Landry 1994 - Creative City Indicators

Viability and Vitality Discussion Paper

The Creative City Working Paper 3: Indicators of a Creative City

A Methodology for Assessing Urban Viability and Vitality

Franco Bianchini and Charles Landry

© Charles Landry, Franco Bianchini & Comedia

ISBN 1 873667 90 6

May 1994

Published by Comedia The Round, Bournes Green, Nr Stroud

Glos. GL6 7NL

All rights reserved. No part of this publication may be reproduced, stored in any retrieval system or

transmitted, in any form or by means, elelctronic, electrical, chemical, mechanical, optical,

photocopying,recording or otherwise, without the prior permission of Comedia

Contents I. Introduction

1 II. The components of a creative city

II.1 What is a city?

2 II.2 Edge of town

3 II.3 Outer areas

5 II.4 The suburbs

6 II.5 The inner city

7


II.6 The city centre 9

II.6a A communication hub 10

II.6b The city centre expresses the essence of a place 11

II.6c Neutral territory 11

II.6d The key location for the public realm 12

II.6e The importance of a critical mass 12

II.6f Administrative and political hub 13

II6g The substantial presence of educational facilities 13

III. Establishing criteria for urban viability and vitality

III.1 The limits of existing quality of life studies

14 III.2 Our approach

15 III.2a Conceptual tools

16 III.2b The notion of cultural resources

16 III.2c Creativity and creative thinking

17 III.2d The concepts of viability and vitality

18 III.2e Various forms of viability and vitality

19 III.2f The connection between viability and vitality

20

IV. Criteria for viability and vitality 21

IV.1 Critical mass


21 IV.2 Diversity

23 IV.3 Accessibility

24 IV.4 Security

25 IV.5 Identity and distinctiveness

26 IV.6 Innovativeness

27 IV.7 Linkage & Synergy

28 IV.8 Competitiveness

30 IV.9 Organizational capacity

31

V. Data sources and methodological issues in assessing vitality and viability

V.1 Data sources

32 V.2 Comparability

34 V.3 Proportion and extent of attributes

35 V.4 Specificity of local context

36 V.5 Dynamic nature of cities

36 V.6 Subjective and objective, quantitative and qualitative data

37 V.7 Weighting

39

VI. Possible indicators of urban viability and vitality 39

VI.1 Background data


40 VI.2 Critical mass

41 VI.3 Diversity

41 VI.4 Accessibility

42 VI.5 Security

43 VI.6 Identity and distinctiveness

43 VI.7 Innovativeness

44 VI.8 Linkage & Synergy

44 VI.9 Competitiveness

44 VI.10 Organizational capacity, participation, consultation

45 VI.11 Implications

46 Bibliography & Acknowledgments

I. Introduction This paper has one central objective. • To establish a system of indicators to assess the 'health' of

cities in Britain which are more sophisticated than those currently in existence.

Although the value of creativity for self-expression is recognized, the chief purpose of acting creatively in urban policy-making must be to achieve vitality in a city and harness it towards long-term viability. The criteria and indicators proposed for urban viability and vitality are means to assess to what extent a city is creative and how its creativity potential might develop over time.


In Working Paper 2, Ebert, Gnad and Kunzmann outline a range of preconditions for establishing a 'creative city'. These include the presence of universities and research institutes; an open socio-political milieu; a critical mass of cultural activities and facilities; strong civic identity and pride; and the availability of land for the establishment of innovative urban development projects. This paper proposes a different way of categorizing these preconditions. Importantly, it is possible, simply by enhancing the quality of strategic research and creative thinking in local authority and government policy-making, to raise the levels of urban viability and vitality, because much can be done by reconceptualizing problems and having the courage to take innovative initiatives. Strategic interventions in this area do not always require large investments. In Section One we define what constitutes a city and examine the key characteristics of its components and parts: the city centres, the suburbs, the inner city, outer areas and edge of town. In Section Two we proceed to review the theoretical premises and the methods used by the majority of urban 'quality of life' studies, which are an important category in the various existing types of assessment of the health of cities. Section Three clarifies the conceptual tools we use, which include definitions of 'cultural resources', 'creativity and creative thinking', and 'viability and vitality'. This section also highlights the role of creative thinking in making connections between vitality and viability. Section Four establishes a range of criteria against which indicators of urban viability and vitality can be judged. Section Five describes available data sources and raises some methodological questions associated with the use of this data. Section Six outlines a series of indicators of urban viability and vitality listed under each of the criteria identified in Section Four.


The concluding section discusses how the indicators could be used and some general implications for planners and urban policy-makers deriving from our research. II. The components of a creative city II.1. What is a city? A city is a complex and multi faceted entity. It can be described as: • An economic structure - an economy; • A community of people - a society; • A designed environment - an artefact; • A natural environment - an ecosystem; • An economy, a society, an artefact and an ecosystem governed

by an agreed set of political rules - a polity. It is thus essential to consider not only the economic aspects of urban viability and vitality, but also the social, cultural, environmental and political aspects. The discipline of creative thinking is required to see the interconnections between and the potential of these different spheres. For practical purposes we have included the political dimension under the social. There are also clear functional differences between different parts of a city. It is difficult to identify a typology of zones which can be applied to all of the larger cities. However, commonly there are five fairly distinct areas. These are: the city centre; the inner city areas surrounding it; the residential suburbs; the outer residential and industrial areas; and edge of town. Each of the five has identifiable functions and, in principle, creativity potential. Smaller urban centres such as market towns, some historic towns, seaside resorts, new towns and smaller industrial towns tend to have only three distinct areas - the centre, the suburbs and edge of town.


Let us now consider the charecteristics of the five areas, working from the periphery to the centre II.2 Edge of town The edge of town has traditionally been used for traffic infrastructure as well as greenbelt areas, country parks and some industrial, distribution and public utility functions - ranging from industrial parks to water treatment plants and waste dumps. Given the good accessibility of these areas they have over the last fifteen years, particularly in densely populated regions, become a favoured site for out-of-town shopping and leisure centres competing directly with city centre facilities. The potential of these locations depends on the planning regime governing them. In greenbelt areas scope for development is severely limited by planning restrictions. On the other hand there are redundant edge of town industrial areas where planning procedures have been simplified and relaxed in order to encourage development, such as in enterprise zones. This - coupled with the availability of space - means that, in principle, it is possible to build afresh on a large scale. Out-of-town shopping centres started with the provision of bulk goods such as car components, white goods, carpets, furniture and DIY, moving rapidly into food and then into comparison shopping such as clothes, records and books. Similarly, leisure facilties started from tenpin bowling or ice rinks to widen into multiplex cinemas, restaurants, pubs and night clubs. New strategically important facilities can be also created such as science and technology parks, as, for example, in Montpellier. Sometimes it is possible to experiment with new architecture and materials - one example is Stockley Park near Heathrow Airport, a location for advanced services and high tech industrial firms housed in innovative buildings in a well landscaped environment. Often what can be built in areas such as this would not be allowed anywhere else in the city. However, some of the most successful experiments have become prototypes for new buildings even in city centres. These edge of town sites are more easily controlled and managed due to their physical isolation and purpose built nature. Generally it is simpler than in other parts of cities to contain maintenance costs and problems such as vandalism.


People go to these areas when they have a specific purpose such as shopping, leisure or work. They tend to be fairly monofunctional - there are no schools, no libraries, no public administration functions and no churches, for example. They are generally not places where unplanned and spontaneous activities or chance meetings can take place. The scale of edge of town also means that they are too large to be intimate - not easily walkable nor are they felt to be safe and attractive in the evening, mainly because virtually nobody lives there and thus there is no natural surveillance. Large expanses of tarmac for carparking and roads give these areas an impersonal and somewhat alienating air. Although these areas are easily accessible by car, public transport provision is often insufficient, thus restricting access to those with cars. The elderly, children and those without may therefore effectively be excluded. The trend is slowly to replicate more typically urban functions in these areas, such as doctor's surgeries and libraries, and to create alternative and well-policed cities, overwhelmingly devoted to consumption. While there can be islands of creativity, for instance in science parks, creative potential is limited by insufficient face-to-face interaction, lack of density, insufficient diversity of facilities and functions, and generally the social lack of homogeneity of this area's users. II.3 Outer areas Outer areas are often used as a location for housing. They differ from edge of town mainly because their main function is to be a location for houses. These can be either low density or high rise blocks, mainly built by local authorities to 'decant' working class families previously resident in high density inner urban areas, sometimes in the vicinity of new locations for manufacturing industry. They often contain light industrial plants - often less high tech and 'dirtier' than in edge of town areas - and/or distribution infrastructures. With the shift from manufacturing to services, many of these places are being turned into sites for 'cleaner' business parks or shopping and leisure facilities especially in metropolitan areas. Typical areas include the peripheral housing estates of Glasgow, Newcastle and Edinburgh, Kirkby and Speke on Merseyside, Blackbird Leys near Oxford and Ely near Cardiff.


