League of Nations (LoN)Mussolini claimed the incident, as well as the unwillingness of Abyssinia to...

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1 LONDON INTERNATIONAL MODEL UNITED NATIONS 2016 League of Nations (LoN) London International Model United Nations 17th Session | 2016 1

Transcript of League of Nations (LoN)Mussolini claimed the incident, as well as the unwillingness of Abyssinia to...

Page 1: League of Nations (LoN)Mussolini claimed the incident, as well as the unwillingness of Abyssinia to take responsibility, as “casus belli”. On January 3 1935, Haile Selassie appealed

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LONDON INTERNATIONAL MODEL UNITED NATIONS 2016 .

League of Nations (LoN) London International Model United Nations 17th Session | 2016

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Table of Contents

The Abyssinia Crisis

Introduction 3

Key Events and Brief History 4

Discussion of the Problem 6

Definitions of Key Terms 8

Bloc Positions 8

Basic Legal Documents 9

Points a Resolution Should Address 10

Further Reading 11

Sources 11

Conference Information 12

Position Papers 13

Contact Details 14

The League Assembly in Geneva, 1936

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The Abyssinia Crisis

Introduction

The League of Nations was founded in the wake of the First World War on the 10th of

January 1920 as part of the Paris Peace Conference. The precursor to the United

Nations, its goals were to provide a forum for the international community to resolve

issues peacefully.

The Covenant of the League of Nations outlined the principles of collective security,

disarmament and communication among world powers to maintain international

peace. The United States Senate, isolationist as it was in the era, however refused to

consent to ratification of the Covenant and thus the US never joined.

The League of Nations included two key institutions, the Assembly and the Council,

operating in much the same way as the General Assembly and the Security Council

do in the contemporary United Nations. The Assembly comprised representatives of

all of the member states of the League, with each member being allowed up to three

representatives and a single vote.

The Council acted as an executive body to the League, deciding its business and

holding most power in times of emergency. It consisted of the four permanent

members, the United Kingdom, France, Italy and Japan, as well as of a further four

non-permanent members. Through the course of the League’s existence, the

permanent members of the Council fluctuated in number, including at various stages

Germany and the USSR. By the Second World War, only the UK and France remained

permanent members of the Council.

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A key principle of the League of Nations was the Unanimity Rule that required

every decision made by the Assembly and Council to be reached through consensus.

This attempt to recognise all countries’ sovereign equality is regarded as one of the

chief weaknesses of the League as it often led to inaction. The exception to this rule

was that the votes of members directly involved in a dispute were not required to be

in accordance with the rest of the Assembly or Council in order to allow decisions to

be reached during disputes. This exception will prove significant when considering the

Abyssinian Crisis as Italy and Abyssinia will not be required to vote as the rest of the

Assembly for a resolution to pass.

The Abyssinian Crisis of 1934-6 is seen as one of the key moments in the League’s

history, not only as a major international event in the inter-war period but as a

monumental moment of failure for the League of Nations. The League’s failure to act

decisively in the conflict exposed it as powerless contributed to the total loss of respect

borne for it.

Key Events and Brief History

The Wal Wal Incident Wal Wal was an oasis town in Abyssinia as set out by international law and the Italo-

Abyssinian Treaty of Friendship of 1928. In 1930, Italian forces moved about 50 miles-

deep inside Abyssinian territory and built a fort in the Wal Wal oasis. Soon, the

Abyssinian government stated that this action was a violation of the Italo-Abyssinian

Treaty and decided for a military response. In consequence, on November 22 1934, a

force of about 1000 militiamen approached the area and requested the Italian forces

– which included no more than 60 Italian and Somali soldiers – to abandon their

positions. The Somali non-commissioned officer refused to satisfy the request and

alerted the commander of the area, Captain Cimmaruta, about the incident and

requested reinforcements, which then arrived the following day. On the same day a

group of surveyors was in the area to map the borders between Abyssinia and British

Somaliland. The Italian forces confronted the group and thereby interrupted its

mission. The British Empire strongly protested, but soon withdrew military presence to

avoid a conflict between Italian and British troops. The Abyssinian troops, however,

remained in order to protect their country’s territorial integrity, and the situation

remained stable for about a week. But on December 5, a violent skirmish broke out

between the two opposing forces that lasted for two days. In the end, 107 Abyssinian

and 50 Italian and Somali soldiers died. The reasons for the start of this incident are

unclear. While Italy claimed the Abyssinian troops attacked their forces without

reason, the Abyssinians, on the other hand, contended that the Italian and Somali

forces were the ones to begin hostilities.

