ku...In the scholarly literature, the phenomenon of self-tracking and its equivalent labels of...

u n i ve r s i t y o f co pe n h ag e n

Self-tracking as communication

Lomborg, Stine; Frandsen, Kirsten

Published in:Information, Communication & Society

DOI:10.1080/1369118X.2015.1067710

Publication date:2016

Document versionPeer reviewed version

Citation for published version (APA):Lomborg, S., & Frandsen, K. (2016). Self-tracking as communication. Information, Communication & Society,19(7), 1015-1027. https://doi.org/10.1080/1369118X.2015.1067710

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Citation:Lomborg,S.&Frandsen,K.(2016).Self-trackingascommunication.Information,CommunicationandSociety,19(7):1015-1027.

Self-trackingascommunication

Introduction

Intheabundantmarketofdigitalmobiletechnologiesandservices,self-tracking

services,includingdedicatedsmartphoneapplicationsandwearabletechnologiessuch

assmartwatches,wristbandsandglassesseemstoconstitutethe‘newhype’.These

technologiesallowordinaryindividualstosystematicallymonitor,documentand

analyzeanarrayofaspectsofdailylife,includingsleeppatterns,mood,calorieintake,

heartrateandphysicalexercise.Allegedly,self-trackinggrantstheindividualusermore

anddeeperself-knowledge(Wolf,2010).Asaconsequence,self-trackinghasattracteda

lotofattentionfromresearchersandpublicopinionmakersowingtoitspotentialfor

improvinglifeconditionsthroughpreemptiveactiononhealth,andasatoolofuser

empowermentvis-à-vishealthcareprofessionalsandprivateandpublicinstitutions.

Nevertheless,the‘stuff’thatistypicallytracked–exerciseanddietbeing

thedominanttrackingactivities(Fox&Duggan,2013)–referstoculturalandsocial

practicesthat,fortheindividualuser,areutterlymundaneandresideinanexperiential

realmofeverydaylife.Self-trackingactivitiesareintegratedina‘processofconfluent

spheres,meaningsandactions’(Pilgaard,2012,p.31)inwhichindividual,actsascribe

meaningtoeverydaylifeandmediatetheconditionsofworkinglife,familylifeand


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leisuretimeasawhole(Pilgaard2012,Lomborg2014).Seenfromthisperspectiveself-

trackinghastobeunderstoodinrelationtobehaviorthatispredominantlyabout

gettingthingsdoneinwaysthatarepossible,suitableandmeaningfulfortheindividual.

Aswewillargue–self-trackingisnotjustmeaningfulinarationalorinstrumental,

utilitariansense,butalsointhesenseofbeingasourceofjoyandpleasureforthe

individual.Toaccountforthemeaningsofself-tracking,weproposetoconceptualize

self-trackingasasocialandculturalpracticethatisfundamentallycommunicative:it

mirrorsandmoldstheuser(Riegeluth,2014)towardsanaudiencecomprisingtothe

veryleasttheuserherself,butoftenotherusersofagivenserviceaswell.

Giventhediffusionandfurtherdevelopmentofself-trackingtechnologiesit

becomescrucialtoelaborateourunderstandingofthisphenomenon.Ouraiminthis

articleistocontributetothisnotonlybydevelopingacertaintheoreticalperspective

centeredoncommunication,butalsobydrawingonempiricalknowledgeaboutwhat

usersactuallydowithself-tracking.Thatis,wepresentfindingsfromaqualitativestudy

onhowself-trackingispracticedandexperiencedinthecontextofexercisebydifferent

categoriesofempiricalusers.Wedemonstratethatthemeaningsofself-tracking

practices,ontheonehand,areshapedbythemotivationofanindividualuserwhois

situatedinabroaderwebofeverydayactivities.Ontheotherhand,theexperiential

valueandmeaningisnotonlyamatteroftheindividualuser,butalsostimulatedand

augmentedbycommunicativefeaturesprovidedbythetechnology.Inthatsensewe

drawuponanotionofself-trackingtechnologiesasdigitalmedia,thatpossessvarious

affordances–meaningthattheyhavecertaintechnological,aestheticandsocial

potentials,buttheyaredefinedthroughtheiractualsocialuseandthusalsoformedby

theneedsoftheusers(Hutchby,2000,2001).


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Westartbyreviewingexistingresearchonself-trackingtomapthecurrent

researchagendaandclarifythepotentialcontributionofmediaandcommunication

researchinthiscontext.Next,wedevelopatheoreticalconceptualizationofself-tracking

asacommunicativephenomenonalongthreedimensionsaddressingtherelation

betweentheuserandthetrackingtechnology,theuserandtheself,andtheuseranda

widersocialnetworkofpeers,respectively,Eachdimensioniselaboratedusing

examplesfromourempiricalstudyofexerciseandself-tracking.

