employees probably reflects the recent resettlement of workers in the area and the fact that the majority of workers from KaNgwane were young females. Employees living in the local township and in single quarters were less constrained than employees from the villages on the plantations, as the welfare of their families was not under company control. They were therefore able to select jobs according to their interests-within, of course, the constraint of available jobs in the area.

Many families in the study were living below the Household Subsistence Level derived by Potgieter (1981) (see Table 2). Subtracting amounts for rent and electricity from Potgieter’s data (either residents do not have electricity or the costs are borne by the company), a sum of R150.00 per month is obtained, whereas the total household in- comes ranged from R97.00 to R126.00.2 It is recognized that poverty can be considered to be a relative, evaluative concept dependent on life-style and expectations (Ortiz Valdes, 1982), but the comments made by residents during group discussions indicate that their low income level did hamper family and community life.

Informal income-producing activities reported by community residents included repairs and the sale of goods such as groceries, meat, and homemade clothing. This additional income did not raise the average household income levels above the Household Subsistence Level (see Table 2). It is possible that the quoted income levels for the communities living on the company’s plantations and in the local township were lower than the actual income derived, as these activities were prohibited by the company and the Administration Board.

Few formal or informal groups operated in the communities, the most active being church groups. Approximately one half of the male employees played soccer, but the activities of the soccer club were uncoordinated and matches were organized only sporadically. Only nine of the respondents belonged to a financial group.

*One U.S. dollar was approximately equal to 1.2 Rand at the time of the survey.


Table 2 Monthly Income of Employees Residing in the Worker communities

Communities

Average household Average gross Percentage increase

salaries (Rand)* income (Rand)’ activities (To) income from household due to entrepreneurial

Married quarters on company

Married quarters in the local property 87.49

township 84.87

92.00

86.87 Married quarters in the homeland 113.96 126.27

5.1

2.4 10.8

‘One U.S. dollar was approximately equal to 1.2 Rand at the time of the survey.

Results of the group discussions reinforced survey findings. Comments included references to the low wage level, the scarcity of jobs in the area, summary dismissals, and stringent company controls, particularly those concerned with income-generating activities. Employees living on company property expressed fears about their enforced dependency on the company and stressed the need for alternate housing as a safeguard in case of dismissal. One man commented, “I wouldn’t like to be caught with my pants down the day management decides to get rid of me on their property.” The perception of lack of control is implicit in this remark, with perceived helplessness arising from external rather than internal causes (i.e., management rather than his lack of ability).

To sum up, before the introduction of the program employees in the villages on the company plantation were the most passive of all the employees. Community life was dominated by company controls. Data from the group discussions revealed that community residents were well aware of the controls but felt they were unable to leave, both because of their dependency on the facilities and services and because of the scarcity of jobs in the area. Furthermore, financial and recreational activities were poorly coordinated, possibly indicating the presence of motivational deficits. The position of the residents in the other communities was similar, although the employees living in the township had the advantage of more interesting jobs and employees from the homeland were subjected to fewer controls, especially as far as informal income- generating activities were concerned.

The Community Development Program The community development program was not developed with the idea of alleviating

learned helplessness, but its effects can be more clearly understood if interpreted within the framework of learned helplessness theory.

The goals of the program were as follows: 1. To promote community participation in community affairs by establishing an

infrastructure for effective decision-making bodies in the villages. The lack of organized groups in the villages indicated that a comprehensive training program in committee procedure would have to be implemented.

2. To promote community solidarity by coordinating a social and recreational program.

3. To increase income levels by enabling residents to participate in informal income-generating activities.

334 ADELE GORDON

4. To increase accessibility to company management by appointing a community development officer (CDO) responsible to the personnel officer of the company. Thus problems and complaints relating to home-life and working conditions would be relayed directly to senior management, bypassing the line supervisors.

The CDO appointed was born in the district and was therefore fully conversant with the people. He was also well educated and able to communicate easily with management. It was anticipated that this appointment would alter worker perceptions of management control, as it created a communication channel between low-level workers and management. The main tasks carried out by the CDO were:

1. To establish an infrastructure in the villages that would enable residents to participate more fully in managing their own affairs. To do this he organized the election and training of village committees in each of the villages.

2. To serve as liaison agent between workers and management on issues concerning community life - for example, the maintenance of houses and gardens and the pur- chasing of recreational equipment.

3. To cater to community needs, first by coordinating efforts to implement income- generating activities and also by coordinating social and recreational events.

4. To implement industrial relations tasks in the workplace. The CDO carried out certain industrial relations tasks, as the post of industrial relations officer was va- cant at the time. This was not planned in the context of the community development program but is relevant to this discussion, since his activities in this area may have changed employees’ perceptions of their role in the company.

Within the 12-month evaluation period certain effects of the program were discern- able. Community committees were functioning autonomously and further elections, organized by the committees, were held. They organized a number of cooperative ven- tures such as plowing fields and hiring cattle herders. Equipment for sport and recrea- tion was jointly purchased by the company and the communities. By the end of the year, soccer and netball clubs were operating smoothly and two competitions had been supported with great enthusiasm. The attempts of the CDO to initiate income-generating activities were thwarted, because the company would not allow residents to sell items already being stocked by the company shop. Thus, the only additional economic activity operating at the end of the 12 months was the sale of consumables over weekends.