Diplomatic initiatives followed The Emperor of Abyssinia Haile Selassie appealed to the League of Nations for starting

negotiations about the peaceful settlement of the crisis. The Italian prime-minister

Benito Mussolini requested apologies from Abyssinia and financial compensation, but

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this was rejected by Selassie. Mussolini claimed the incident, as well as the

unwillingness of Abyssinia to take responsibility, as “casus belli”.

On January 3 1935, Haile Selassie appealed again to the League of Nations,

requesting referral of the case to an arbitration scheme. The League of Nations

established an arbitration committee authorized to investigate and attribute

responsibility for the conflict.

Italy undertook diplomatic initiatives for stabilizing its positions in the area. On January

7 1935, Mussolini met with the French Foreign Minister, Pierre Laval, and concluded the

Franco-Italian Agreement which granted a part of French Somaliland to Italy to

enhance Italy’s role in the area. In return, Mussolini promised to assist France in case

of conflict with Germany. He also met with the British Foreign Secretary, Samuel Hoare,

to discuss the Wal Wal incident.

The Incident of January 25 1935 On January 25 1935, five Italian Askaris1 were found dead. Their death was attributed

to Abyssinian forces. Mussolini subsequently declared that Italy would defense its rights

and protect its people. Italian forces began to mobilise in Italian Eritrea and Italian

Somaliland.

On March 8 1935, Abyssinia appealed once more to the League of Nations, protesting

the military build-up and requesting arbitration. After three official requests of

Abyssinia, the League of Nations finally pressed Italy to accept the arbitration.

However, the Italian mobilization kept apace. Italy and Abyssinia also decided upon

the creation of a temporary neutral zone in the Ogaden area.

Further diplomatic efforts The League of Nations held a special conference on May 20, 1935 about the crisis in

Abyssinia. The Council however failed to reach a resolution. On June 19, Abyssinia

requested neutral observers to assess the situation.

The British Empire decided to offer “good offices” to achieve a peaceful resolution.

The then British Under-Secretary for Foreign Affairs Anthony Eden met with both

Mussolini and Selassie. There, Italy made clear that without an apology and

compensation by Abyssinia, a peaceful resolution would not be achieved. Britain

decided to impose an embargo on arm sales to both Italy and Abyssinia to pressure

them into peaceful resolution.

Italian and Abyssinian diplomats met in The Hague on June 25 1935 to discuss progress

on arbitration. The talks failed, however, and progress of the committee was stalled.

1 Soldiers locally enlisted by a colonial power.

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While Italy had already finished its military build-up, Abyssinia requested that

Britain and the League of Nations halt the arms embargo so that Abyssinia could

defend itself in the event of an Italian invasion. Both Britain and France however

privileged Mussolini in the area, asking in return for Italian demobilisation. Yet Italy

rejected the offers.

On September 4, the League of Nations held another conference about the crisis. The

decision made exempted both Italy and Abyssinia for any responsibilities about the

Wal Wal incident because each nation had believed that Wal Wal was within its own

borders. As a result, France, Britain and the League decided to reduce sanctions.

Afraid of the potential for war though, Abyssinia requested once more for neutral

observers. As this request was not serviced, however, Selassie increased Abyssinian

military presence in the area.

Discussion of Problem

Background Abyssinia, the European name for the Ethiopian Empire, had existed in one form or

another since approximately 1137, and spanned a large swath of East Africa. The

Ethiopian Empire had proved itself a legitimate independent nation, fighting off

Italian, Turkish and Arab armies that sought to conquer it.

Tensions with Italy had originated in the Scramble for Africa2. The First Italo-Ethiopian

War of 1895 ended in a humiliating defeat for the Italians, and forced Italy as well as

other international powers to recognise the independence of Ethiopia. This war was

cited by the government of Benito Mussolini as one of the reasons for conflict with

Ethiopia as they sought revenge for their humiliation.