These areas are generally characterized by low incomes, high unemployment, poor levels of skills and educational qualifications, low car ownership, degraded environments and related social problems - ranging from drug addiction to domestic violence and crime, the poor health of the inhabitants linked to diet and lifestyle. The provision of public transport, shops, public spaces, leisure and cultural facilities is seriously deficient. As a consequence, leisure is predominantly home based with high usage of videos and satellite TV. Youth is often bored and congregate in the streets, often engaging in vandalism and anti-social activities such as joyriding. Criminality flourishes, often under the control of organized gangs - and so does the informal economy. Many of these places feel forgotten by agencies such as social services providers, the education system and even the police. As a result, political participation tends to be very low. Those with aspirations for social mobility tend to move out as soon as an opportunity arises, thus reinforcing the vicious circle in which these places are trapped. However, in the face of adversity these areas have often generated their own strengths. There is in many cases a strong sense of local identity and community, with networks of self help, credit unions and community businesses. Innovation is often present: In the arts (for example, in the form of rock groups, photography, writing and theatre groups), in the local economy (for instance, through community business and self-managed forms of training) and in the voluntary sector (for example, in the areas of housing managment and environmental improvements). Their overall creativity potential, in short, is weakened by a high degree of monfunctionalism, physical isolation, lack of inward investment from public and private sources, lack of local disposable income, poor image, fear of crime and the constant leakage of local talent. II.4 The suburbs The development of suburban areas is closely linked with increases in mobility either by public transport or by car. Most suburbs were built in the course of this century and follow transport routes, be they roads, underground or railway lines. Sometimes new developments welded together into a conurbation older villages with their own churches, pubs, shops, historic houses and other landmarks and facilities. This is why some


suburbs have maintained local hearts, with a sub-terranean memory of separate and distinct identities. This is particularly, but not exclusively, the case for older, inner suburban areas which historically have been favoured by professional strata. More recently they have become socially heterogeneous with an influx of immigrants or students and in some cases the flight of professionals to rural areas. They are interspersed at times with facilities, including family hotels or university halls of residence. In many cases outer suburban areas tend to be newer, more socially homogeneous and tend to be favoured by skilled workers and their families. These areas tend to be less well served by shops and public transport and as a consequence are more isolated. Suburbs are characterized by relatively high income, educational and skills levels and car ownership. They are very convenient bases for getting in and out of the city. While their own retailing and leisure may be modest, but nevertheless better than in outer areas, their inhabitants are mobile enough and close enough both to the city centre and edge of town to easily access facilities located there. On the other hand, this 'in between' location may be characterized by a certain characterlessness and amorphousness. Some aspects of the local public realm, both indoor (cafes and pubs) and outdoor (squares) are underdeveloped, while others, such as parks and libraries, are usually present. An increasingly socially diverse environment and high degrees of mobility common to middle class families and students mean that it is difficult for stable communities to emerge. This can result in atomization and a certain alienation. Suburban creativity exists, but is often the creativity of individuals, fostered through a supportive environment in terms of schools, money and parental encouragement. As a spatial entity, though, the suburbs lack sufficient diversity of uses (they tend to be dominated by housing), density, availability of cheap buildings and land for creative uses, and opportunities for face-to-face interaction and collective celebrations to be self-generating hubs of creativity. Although often there are high levels of participation in voluntary activities, these are in many cases not locally based. Therefore there is a shortage of opportunities for people to engage in the development of territorially based activities, which may in time lead to clearer suburban identities.


II.5 The inner city The genesis of inner city areas varies according to the specific history of a town. They usually form a ring around the city centre. In most case they are characterized by a mixture of decaying elegant residential areas, originally used by the local bourgeoisie; working class terraced housing, often in proximity to industrial establishments and ports; public housing, often high rise; amenities created in the Victorian period, such as parks, libraries and museums; a variety of worshipping places for different faiths; shopping areas catering mainly for the needs of local communities; and inner ring roads and other traffic infrastructures dissecting them, often created in the postwar period. Their populations in many cases have decreased substantially over the last two decades, although there are recent signs of a reversal of this trend. Nowadays residents typically include some of the original working class inhabitants, predominantly Afro-Caribbean and Asian immigrants, students, and younger professionals moving into gradually gentrifying enclaves. Their economy consists of small scale, craft based industries which have so far survived the recent processes of economic restructuring, but are still struggling; elements of local retailing interspersed with some specialist and independent shops, attracted to the area by low rents; universities and educational establishments and a lively 'informal economy' sector. The inner city is characterized by social, economic and racial polarization. The cityscape bears the scars of low-income social groups, unemployment, poverty and social deprivation, with occasional pockets of high-earners and gentrification. Such contrasts can result in tensions, conflicts and crime. On the other hand, it is not difficult to glimpse the creativity potential of these areas, with their strong character; attractive historic buildings and streets; cosmopolitan and multicultural mix; often interesting shops (which have either disappeared elsewhere or could not be set up anew in the city centre); the availability of redundant buildings and land for innovative projects, which can be financed through urban regeneration initiatives; the presence of universities and other educational establishments, and the large


number of students as both consumers and producers for cultural and social activities. Perhaps cosmopolitan values could be the key strength of inner city areas. They are expressed in restaurants, nightclubs, street markets, local shops and manufacturing enterprises. Immigrant cultures can bring with them energy, entrepreneurial skills and flair, fresh ideas, challenges and different cultural perspectives that can contribute to re-thinking how the city works and what it has to offer. If you add to this the accessibility of city centre facilities of all kinds, these areas can clearly be seen as potential creative hubs for the reinvention of the city as a whole. On the other hand there is the risk that inner city areas become closed ghettoes, when one immigrant community is overwhelmingly predominant and is discriminated against by the majority of residents of residents in other parts of the city. II.6 The city centre City centres are places where a wide variety of activities take place. They are places where people live, work, shop, have fun, relax, learn. They thus could be, if they work well, the crucial part, the hub, the heart, the engine of any city. If the city centre does not function properly it is likely that the city as a whole will not perform effectively. In reality the potential of the city centre is hindered by a series of structural trends. The first is the commercialization of land markets and land use, which has grown in strength with the weakening of powers and resources of local authorities. Land sales and more relaxed planning regimes have led to a situation in which lower value uses and functions, such as independent shops and housing, have been pushed out. As a result, city centres are now dominated by retail and office uses, producing an erosion of the public realm and a decline in public and social life in the evenings and at weekends. In addition both office and retailing uses are dominated by large companies (for example, approximately 80% of shops in Britain are controlled by multiples in contrast to 26% in Italy), which impose


standardized architectural and design styles so that every city centre tends to look the same. The second trend is the dispersal of some city centre office, shopping and public administration functions to out of town locations, because of the need for car parking, for space for expansion and, in the case of local authorities, to realize profits by the sale of city centre buildings. These new out of town shopping centres and business parks now threaten the viability and vitality of city centres with strong competition. The third, and longstanding, trend is loss of population, which has reduced the mix of city centre uses and exacerbated the problems of relative deadness and lack of safety at night. This trend is only now slowly being reversed with the provision of mainly sheltered housing, student accommodation and fashionable flats for higher income groups in city centres. Nevertheless there are signs that awareness of the potential strengths of city centres is growing. These strengths include: II.6a A communications hub City centres are still the hub of most urban communications and transport networks. This is particularly true for public transport. Most cities have an important railway station, a significant bus network and an extensive road system branching out from the city centre and linked to major motorways connected to the outside world. This also applies in many cases to telecommunications, despite recent phenomena such as telecommuting, the emergence of electronic cottages in the countryside and the decentralization of many data processing operations. A threat is posed by the decentralization to greenfield sites outside the city of key centres for the knowledge industries such as science parks, research institutes and universities. These centres have often developed their own communications networks across the world. The city centre, nevertheless, still has considerable advantages over other locations as a focus not only for shopping, social and recreational activities, but also for other economic activities involving the handling of rare and expensive information. One well known example is that of the


