Late Roman and Migration Period Sites In

8/20/2019 Late Roman and Migration Period Sites In

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Goldsmith Mysteries

Archaeological, pictorial and documentary evidence from the1st millennium AD in northern Europe

Edited byAlexandra Pesch and Ruth Blankenfeldt

Papers presented at a workshop organized by theCentre for Baltic and Scandinavian Archaeology (ZBSA)

Schleswig, October 20th and 21st, 2011

Wachholtz Verlag


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ISBN 978 3 529 01878 7

Redaktion: Isabel SonnenscheinSatz und Bildbearbeitung: Jürgen Schüller

Bibliograsche Information der Deutschen Nationalbibliothek. Die Deutsche Nationalbibliothek verzeichnet diese Publikation

in der Deutschen Nationalbibliograe; detaillierte bibliograsche Daten sind im Internet über abrufbar.

Alle Rechte, auch die des auszugsweisen Nachdrucks, insbesondere für Vervielfältigungen, der Einspeisung und Verarbeitung

in elektronischen Systemen sowie der photomechanischen Wiedergabe und Übersetzung vorbehalten

Wachholtz Verlag, Neumünster 2012

Der Fritz Thyssen Stiftung für Wissenschaftsförderung sei für die freundliche nanzielle Unterstützung gedankt.


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In memoriam Maiken Fecht


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Table of Contents

Alexandra Pesch and Ruth BlankenfeldtA Golden October. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 9

Alexandra Pesch and Ruth BlankenfeldtSome ancient mysteries on the subject of goldsmiths . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 11

The elusive smithies

Torsten CapelleAn insight into the goldsmith’s workshop . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 17

Nancy WickerThe elusive smith . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 29

Alexandra PeschThe goldsmith, his apprentice and the gods. A fairy tale. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 37

Workshops in theory and cultural anthropology

Charlotte BehrThe working of gold and its symbolic signicance . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 51

Barbara ArmbrusterFeinschmiedewerkzeuge vom Beginn der Metallurgie bis in die Römische Kaiserzeit . . . . . . . . 59

Iris AufderhaarWhat would a goldsmith’s workshop look like in theory? . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 87

Archaeological sources: Roman period to Viking Age

Hans-Ulrich VoßDie Suche nach den namenlosen Meistern . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 101

Günther MoosbauerGoldschmiedehandwerk im Römischen Kaiserreich . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 117

Morten AxboeLate Roman and Migration Period sites in southern Scandinavia witharchaeological evidence of the activity of gold and silver smiths . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 123

Kristina LammHelgö as a goldsmiths’ workshop in Migration Period Sweden . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 143


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Late Roman and Migration Period sites in southern Scandinaviawith archaeological evidence of the activity of gold and silver smiths

By Morten Axboe, Copenhagen

Keywords: Central places, metal-detector finds, workshop remains, Gudme, Uppåkra, TorstorpVesterby, Kværndrup

Abstract: Although the presence of gold and silver smiths at central places is revealed by drops of metal,crucibles, etc., actual workshops are difcult to identify. This is partly due to the large size of the sites,of which just small areas have been excavated, and partly due to the fact that only preliminary resultshave yet been published. Possible workshops have been identied at Gudme and Lundeborg, while‘Grubenhäuser’ (pit houses) with positive evidence of workshop activities have been found at smallersites like Kværndrup and Torstorp Vesterby. Smiths who worked with gold and silver were most likelyalso skilled in working with bronze and iron.

This paper is a presentation of sites with archaeological evidence of gold and silver-working during

the Late Roman and Migration Periods in southern Scandinavia (Fig. 1). Such evidence can primarilybe expected at the so-called ‘central places’ – and is, in fact, among the criteria used by Fabech andRingtved to characterize their second level of Late Iron Age settlements ( FABECH/RINGTVED 1995;FABECH 1999, 40f.). However, quite a few other sites of lower status must be considered, too.

ARISTOCRATIC SITES

According to Lars JøRGENSEN (2009, 332ff.), the large high-status Iron Age sites under aristocraticcontrol can be divided into two groups, or generations, whereby Gudme, Sorte Muld and Uppåkratogether with Helgö (and possibly Avaldsnes in Norway) make up the rst generation. This paper

will concentrate on sites from this generation, both the aristocratic sites discussed by Jørgensen andsmaller settlements. Jørgensen denes a rst generation aristocratic site as an accumulation of crafts-men’s farms or dwellings grouped around an elite residence; a structure and organization that theyretain over the subsequent centuries. The chieftain’s farm – at least as found at Gudme – had neitherutility buildings nor smaller dwellings or workshops, and Jørgensen assumes that the chieftain’swealth was based on the levying of tribute, not only in kind from dependent settlements, but alsoin the form of crafted items from the workshops he controlled ( JøRGENSEN 2010, 275; 2011, 84; cf. JøRGENSEN 2001, 73f.). The craftsmen in question were not only the gold and silver smiths who are thefocal point of this symposium but also other tradesmen who worked in central places: bronze castersand blacksmiths, comb makers, amber carvers, carpenters, etc.


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As ‘second generation aristocratic sites’ Jørgensen lists Tissø, Lejre and Toftegård in Zealand and

Järrestad in eastern Scania. These were founded during the 6th

and 7th

centuries and do not have thesurrounding permanent craftsmen’s farms, which seem to have been superseded by seasonal marketplaces with Grubenhäuser (pit houses) and other small houses or market booths ( JøRGENSEN 2009, 337f.; cf. also NøRGåRD JøRGENSEN et al. 2011). Neither these later aristocratic sites – to which thesite at Stavnsager (FIEDEL et al. 2011) in eastern Jutland may be added – nor the more or less seasonalmarket places will be considered here.