Stateoftheartofresearchonself-tracking

Inthescholarlyliterature,thephenomenonofself-trackinganditsequivalentlabelsof

life-logging,personalanalytics,quantifiedself,andself-monitoring(cf.Lupton,2014)

haveparticularlybeenassociatedwithmobiledigitalmediathatindividualscarry

aroundastheygoabouttheirdailybusiness.Smartphoneapplicationsand‘wearables’

suchastheFitbitandJawboneUpwristbandslogmovements,moods,heartrates,

calorieintakeandsooneitherautomatically(i.e.throughsensorsbuiltintothe

technologies)orbyindividual,manualregistrationthroughouttheday.Whilethevery

practiceofkeepinglogofspecificaspectsoftheselfanddailylifegoeswellbeyondbits

andbytesandintoanaloguesystems(penandpaper,orsimplyhumanmemory)(Fox&

Duggan,2013),digitalmediahavecertainlyenablednew,easyandeffortlessmeansof

self-tracking.1

1Ourfocusisondigitalmedia,butthecommunicativeperspectiveweadvanceinprincipleincludesallkindsofmediausedtokeeplogoftheself,andoften,newformsofself-trackingwillhavestrongaffinitywithearlier,analogue,forms(aswillbeevidentbelow).


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Thereareveryfewexplicitdefinitionsofself-tracking.Someapproachself-

trackingfromatechnicalperspectiveanddefineself-trackingintermsofthedigital

systemsanddevicesthatallowuserstocollect,analyzeandreflectupontheirdata(e.g.,

French&Smith,2013;Li,Dey,&Jodi,2010).Othersexamineself-trackingasapractice

ofcollecting,accumulatingandmakingvisibleeverydayhabitsandbodilyreactionsin

ordertoreflectuponandregulatethese(Ruckenstein,2014:68-69;alsoSwan,2009;

Choeetal.,2014).Inthisarticle,wefollowLupton(2014)whocombinesthe

technologicalandpracticedimensionsanddefinesself-trackingastheindividual’suseof

technologytorecord,monitorandreflectuponfeaturesofdailylife.Accordingto

Lupton,self-trackingwithdigitalmediacanassumeanumberofforms,dependingon

whetherornotitisvoluntary(i.e.initiatedbyoneself)andwhetheritisaprivateor

communalpractice.

Intheresearchliteratureonself-tracking,therearethreeclearlydiscernablebodiesof

literaturewhichdifferintermsoftheirdisciplinaryembeddingandassociatedresearch

interests.Theapplicationofself-trackinghasbeenstudiedinthecontextofa)health

careandb)interactiondesignandsystemsdevelopmentresearch,andc)theimplications

ofself-trackinghavebeendiscussedunderacritical-sociologicallensintermsof

surveillance,laborandlossofprivacy.

Theapplicationofself-tracking in thehealthcaresectorhasbeenstudied

through interdisciplinary work on health informatics systems at the intersection of

computer science and health studies. This strand of research centers on how self-

trackingtechnologiesmaybeusedbycitizenstopreventandidentifyhealthissueswith

aviewtooptimizinghealthcareservicesandthesectorassuch(Swan,2009,2012).A


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key idea is that self-tracking, because of itsmaking visible patterns regarding calorie

intake, exercise, sleep, and so on, may be seen as a resource for empowering the

individualuservis-à-vishealthcareprofessionals.Bydisplayingandgivingfeedbackto

users on their health in real-time and over time, self-tracking enables ‘self-care’

(Hansen,2012),butitalsoshiftstheresponsibilityforgoodhealthfromtheprofessional

system to the individual (Lupton, 2013b). Accordingly, a number of empirical studies

haveinvestigatedhowself-trackingtechnologyisusedto‘nudge’userstochangehabits

anddevelopahealthierlifestyle,forinstance,byhelpingthemtolooseweight(Turner-

McGrievyetal.,2013;Wangetal.,2014).Otherstudieshaveexaminedtheeffectsofself-

trackingappsondiseasetreatmentmanagementforcitizenslivingwithchronicdiseases

suchasdiabetesorcancer(forareviewofsuchstudies,seeWangetal.,2014).Yetother

studies have examined self-tracking as a tool for improving communication between

patientsandhealthcareprofessionals(Chiang,Yang,&Tu,2014;Steele,2013).

Anotherstrandofcomputerscienceresearchonself-trackingfocuses

specificallyontheoptimizationandrecommendationsforthedesignofself-tracking

services,typicallybasedonstudiesoftheuserexperiencewithconcreteself-tracking

apps(e.g.,Ahtinen,Isomursu,Ramiah,&Blom,2013).Thekeyaimistoidentifyfactors

inthedesignandintheuserthatimpedeandmotivateacertainuserexperienceandan

associatedbeneficialbehavior(e.g.,Kim,2014;Kranzaetal.,2013).Forinstance,Lietal.