telecommunications highways linking city centre locations in the major world financial capitals. Being a communications hub is one of the most important conditions for gathering the information and knowledge required to develop creative solutions to urban problems. II.6b The city centre expresses the essence of a place At its best the city centre can encapsulate and crystallise the essence of a city. It is in the centre where the uniqueness of a city's history, culture and architecture is usually most manifest, although it must be recognized that it is the values of dominant elites, both economically and politically, that tend to be expressed in the built environment of city centres rather than those of low income citizens whose culture might be the real soul and spice of the city. However, the centre often has a special meaning for residents and visitors alike, and occupies a special place in collective memory. The complaint that each city or city centre now looks the same has become a cliché and that is why concern about the redifferentiation and authenticity of cities and city centres has emerged with considerable force. The layers of history embodied in a place, its distinctiveness and authenticity, are some of the raw materials which can be turned into creative responses. II.6c Neutral territory The city centre potentially represents a place for commonality, where some form of common identity and spirit of place could be created - to counteract the dangers of spatial segregation by social class - and where people of different ages, social classes, ethnic and racial groups and lifestyles could mix and mingle in informal and unplanned ways, more easily than in the suburbs or in outer areas, which are frequently highly differentiated and socially stratified. The city centre as a 'neutral territory' is, therefore, important for the development of creative ideas, because it is both an area where people feel comfortable and relaxed and yet at the same time stimulated and challenged by contact with an environment that is more socially heterogeneous than normally experienced. The city centre at its best can


function as a showcase for creative ideas and activities generated in all parts of the city. II.6d The key location for the public realm The city centre is generally the place where the majority of public facilities are agglomerated, ranging from museums to cafes, public squares, cinemas, pubs, restaurants, theatres and libraries. Despite recent trends towards the privatization of public space. The public realm is important for the development of creativity because it allows people to go beyond their own circle of family, professional and social relations. The idea of the public realm is bound up with the ideas of discovery, of expanding one's horizons, of the unknown, of surprise, of experiment and of adventure. II.6e The importance of critical mass Certain facilities and services (in the fields of education, retailing, leisure and culture as well as types of business reliant on personal contact and a range of highly differentiated and specialized skills) need to achieve a critical mass of users and clients in order to be economically viable. For example, note the role city centre public libraries still play, not just for the provision of books, but also for record and video loans as well as for photocopying, room hire and special events. By contrast, suburban or outer area branch library facilities simply cannot justify such a range of services. The density of facilities and services in city centres can also contribute to creating cross support between activities where, for example, the cultural and entertainments economy supports parts of the retailing and hotel economy and vice versa. For example, the quantity and quality of shops that can be found in a city centre is difficult to replicate in another location. The variety of shops include important anchor stores, such as department stores and shopping malls, which attract a broad range of customers in large numbers. This critical mass of shoppers provides a passing trade capable of sustaining specialist retailers. These might range from jazz record shops to cheese suppliers.


Critical mass encourages creative thinking by providing choice, competition and potential economic viability for innovative activities. The stimulus of competition is particularly important to push the barriers of thinking further. II.6f Administrative and political hub The administrative and political functions of cities are usually located in the city centre. These functions may relate to local, regional or national levels. One of the advantages of having public policy decision-making centres present in the city is that it might be easier to involve key politicians and officers in the often time-consuming, complex and tortuous process of developing creative urban responses. II.6g The substantial presence of educational facilities The expanded higher education sector has been one of the most important actors in the re-use of buildings located in city centres across Europe, in spite of the fact that some universities are being built today in greenfield sites on the edge of town. The implications of this for the creative city are threefold. First, a new public sphere of cafes, meeting places, bookshops and cultural venues has emerged or been consolidated. Secondly, the newer universities especially have been keen to enter into a dialogue with the local authorities and local business and more generally to be part of the civic network. Thirdly, local business has often profited in terms of technological innovation from the presence of universities and research centres, in some cases located in city centres.


III. Establishing criteria for urban viability and vitality III.1 The limits of existing quality of life studies The liveability of cities is determined by the extent to which they are viable and vital places to live in. Vitality provides the raw materials, the often unfocused energy, the force which through creative thinking and strategies can be harnessed to achieve a city that by being self-sustaining, responsive to external challenges and self-generating becomes viable. Existing studies of urban quality of life inevitably touch on issues of viability and vitality. These studies - often leading to the compilation of rankings of cities - focus largely on variables such as crime and public order; health provision; life expectancy; pollution and traffic levels; cost of living; provision of shopping facilities; racial harmony; scenic quality; climate; quality and cost of housing; unemployment levels; employment prospects; wage levels; educational, recreational and cultural facilities; travel to work times; transport provision; political stability and political participation. Without entering into a discussion of the methodology of this tradition of studies one can argue that there is nothing distinctly urban about any of the variables listed above. Such studies measure what a place has to offer to individual residents and visitors, usually through the analysis of relevant data and through opinion surveys used to weigh the relative importance of each variable. Yet the same data could be analysed and the same surveys could be carried out for the purpose of measuring quality of life in a rural area, in a region or in a country. In other words, quality of life studies generally fail to provide an indication of how people relate to the city as a collective entity and of the peculiarities of the urban experience in different localities. Such studies also fail to recognize the multi-faceted nature of cities embodied in the five interconnected spheres noted above, and tend to view towns and cities almost as competing department stores in which goods (the various quality of life variables) are displayed in standardized and neatly separated compartments. We believe that existing studies are of limited use to policy makers, because all they do is to provide a quantitative decription of the existing comparative advantages and disadvantages of cities. The most likely use


policy-makers can make of this type of study in the inter-urban competition game is to display more prominently their city's strengths and attempt to conceal their weaknesses. In short, they provide a picture of the consequences of what has already happened, rather than an identification of the possible resources, obstacles and underlying dynamics one has to work with to maximize potential and achieve a vital and viable city. Quality of life studies provide essentially a snapshot of the current situation, though often complemented and enriched by longitudinal time series data; they tell you where you are in relation to other cities, but not what to do with comparative strengths and weaknesses. III.2 Our approach By contrast, the approach proposed here focuses on the detail of local specificities rather than on standardized data. It starts from the assumption that each city has its own unique potential which must be identified, preserved, valued and strategically exploited in a responsible manner. It is developmental and dynamic rather than static; it is based on the analysis of what has happened in the past and of the present situation, but seeks to prefigure potential futures through a methodology in five stages which can be summarized as follows: • The clarification of the conceptual tools to be used. • The analysis of relevant trends and data as contextual factors. • The identification of potential resources, obstacles,

opportunities and problems. • The processing of this information through creative thinking. • The drawing of a set of conclusions which are meant to aid the

development strategies. This is the process which we have followed to select the criteria for urban vitality and viability as well as the specific indicators we propose below. The first stage of our approach, however, explains the philosophical premises of our work and as such it deserves detailed elaboration.


III.2a Conceptual tools Our experience suggests that four concepts are central to the development of new indicators of the development of urban vitality and viability. They are: • 'cultural resources' as an example of often neglected urban

potential; • 'creativity' and 'creative thinking' as instruments through

which urban potential can imaginatively be identified and maximized;

• 'viability' and 'vitality' themselves; III.2b The notion of cultural resources A broad definition of cultural resources is proposed below. It encompasses the following elements: 1. The creativity and ingenuity of local people. 2. Historical, artistic, archaeological and anthropological

heritage, including accents and dialects. 3. Internal and external perceptions of the city, which are

constituted by the interaction of media images, 'conventional wisdom', descriptions of the city in tourist guides and travel literature and cultural representations of the city - for example, how the city has been portrayed in popular songs, myths, jokes, writing, films and painting.

4. The repertoire of specific local products and skills in crafts,

manufacturing industry and services. 5. Built form, architectural heritage and urban landscapes,

landmarks and amenities, such as park systems, waterfronts and topography.


6. The attractiveness and legibility of the city's public spaces. 7. The diversity in the provision, and quality of, shopping,

cultural, leisure, eating, drinking and entertainment facilities. 8. Local traditions of public social life, civic traditions, festivals

and rituals. 9. Hobbies and enthusiasms, voluntary and amateur activities. 10. Occupational, youth and ethnic subcultures. 11. The range and quality of skills in the pre-electronic media,

such as the performing and visual arts and also in such contemporary 'cultural industries' as film, video, broadcasting, photography electronic music, publishing, design and fashion.

12. The institutions and skills involved in the management and

development of local talent and ideas and for the distribution and marketing of products and services in the fields listed above.