SEARCHING FOR THE CRAFTSMEN

It is, however, no simple task to review the traces of precious-metal workshops of the Roman

and Migration Periods. One problem is that the most prominent central places cover very largeareas: both Gudme and Sorte Muld measure about one square kilometre; Uppåkra is more than600.000 m² (Fig. 2). While contemporaneous rural settlements like Vorbasse consisted of some8–12 farms, the three Migration Period central places mentioned are estimated to have had 30, 50or even more households each, and may have had at least 500 inhabitants ( JøRGENSEN 1994, 60;WATT 2009, 25; AxBOE/JøRGENSEN 2010, 117f.). In fact, the occupation layers at Uppåkra cover anarea about half the size of late-medieval Lund, which was the seat of the archbishop and one ofthe most important towns in medieval Denmark (LARSSON 2003, Fig. 8). While Uppåkra seemsto be a single coherent settlement area, both Gudme, Sorte Muld and the slightly later Boeslundesettlement (which wil l not be considered here; see NIELSEN 1997) consist of many smaller units,

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Fig. 1. Sites mentioned in the text. 1. Bejsebakken ; 2. Dankirke; 3. Darum; 4. Dejbjerg ; 4a. Engelsborg; 5. Gudme;6. Hardenberg; 7. Herfølge; 8. Høgsbrogård; 9. Hørup; 10. Høstentorp; 11. Kværndrup; 12. Lindholm Høje; 13. Lundeborg;14. Odense (Granly, Lundsgård SØ); 15. Østervang; 16. Postgården; 17. Sandegård; 18. Simmersted; 19. Slöinge; 20. SorteMuld; 21. Søtoftegård; 22. Stavad; 23. Stentinget; 24. Torstorp Vesterby; 25. Uppåkra; 26. Vorbasse.


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due to the many wet areas in the undulatinglandscape (see maps in JøRGENSEN 2011, Fig. 3and LUND HANSEN et al. 2009, 187).On the other hand, only tiny parts of thesettlement areas have been excavated, e.g.around 30.000 m² at Gudme. Given the fact

that the sites have been ploughed for centu-ries, much of the nd material consists ofmetal-detector nds from the top soil. Thismeans we may have large numbers of golddrops and bronze or silver sprues from nemetal working but, unless they were foundin a closed context, we cannot date themmore precisely than to the general period inwhich the settlement was active. As far asthe central places are concerned, this means just the rst millennium.It is also necessary to point out that mostof the sites have only been published as in-terim reports, survey papers or popular-science books. It is therefore difcult to pindown exact facts, and I have had no timeto consult the actual find material, fieldreports or excavation plans for the presentpaper. We will have to wait for the finalpublications to learn more about possible

well-dated nds from pits, wells or cultural layers, which may indicate actual workshop buildings

or structures.We do, however, have some evidence of gold and silver working, together with more extensive remainsfrom bronze work-shops, and I believe that some of the bronze-casting waste may have been left bycraftsmen who also mastered gold and silver working. Not that every bronzesmith would have beenable to make gold or silver jewellery – the reverse is more likely: I cannot imagine a goldsmith whowould not have been able to make his own tools, especially the more delicate and personal ones likepunches or matrixes. The maker of gold bracteates will also have made his own dies, as well as thetools for making the rim wire and punches for the borders. Some brooches combine bronze and gold,not only the very intricate types such as rosette or swastika brooches, where cooperation betweenseveral specialists is conceivable, but also the less complex brooches from Kitnæs and Elsehovedwith a bronze core covered in gold sheet and decorated with ligree, granulation and inlays. Because

of its higher value, I presume that any gold or silver waste would have been carefully collected forrecycling, while bronze scraps and sprues were more likely to be discarded.Consequently, unnished gold or silver objects are seldom found. A rare example is the gold bracteateIK 570, where the striking was so uncuccessful that the gold blank had been folded over to be melteddown (HAUCk/AxBOE 1990). It was found at Sylten, which is part of the Sorte Muld settlement com-plex on Bornholm. Drops of gold and silver may reasonably be taken as evidence of precious-metalworking, and scrap metal can possibly be considered as raw material for the smiths. This also ap-plies to Roman coins, although these may have been just valuables: preliminary metal analyses donot conrm that Scandinavian silver jewellery was made from denarius silver (HORSNæS et al. 2005;HORSNæS 2010, 188f.).

Fig. 2. The ‘central places’ Gudme, Uppåkra and Sorte Muldcompared to the Migration Period Vorbasse village (adapted from l arsson 2003).