Ethiopia was under the leadership of Emperor Haile Selassie, heralded as one of the

greatest leaders of the 20th Century. After his ascension to power he introduced

Ethiopia’s first constitution, keeping power in the hands of the nobility but ultimately

leading the way for democratisation of the country.

The Crisis at Present As previously outlined, several crisis points have emerged over the last few years

between Italy and Ethiopia, particularly the Wal Wal incident which saw

miscommunication leading to conflict between the two parties. Since this point, both

sides have mobilised their armies and have been steadily increasing their forces in the

region. Mussolini has been sending Italian troops to Eritrea and Italian Somaliland in a

move to surround Ethiopia, and in response Haile Selassie has been building up

Ethiopian resources in preparation for war.

2 A phrase often used to describe the European partition and conquest of Africa in the late nineteenth

century.

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Diplomatically, many channels have been considered. Britain has been

desperately trying to avert conflict by calling for an arms embargo and facilitating

dialogue between the two nations, however these have not resulted in a great deal

of success.

The League of Nations meeting of the 4th September 1935 saw both Italy and Ethiopia

alleviated of blame for the Wal Wal incident, instead seeing it as a territorial

misunderstanding that led to conflict. In addition, Britain and France agreed to lift

some of the sanctions they had placed on Italy for its aggressive actions.

Despite these progressive steps, Italy maintained an aggressive presence in the

region. On 27 September Britain agreed to increase sanctions against Italy if it did not

move out of the region, and the next day Ethiopia mobilised its armed forces fully.

On 3 October 1935, Italian forces from Eritrea invaded Ethiopia with no declaration of

war, and Ethiopia immediately declared war on Italy.

The League of Nations is now meeting on the 7th of October in an emergency session

of the League Assembly to discuss the Abyssinia Crisis.

Ethiopia in the inter-war period.

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Definitions of Key Terms

Right of States to Self-Defense3 The only two exceptions to the law of non-aggression in international relations are the

rights to self-defense and the system of collective security.

The right of states to self-defense refers to the ability of the state to defend its territory

in case of attack by another State. The term “attack” presupposes the existence of

an organised state having organised military forces. According to the “Webster

formula”, a very well-known theory of the international law, the need of defense must

be direct, insurmountable and without any other ability of action or time to peacefully

resolve the matter. The 1928 Kellogg-Briand Pact however does not include any

reference to the right of self-defense.

The System of Collective Secuity4

Collective Security is based on the provision in the League of Nations Covenant that

an attack upon one member of the League is an attack upon all members. 4 The

system of Collective Security can be effective if all the members are willing to (a)

condemn the actions of the assailant country (b) participate in a military occupation

for the defense of the country under attack and (c) diplomatically, commercially and

politically isolate the assailant country.

Aribitration Arbitration is a way of resolving incidents, without applying to a court. The two

disputing parties decide to assign a third party to investigate the incident and decide

upon it. The disputing parties are obliged to follow the decision of the arbitrator.

Bloc Positions

The Ethiopian Bloc Abyssinia is one of the few African nations that are not currently a colony. This justifies

why the African countries support Abyssinia, under the fear of them being attacked

by a colonising country in the near future. Relationships between Abyssinia and

European countries are generally good. This is why Abyssinia has so often requested

assistance of the League of Nations and Europe. The first country to condemn Italy’s

actions was Mexico, strongly supporting the sovereignty of Abyssinia. The USSR remains

an active supporter of Abyssinia, but is not yet willing to provide military assistance. In

addition, Abyssinia expects assistance of any kind from countries opposed to the

Italian invasion, like China, New Zealand and Spain. The main goals of this bloc are

the maintenance of peace and security, the support of Abyssinia’s sovereignty, the

3 Yoram Dinstein, War, Aggression and Self-Defence, Cambridge University. Olivier Corten, The Law

Against War, Oxford University. Thomas M. Franck, Recourse to Force, State Action against Threats and

Armed Attacks. Christine Gray, International Law and the Use of Force, Oxford University. 4 See clause 10,11 and 16 of the Covenant of the League of Nations

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condemnation of Italy’s hostilities, as well as a loan by the League of Nations to

strengthen their military forces and defend Abyssinia.