As we can see cultural resources are the skills and creativity of local people, the concrete manifestations of people's work (buildings, manufactured products, artefacts) and more intangible, yet significant qualities such as social milieu, people's memory and the reputation of the place. These three types of cultural resources can be exploited in different ways and require different kinds of intervention. For example, a city administration could aim to establish an organic connection between creative people and the local authority itself, for example through initiatives like the National Ideas Summit organized by the Australia Council. The involvement of innovators can be important not only in the phase of ideas generation but also in the implementation phase for example by involving artists in an urban design team or entrepreneurs in an economic development team. III.2c Creativity and creative thinking


Creativity is an important resource for change, innovation, sustainable development, visioning, forecasting and successful restructuring. The pace of urban change is quickening, and increasing urban competition requires urban leaders and decision-makers to be more and more creative. Creativity is an overused concept, often applied to things which are not creative at all (for instance, any imitative or stereotyped literary work can be called, by convention, 'creative writing'). In our view genuine creativity involves experimentation; originality; the capacity to rewrite rules; to be unconventional; to think a problem afresh, from first principles, with a new perspective; to visualize and imagine future scenarios and solutions to problems; to discover common threads amid diversity; to look at problems laterally and with flexibility. It is these modes of thinking that encourage innovation and development. Creativity is an instrument for maximising the possibilities of any given situation, product or medium and of adding value and meaning to the results of human endeavour in any field. III.2d The concepts of viability and vitality The concept of viability is concerned with long term self-sufficiency, sustainability, adaptability, flexibility, the capacity to change, self-regeneration, responsibility and security. Cities are like living organisms because they have periods of growth, stasis and decline. Urban viability is their capacity to adapt and respond to changing circumstances. Such adaptability and responsiveness is greater in those cities whose economic, social, cultural and environmental dimensions are evenly developed to a level of self-sustainability. The recognition of the breadth of these concepts would give city centres a greater pool of resources to draw on for self renewal. Viability is thus not exclusively an economic concept. It encompasses also, for example, issues related to social cohesion, the environmental sustainability of the place and its cultural life and identity. It is concerned with the balanced development of all aspects of city life.


Vitality is essentially concerned with four features. They are: • levels of activity - things going on; • levels of use - participation; • levels of interaction, communication, transaction and

exchange; • levels of representation - how activity, use and interaction is

projected outwards and discussed in the outside world. III.2e Various forms of viability and vitality The concepts of economic viability and vitality have to do with the economic performance of the city measured for example in terms of levels of employment, disposable income and standards of living of people in the catchment area, annual numbers of tourists and visitors, retail performance, property and land values. Creating economic viability and vitality involves laying the basis for economic self-sufficiency and long term security. Social viability and vitality is conditioned by the demographics of a given place as well as by levels of social interaction and social activity as well as the nature of social relations. A socially vital and viable city would be characterised by low levels of deprivation, strong social cohesion, good communications and mobility between different social strata, civic pride and community spirit, tolerance of different lifestyles, harmonious race relations, and a vibrant civil society. Environmental viability and vitality concerns two distinct aspects. The first is ecological sustainability in relation to variables such as air and noise pollution, production and disposal of waste, traffic congestion, green spaces and seasonal changes. Ecological sustainability embodies perhaps most succinctly and effectively the essential nature of the concept of viability. Questions of Ecological sustainability force us to think about the lateral and long term consequences of all types of public policy.


The second concerns the design aspects, which have to do with variables such as the legibility of the city, its sense of place, its architectural distinctiveness, the linkages in design terms between different parts of the city, the quality of street lighting and the characteristics of the urban environment in terms of safety, friendliness, legibility and psychological approachability. Cultural viability and vitality concerns the maintenance, respect and celebration of what a city and its population is, where it has come from and where it potentially might be going to. It thus has to do with identity, memory, tradition, community celebration and the production, distribution and consumption of products, artefacts and symbols, which express the distinctive nature of the place. These cultural resources of a city can range right across areas such as the traditional arts, or perhaps characteristic local industry or even specific craft skills associated with the place. Cultural viability and vitality concerns anchoring the city to a particular identity and does not necessarily imply being inward looking. Conditions for encouraging viability and vitality might include good access to training in cultural production, appropriate and flexible infrastructures for different cultural activities, a secure funding mix encompassing earned income and private and public support, an efficient and effective system for marketing and distribution for local cultural activities and products. III.2f The connections between viability and vitality It is now important to clarify the nature of connections between viability and vitality: Vitality denotes a mass of activities, which in and of themselves are not necessarily good. Without direction, activity can become merely subjective self-expression. Activity, use and interaction need to be focused towards a set of purposes, goals and objectives for them to have any substantial, positive impact. These targets, purposes and goals emerge through the harnessing and application of creative thinking to available resources, in the light of the analysis of relevant data and trends - the hard factors. Some more intangible qualities of the city will also need to be taken into account. They include friendliness, hospitality and open-mindedness; historical and cultural continuity; a sense of fun and humour; fantasy, flamboyance and colour. Through this process viability can be achieved.


In short vitality is the set of raw materials which need to be elaborated in a focused manner as a means of reaching viability. Therefore it is necessary to promote vitality in order to achieve viability. Creativity is the catalyst through which vitality and viability can become inextricably interwoven for the long term benefit of the city. IV. Criteria for viability and vitality We have derived our criteria from a variety of sources, including the views of policy-makers, academics and surveys of public opinion, as well as assessing a wide range of contextual data and trends such as those used in traditional quality of life studies. We have also attempted to develop criteria that cut across all five dimensions of what constitutes a 'city', and which can make sense to people with different professional backgrounds such as academics from different disciplines, planners, architects, entrpreneurs, city centre managers, the police. Our proposed criteria are: IV.1 Critical mass Critical mass is concerned with the achievement of appropriate thresholds which allow activity to take off, reinforce itself and cluster. In economic terms critical mass concerns the development and agglomeration of sufficient activities to ensure that economies of scale, inter-firm cooperation and synergies can be obtained, such as through a financial district in the city centre, an artisan quarter in an inner area, a science park on the edge of town or a managed workspace in an outer housing estate. Critical mass also represents the thresholds beyond which the organization of particular economic initiatives such as trade fairs, foreign trade missions, promotion and inward investment campaigns become possible. Such thresholds refer not only to data concerning the levels of economic activity, but also the presence of infrastructure, financial and human capital which can make the organization of complex economic initiatives possible. Equally critical mass indicates the level which firms based in different parts of the city have to attain in order to make profits. Socially critical mass could be identified as the density of social interactions within particular areas of the city at different times of the day, the week and the year. Is the city centre, for example, dead at night or at weekends?


In environmental terms there could be in parts of the city centre or an inner area or even in a suburb a critical mass of historic buildings sufficient to form an attractive and marketable heritage quarter. The same could be true of green spaces or waterways in an outer area or at the edge of town. In an attractive city it is important to have a critical mass of more than one type of attraction such as museums, urban and country parks, waterfronts, restaurants and theatres. In cultural terms critical mass highlights the many different components of the creative milieu of a city such as its history, its image (which includes its cultural representations over the centuries) and its network of public spaces. It involves also the level of civic debate and discussion, be it through public meetings, radio, TV and press and the presence of an attractive and coherent calendar of activities. Critical mass culturally is also the opportunity of experiencing different types of facilities such as going in the course of the same evening to a French bistro, a Shakespeare play, a late night cabaret in a wine bar and then enjoying a stroll through a pleasant historic area. Critical mass represents the momentum which has to be achieved for initiatives to be implemented. In a situation in which sufficient critical mass exists the role of creativity is to develop its full potential through a wide range of initiatives involving policy-makers from different institutions and disciplines as well as actors from the private and voluntary sectors. On the other hand, where such critical mass does not exist, the task is to find creative ways of making 'more out of less' by, for example, branding, redefining and regrouping smaller, sometimes isolated, underrated and underexploited existing strengths. One example is the Ironbridge Heritage Park near Telford, which is a collection of small previously dispersed industrial archaeology sites, the totality of which has become more than the sum of its parts. Another possible way of creating new critical mass is by encouraging facilities in other cities to relocate as well as by helping new indigenous activities to develop. IV.2 Diversity A diverse economic base, while respecting existing specializations and strengths needs to be encouraged. Planning plays a role in helping to


develop a diversity of economic uses in order to enhance the resilience of the city and its capacity to adapt to economic change. A city which is, say, overdependent on tourism may rely excessively on variables over which there is no local control such as airfare prices and currency values. A diverse social base implies a variegated and lively civil society and voluntary sector; comprising self-confident organizations likely to be more resilent and productive in times of economic and social stress. It also involves taking on board multiculturalism and interculturalism as positive forces in order to engender new ideas and fresh approaches. Cultural diversity implies the encouragement of production, consumption and distribution opportunities for different cultural forms and the encouragement of a wide and rich definition of what local culture is about. Environmental diversity involves topography such as landscapes and hills and also concerns assessing to what extent a city has made its history visible in its built form. An outlying area, for example, built in a short space of time in a particular period all in the same style can become monocultural, potentially dull and prone to vandalism and lack of respect. Diversity, in short, provides a rich menu of possibilities, which can trigger and stimulate a myriad combinations leading to original strategic responses to urban problems. Without diversity the range of options is more limited. It is therefore more difficult to adapt and to resist the temptation of uncritically imitating other places. IV.3. Accessibility The concept of accessibility concerns convenience and ladders of opportunity. Economic accessibility is about the opportunity to contribute to economic life, whether through the availability of premises, advisory services, technology, information sources, venture capital or training. If economic access is poor then the capacity of the city to renew itself economically is undermined. Economic viability as a whole suffers. Social accessibility involves the possibility of taking part in city life. This can be in terms of participation in decision making through, say a city