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GUDME

A closer look at Gudme reveals that the distribution of finds can tell us something about thedifferent functions of various parts of the settlement. For practical reasons, Gudme has been dividedinto several sectors, called Gudme I–V, or with farm or eld names (Fig. 3). As demonstrated by Lars Jørgensen, the nds of 4th–5th century hack silver and silver ingots – which may be considered as rawmaterial for the silversmiths – are concentrated in the southern part of the settlement, to the south ofthe ‘Gudmehallerne’ site, where the manor with a ‘royal hall’ of the late Roman period and the pos-sible multi-phased cult house next to it were excavated ( JøRGENSEN 2011, 82, Fig. 5). Much less scrapsilver has been found in the northern part of the settlement area, while important gold hoards were

found outside the silversmiths’ area ( JøRGENSEN 1998, Fig. 7). We may therefore presume that, fromthe 3rd to the 6th century, Gudme was divided into a southern section with workshop activities andsmall hoards, mostly of raw materials, and a northern and eastern section with the aristocratic farmsand high-status gold hoards weighing 300–600 g each. Excavations in the areas where the large goldand silver hoards were found, in the northern section of the Gudme settlement site, have shown thatthese were buried in or near the remains of houses (see, for example, AUD 1991, 149f.; 1994, 152; k JER MICHAELSEN 1995,12f., Fig. 12).According to Lars Jørgensen, neither the manor with the large late-Roman hall, which was replacedin the rst half of the 5th century by a smaller N-S oriented hall some 30 m away, nor the cult househave yielded signicant traces of agricultural or craft activity. The magnate’s wealth appears to have

Fig. 3. Map of the principal excavation areas at Gudme (adapted from h orsnæs 2010; courtesy L . Jørgensen).


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depended on the levying of tribute, and presumably both the craftsmen of Gudme and the coastal siteat Lundeborg will have contributed ( JøRGENSEN 2011, 83f.).It should be noted that the southern part of the Gudme settlement was not just a workshop area with,for example, Grubenhäuser as workshops. The houses found there were farmsteads with longhousesand one or two smaller post-built buildings, as can be found in many other settlements. But in additionto the normal nd material, crucibles, melted-down debris, tuyères and other workshop-related nds

also appeared, and JøRGENSEN (2010, 82) calls these houses ‘workshop farms’.A very special group of nds consisted of seven gold nails or rivets for 6th century sword pommels.These were found in a limited section of the Gudme II area, directly to the south of the manor, andit seems that two or three farms here actually manufactured such high-prestige pommels, whichhave not yet actually been found in Denmark ( JøRGENSEN 1998, 12–15 with Figs. 4–6; 2011, 82). TheGudme II bracteate hoard (Ik Vol. 3,1, No. 51,3, 391–393, 455,2; AxBOE 1987; POULSEN 1987) wasfound in a posthole belonging to a small house on a neighbouring farm, where ne metal smiths alsoseem to have worked ( JøRGENSEN 1994; VANG PETERSEN 1994, 34f. Fig. 12; AxBOE/JøRGENSEN 2010,115ff.). The nds from the Gudme II sectors of Gudme indicate that these areas were settled from thebeginning of the late Roman period to the 12 th century, with a high point in the Migration Period;the nds include gold, silver and bronze workshop material ( JøRGENSEN 1994 Figs. 2–3). Among thesurface nds is what is presumed to be a stone mould for ingots ( THRANE 1992, 332 Fig. 18).The Bjørnebanken site is situated to the east of Gudme II NØ. Here – as in other parts of the Gudmearea – excavations were undertaken because metal-detectorists had revealed a hoard of Roman hacksilver, which mainly came from a large, ornamented, partly gilt and niello dish. The hoard had beendispersed by ploughing but had apparently been deposited originally inside a small house that waspart of a fenced farm complex. Fragments of other dishes were also found, as well as three 4th centurysolidi and fragments of Scandinavian gold jewellery, which indicated that the hoard was not depos-ited before the 5th century (k JER M ICHAELSEN 1995, 11f.; AUD 1995, 153; 1996, 161; øSTERGAARD SøRENSEN 2003c).Some 200 m to the west of the manor, the Gudme III/Stærkærvej settlement area was located on a

small hill surrounded by meadows and wetlands (VANG

PETERSEN

1994, 32–34; øSTERGAARD

SøRENSEN

1994, 41–44; 2000). The three farms located here could be followed through nine building phases thatapproximately covered the period AD 200–650. The most spectacular nds were a siliqua hoard,deposited near the fence of one of the farms (kROMANN 1988; VANG PETERSEN 1994, Fig. 5; HORSNæS 2010, 98), a concentration of hack silver and debris from molten silver, and a small hoard of gold-foilfragments with animal style ornaments; all of which were found in the top-soil (øSTERGAARD SøRENSEN 2000, 24ff., Figs. 2–3). Very similar ornamented gold foil was found at Gudme II (THRANE 1992, Fig. 20). Some denarii were found in the same area as the Gudme III siliquae and may havebelonged to the same hoard (øSTERGAARD SøRENSEN 1989, 65). Farm 1, the only one of the farmsthat was almost completely excavated, included a longhouse and one or two smaller houses. At leasttwo of the occupation phases of one of the small houses yielded evidence of ne metal working:

fragments of thimble-shaped crucibles (øSTERGAARD SøRENSEN 2003a, Figs. 7, 10a), clay tuyèresand vitried clay/sand that most likely came from the melting pits. A well near this possible work-shop (VANG PETERSEN 1994, Figs. 5–6) contained a quantity of similar slag, tuyère fragments andpossible mould fragments. It has not been established what metals were processed. The ne metalworking seems to have been carried out in the 5 th century, but may have started earlier (øSTERGAARD SøRENSEN 1989, 9–49). Among the nds from the top-soil were a Style I/II ornamented patrix diefor ‘purse-shaped pendants’ (THRANE 1992, Fig. 17a) and some lead weights, but most were dropsof bronze and silver. A concentration of silver-smelting debris and hack silver just to the east ofthe excavated area may indicate metal working in connection with Farm 2 (øSTERGAARD SøRENSEN 1989, 64–69).