The Italian Bloc Until recently, Italy’s relationships to other European countries were stable. After recent

events, however, Italy has come to understand that its traditional allies in Europe are

not willing to support it in case of war with Abyssinia. Italy has recently been cultivated

strong relationships to Germany and Chancellor Adolf Hitler, as well as the traditional

German friends Czechoslovakia, Denmark, Romania, Bulgaria, Austria and the

Netherlands. In addition, Italy has improved relations with the Empire of Japan, which

was the first country to announce recognition of the right to invade Abyssinia. The

Italians colonies in the area, Somaliland and Eritrea are strong supporters of Italy as

well. The main aims of this bloc are the defense of Italy’s interests in the area,

punishment of Abyssinia for the Wal Wal incident and an agreement that Abyssinia

would become a kind of Italian protectorate.

The European Bloc With numerous interests in Africa, the European colonial powers like Britain, France and

Portugal play leading roles in the problem. Especially Britain and France took initiatives

to press both Ethiopia and Italy to negotiate and compromise. They were the

instigators of sanctions after the Wal Wal incident. They currently consider imposing

new sanctions against Italy, after the recent events that took place in Abyssinia. Their

role is essential given their standing in international affairs, and in African particularly.

Furthermore, they retain good relationships with Abyssinia. Their relationships to Ital, on

the other hand, have been tumultuous. Their primary aim is peaceful resolution of the

problem, even if sanctions, arbitration, and use of all the necessary means by the

League of Nations are required. The United States, until now neutral in the incident,

seem to be closer to this bloc.

Basic Legal Documents The Covenant of the League of Nations The Covenant of the League of Nations was approved by the Paris Peace

Conference of April 28 1918. The Covenant is the constituting document of the

League of Nations, ordering its operation, scope, duties and purposes. The Covenant

consists of 26 articles and serves the aim of achieving international peace and

security, especially the principle of the collective security.5 Moreover, the Covenant

orders that any incidents between states have to be adjusted by the methods

arbitration, litigation or referral to the Council of the League of Nations in order to

prevent armed conflicts.6 War is however not condemned in the Covenant, but is

instead regulated as a dispute-settlement measure.7 A chief disadvantage of the

5 See articles 10,11,16 of the Covenant 6 See article 12 of the Covenant 7 As article 12 orders

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Covenant is the inability to impose sanctions against states that violate its terms.

Regarding the decision-making process, it requires unanimity, which means that every

nation has de facto veto power.8 The Covenant provides that the League of Nations

is structured by the Council, the Assembly, six committees and the Secretariat.9

The Kellogg-Briand Pact10 The Kellogg-Briand Pact is supported by 62 states. It condemns war as a means to

conduct international relations. Any parties violating its terms are to be denied the

benefits from the Pact, which means that a system of collective security could be

used against them. A right to defense is not regulated in the Kellogg-Briand Pact.

The Italo-Abyssinian Treaty of Friendship and Arbitration

The Treaty of Friendship and Arbitration between Italy and Abyssinia was signed in

1928 and declared a 20 year friendship between the two nations. The Treaty was

signed mainly to resolve commercial and financial issues between both states.

Abyssinia was gaining access to the sea from the territories of Italian colonies, while

Italy could have access to the Abyssinian territory for commercial reasons. Moreover,

it binds both nations into the duty of avoiding violence against one another and

resolve issues with assistance from the League of Nations.

Points a Resolution Should Discuss The following are possible points of discussion for the League of Nations Assembly at

LIMUN:

Deciding upon responsibility for the aggression,

The possibility of collective security,

The question of imposing sanctions,

The League of Nation’s position about Abyssinia’s right to self-defense,

The condemnation or acceptance of the Italian invasion,

Preventing descent into another world war,

The protection of unarmed civilians,

Prevention of war crimes,

Prevention of the use of chemical weapons,

The question of arms embargo,

The question of uniting African military forces for Abyssinia’s defense,

Possible plans for sharing the disputed territories.