centre or neighbourhood forum or the establishment of a 'city card' to encourage the use of facilities by residents. Is it possible for all social groups to find ways of participating in what, for example, the city centre has to offer? Do mechanisms exist that help balance disadvantage and enable all to become active citizens? Key questions for cultural accessibility include the following: Are the different cultural identities of the communities that make up the city legitimized, respected and celebrated? Are cultural venues throughout the city accessible physically, psychologically and in terms of signposting? Are there marketing schemes to tell the population what is going on and is there educational provision so that people can learn to enjoy and participate in the culture the city has to offer? Do environmental factors encourage participation? How frequent and reliable is public transport, especially to and from outlying areas? Are there community and disabled transport schemes? Are car parks accessible and safe? Is it possible to walk safely from inner city areas to the city centre? In public spaces are there toilets, creches, baby-changing rooms and public seating areas? Equally important - are there city maps or information points in key locations of arrival? Is there a clear indication of where the city begins and ends, and unfussy signs identifying where facilities are located? Are the boundaries between different quarters within the city marked with street signs? Accessibility creates an environment within which the process of creatively identifying and exploiting urban resources can more easily unfold in its fullness. IV.4. Security Security is concerned with continuity, stability, comfort, and lack of threat. Economically it concerns the stability of the local economic base, including both firms and employment. It also concerns the depth of commitment of local firms to the city (an example of strong commitment is Pilkingtons in St Helens). Evidence of investment by local firms and others increases security.


Socially, security means the lack of threat to people and property, a sense of trust and bonding with one's fellow citizens and the availability, support and solidarity from social networks in the city, such as advice centres, community policemen, including even young people making their seats available to older people on buses and so on. A good mix of users in terms of age, and time of the day, increases business in the city and contributes to the overall feeling of safety. A well lit, clean, well-maintained, sensitively but effectively policed, legible and well-used environment fosters a sense of security, while blindspots, dirty streets, loud noise, indefensible space, congestion and an environment unfriendly to pedestrians undermines security. Culturally, security involves acceptance, in an open and non-chauvinistic way, of the different cultural identities of a place. The presence of festivals and other cultural celebrations reaffirming and reinventing city identity as a whole and/or neighbourhood identities and traditions provides a sense of security. This security is strengthened if there is the possibility of freely expressing oneself culturally by having access to venues, funding and information. While we recognize that creative ideas often emerge from conditions of insecurity, pressure, anxiety and conflict, the development of a creative climate often needs long term thinking, planning and implementation which can only take place in a calmer and more secure environment. IV.5. Identity and distinctiveness The increasing globalization of the economy is one of the key forces producing cities and especially city centres that are increasingly homogenous, standardized and monocultural. At the same time competition locally, nationally and internationally is forcing cities to highlight what is unique or special about what they offer. Economically a city can increase its attractiveness and viability by providing products and services that are not available elsewhere. Beyond a basic threshold of nationally reputable shop chains, such as (in the UK) Marks and Spencer's or Debenhams, city centres need to distinguish themselves from competing centres. This can be achieved through the existence of a variety of locally owned shops or specialist outlets, or


through the encouragement of local firms that stamp their identity onto the city. A strong identity has positive social impacts in that it creates the preconditions for establishing civic pride, community spirit and the necessary caring for the urban environment. A city may, however, be made up of a range of identities, sometimes rooted in different parts of the city, that express themselves in different lifestyles and thus the tolerance alluded to earlier is a key aspect of harnessing these identities so that they contribute to overall viability and do not cause fragmentation. Crucially important is the establishment of cultural identity as this can mark out one place from the next. Are the specific symbols of the city and its neighbourhoods recognized and made visible? These can be food, songs, manufacturing products, dialects, the urban landscape or any other aspect of the city's traditions. Equally important though is the creation of new traditions and images so that the city's image does not get frozen in the past. Is there a policy to encourage this? Historic cities in particular have in-built advantages, by having textured layers of history to work with in projecting their uniqueness and specialness. This is more difficult for newer cities. Nevertheless new schemes, often working with artists say in public art projects, have been able to find ways of etching distinctiveness into the urban landscape by drawing on references and stories from a city's past or aspirations about its future. Beyond a certain level in cities, once basic services, shops and facilities have been provided, these differences are ways of adding value to what a city is about and thus help establish viability. Identity and distinctiveness are important for creativity because they provide the anchor and the roots which are necessary to select what is central and what is peripheral in the tide of available information and ideas. They can also provide a bond between people with different institutional interests cooperating for the common good of the city. However, when identity and distinctiveness degenerate into parochialism, introversion, chauvinism and antagonism to the outside world they may destroy the foundations of a creative milieu.


IV.6. Innovativeness Of all the proposed criteria for viability and vitality innovativeness is most directly linked to the definition of creativity and creative thinking provided earlier. The presence of an innovative, creative milieu is a key ingredient in the establishment of an economically viable city. The ebbs and flow of urban development require policy-makers at times to look at problems afresh without necessarily repeating what has gone on before. Rather like an R & D department of a firm, a city in order to achieve viability and vitality has to be able to act creatively. To what extent, for example, do inner city and outlying areas - where unemployment is higher - provide incubator units for new businesses? Are there opportunities for the sharing of ideas between enterpreneurs, public policy-makers, academics, artists and other creative thinkers? Are these opportunities formalized through networks, special advisory services and partnerships? Are there in the social arena consultation procedures that allow opinions and ideas to be captured in order to broaden the base of inputs into decision-making? Are decision-making processes transparent? Are there mechanisms, fora or meeting opportunities which allow positive critical debate to take place? Is the socio-political environment one in which the opinions of both majorities and minorities are accepted? In the cultural field, to what extent are there policies to assist and encourage local producers to carry out experimental and pioneering projects? Are there projects that explore the relationship between the city's history and heritage and its possible futures? Is the artistic community involved in the process through which the city presents itself to the outside world? Are there linkages between innovations introduced by people working in the media sector and advanced research in media technologies, such as image and music recording? Are there innovative schemes in which cultural workers use their skills in environments such as prisons, hospitals and hostels for homeless people in order to reduce social stress? Are there environmental enhancement schemes that pre-figure the kind of physical setting that the city centre or particular neighbourhoods may aspire to? Are there schemes involving collaboration between visual artists/designers and planners/engineers? Are there innovative greening,


recycling and transport initiatives, such as the creation of cycle lanes and car sharing? IV.7. Linkage & Synergy The criterion of linkage has two distinct but related aspects. The first involves relations within the city and the second the relations between the city and the outside world. A good degree of intra-urban linkage in the local economy is desirable. To what extent do local firms employ and train local people, particularly from disadvantaged areas? To what extent are profits made by city-based firms reinvested in the local economy? The city centre, in particular, can be an important resource for the development of the wider local economy and in turn the economy of the urban and regional hinterland can be the motor for the development of the city centre. The city centre is in fact in many cases the gateway for economic relations between the city-region as a whole and the outside world. Connectedness is particularly important in the context of the growing internationalization of urban economies, the increasing importance of EU policies for cities and greater inter-urban competition. Being locally rooted and internationally oriented is an important condition for urban viability, and a well-functioning intra-regional network is an important pre-condition for the success of international urban networking. The more connected and linked a city is the greater the commitment of firms to the local economy is likely to be. Enhancing the connectedness of city firms to it reduces the risk of disinvestment by companies. A city also benefits from social linkage. Cities as a whole are made up of neighbourhoods with unique socio-demographic characteristics. In order to encourage understanding between and appreciation of different social groups the city centre should act as a communications hub and as a location for services of relevance to the city as a whole. Equally networks of social interest groups often find that the city centre provides the most appropriate place to meet. Looking further afield are there international and educational exchange and twinning arrangements, that are encouraged and supported by local decision-makers? The cultural infrastructure of a city is not confined to its city centre, although the city centre plays a crucial role in being the showcase for what is best in a city. It also can act as a service centre to market and distribute


products, performances and artefacts. The city centre, lastly, is most likely be the location where foreign books and newspapers are available and where celebrations concerning the whole of the city take place. Environmental linkage highlights the importance of the physical relationship between the city centre and its sub-centres. Are different areas of the city cut off from each other by ringroads and other physical barriers which inhibit interflow, interaction and exchange? Do these physical barriers mean that in terms of mental geography some neighbourhoods appear distant, inaccessible and isolated? Are there visual routes, vistas and signposts which can make the public realm in different districts of the city understandable to its users? Openness to the outside is an important precondition for the creative city in terms of achieving a good flow of strategic information and ideas. Such open dealings with the outside world need to be balanced by a strong sense of the city's own self worth and be conducted from a position of strength (of which a good intra-regional network may be a important component) in order to prevent the risk of cultural and economic colonization by outside actors. IV.8. Competitiveness Competitiveness is a criterion of primary importance because it denotes the existing and potential performance and quality of the city in relation to the range of economic, social, environmental and cultural variables captured by the criteria described earlier. The importance of competitiveness is growing because of the increasing international mobility of investment and skills. In economic terms, competitiveness concerns the profitability, level of investment, technological innovation and access to venture capital of firms operating within the city. Equally important are the quality and skills of the workforce and how well the city is networked both in terms of contacts with influential people and communications systems, such as cable and fibre optics. It also concerns the rank and status of local firms and their products and services locally, nationally and internationally. Competitiveness in social terms concerns the quality of the relationships between social groups (including race relations) as well as the achievements of the city's voluntary sector.