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Attention was also rst drawn to the Gudme V/Stenhøjgård sector by a spectacular hoard, in thiscase 1,282 kg of hack silver: fragments of ingots, rings and decorated Roman tableware, togetherwith a number of spiral wire clasps, which indicated that the treasure was not deposited before the 5th century (kROMANN BALLING/VANG PETERSEN 1985, 202f., Fig. 7; MUNkSGAARD 1987, Fig. 30; øSTER-GAARD SøRENSEN 2003b, 433; cf. HINES 1993, 4–8). Excavations revealed house remains from oneor two farms with several building phases ( VANG PETERSEN 1994, 35ff., Figs. 14–16; øSTERGAARD

SøRENSEN 1994, 45ff., Figs. 6–7); the silver hoard was located outside a house, close to the fence. Asmall collection of molten silver, gold, and blue glass (beads?) was found in the hole of a roof-bearingpost, possibly a hidden (scrap metal?) hoard damaged by the re that destroyed the house (kROMANN et al. 1991, Fig. 3; VANG PETERSEN 1994, 36f., Fig. 14). The nds from Stenhøjgård included a largenumber of crucibles, some with gold drops adhering to them ( THRANE 1993, Pl. 14), which in severalinstances were found together with Migration Period potsherds, numerous drops of molten silverand glass, hammer-scale iron slag, and small thin strips of gold foil with a black coating on one side– perhaps waste from the manufacture of gold-plated ornaments, etc. (VANG PETERSEN 1990, Figs.5–7; 1994, 36f., Fig. 15). Among the metal-detector nds from the top-soil was a small bronze diefor making gold-foil rosettes for brooches (VANG PETERSEN 1994, Fig. 10), and a late-Roman rosettebrooch with glass inlays (kROMANN et al. 1991, Fig. 5; THRANE 1993, Pl. 14) that was found in a pit,had perhaps been made on the site.A special feature found at Gudme V/Stenhøjgård are hearths or ovens surrounded by a structurewith two pairs of posts, which were located close to the longhouses (øSTERGAARD SøRENSEN 1994,45f., Figs. 6–7). These were perhaps metal workers’ sheds; but no further details have yet been pub-lished. However, similar structures at Lundeborg have been interpreted as working areas (THOMSEN 1989, 11f., Fig. 6; THOMSEN et al. 1993, 83).The adjacent sector, Gudme I, has been known for many years because a number of denarii and4th century solidi were found on various occasions between 1885 and 1941. Since 1980, the use ofmetal detectors has increased the numbers to 37 denarii, 8 siliquae and 11 solidi, one of which is amultiplum. The solidi seem to constitute a dispersed hoard, while the other coins were much more

scattered and are best interpreted as single nds (kROMANN

1987; HORSNæS

2010, 95). Excavationrevealed several 4th–5th century type houses, but no datable nds in pits or postholes. Finds from thetop-soil include a bronze punch with an unidentiable stamp face, scrap silver that included a rimfragment of a Roman dish and a hook from a ladle, melted-down silver, a gold ring, and a fragment ofa crucible with drops of gold, which testied to precious-metal working on the site ( VANG PETERSEN 1987, 50–55; 1994, 30f.). Further excavations, called Gudme I Vest, were undertaken after the discov-ery of more dispersed scrap silver that included Roman dish fragments, ingots with cut-marks and afragment with Style I decoration, but no house remains were found (k JER MICHAELSEN 1995, 9ff.).To the east of Gudme II and south of Bjørnebanken lies the Gudme IV area. Numerous settlementremains with houses have been excavated, but no evidence of ne metal working has been reportedother than the torso of a Roman bronze gurine, which can perhaps be considered as bullion, and a

Merovingian Period die to make patterned gold foils ( JøRGENSEN 1994, 54; k JER MICHAELSEN/øSTER-GAARD SøRENSEN 1996).However, further to the east, at Gudmeløkken and Eisemoseløkken, fragments from more than oneRoman bronze statue (and an additional nger made of silver) may indicate a workshop area. Excava-tions have revealed two farm complexes, but no actual workshop remains have so far been reported(k JER MICHAELSEN 1994; øSTERGAARD SøRENSEN 2005). The statue fragments were possibly importedas scrap metal for recycling – from Period C2 onwards, hoards of scrap silver and bronze looted fromRoman villae near the Limes become numerous in Germanic areas (LUND HANSEN 2001).


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LUNDEBORG

Together with Gudme the coastal site of Lundeborg must, of course, also be mentioned (THOMSEN etal. 1993). Lundeborg is generally regarded as the trading port of Gudme, with seasonal market activityand the building and/or repairing of ships. There is evidence of iron working, as well as of bronzecasting: ingots, scrap metal, crucibles, moulds and unfinished brooches. Forge slags could be

associated with bronze casting; in at least some cases, crushed int had been added, perhaps toincrease the temperature (THOMSEN et al. 1993, 82; THOMSEN 1998, 27; cf. SøRENSEN 2000, 36f.). Goldand silver were also worked, as testied by ingots, scrap metal, drops and crucibles with traces ofgold or silver. Around 140 denarii have been found scattered over the site: these may have been usedfor trading purposes or as raw material for precious-metal smiths. In our workshop context, it isimportant to note that two touchstones have been found at Lundeborg, although no indicationof their date has been published (THOMSEN et al. 1993, 79, 83; JøRGENSEN/VANG PETERSEN 1998, Fig. 153). The traces of precious-metal working were close to the bronze-working area, and the toolsfound there may be linked with both activities: a pair of smith’s tongs, punches, small hammers, etc.(THOMSEN et al. 1993, 83f.; JøRGENSEN/VANG PETERSEN 1998, Fig. 152). Two small roofed structures,possibly working sites, were found; each consisted of a hearth surrounded by four thick posts, similarto the structures found at Gudme V/Stenhøjgård. Both were located in the southern part of the site,and both were rebuilt several times (THOMSEN 1989, 11f., Fig. 6; THOMSEN et al. 1993, 83).