8 See article 5 of the Covenant 9 See article 2 of the Covenant. 10 Butler, Nicholas Murray, The path to peace: essays and addresses on peace and its making. Ferrell, Robert H. Peace in their time; the origins of the Kellogg-Briand pact,

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Further Reading

http://www.britannica.com/event/Italo-Ethiopian-War-1935-1936

http://www.war-memorial.net/Italo-Ethiopian-War-3.73

Italy Under Fascism: https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=ZtTCHQCDlNU

Haile Selassie: http://www.bbc.co.uk/guides/zqqx6sg

The League Covenant: http://www.refworld.org/docid/3dd8b9854.html

Sources

George Wharton Pepper – The Objections to the League of Nations Covenant

http://www.jstor.org/stable/1171850?seq=1#page_scan_tab_contents

C. G. Fenwick – The Failure of the League of Nations

http://www.jstor.org/stable/2191024?seq=1#page_scan_tab_contents

http://www.jstor.org/stable/218964?seq=1#page_scan_tab_contents

http://avalon.law.yale.edu/20th_century/leagcov.asp

http://www.historylearningsite.co.uk/modern-world-history-1918-to-1980/league-of-nations/

http://ox.libguides.com/lnstruc

Butler, Nicholas Murray, The path to peace: essays and addresses on peace and its making.

Ferrell, Robert H., Peace in their time; the origins of the Kellogg-Briand pact.

Kenneth R. Stevens; Border Diplomacy- The Caroline and McLeod Affairs in Anglo-American-

Canadian Relations, 1837-1842 University of Alabama Press, 1989;

Alexander Orakhelashvili, Collective Security, Oxford University

Roland Pierik, Wouter Werner, Cosmopolitanism in Context, Perspectives from International

Law and Political Theory, Cambridge University.

Ramesh Thakur, The United Nations, Peace and Security From Collective Security to the

Responsibility to Protect, Cambridge University.

https://history.state.gov/milestones/1921-1936/kellogg

http://avalon.law.yale.edu/20th_century/leagcov.asp

http://www.gcsehistory.org.uk/modernworld/appeasement/abyssiniacrisis.htm

http://www.mythsandfacts.org/media/user/documents/article51.pdf

http://www2.hu-berlin.de/transcience/Vol2_Issue2_2011_23_29.pdf

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Conference Information When looking for information regarding LIMUN 2016 (and

subsequent editions) your first step should be to visit our website:

www.limun.org.uk

LIMUN in social media

Please follow updates from us through our social media channels:

London International Model United Nations (LIMUN)

@LondonMUN

When tweeting about this year’s conference (your preparations,

journey to/from London or when live-tweeting the events during the

conference itself) –

- please use hashtag #LIMUN2016

Agenda & Rules of Procedure

The agenda for the 2016 conference is available online at

www.limun.org.uk/agenda

The Rules of Procedure can be accessed here:

http://limun.org.uk/rules

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Position Papers

What is a position paper?

A position paper is a statement of policy, which is intended to

communicate an overall position of a country on a particular topic

debated in the committee. Position papers should be brief and

outline the general policies rather than specific measures.

Each delegate should submit one position paper per topic to be

debated by the committee (note: most of the committees have

two proposed topics). Each paper should be approximately one

page per topic.

LIMUN offers a short guide on how to write a position paper. It is

available on our website:

http://limun.org.uk/FCKfiles/File/PP_Guide.pdf

Deadlines

The deadline for the submission of delegates’ position papers is 20

February 2016. Failure to submit by this deadline will render

delegates ineligible for Diplomacy Awards.

Positions Papers will have to be submitted in a publicly-accessible

Dropbox, to be provided by committee directors. At their

discretion, directors may provide feedback in individuals cases if so

requested.

The most worthy work submitted in a committee will earn the

delegate a Best Position Paper Award. The length of any one paper

should not exceed 500 words.

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Contact Details

For any enquiries relating to your committee proceedings or if you

want to get in touch with your committee’s directors, or for

submission of position papers:

- please e-mail: [email protected]

Other enquiries regarding the Conference:

- please e-mail: [email protected]

Before contacting LIMUN please make sure you have read FAQ

section on our website: http://limun.org.uk/faq

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