Environmentally, competitiveness has to do with the city's attractiveness and uniqueness, as well as its location. For instance, how centrally is the city located in terms of transport links? Culturally, competitiveness concerns the rank and status of educational and cultural institutions and activities, and particularly how they are seen by peer groups. One of the main purposes of creative thinking is to harness the potential of the city to such an extent that the city maximizes its competitive advantages. IV.9. Organizational capacity An overarching skill which uses creativity to harness vitality and achieving viability is the ability of those responsible for city development - be they actors in the economic, social, cultural or environmental fields - to develop the capacity to implement ideas and initiatives. Organizational capacity is thus a central ingredient for establishing viability. It involves the capacity to lead, to be technically competent and up to date, to identify strategic issues and priorities, to take a long-term view, to listen to and consult with others, to command loyalty and trust and to inspire and enthuse other decision-makers, to create a supportive team with a strong corporate identity, to create a consensus on key issues by establishing a shared vision, to raise confidence, to find positive uses of conflict, to overcome sectional interests, take responsibility, make difficult decisions rapidly and efficiently and stick to an agreed course of action in the face of opposition and difficulties. Creativity without solid organizational capacity is not sufficient to make the most of a city's resources. Organizational capacity acts like a multiplier of resources that have been identified and maximized through creative thinking. Having proposed a range of criteria to assess viability the next task is to see to what extent these criteria can be transformed into useful indicators that can be applicable to cities of different sizes and with geographically different locations, histories and economic conditions. In order to do this it is important to consider some methodological issues.


V. Data sources and methodological issues in assessing viability and vitality V.1. Data Sources It is important at this point to clarify which data can be used by local authorities and other policy institutions to make comparative judgements about the viability and vitality of their cities. The assessment of urban viability and vitality involves both the use of quantitative data, which allow for comparisons to be made between different cities and qualitative data, based on more detailed information gathered locally. We have undertaken a survey of British data sources to assess what is available at the city centre level and to establish whether this data is applicable to diagnose viability and vitality according to the definition proposed. A further step has been to see whether the sources are readily available to local authorities and other policy makers who might wish to assess the situation in their city centres. Three broad types of information have been investigated - official statistics collected by statutory bodies, commercially driven sources and occasional sources. The main statutory sources of statistics, including in particular the Census of Population, the Annual Census of Production, the General Household Survey and the Family Expenditure Survey plus others noted in the Guide to Official Statistics, provide a baseline which much commercially driven data elaborates upon and extends. In some cases however, nationally available data on say 'walk to work' patterns can in principle be used as a proxy to


help measure aspects of viability, say, in defining a sense of local community. To establish a more accurate picture of a city's health, commercially available data is essential. These sources, including the data generated by or manipulated by organizations such as Goad, Hillier Parker, Mosaic/CCN, Pinpoint, Superprofile and CACI which either work up self-contained data or add to statutory sources. Data collected for specific purposes include the Hillier Parker/Goad ranking surveys of multiple shops, data on property prices collected by key estate agencies or credit rating data gathered by organizations such as CCN. Perhaps the most important innovation in this over the last decade has been the development of geographical information systems (GIS) allied to increased computer power, which allows a much sharper focus on what is happening at postcode enumeration district level. Of particular significance is the classification of residential neighbourhoods into types of dwelling. This was started as a Department of Environment project, led by Richard Webber, in order to assess levels of social deprivation. This classification system was then further elaborated and commercially adapted as ACORN and marketed by CACI. This identifies 11 types of housing clustered into 39 categories. This system was then further elaborated through Mosaic, which identifies 58 postcode types and can be analyzed down to 15 households. These systems provide a much more sophisticated classification than the traditional socio-demographic categorizations such as the ABC1 definition of the population that throws up all kinds of anomalies and discrepancies especially when used for the primary commercial purpose to target consumers. At their simplest, jobs and social class do not always tell us whether people have spending capacity or a propensity to consume in a certain way. This information is now used in a myriad ways, including the indication of specific levels of wealth, identifying customers for direct marketing campaigns for particular product ranges such as financial services, and assessing catchment areas or retail potential (see Peter Brown, Geodemographics: A Review of Recent Developments and Emerging Trends, published by the Urban Regional Research Laboratory, University of Liverpool, 1989).


The software developed by organizations such as Mosaic, CACI, Pinpoint or Superprofile is structured in such a way as to be able to draw on statutory data, which is then manipulated to below postcode level. Data sources can then be added as appropriate, including retail related information from the 1100 Goad plans which identify names of shops in shopping areas, the Target Group Index survey of 24000 individual shoppers, the National Shoppers Survey information from 1.5 million shoppers and credit rating data. Furthermore, in principle, this software can add any other relevant survey material such as the ten-year national surveys undertaken by the Volunteer Centre on volunteering. GIS information providers and handlers are over the next year developing data on softer attitudinal aspects of city life areas, which will be of relevance to viability and vitality. These include the lifestyle questions of TGI, extensions to the National Shoppers Survey and new data being developed by Goad, such as that on occupants of first floor premises in city centres, as well as psychographic information gathered by organizations such as AC Synergy. Psychographic profiling of the population seeks to establish the value systems of citizens and how this relates to both consumer choices as well as attitudes to community and family, politics, change and innovation. This will have an impact on the kind of indicators that can be used. V.2. Comparability The incidence of any factor describing urban viability and vitality on its own does not tell us much unless there is a benchmark against which to judge it. What gives any figures meaning is comparison to similar situations or an average that has been established. It is crucial to compare like with like. Without a comparator one is simply left with a qualitative judgement that there may be a lot or a little of something, and there is no real measure. Broad based core information generated from, say, the Census or Household Survey on income or living conditions can be handled to provide comparative data as can commercial information on shopping habits. What is difficult is to compare information that is regionally or locally collected and not nationally collated, and information that is deemed to be confidential and is not readily available, such as some crime data.


The same holds true for information collected on environmental questions such as air pollution, noise, soil contamination and water quality. On air pollution there is the DoE's Enhanced Urban Network monitoring which covers only 9 sites in addition to data collected by approximately 60 local authorities from private contractors or systems they have purchased themselves. Data on noise is perhaps the most widely available, but this is collected by local authorities on an ad hoc basis according either to complaints or for specific planning decisions. A similarly uneven situation exists in assessing contaminated land or water quality. V.3. Proportion and extent of attributes How much of an attribute a city possesses can in many instances be judged. High levels of income, superior housing or lack of crime are commonsensically seen as good. But there are other variables where what is good or bad is subject to interpretation, depending on the context or the connection with other variables present. For example, diversity as a broad concept can be seen as a good and the number of small companies on the one hand may be deemed to be a positive attribute. On the other hand though, the lack of powerful economic players may mean that a city centre does not achieve a critical mass which powerfully assists in the wealth creation process. In this instance, too much diversity may be a negative feature. Accessibility similarly is seen as positive. On the other hand it is precisely that accessibility which allows people who may shop in a given area to go elsewhere if a city loses its comparative advantage. Another example concerns economic activity; high levels of certain types of activity quite often bring with them higher levels of pollution, because as the level of transactions increases this can lead to higher levels of air use, congestion and higher CO emissions. One further example is density. Density is commonly regarded as an advantage up to a certain point when it degenerates into overcrowding. For example, an overcrowded supermarket or restaurant deters potential customers - as does an empty one. Each positive attribute carries with it potential negative side effects.