(2010)surveyedusers’experiencedproblemsinself-trackingsystemsanddevelopeda

stage-basedmodelfordesigningpersuasivetechnologies.Inasimilarvein,Epstein,

Cordeiro,Bales,Fogarty,andMunson(2014)testedtheuserexperienceofvisualizations

ofcomplexself-trackingdatatoidentifyvisualizationmethodsthatareintuitively


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appealingandusefulfortheself-trackingusertodiscoveropportunitiesforbehavior

change(alsoConsolvoetal.(2008)).

Thethirdbodyofresearch,associatedwithsurveillancestudiesandother

critically-informedsociologicalanalyses,hasdevelopedinresponsetowhatisperceived

asanoverlyoptimisticviewofself-trackingasempoweringandrelegating

responsibilitytotheindividual,andasaninstrumentforself-improvementthrough

closemonitoringofbodilyandothersignalsandpractices.Thispositivediscourse,itis

argued,isdominantinthehealthanddesignliteratures(e.g.,French,2013),perhaps

chieflyowingtotheirappliedresearchaim.Incontrast,criticalsociologicalanalysesof

self-trackingaremainlytheoreticalinnature,andseektouncovertheimplicationsof

self-trackingfortheusers.Onestronglineofargumentinthisbodyofliterature

concernssurveillanceasanimplicitpartofself-tracking.Whenwerecordourdatain

digitalsystems,wearenotonlyabletomonitor,analyzeandoptimizeourselves;wealso

becomepartofsystemswhereourdataareaccumulatedandanalyzedbyaservice

provider,andoftensoldtounidentifiedthird-partycompanies.Theuseofuserdatato

monetizeandimproveproductsandservicesandtargetusersbetterhasbeencritically

examinedasprocessesofcommodificationandexploitationofuserlabor(Klauser&

Albrechtslund,2014;Till,2014).Furthermore,usershaveverylittleknowledgeofwho

getstoseeandbenefitfromtheirdata,andthisraisesissuesofprivacy(Patterson,

2013).DrawingonFoucault’snotionsofthepanopticonandtheresultingsubjectivation,

forinstance,Lupton(2013a;2013b;2014)andReigeluth(2014)arguethatself-tracking

technologiesanddataarefarfromneutral.Rathertheymaybeseenasnormative

enginesthatproduceanobjectivationofhumansubjectsasentitiesthataredefinedby,

augmentedbyandmaybecontrolledthroughtheirnumbers(Lupton,2013a,2014).


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Ruckenstein(2014)dubsthisconversionofthehumanbodyintonumbersand

visualizations‘datadoubles’,aconceptthatmaybeusefulforexploringtherelationship

andcommunicationbetweentheselfandtheselftrackingapp.

Inadditiontotheseconsolidatedbodiesofliterature,afewstudieshave

beenpublishedonthepurposeofandmotivationsforself-trackingineverydaylife.

Choe,Lee,Lee,Pratt,andKientz(2014)studiedthemotivationsandpracticesof

extremeself-trackersaffiliatedwiththequantifiedself-movement2withaspecificview

tobarriersforself-tracking.Stragierandcolleagues,rootedincommunicationstudies,

haveexploredusers’motivationsforsharingexerciseonsocialmedia(Stragier&

Mechant,2013;Stragier,Mechant,&DeMarez,2013).Thesestudiesreflectan

individual-psychologicalandutilitarianperspectiveonself-trackingakintothatofthe

healthandinteractiondesignperspectives.Counteringthis,Rooksby,Rost,Mossiron,

andChalmers(2014)incomputersciencedidaqualitativeinterviewstudyofeveryday

trackingstressingtheroleofcontextandaffect.Theyidentifiedasetofdistinctstylesof

personaltrackingthatweregroundedinusers’lifehistoriesandsocialcontexts,anddid

notprimarilyevolvearoundspecificrationalgoals,butweredeeplyaffectivein

character.Thesestyles,inturn,representwhattheylabel‘livedinformatics’.

Insum,theexistingbodiesofliteraturesuggestasignificantscopeand

breadthinself-trackingresearch,buttheveryintegrationofself-trackingpracticesin

thebroaderculturalandstructuralformationofeverydaylifeissurprisinglyabsent

fromview–bothintheoreticalandempiricalworkonself-tracking.Apartfromafew

highlyinsightfulanalyses(e.g.,Lupton,2014;Reigeluth,2014;Rooksbyetal.,2014;

Ruckenstein,2014),weknowverylittleaboutandhaveveryfewtheoreticaltoolsto

2http://quantifiedself.com.


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graspwhatisactuallygoingonintheuser’spracticalengagementwithconcreteself-

trackingtechnologies,thedatatheycollect,andthecommunicativenetworksand

personaltrajectoriesinwhichtheyareembedded.