UPPåkRA AND SORTE MULD

Like Gudme, the Scanian site of Uppåkra was active during the whole of the rst millennium. In fact,Uppåkra already existed in the Pre-Roman Iron Age and crucibles have been found in the early layers(HåRDH 2002, 126). Again, only minor parts of the site have been excavated and, given the more than3 m of cultural layers in some parts (LINDELL/THOMASSON, 2003, 31ff.), the analysis of the metal-

detector nds also poses problems as early nds, in layers that are as yet undisturbed, are probablyunderrepresented compared with the Late Iron Age nds turned up by the plough. Although publi-cation is proceeding at a laudable speed, there has been little focus on gold and silver smiths – possiblydue to lack of nds. It is evident that bronze jewellery was produced at Uppåkra, possibly alreadyduring the late Roman period or even earlier. Metal slag and tuyère fragments have been found inlate Roman refuse layers, as well as ceramics tempered with plant material or bone, which are inter-preted as evidence of metal working (STILBORG 2003, 127–132). During the Migration Period, a seriesof bronze cruciform brooches was presumably produced at Uppåkra (LUND/LARSSON 2007, 33), andVendel Period brooches and moulds testify to a massive production of beaked brooches ( HåRDH 2001, 197f.). Fragments of crucibles were reported from the famous cult house, both in the oor layerof the earliest phase (Late[?] Roman Iron Age), which also contained some metal slag, and in later

layers dating through the Migration Period (LARSSON/LENNTORP 2004, 18, 31). A crucible with tracesof gold was found just to the south of the cult house, possibly dating to the Vendel Period (LARSSON/LENNTORP 2004, 7). Early in the Vendel Period, gold-foil gures were manufactured at Uppåkra,as proved by the gold strips and four patrix dies that were found there (LARSSON/LENNTORP 2004,24f.; WATT 1999; 2004). Metal analyses of copper alloy objects seem to indicate that deliberate metal-working experiments were performed during the Vendel Period, thus testifying to the permanentpresence of bronze casters at Uppåkra (kRESTEN et al. 2001, 163). In such an active metal-workingmilieu, at a site with a denite aristocratic presence, gold and silver smiths must also have beenpresent, but proof of this is still rather elusive at Uppåkra.


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Sorte Muld, on Bornholm, is as aristocratic and long-lasting as Uppåkra (ADAMSEN et al. 2008; 2009).The up to 1.5 m of cultural layers date back as far as the Pre-Roman Iron Age and the nds indicatethat Sorte Muld, like Uppåkra, had a religious function, at least in the Vendel Period when morethan 2000 gold-foil gures were deposited there. The site is not as extensively published as Gudmeor Uppåkra but, according to Ulla Lund Hansen, the distribution pattern of the metal-detector ndsshows that craftsmen who worked with gold, silver and semi-precious stones were located in the

central part of Sorte Muld, while bronze and iron smiths worked in the satellite settlements ( LUND HANSEN 2009, 83f.). On the other hand, it should be remembered that the unnished gold bracteateIK 570 mentioned above was in fact found at Sylten, which is one of the satellite sites (HAUCk/AxBOE 1990); the ‘satellites’ Kanonhøj and Dalshøj have also yielded drops of gold and silver as well as evi-dence of bronze casting (THORSEN 2008, 113). The evidence of gold and silver smiths at Sorte Muldconsists of crucibles, ingots, gold drops and silver sprues; from the Vendel Period, there are not onlythe gold-foil gures – their production is proved by the patrix dies and cut gold strips – but alsopatterned gold foil for cloisonné work, patrix dies to produce the foil, and roughly shaped unmountedgarnets. The fragmented cloisonné objects found at Sorte Muld may well have been produced on site.As at Uppåkra, moulds are proof of the production of bronze beak brooches.

SMALLER SITES. HøRUP

Gudme, Uppåkra and Sorte Muld are the largest central places known. With their aristocratic andreligious functions, they are obvious places for gold and silver smiths to work. But there are othersites to be considered, too.The oldest is the settlement at Hørup in northern Zealand (SøRENSEN 2000; 2006a). Here, on theslope of a hill, is a workshop site with cultural layers dating from the early Roman Iron Age to theMigration Period. The area that yielded metal-detector nds extends over c. 20,000 m² with a dis-tinct concentration in an area approximately 75 x 75 m; c. 2000 m² have been excavated. There is clear