The key concept here is threshold - when does a good attribute turn into a bad one? There are thus benchmarks, although they are difficult to identify for all circumstances. V.4. Specificity of local context The question is not only about how much of something exists, say car parking, but also where it is located. For example, it is relatively easy to establish levels of car parking provision in city centres both in absolute terms and comparatively. Superficially it may appear that say, a city centre has adequate parking, in comparison with competitor cities. However, the car parks may be located in the wrong place and thus do not contribute to the viability of a city centre because they are slightly off centre and regarded by shoppers as too inconvenient. To take another example, a city centre may have high pedestrian flows in the evening, but these pedestrians might come from one age group only, say 19- to 24-year-olds and may deter the emergence of a more broadly based evening life. It is important to take into account the special circumstances of a particular place and the need to apply judgement about a whole series of variables - both tangible and less tangible - which can then guide decision-making. These judgements will be based on a qualitative assessment. In sum, assessing viability and vitality is more of an art than a science. V.5. Dynamic nature of cities Some may argue that too much can be made of the organic paradigm in evaluating cities and city centres. True as this may be, the health of cities centres is conditioned by a myriad decisions, some deriving from statutory precepts, other from guidelines - say in planning - and from the mass of individual decisions made by all kinds of economic and social agents. Some of these decisions have short-term effects, like the setting up of a trade fair or festival, others more medium- and long-term effects like the building of a shopping centre or the relocation of a significant business to a particular city centre. Using the available statistics usually gives us a snapshot of a city centre at a given moment and at times, through historic data, the general direction where a city centre is going. A good example, here, is the movement in the Hillier Parker/Goad multiple ranking or changes in the levels of earned income over time.


What figures cannot tell us about is hopes, aspirations and goals. What decisions is the local authority about to make, what is the changing perception of major retailers and what external changes have occurred that have shifted the way interests groups in a city might relate to each other? Taking crime as an example, a place like Cheltenham, seen as genteel and gentrified, has higher crime incidences than nearby Gloucester, because it is richer and those who commit crime travel. A campaign on crime prevention and the knowledge of the population at large that the city is a target causes heightened awareness, the installation of burglar alarms and perhaps a greater police presence. As a consequence life becomes more difficult for itinerant criminals and the activity is displaced, say to Bristol, Bath or Stroud. Another example might be the redesign of parts of a city centre and the impact this has on patterns of crime, shopping or usage in general. At the moment of assessment these changes may be occurring, but as yet go unnoticed. Similar examples could be given in the economic sphere. An innovation introduced by a local firm may change fortunes as might a major contract or a change in fashion or achieving a major award such as City Challenge, the Olympics or a European City of Culture designation. Again this highlights the need for place specific interpretations related to objective indicators. V.6. Subjective and objective, quantitative and qualitative data As not all data can be obtained in an objectifiable form the consideration of subjective and objective data needs to be looked at in four different ways: • Subjective measures of subjective phenomena, for example,

how safe do people feel? • Objective measures of subjective phenomena, for example,

how much do people spend weekly on taxis because they are afraid of walking home at night?

• Subjective measures of objective phenomena - for example, to

what extent are people satisfied with lighting in the neighbourhood or the frequency of public transport?


• Objective measures of objective phenomena, for example, how frequent is the bus service or how many events has the arts centre put on?

Objective data can be quantified and measured, while subjective data can only be assessed and judged. In looking at something as complex as a city it is unlikely that a simple set of quantitative data will provide an accurate picture. It is always necessary to read this data in the light of local conditions and to understand the correlations between types of data. For example, there is a correlation between background demographic data and data on the usage of the city centre in the evening by a particular social group. It is possible to establish a core set of indicators of viability and vitality against which the performance of a city can regularly be monitored through quantified data such as retail floorspace yield or the change in multiple ranking. This, however, is not sufficient. In addition it is necessary to establish a methodology for garnering qualitative background information through which the significance of changes in the performance of a city can be adequately judged. It is necessary to devise a method for garnering such qualitative information by indicating examples of the questions a given local authority should ask and also examples of to whom such questions should be addressed. For example, we have suggested earlier that civic pride is an important ingredient for the viability of a city. To an extent this can be measured by proxy data such as the levels of readership and the audiences for local papers, radio and TV, but this will not be adequate to make a thorough assessment of civic pride. More questions within general categories such as the presence of civic societies will have to be asked. It may be also necessary to ask more detailed questions about local traditions, rituals and other aspects of local history. In summary, quantitative data are important because they tell you what exists. However, they have to be complemented by qualitative data, which are suitable for explaining why and how something exists and how it changes over time. V.7. Weighting


In order accurately to weigh the importance of each of the components of our proposed concepts of vitality and viability, single indicators, however good, will have to be supplemented by surveys to be carried out in each city to integrate and supplement existing survey research. More specifically representative surveys of the populace of the city in relation to questions of - for example - environmental quality, cultural life and social cohesion will have to be undertaken, as will more targetted work in relation to, say, economic performance. According to conventional wisdom it might appear that economic issues are generally perceived as the most important. However, available surveys suggest that in some cities people give a higher importance to non-economic issues such as the quality of the environment. VI. Possible indicators of urban vitality and viability The objective of this section is to outline which indicators could be used to form indices of viability and vitality in order to assess the health of cities in economic, social, environmental and cultural terms. The overall aim is to arrive at the creation of a simple and workable system through which local authorities can assess the performance of their town or city over time, identify their comparative strengths and weaknesses and construct a body of evidence on which to base future planning decisions. The purpose of this paper is to encourage, through discussion and testing, the narrowing down of our initial selection by eliminating the less relevant indicators and, when necessary, by creating new, simpler indicators by merging items from the initial lists or devising new indicators altogether. A more detailed set of indicators is proposed, largely based on whether they can be assessed on the basis of nationally available data. We have included in the paper some significant examples of the many indicators we have devised. A complete list of indicators is available on request from Comedia. Some checklist questions will be easy to establish by simply visiting a specific town or city, including questions on the type and age of buildings that are present in a city centre. Others will be more difficult to formulate, such as those on the quality of social cohesion, and will need to be assessed on the basis of judgement after considerable quantitative and qualitative


analysis. It is possible to analyse all national data via Mosaic using a number of data sources such as Goad. Mosaic have agreed to participate in the case studies and provide the use of their software. For each indicator we have noted whether it is primarily economic through the symbol E, social through the symbol S, cultural through the symbol C and environmental through the symbol EN. The source of the data is indicated after each indicator, when this is national the Census, Goad, or OCPS might be noted; where 'local' is indicated, this means that the data is primarly gathered by the local authority and other locally based organizations. In a few cases, such as for crime where regional bodies, such as police forces, are responsible for data gathering, this is noted as 'regional'. VI.1 Background Data: In order to establish what kind of place a city is some basic background data is necessary. This includes:

• S Population Census

• S, C Sociodemographic profile Census

• S Quality of housing Partly Census

• S Mortality rates National

• S Morbidity rates National

• S Number of single parent families Census

• E Employment by sector Census

• E Unemployment Census VI.2 Critical mass Indicators include:


• E Density of communications measured by telephone calls and fax BT

• E Range of shopping provision Goad

• S Size of catchment area CCN

• S Local student population in the city centre OPCS

• C Percentage of the local population using the library service,

the local theatres, adult education classes, cinemas, restaurants, etc Partly TGI

• S Residents living in the city centre Local

• E, C, S Annual numbers of people visiting the city; average length of stay Local

• E Annual number of conference delegates in city Local

• C Annual number of cultural events, with breakdown by category and by month Local

• C Presence of festivals or other cultural animation projects,

duration and attendance Local VI.3 Diversity Indicators include:

• E Proportion of locally owned or more generally 'independent' shops via

Goad

• C Availability of cinemas, theatres, wine bars, cafes, pubs, restaurants, and other cultural/entertainment/meeting places Goad


• S Sociodemographic breakdown of population Census

• E Proportion of second hand shops via

Goad

• E Patterns of land ownership and land use partly via Goad

• E Presence and size of markets eg Serplan

• S Patterns of housing tenure Census

• EN Types of vegetation and open space Local

• EN Styles, ages and shapes of buildings Local

• S..Type and size of ethnic communities OPCS

• S, C Number of foreigners living in the city OPCS

• E Presence and size of street markets, and types of specialism Local

• EN, C Availability of spaces, including parks, waterways, squares,

for a variety of activities including cultural animation programmes Local

• S Presence of networks and fora for voluntary groups Local

• C, E Number of non-British restaurants, delis, cafes, etc Local


VI.4 Accessibility Indicators include:

• S Percentage of local residents living within walking distance of work and varied facilities for public social life Travel to work survey

• E, EN Levels of use of public transport Local

• EN Availability of car parking eg. Serplan

• E, S, C Number of and accessibility of advice services Local

• En Proportion of city as a whole and of the city centre that is pedestrianised eg Serplan

• E Presence of enterprise units, managed workspaces, incubator units Local

• C Availability of city or leisure cards, and levels of take-up; Local

• S Levels of car ownership OPCS

• S Availability of public toilets and public telephones via GOAD

• C Average costs of leisure centres, cinema, theatre, and night club tickets Local