Weproposethatamediaandcommunicationstudiesperspectiveenables

ananalysisofself-trackingthataddressestheseissues,byframingself-trackingasa

meaningful,evenpleasurable,experiencedeeplyinterwoveninthefabricofeveryday

life.Acommunicativeunderstandingofself-trackinghighlightsmeaning-makingasakey

aspectoftheappropriationanduseofself-trackingtechnologies.Meaning-making,in

turn,iscontextuallyembeddedindynamicsofinterpersonalandgroupaffiliationsthat

arepracticedineverydaylife,aswellasintheongoingpracticalorganizingofthe

everyday.Hence,meaning-makingofself-trackingisinformednotonlybytheindividual

users’cognitiveandaffectivecapacities,butalsothecontextofuse,andthe

communicativeaffordancesofthetechnologyathand.

Method

Theempiricaldatathatweusetodevelopourconceptualizationofself-trackingas

communication,stemsfromaqualitativestudyofself-trackingforexercisewitha

purposefulsampleoftwelveDanishrespondentsaged25to40.Oursampleincludedsix

menandsixwomenandbothavid,experiencedrecreationalathletesandbeginners.

Theywereallregularusersofvarioustypesoffitnessapps(GarminConnect,Garmin

Express,Strava,RunKeeper,EndomondoandWorkoutTrainerbySkimble),which

provideadiversesetofaffordancesforexerciseandsocialnetworking.Denmarkis

characterizedbyaremarkablerecentequalizationinrelationtogenderandsportsbut

alsoanincreaseinsportsandexerciseactivitiesamongthe25-to-40-yeal-olds.Roughly


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speaking,thecohortof25-to-40-year-oldsisinaspecificlifephasewithastrongfocus

onparentingandearlycareer.Arguably,thestructureofeverydaylifeinthiscohort

makesitparticularlychallengingtointegrateastableparticipationinsportandexercise

(Laub&Pilgaard,2013;Pilgaard,2012).Self-trackingtechnologymightprovidea

particularlyattractiveandrelevantsupportstructureforexercise.Owingtoits

communicativeaffordances,self-trackingtechnologyallowsforbothreflexivityanda

creationofflexibleroutines,whichPilgaard(2012)haspointedoutastwoparadoxical

butprevalentneedsinlate-modernsportsandexerciseparticipation.

Thestudycombinestwosetsofsuccessivequalitativedata:firstaone-

monthregistrationoftheactivitiesofeachrespondentloggedandvisualizedbytheapps

heorsheusedforexercise(trainingpatterns,communications,etc.),andthensemi-

structuredqualitativeinterviewswiththerespondentsabouttheirusesoftheappand

theroleofexerciseintherespondents’currentdailylives.Theinterviewsalso

documentedrespondents’lifestoryofsports,asbodilymemoryofearlierexperiences

withsportinformpeople’swaysofengaginginsportandphysicalexercise(Pilgaard

2012).

Self-trackingasacommunicativephenomenon

Inthissection,weconceptualizeself-trackingasacommunicativephenomenon,

specifyinghowthistheoreticalcontributionaddressesexistingblindspotsinthe

scholarlyliterature.Basically,weapplyaritualviewoncommunication(Carey,1992

(1989)),whichstressesthesymbolicandsharedproductionofrealityincommunicative

actionsasequaltothetransmissionofinformation.Communicationisconsidereda


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symbolicprocess,wheresharedbeliefsareformedandmaintained,andrealityis

reproducedandperhapseventransformed.Whentechnologicallymediated,theform

andcontentofcommunicationarenegotiatedbythecommunicativeaffordancesofthe

mediumathand,aswellasbythesocialnormsthathavebeenconstitutedaroundits

uses(Hutchby,2001).3Applyingaritualviewonmediatedcommunicationmeansthat

weareparticularlyinterestedinhowspecificactsofcommunication–inourcasethe

self-trackingpracticesofthesampledusers–construct,shareandmaintaincertain

valuesandbeliefsinaneverydaycontext.

Ourconceptualizationofself-trackingisbasedontwopremises.Firstly,

self-trackingtechnologiesaredefinedasmediathatenableadiversebutinterrelatedset

ofactivitiesincludingaccumulatingatrackinglogordiaryinadigitalsystem,interacting

withtheanalysisfeaturesthatareoftenbuiltintotheinterfaceoftrackingapplications,

sharingtrackingactivitiesandcommunicatingaboutself-trackingwithothers.These

activitiesarecentralforourconceptualizationastheyarefundamentally

communicative,althoughinverydifferentways,representingatonceprocessesof

conveyinginformationaboutoneselftoothersandtoasystem,ofconstitutingand

performingoneself,andupholdingasetofsocialrelationsinaparticularway(Carey,

1992(1989)).Secondly,fortheuser,theactivityofself-trackingisahabitualpracticeof

mediausethatisdeeplyinterwoveninothersocialandculturalpractices(bodily

practices,dailyrhythmsetc.)andmustthusbeanalyzednotinisolation,butwithaview

toitsbroaderfunctionintheusers’orchestrationofthedemands,structuresandneeds

ofvariouscontextsineverydaylife.Thisritual,‘non-media-centric’andpractice

orientedapproach(Moores,2012)contributeswithahighlyrelevantperspectiveasit

3ThisviewtoalargeextendalignswiththetraditionofMediumTheory(e.g.,McLuhan,1964;Meyrowitz,1985),andphenomenologicalperspectivesonmediause(Scannel,1995).