evidence of activity by blacksmiths, bronze casters and comb makers, while the presence of gold orsilver smiths is only indirectly suggested by fragments of nished objects, e.g. clasp buttons. Patchesof clay, 0.5–0.6 m in diameter, with heat-reddened centres measuring c. 0.2 m and small burnt stonesclose by, are interpreted as forges; the postholes near them as wind-break fences (SøRENSEN 2000, 12f.; 2006a, 174). Vitried clay was found both near the forges and elsewhere. One pit containedburnt int, which, in the light of the ndings at Lundeborg (see above) and at Kværndrup (below),may have been used in the forges (SøRENSEN 2000, 14). Six kilns were excavated, but there was noindication of their purpose (SøRENSEN 2000, 10–12; 2006a, 174). Some of the c. 50 brooches found hadbeen deliberately folded, as though intended to be recycled – indeed, one was actually partly melteddown. These ‘scrap bulae’ seem to date to the late Roman and early Migration Periods ( SøRENSEN 2000, 25; 2006a, 173). Sheet bronze and fragments of vessels also appear to have been cut up ready

to be melted down (SøRENSEN 2000, 38; 2006a, 173). Fifteen Roman coins have been found; the mostrecent was minted under Valentinian I (364–367) (SøRENSEN 2000, 33; 2006a, 171, 177; HORSNæS 2010, 108, 117). Like the weights (SøRENSEN 2000, 34; 2006a, 172f.), the coins may have been linked toworkshop activities. Secure evidence of ne metal working is furnished by more than 70 fragments ofcrucibles, two of which were almost totally preserved, and a fragment of a mould, while tuyère frag-ments may be ascribed to both ne metal smiths and blacksmiths, who also were active at Hørup(SøRENSEN 2000, 36–38; 2006a, 175).Hørup is obviously not a ‘central place’ in the same sense as Gudme or Uppåkra, but it seems to bepart of a ‘central landscape’ with an open-air sacricial site at Lærkefryd, where denarii, whole anddeliberately fragmented gold rings, high quality late Roman/Migration Period weapons and horse


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BERG HANSEN 1993–94). These sites had neither the same functions nor the same social or religiousstatus as the large central places like Gudme but seem, rather, to have been the farmsteads of lower-ranking chieftains with some additional trading activities ( JENSEN 1991; JøRGENSEN 2001, 74f.). Apartfrom some possible raw material, such as the scattered denarii, precious scrap metal and a ploughed-up bronze sprue from Dankirke, neither site has yielded evidence of any metal workers other thanblacksmiths. When examining Dankirke in the context of newer nds from the area, Claus FEVEILE

(2011, 279f.) considered it as an element of a possible multi-partite centre in south-western Jutland– perhaps a parallel to the above-mentioned Hørup/Søtoftegård area in Zealand. In any case, it is afurther reminder that other ‘centre’ models than just the Gudme/Uppåkra/Sorte Muld type must bekept in mind.

SLöINGE

Crucibles, metal drops and a presumed mould for gold ingots have been found without a dating con-text at the chieftain’s farm at Slöinge in Halland, which was founded in the Migration Period. AtSlöinge there is possible evidence of metal working and other specialized crafts during the MigrationPeriod, but not (yet) any indication that it involved more than visiting itinerant craftsmen – however,only a very small part of the nd-yielding area has been excavated (LUNDqVIST 1997; 2000, 43–59,118; 2003, 68–73f., 148ff.).

TORSTORP VESTERBy

Thus, the goldsmiths tend to elude us in the very places where we might expect to meet them. But,conversely, they can also surprise us by popping up where we do not expect them. Over the last fewdecades, extensive Iron Age settlements have been excavated in the at areas to the west of Copen-

hagen. The settlement pattern here seems to be small open villages or clusters of 3–6 farms; in severalcases, it has been possible to connect the farms with burial sites. Both the furnishing of the gravesand the types of farmhouse seem to indicate a hierarchic network with at least three social levels butwithout any obvious centre (BOyE et al. 2009; BOyE/LUND HANSEN 2011). At Torstorp Vesterby, afenced farm of the second social level (the easternmost farm on the plan BOyE 2008, Fig. 9) consistedof a longhouse of the Ragnesminde type, a secondary house and a Grubenhaus – the only exampleof this type of house among the approximately 90 houses found at this site – with the remains of agoldsmith’s workshop. The Grubenhaus was almost square, c. 3 x 3.5 m and c. 0.25 m deep, with aposthole at each gable end. A pit had been dug in the eastern part of the oor, c. 0.8 m in diameterand 50–60 cm deep, and near it lay a at, ground boulder with two carved and polished indentationsat the edges, in which small grains of gold were preserved. The house is thought to be a goldsmith’s

workplace with the pit to accommodate his legs while working. The stone has been interpreted asa ‘soldering stone’, where borax or some other ux was dissolved in water and mixed with gold.Whatever its purpose, the traces of gold in the indentations prove that the house was a goldsmith’sworkshop, and the other objects found t well with this interpretation: iron needles or punches anda short stout knife, interpreted as a chasing or engraving tool. Another craft – or simply the pres-ence of a woman – is revealed by a spindle whorl (FONNESBECH-SANDBERG 1999, 32f.; WOLLER 2002).Little datable material was found, so the typology of the longhouse was used to date the farm to the5th–6 th century AD, which agrees well with a thermoluminescence (TL) date of 560+/-100 AD for theGrubenhaus (WOLLER 2002; pers. comm. L. Boye; cf. BOyE 2008).