• S, C Availability of concessions for students, unemployed, retired people

in cultural and entertainment places and social services Local

• E Cost of car parks Local

• S Costs of getting in and out of the city centre on public transport Local

• S Percentage of local residents living in areas not adequately serviced


by public transport (daytime, evening, late night, Sundays) Local

• S, C Frequency of public transport services including late night services Local

• EN Number of information points or tourist information centres Local

• S, C Estimate of cost of a 'night out', to include drink, food, night club, and transport to and from the city centre Local VI.5 Security Indicators include:

• S Crime rating by insurance industry Insurance co's

• S Survey data on fear of crime Local

• S Who commits crime, breakdown by age, sex, class, and where they come from Regional

• S Crime clear up rate Regional

• S Distribution of crimes by time of day and time of year Regional

• S Subjective sense of unease about about going out at night by residents Local

• S Presence and levels of membership of neighbourhood watch schemes Local

• EN Frequency of street cleaning rotas in the city Local

• EN Frequency of household rubbish collections Local

• EN Presence of graffiti.in the city Local

• E Quality of street lighting; dark areas; blind spots Local

• E Number of policemen active in the city at different times Local


VI.6 Identity & Distinctiveness Indicators include:

• EN Size of conservation area Aston Univ.

• C Readership of local papers and audience levels for local TV and radio stations TGI NSS

• E Presence and knowledge of local products National + Local

• C Number of listed buildings DoE

• C Presence and popularity of recognisable city centre landmarks Local

• E, C, S Ownership and structure of local media National

• C Presence of local gastronomic traditions Local

• C, S Levels of following of local football, rugby or other sports Local

• C Presence and usage of local dialects Local

• C, S Presence of, and participation in, historically rooted local community events Local

VI.7 Innovativeness Indicators include:

• E Presence of R&D units Local • C, S Availability of grants for cultural innovations, civic and voluntary activism Local


• E Presence of new technology companies and turnover Local • E Expenditure on R&D and new technology by local firms Local • E Presence of advanced research centres Local • S Presence of pilot schemes to solve social problems Local • EN Presence and funding of energy saving, composting and other schemes Local • C Presence and support for artists and experimental forms of art Local • EN, C, S, E Number of architectural and other competitions

held in the city in last 5 years Local VI.8 Linkage & Synergy Indicators include:

• E Percentage of residents in the catchment area using city centre for shopping CCN • E Levels of foreign trade by local companies Local • C, S Annual numbers of visitors Local • C, S Presence of international educational exchanges and twinnings Local • C Availability and take-up of public and private foreign language classes Local • E Levels of investment in city centre by firms based in hinterland Local • S Percentage of students using city education living in hinterland Local

VI.9 Competitiveness


Indicators include:

• E Levels of disposable income NSS • E Shifts in multiple ranking Hillier Parker • E Annual rates of business formation for the last 5 years Local • E Level of vacancies (plus charity shops) Goad • C Presence and rankings of educational institutions DoEd • C Presence and rank of cultural facilities Partly Arts Council • E Rent level trends Hillier Parker • E Profitability of local firms and trends CCN Business Info • E Presence and numbers of regional, or national headquarters of companies and organizations Partly CCN Business Info

• E Bankruptcy rates Local • S Social cohesion - racial incidents, riots Local • EN Air pollution levels Partly DoE Private sector • EN Water quality for the city, and in local waterways Waterboards, but usually confidential • EN Noise levels Local • E Success in award schemes such as City Challenge National • E Level of developer interest in the city centre. Local


VI.10 Organizational capacity, participation, consultation Indicators include:

• E, C, S Presence of public-private partnerships in different areas Local • S Turnout at local elections CCO • E, S, C, EN Presence of city centre manager or equivalent structure Local • E .Number and cost of projects developed by public-private partnerships Local • S, C Levels of partecipation in community arts, architecture,

religious groups and other community development business projects Local •EN Presence and budget of urban design awareness programmes Local • S Membership of political parties, trade unions and

voluntary organizations Partly national • S Number and levels of membership of local campaigns and pressure groups Local

• E, S, C, EN Presence of, and participation in, consultation proceduresin the local planning process LocalCopyright by Comedia, this index cannot be quoted without acknowledgmentVI.11 ImplicationsThe three most important conclusions from this document are:• the development of a broad definition of viability and vitality and the need to use creative thinking to maximize urban potential;• the need for integrated strategic planning across disciplines;• the importance of balanced development across the economic, social/political, cultural and environmental spheres.In order to promote and safeguard urban viability and vitality a particular approach to planning is required. This approach would recognize that the economic, social, cultural and environmental aspects of viability and vitality are inextricably inter-related. Planning would therefore have to be holistic in the sense that it would be aware of, for example, the social, cultural and environmental implications of economic policies or in turn the economic, social and environmental implications of cultural policies. This is because certain policies which enhance viability and vitality in one area may


undermine viability and vitality in another.Planning would have to play a role of overall strategic guidance and sensitive control. Given the complexity and breadth of the concepts of viability and vitality, which encompasse the totality of the experience of living and working in cities, it is clear that we need a form of planning that is much more wide ranging than, for instance, land use planningas currently employed by local authorities. What is required is a form of planning that is designed to consider its policy implications on other spheres. It is at times proactive and at others reactive. This form of planning may at times simply set frameworks within which a wide range of initiatives can be taken. At others it might encourage activities in particular areas which are seen as priorities and play an enabling function. Again at other times it might even veto actions and initiatives which are seen as infringing the principle of long-term viability and vitality in the inextricably interlinked economic, environmental, social or cultural spheres.This approach has implications for who does this planning and how and thus implies that those involved in decision making have to have a detailed grasp and understanding of the central issues involved in other disciplines. Planning is still too closely identified with land use based issues. Aspects of the type of planning that need to be advocated are already emerging under the responsibility of a variety of agencies operating in cities, but they are not yet brought together to form part of an integrated planning strategy to enhance urban vitality and viability. BibliographyThis bibliography is meant to be a guide to existing literature. As such, it includes references to texts which are not referred to in the paper.The paper has been based in part on work conducted by Comedia for its research project Out of Hours. A Study of Economic, Social, and Cultural Life in Twelve Town Centres in the UK (1989-91), and on Viability and Vitality of Town Centres, a study for the Department of Environment conducted by URBED, in conjunction with Comedia, Hillier Parker, The Bartlett School of Architecture and Planning (University of London), and Environmental and Transport Planning (1992-93).Boyer, R., and Savageau, D (1981), Places Rated Almanac: Your Guide to Finding the Best Places to Live in America, Chicago, Rand McNally.Brown, P. J. B. (1989), 'Geodemographics: a review of recent developments and emerging issues', The Urban Research and Policy Evaluation Regional Research Laboratory Working Papers, 1, Liverpool, Department of Civic Design, University of Liverpool.Champion, A. G., Green, A. E., Owen, D. W., and Coombes, M. G. (1987), Changing Places. Britain's Demographic, Economic and Social Complexion, London, Arnold.Fisher, M., and Worpole, K. (1988), City


Centres, City Cultures, Manchester, CLES.Glasgow Quality of Life Group (1990), Britain's District Councils and Their Quality of Life, Glasgow, Departments of Geography, University of Strathclyde and Glasgow.Healey, P. (1989), 'Planning for the 1990s', Department of Town and Country Planning Working Papers, 7, Newcastle Upon Tyne, University of Newcastle Upon Tyne.Helburn, N. (1982), 'Geography and the quality of life', Annals of the Association of American Geographers, 72.Myers, D. (1987), 'Community-relevant measurement of quality of life', in Urban Affairs Quarterly, 1.Oregon Progress Board (1991), Oregon Benchmarks. Setting Measurable Standards for Progress. Report for the 1991 Oregon Legislature, Salem, Oregon Progress Board.Rogerson, R. J. (1989), 'Measuring quality of life: methodological issues and problems', Applied Population Research Unit Discussion Papers, 2, Glasgow, Department of Geography, University of Glasgow.Rogerson, R. J., Findlay, A. M., and Morris, A. (1987), 'The geography of quality of life', Occasional Working Paper Series, 22, Glasgow, Department of Geography, University of Glasgow.Rogerson, R. J., Morris, A. S., Paddison, R., and Findlay, A. M. (1989), Britain's Intermediate Cities: A Comparative Study of Quality of Life, Glasgow, Department of Geography, University of Glasgow.Worpole, K. (1992), Towns for People, Milton Keynes, Open University Press. AcknowledgmentsWe wish to thank Nicholas Falk and Geoff White for their help in researching this paper.

Landry 1994 - Creative City Indicators

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