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appreciatestheparticularitiesofmediatechnologybuttakeitsprimaryanalyticalpoint

ofdepartureinthecommunicativepracticesoftheusersandtheireverydaycontext.

Inthefollowingsections,weunpackourconceptualizationofself-tracking

ascommunicationalongthreeinterrelateddimensions:asacommunicativepracticeof

interactingwithandaccumulatingdatainadigitalsystem(i.e.,aspecificexercisingapp,

butalsoacomplementarysetofnetworkedconnectedmediasuchasadigitalwristband

andasmartphoneapp);ofcommunicatingwithoneself(asrepresentedthroughdata)

andactingontheself,andofcommunicatingwithpeers.

Communicatingwithadigitalsystem

Whenweusedigitalmedia,we‘speakintosystems’ofcommunication(Jensen,2013).

Weimprintouractivitiesasdigitalbittrails–datathatarereceived,analyzed,stored

andoftenrepurposedbytheprovidersoftheservicesweuseforsystemrefinementand

personalizationoffutureuserexperiencewiththeservice,andtargetedadvertising.

Thatistosay,thesystemormedium‘responds’tothebittrail,makessenseofthedata

andfeedsbacktotheuser,aswellasforwardtoothers.Althoughwerarelythinkof

thesedataintermsofcommunication,perhapsweshould.Unfoldingatheoretical

analysisofdigitaldataascommunicationandmeta-communication,Jensen(2013)

arguesthat,justaswords‘do’things(Austin,1962),digitaldataareperformative–at

oncevehiclesofinformationandsourcesofmeaningthatconstructandactonrealityin

myriadways.WhenIlogontoEndomondoandtrackarun,theinformationindata

pointscollectedonmypace,geo-location,etc.areprocessedbyandcontributetofine-

tuningEndomondo’salgorithmsandthus,howeverminimally,reconfigurethesystem.It


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mayalsoleadtorenewalsandexpansioninthewholesystem,likewhenEndomondo

startse-mailingmeonamonthlybasissummingupmyexerciseinacclaimingterms,

andurgingmetoexerciseevenmore,keepupthemotivationbystrengtheningthesocial

networkontheserviceandusingthesupportfunctionsprovided.Similarly,themeta-

datathataccompanycommunicationswithpeersinthesystemabouttheexerciseor

customizetheirprofile(time-stamps,detailsontheplatformused,etc.)notonlycodify

thecommunicationandrelationshipbetweenusers,butalsometa-communicate

meaningabouttheuser’ssportsidentity.Inourdatathisisdistinctlymanifestedinthe

users’choiceofphoto.Theirphotosconveymeaningabouttheirtypeofengagementin

exercise,whichisstrategicallyandcommerciallyvaluablefortheproviderofthesystem.

Amongthoseusersthathavealongtrajectoryinsportsandexercise,thephotoisused

inaveryself-reflexiveandcontext-sensitivemanner.Theusersdistinguishanddisplay

thispartoftheiridentitywithphotosshowingthemselvesinsportswear,amongother

athletesorotherwisereferringtotheirtrainingpractices.Theycommunicateasports

identityandthussuggestaparticularkindofsocialrelationship–centeredonsports–

thattheywishtoexpressontheapp.Therespondentsforwhomsportandexercisehas

nothadahighpriorityinearlierstagesoflifeuseotherkindsofprofilephotos,ifanyat

all.Typically,theysimplyusetheirFacebookprofilephoto,whichcanbefetched

automaticallythroughsystemssuchasEndomondo,thusconveyingnointentofmarking

theiruseofself-trackingasreflectingastrongsportsidentity.

Ouruser’sresponsestothe‘system’scommunication’takeaffectiveand

normativeformsexpressedintermsofannoyance,irritationandpleasure.ForAlice


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(40)4,abeginnerinphysicalexercisebutaprofessionalininformationtechnologyand

aviduserofapps,itwasagreatsourceofirritationthatherpreferredapp(thatwas

usedbyalotofpeopleinherofflinesocialnetwork)didnotallowforintegrationwith

otherlifestyleapps.Shelamentsthisasblatantself-sufficiencyandinappropriatelackof

opennessinthetechnology.ThestudentTommy(26),whoisawell-experiencedathlete

withastrongfascinationoftechnologicalsportsequipment,respondstothesameapp’s

useofburgersasiconsforburnedcalorieswiththisstatement:‘Thisistheamountof

burgersthatyouhaveburned(…)Idon’tcare(…)Thisisaloadofcrap.’Forhimthe

systemcommunicatesculturalvaluesthatheconsiderstotallyinappropriateforhis

performanceofanidentityasaserious,competitivelyorientedathlete.Heandother

dedicatedathletesinthesample,suchasMartin(36)andSandra(34)mainlyappreciate

systemsfeaturessuchrankings,detailedinformationabouttrainingsessions,and

flexibilityinplanningtools,asthesefeaturescommunicatevariousvaluesassociated

withserioussports.