The CDO organized hearings of two cases in which employees claimed that they had been unfairly dismissed by their supervisors. As a result of the hearings both com- plainants were rehired.

Labor turnover dropped from 80% to 40% over the 12 months of study, indicating that the morale of the work force was raised by the program. In addition, many workers refused to take occupation of the new single-quarters accommodation and instead commuted daily between the work site and the homeland where they lived with their families. Thus, employees seemed to feel that they were now in a position to make decisions in line with their priorities rather than to abide strictly by the company’s plans.

Discussion The community development program introduced in the communities living on the

property of a private company in a rural area of South Africa led to the establishment of community committees and social and recreational activities and to a limited increase


in the number of informal income-generating activities. The results of a survey conducted prior to the introduction of the program indicated that community life-style was affected by company control, partly because of the extreme dependency of the workers on the company, not only for their wages but also for the provision of facilities and services for themselves and their families. This extreme dependency on the company appeared to stabilize the communities; on the other hand, such dependency may have affected motivational patterns as these workers occupied low-level positions.

According to Escovar (see Ortiz Valdes, 1982), the inability to facilitate development leads to helpless behavior and is likely to arise in developing countries because of social, economic, political, and environmental constraints. Community residents discussed in this case study had been unable to influence outcomes in important areas of life for many years and appeared to be passive and alienated. An alternative explana- tion for their behavior is that they had assessed the constraints realistically and had been unable to act until some of the constraints were lifted. It is of course possible that both explanations hold for different individuals.

The increased level of participation can be explained within the context of helplessness theory, as access to management was improved and communities were given control over selected aspects of community life. Both of these changes could have altered attributions of noncontrol and therefore expectations of future control. These changes could influence attributions along each of the three dimensions. For example, failure to play on a soccer team could no longer be attributed to the poor organization of the soccer club (external, stable, and global attributions) but perhaps to lack of interest or ability (attributions of an internal, unstable, and specific nature). Similarly, before the introduction of industrial relations procedures, workers could attribute being fired to unfair supervisory practices. The rehiring of workers after the allegations of unfair dismissal had been supported meant that future dismissals might be ascribed to internal factors such as incompetency, lack of training, or lack of effort.

The changes made by the program were all related to the situational environment. Legislation affecting the sociocultural environment continues to constrain the lives of blacks in South Africa (cf. BENBO, 1976; Butler, Rotberg, & Adams, 1977; Nattrass, 1981). Therefore, there is a disparity between the aims of the community development program and the entire fabric of legislation, which controls the lives of workers living in the community. This dichotomy of interests could lead to tension and frustration, as increased control of community affairs cannot be matched with the control of other basic life-style options.

The interpretation of the community development program within the framework of learned helplessness theory has resulted in an improved understanding of the pro- cesses involved. Unfortunately, results can only be interpreted at a fairly global level, since individual differences have not been taken into account. In addition, family patterns and group membership can influence expectations of control (Lefcourt, 1976). Therefore, the socialization pressures on individuals in the same or similar communities could predispose them to differing conceptions of causality.

Another variable relevant to learned helplessness theory is the cost of attempting to exercise control. Wortman and Dintzer (1978) propose that if the cost of attempting to exercise control is small, individuals may try to influence outcomes even if they ex- pect only negligible success. This hypothesis does not appear to have validity in the pres- ent study if one considers the residents engaged in income-generating activities before

336 ADELE GORDON

the introduction of the program. Here the costs of exercising control were high, since ignoring regulations could have led to dismissal and the loss of facilities and services provided by the company, but some residents risked these penalties to increase household income. Therefore, Wortman and Dintzer may be correct in maintaining that attributions of noncontingency and expectations of future control are not the only factors that determine learned helplessness. It is likely, however, that it is not the costs associated with attempted control that determine behavior but instead the importance of the outcome to the individual.

A source of confusion in the literature on helpless behavior in a community setting stems from the lack of empirical evidence describing the antecedent conditions of helplessness as well as the behavior induced by constraints. In our study, poverty and the level of organized activity in the communities were considered to be symptomatic of helpless behavior. More details are required about psychological variables such as self-esteem and locus of control.

Survey findings relating to (a) dependency on the company, (b) labor turnover, (c) the ratio of skilled to unskilled workers in a community, and (d) the residential history of community members may have important implications for the organization of labor. This may be particularly valid for Third World countries where multinational corpora- tions are in a position to determine the life-style of their workers.

Future work in this area could profit by the examination of aspects of the individual's situational and sociocultural environment that affect control. It is recommended that the case study approach used in this paper be extended, as the large number of development programs presently being conducted could provide a variety of situations for evaluation. However, it cannot be overemphasized that these analyses should not be limited to aspects of the situational environment, for the prescripts of the sociocultural environment provide the framework for development.

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Learned helplessness and community development: A case study

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