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kVæRNDRUP

Similarly, an excavation at Kværndrup in southern Funen, carried out because of minor roadconstruction work, revealed three Grubenhäuser (Fig. 4; THOMSEN 1998; 1999). The largest, labelledA 12, measured 6 x 4 m. Two hearths were found, at different levels, both c. 90 cm in diameter andlying on a thin layer of sand; bones seem to have been used for fuel. In house A 18, which measured

5 x 3.5 m, two shallow pits containing charcoal were found in the oor near a hearth. The presentdepth of both these houses was c. 80 cm while house A 15, which was circular with a diameter of3.5 m, was twice as deep. The oor of A 15 consisted of a 2–5 cm layer of ne, light sand mixed withashes and almost powdery charcoal. There was a hearth and traces of two posts, which had supportedthe roof, plus a few minor postholes on the periphery. Large amounts of charcoal were found in all threehouses. The pottery found in the houses was dated to the middle of the Roman Iron Age (Period B2/C1).

Fig. 4. Simplied plan of the KværndrupGrubenhäuser. G: Cruc ible fragmentwith gold; S: Crucible fragment withsilver; X: Hearth; hatched: Area withmany crucibles; dotted: Charcoal pit;Avlssten: Tuyère; Bronzebarre: Bronzeingot; Bronze-dråbe: Bronze drop;Esseslagger: Forge slag; Probersten: Touchstone; Stolpespor: Posthole; Sølv-dråbe: Silver drop (adapted fromt hoMsen 1999).

Other than at Kværndrup, Roman Iron Age Grubenhäuser are scarcely known on Funen, despiteextensive settlement excavations. Even more surprising was the content of the houses: a whetstone, apossible touchstone, a small pair of tongs, a tuyère, eight complete crucibles together with fragmentsof around 40 more, and tiny fragments of clay moulds. The crucibles are open, pear-shaped, andglazed on the outside by intense heat (Figs. 5–6). In some of the crucibles from house A 18 tiny dropsof gold and silver/bronze were preserved. Moreover, larger drops of silver and bronze were found inhouses A 12 and A 15; and a small bronze ingot in house A 18. In all three houses, plano-convex piecesof slag from the forges (of a type also found at Gudme III/Stærkærvej) were found, which indicatedthat the forges had measured 10–15 cm in diameter and, as was the case at Lundeborg, crushed int

had been added to raise the temperature. As at Torstorp Vesterby, two spindle whorls and a fragmentof a loom-weight suggest that textile working also took place in the houses.Here, evidently, a metal caster had worked with both gold and other metals; and, judging from thenumber of crucibles, he was not on just a short visit. Other Iron Age settlements are known in thevicinity, but the only one of any note is the Falle Mølle site with the remains of one or more lateRoman/early Migration Period farms ( JENSEN 2006). The sparse metal nds included a fragmenteddenarius and some silver foil. In 1861, a heavily worn imitation aureus (‘Maximianus Herculius,286–305’) with an attached loop was found, possibly at the same site (BREITENSTEIN 1943, 10, No.XVI; HORSNæS 2010, 48, 93, 111, Fig. 18). It should also be noted that the 4 th century Roman multi- plum from Trunderup (MACkEPRANG 1952, 107, Pl. 1:3) was found only some two kilometres away.


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OTHER SITES ON FUNEN

Thus, although Kværndrup cannot be called a ‘central place’, the area has yielded above-averagends. The site is about 12 km to the west of Gudme; perhaps a visiting goldsmith from Gudme alsoworked at Kværndrup. Indeed, such visits are a possibility at numerous sites where drops of preciousmetal were found, e.g. at Lundsgård SØ, the site of a 3rd–5th century settlement to the northeast ofOdense where cultural layers and house remains were excavated by Erling Albrectsen (ALBRECTSEN 1946, 6–50), and where recent nds include denarii and drops of bronze and silver. In 1977, an oval,polished quartzite stone (FSM 1813) was found there, which Henrik Thrane interpreted as ‘possibly agoldsmith’s tool’. Denarii and hack gold were found on quite a few of the sites surveyed with metal-

detectors, as were drops of silver and bronze. The denarii were most likely deposited or lost duringthe Roman Iron Age or the Migration Period, and it is quite probable that the same is the case for thegold, while hack silver and melted-down silver are at least as likely to be of Viking Age date, if theyare not fragments of Roman tableware. Objects found with metal detectors can only be ‘dated’ aspart of the general nd spectrum on the site, and it is almost impossible to decide whether denarii andprecious metal were hoarded treasure, raw material for goldsmiths, or – as is also possible – sacrices.

HOARDS

The distinction can be difcult enough for objects found in situ. Hoards of precious scrap metal

are known from several sites. Like the well-known large hoards from Høstentorp, Hardenberg andSimmersted (MUNkSGAARD 1954; VOSS 1954) or newer nds like those from Engelsborg (AUD 1994,12f., 234; HORSNæS 2010, 115, 140f.) and Østervang, both in Zealand, they sometimes consist of cut-up Roman tableware combined with coins, fragments of ingots, silver-wire clasps (hooks/eyes) andoccasional fragments of other Scandinavian jewellery such as relief brooches. At Gudme, such hoardshave been interpreted as raw material for the gold and silver smiths, and there is ample evidence toconrm that precious metals were actually processed at Gudme. This is also the interpretation of ahoard from Granly/Fraugde Kærby at Odense on Funen, which was found in a posthole and con-sisted of a mounted Theodosius I solidus (loop missing), a fragment of a silver-gilt Nydam-style reliefbrooch, silver ingots and hack silver (RUNGE 2007; RUNGE/ANDREASEN 2009).

Fig. 5. Kværndrup. Crucibles in House A 15 during excavation(photo P. O. Thomsen).

Fig. 6. Kværndrup. Crucibles after restoration (photoSvendborg Museum).