Self-trackingsystemsarealsocommunicativeinamoreexplicitmanner.

Someappsaffordinstantaccompanyingverbalfeedbackduringatrainingsession.

Althoughfeedbackmaycomefromthesocialnetwork,ourrespondentsdidnotusethis

feature.OneexceptionistheschoolteacherPeter(31),whosometimesis‘peptalked’by

hisEndomondofriends,andappreciatesthisfeaturetotheextentthathesometimes

changeshisuseoftechnologyinordertobenefitfromthisfacility:‘itismore

comfortabletorunwiththewatchthanhavingabigtelephoneonyourarm(…)But

sometimesitisfinetogetapeptalk,andthatisnotpossiblewiththewatch…’.

4Allparticipantsarepseudonymized,whereastheirrealageisdisclosed.


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Mostoftenitisthesystemitselfthatcommunicates–personifiedasa

speakingvoicestatingtimelapsanddistancepassedintraining.Alice(40)perceived

thisfeatureasanomni-presentpersonalcoachthatinformsheraboutprogressand

givesotherkindsoffeedbackinthecourseofandevaluatingatrainingsession.This

kindofpersonifiedfeedbackprovidesastructurethatfortherespondentsismeaningful

inthesituation.Butitalsobecomesmeaningfulinawidersense.Theaccumulationof

informationthatisarchivedandcommunicatedbacktotheusersmakesupanexplicit

individualizedperformancehistorythatisconsideredparticularlyhelpfulbysome

users.ForCarol(27)andEric(34),whobothhavesmallchildrenandnofixedtimeslots

forexercise,thisfunctionstokeepthemontrackandas‘aremindertomyself,thatI

shouldnotspendmoneyonthiswithoutusingit.So,inthiswayitignitesme.Last

monthwasnotoptimal,tightenup!’(Eric,34).Forthesetwousersthecommunication

backfromthesystembecomesaverymeaningfulresourcetonegotiatethestructureof

theireverydaylifeandsecuretimeforsportandexercise.

ForMartin(36)andKenneth(30)thesystems’communicativefeedbackis

soimportantthatitisextendedandgetspersonalizedastheycombineseveral

technologiesintheirtrainingpracticeinordertogetfeedbackfromawidersetofdigital

sources.KennethconnectstheStravaapponhismobilephonewithaGarminwatchvia

Bluetooth.Besidesgivinghimvariouskindsoffeedbackthissetupalsomakesitpossible

forhisfamilytofollowhimsimultaneouslyontheircomputerscreen.ForMartinthe

objectiveofusingbothaGarminwatchandEndomondo’sappmeetsacomplexneedfor

detailinfeedbackindetailwhilealsomaintaininganoverview:‘Endomondoisjust

runningonitsown.Andthenmywatch–I’musingitactivelytosetmypace(…)

Endomondo,Iuseitmostlytolookformysplittimesandthingslikethat.’BothMartin


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andKenneththusseektooptimizetheirpracticebycombiningresponsefromseveral

systems,thuscreatingawholenewstructureaccommodatingthesesystemsof

communicationtotheirownpersonalneeds.

Communicatingwithandactingontheself

Acoredimensionofself-trackingwithdigitalapplicationsaredatavisualizationsofthe

accumulatedinputtheuserhasofferedthesystem:rangingfromgeneralplotsof

exerciseactivityoveranextendedperiod,tomorefine-grainedvisualizationsof,for

instance,routesortheusers’pulseduringoneexercisesession.Thesevisualizations

clearlycommunicate:theyprovidefeedbacktotheuseronstabilityandchangesin

trainingpatterns,bodilystrengthandsoon.Inturn,theyfunctionasamirrorforthe

self,ameansofcommunicatingwiththeself(‘howwelldidIdotodaycomparedwith

thepastsessions,andwhatdoesthatsayaboutmyshape?’).

Inthecontextofself-tracking,Ruckenstein(2014)hasdevelopedthe

conceptofthe‘datadouble’,originallyconceivedinsurveillancestudies,todescribethe

auto-communicativerelationshipbetweentheuserandthedatavisualizationofher

trackingactivities.5Thedatadoubledenotes‘theconversionofhumanbodiesandminds

intodataflowsthatcanbefigurativelyreassembledforthepurposesofpersonal

reflectionandinteraction’(Ruckenstein,2014:68).Hence,thedatadoubleturns

hithertoinvisiblebodilyandmentaldetailsintocoherentpiecesofinformationthatthe

usercanengageandinteractwithinordertobetterunderstandtheself.Accordingto

Ruckenstein,whoempiricallystudiedtheuseofheartratemonitoringineverydaylife,

5Theconceptofauto-communication,originallydevelopedinculturalsemioticsbyLotman(1990),suggeststhatallcommunicationimpliesarelationshipbetweenthecommunicatorandherself.


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therelationshipbetweentheuserandherdatadoubleisaffectiveandpurposeful–

somethingthatisoftenunderstatedinthesurveillanceliterature.Rooksbyetal.(2014)

alsopointtotheaffectivedimensionandtheyrelateittoanexperienceofself-esteem.

Wewouldarguethatthepleasurablefeelingthatourusersassociatewithself-tracking

isverymuchrootedinthedatavisualizationsthatthesystemsprovide.Firstly,because

thevisualizationsprovidethemwithatoolforshort-termorlong-termreflectionon

theirbodilypractices,andthusprolongandaugmenttheexercisesession–asa

psychologicalexperience.Secondly,therhetoricalformofvisualizationsisimportantin

itself:charts,tables,iconsandfactualdataseemtoassociatetrackingwithscienceand

accordinglyalsowithvalueslikeseriousness,analysisandcompetentexpertise.

Arguably,thissupportsthegratificationofbasicpsychologicalneedsthat

communicationscholarshaveelsewherearguedmotivatestheuseofentertainment

products(Vorderer,Steen,&Chan,2006).AccordingtoVordererandcolleagues(2006)

peopleoftenusemediatomeetthreebasicpsychologicalneeds:1)Aneedtobe

autonomousandincontrol,2)aneedtofeelcompetent,and3)aneedtofeelrelatedto

others.Followingthislineoftheorythepositiveaffectiveresponsetoself-tracking

reflectsthegratificationofindividualusers’needs–becausethevisualdataestablishes

acommunicativeseriousnessandrespectaroundtheindividual,nomatterhisorher

levelofexercise.

Thenatureofourusers’engagementinandinteractionwiththe

visualizationsvariesalot.AsRooksbyetal.(2014)havenoticed,mostusers–including

thosewestudied–dealwiththesedataonashorttermbasis.Mostoftheusersreporta

particularfocusonthedata,likeEric(34)onburntcalories,Alice(40)ontimespentand

lengthofarun,andHelen(36)onpulse.Mostofthemengagewiththesedataviatheir


17

mobilephoneforashortwhileimmediatelyafterfinishingtheexercisesession.They

seekimmediatefeedbackoncertainaspects.Tounderstandthefullmeaningofthis

communicationweneedtotakeintoaccounttheculturalmeaningofthe‘scientific’

modeofaddressandthemeaningofthecommunicativeactionitself.Auserwhoonly

spendsalittlemorethanaminutelookingatherrouteandheraveragepaceis

confirmedthroughthedatadoublethatsheisasarespectableindividualwhois

competentlytakingagencyinherownlife.Theactoflookingatthesevisualizationsare

notonlyservingasanevaluation,itmayalsobeconsideredacommunicativeritualasit

constitutesamomentwhentheexerciseexperienceisprolonged,whileatthesametime

changedfromabodilyexperienceintoapsychologicalexperiencewheredocumentation

allowsforgratification.Theexperientialmodeof‘sensing’thebodyistransformedintoa

communicativemodewhere‘seeing’acertainkindofrepresentationoftheverysame

sessionaddsnewmeaning.Thistransformationintothecommunicativemodeof‘seeing’

appearsparticularlyimportantforbeginnerslikeAlice(40),whoexplicitlysaysthatshe

feelslesscapableinsensingherownbody.ForexperiencedathleteslikeTerry(37)and

Helen(36)thedoublingoftheexerciseexperienceconstitutesanattractiveandjoyful

experientialspaceofauto-communication.Inthisspacetheycometoknowthemselves

asincontrolandverycompetent,systematicallyoscillatingbetweenmodesof‘sensing’

and‘seeing’inaveryreflexivesearchforimprovementoftheirownperformance.

Thesystem’saccumulationofinformationbasicallyassuresallusersthat

theykeeptrackoftheirownlife–andthusareincontrol.Butafew,likeKenneth(30)

andTommy(26)andspendmoretimeonexploringthedata,andthisinteractiontakes

placeatalaterhour,wheretheyhaveplentyoftimeforthemselves.Forthesetwousers

sportandexercisehasbeenaconstantandimportantelementthroughouttheirlife,and


18

theyexpressgreatjoywhenindulgingthemselveswiththedatainsearchforboth

personaladvancementandcompetitivelyorientedcomparisonswithotherusers.

Communicatingwithpeers

Self-trackingtechnologiessuchasStrava,Endomondo,GarminConnectandRunkeeper

allowtheusertoestablishconnectionsandcommunicatewithotherusersthroughthe

technology.Inthatsense,self-trackingembedskeyfunctionalitiesfromsocialmedia,for

networking,sharing,liking,andcommentingthatarefurthershapedbytheusers’

communicativepracticesonsite.Followingfromthisperspective,studyingself-tracking

asacommunicativepracticehascloseaffinitywithresearchoncomputer-mediated

communication(CMC)asavehicleofsociality(e.g.,Bakardjieva,2005;Baym,2000;

Kendall,2002).Thisextensivebodyofliteraturehas,forinstance,demonstratedhow

peopleinterlaceanddeveloprelationshipsacrosscontextsonandoffdigitalmediain

everydaylife(e.g.,boyd,2008;Ellison,Steinfield,&Lampe,2007;Lomborg,2014;

Wellman&Haythornthwaite,2002).