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For Zealand, the nds from Hørup and Søtoftegård can be mentioned, as can the scattered denariiand scrap silver, including fragments of relief brooches and Roman silver vessels as well as fragmentsof gold and silver ingots from the Østervang settlement near Køge, some of which were found withmetal-detectors, others in settlement pits. The site has furnished evidence of bronze casting alreadyduring the early Roman period, but no further traces of metal working in the Migration Period. Frag-ments of Roman statues and vessels are regarded as bullion and, as is the case at Hørup, there is evi-

dence of other trades such as comb making (TORNBJERG 2002; 2011; HORSNæS et al. 2005). Another recentmetal-detector nd of hack gold and silver, including fragments of a relief brooch, from the Herfølgearea to the of south of Køge may be relevant (article in the newspaper Lørdagsavisen, 19.12.2011).On Bornholm, the small gold hoard found in 1869 at Sandegård in Åker parish can be mentioned. Itconsisted of a quarter of the gold bracteate IK 324, four solidi, a sword button, an ingot and somehack gold (MACkEPRANG 1952, 116; kLINDT-JENSEN 1957, 236). The most striking item here is thequartered bracteate, which can be compared to the equally fragmented bracteates from Bejsebakken,Søtoftegård and Sylten already mentioned above. Another quarter of IK 324 had already been foundin 1829 at an unknown location on Bornholm. However, as the Sandegård objects found in 1869were lying close together, about 0.5 m deep in the settlement layers, the fragments must have beendeposited separately. Obviously the bracteate had been cut into several pieces and must, like the restof the Sandegård hoard, be regarded as bullion. Later metal-detector surveying and samples fromthe cultural layers indicate that the Sandegård settlement was continually inhabited from the RomanIron Age to the Viking Age. Miscast brooches and scrap metal, including hack gold, metal workers’tools, crucibles with bronze remnants, and clay slag to which gold drops adhered, bear witness to nemetal working on the site (WATT 2006, 154–160).All these scrap-metal nds can possibly be interpreted as hoards hidden by an itinerant goldsmith, oras the local chieftain’s treasure awaiting the goldsmith’s arrival. On the other hand, the open-air goldsacrices at Lærkefryd near Hørup demonstrate that other interpretations of precious scrap metalmust also be taken into account. Similarly, Claus Feveile has drawn attention to the fact that severalof these sites have no other evidence of metal working, e.g. crucibles or moulds ( FEVEILE 2011, 279).

This may not be a conclusive objection as both types of artefact are fragile and depend on favour-able circumstances to be preserved. Nevertheless, the fact that not only in the large Simmersted andHøstentorp hoards but also in the much smaller Høgsbrogård nd the fragments of Roman table-ware, in particular, had been deliberately folded – with some showing traces of wear as though theyhad been in circulation for some time – should be a reminder that at least some of these hoards mayhave yet another signicance, as expressions of wealth, possibly – as proposed by Feveile – originallyfragmented outside Scandinavia, perhaps in post-Roman Britain or even in the Roman Empire,where the use of silver fragments as currency is known ( MUNkSGAARD 1987, 84; FEVEILE 2011, 277ff.).Consequently, both the circumstances mentioned here and a general investigation of the gold depositson Funen (HENRIkSEN 2010) demonstrate that hoards of precious scrap metal must be examinedindividually.

THE SMITHS

The question of itinerant smiths has been much discussed for many years (e.g. WERNER 1970; WOLTERS 1998, 363ff. with refs.; CALLMER 2003). Johan Callmer has made the important point that if skills andknowledge are to be maintained, a craft must be exercised continuously and with a certain intensity(ibid. 342). Casting non-ferrous metals, be it copper alloys, silver or gold, is a complicated processand requires a profound knowledge of raw materials – which in the Migration Period often con-sisted of heterogeneous scrap metal – to be able to judge their actual composition and characteristics.


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CONCLUDING REMARkS

To sum up: we do have quite a few sites with evidence of precious-metal smiths but, apart fromthe Grubenhäuser at Torstorp Vesterby and Kværndrup – at both sites unique in their local context– and the four-post structures at Gudme and Lundeborg hardly any workshop remains or evidenceof longer visits have been identied in southern Scandinavia. But what can we expect? Several of

the conference speakers were able to demonstrate that a goldsmith needs only a small, portableset of tools and no larger installations than a small forge or hearth, the traces of which can easilybe obliterated. Thus visits from itinerant smiths need not leave any archaeologically identiableremains. Clay moulds and crucibles also decay if they are not very soon sealed in a pit, a refuse layer,a Grubenhaus, or a burnt-down house. Our best chance of locating a permanent workshop build-ing may be at the large and stable central places, especially at Uppåkra and Sorte Muld with theirpreserved cultural layers. However, even there, the workshop structures may be as inconspicuousas at Gudme and Lundeborg, and difcult to identify in the thick, dark cultural layers. Or can wehope for a beautifully preserved structure like the workshop at Skeke in Uppland, presented by EvaHjärthner-Holdar in this volume?

ACkNOWLEDGEMENTS

My thanks go to Andreas Rau for the reference to the Welsburg nd, to Linda Boye for the referenceand information concerning Torstorp Vesterby, to Helle Horsnæs, Lars Jørgensen and Per O. Thomsenfor illustrations, and to Beverley Hirschel for polishing my English.

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Dr. phil. Morten AxboeNationalmuseet KøbenhavnFrederiksholms Kanal 12DK 1220 København [email protected]

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