Underthelensofsociality,communicationispredominantlyameansof

achievingacommonpracticeandsharedunderstandingofthesituationathand,of

maintainingsocialorderandthusfindingmeaningandpleasureinasenseofbelonging

(Carey,1992(1989);Vordereretal.,2006).Thatistosay,thepracticeofcommunicating

withothersimpliesanongoingnegotiationofwhatisappropriate,relevantand

expectedtobecommunicatedinagivencontextandwithagivensetofpeople.

Inourdata,thedegreeofconnectednessandtheamountofcommunication

withone’snetworkonself-trackingservicesvariesagreatdeal.Strikingly,


19

communicationonself-trackingservicesismostprolificfortheparticipantswho

practicetheirsportswithothers,andwhousethetogethernessandcompetitioninthe

jointpracticeofexercisingasamotivator.Intheregistereddatafromtheirself-tracking

profiles,communicationtypicallytakestheformofdescriptionsandevaluationsof

individualtrainingpasses,whichmaythenreceivelikesandsupportivecomments.This

indicatesastrongtopicalfocusonexerciseasappropriateforthecontextathand.Italso

highlightssocialrecognitionofanindividual’seffortsasanimportantpartoftheself-

trackingexperienceforsomeoftheusers.Theactivitythusbecomessociallymeaningful

asitmeetsaneedtofeelcommunionwithothers(Vordereret.al.2006).Herewefind

parallelstodynamicsthatarewellknownandcentralinsocialmediaingeneral

(Lomborg2014)butalsotomechanismsthatconstitutesportsculture,wheresocial

recognitionfromaknowledgeableaudienceisanimportanttoolwhencelebratinga

winner(Frandsen,2013).Sandra(34),whohasfoundcommunionwithworkcolleagues

inrunningandtrackingitonEndomondo,assertsaboutself-tracking:‘itisallabout

supportingoneanotherintheplacethatweareeachin,and“itissocoolthatyoudo

this”andthelike’.Crucially,therecognitionandsupportissoughtfromthe‘relevant

others’.InthecaseoftheuserscommunicatingonEndomondo,Strava,etc.,therelevant

othersarethosewithwhomtheindividualusersharestheexercisingasacommontopic

andactivityineverydaylife.Peter(31)andSandra(34)bothuseexerciseasawayof

socializingwithcolleaguesthroughsmalltalkatwork,onEndomondo,andsometimes

throughrunningtogether.Hannah(39),whoisamemberofaseriousrunningcluband

whoseeverydaysociallifeevolvesaroundrunning,receivesmanylikesandhaslively

conversationsaboutherexercisepassesonEndomondowithherrunningmates,after

eachcompletedsession.Accordingly,thecommunicationontheself-trackingservices


20

therebyextendsintime,andperhapsaugments,thesocialexperienceoftrainingwith

others.

Tobesure,communicationrelatedtoself-trackingofexercisenotonly

occursontheself-trackingapplications.Kenneth(30),whousesStravaandkeepsavery

smallandclosenetworkoffourclosefriendswithwhomhecyclesrevealshavingalotof

ping-pongaboutcyclingthroughemailandinface-to-facecommunicationwithhis

Strava-friends.Terry(37)hasstartedaFacebook-groupwhereheandhispeersshare

trainingdataandsupportone-another.Fortheseusers,concreteinstancesoftracking,

sharedwithpeersontheself-trackingapplications,serveasaconversation-starterin

othercontexts.

Otherparticipants,particularlyasubsetoftheuserswhoonlyexercise

alone,donotcommunicateabouttheirexerciseontheirpreferredself-trackingservice,

butsomeofthempostauto-updatesontheirexerciseactivitiestoFacebook,thereby

sharingtheirexercisewithawidernetworkoffriends.Carol(27)andDoris(29)both

usesharingonFacebookaspartoftheirindividualexercisingprojects.Creating

awarenessinthesocialnetworksabouttheirgoalsandpracticesofexercisingseemsto

inspirethemtostayontrack.Forinstance,Doris,whoisanewbietoexercisingin

generalandisintheprocessoflosingweightafterapregnancy,describesherautomatic

sharingofexerciseonFacebookassimplyawayoflettingpeopleknowwhatsheis

occupiedwith–perhapsasawayofmotivatingherselftocontinuewhenreceiving

supportivecommentsandlikesfromherFacebookfriends.Thecultureofrecognition

thatwehaveidentifiedonself-trackingservicesaswellasinothercontextsiswell

documentedasacrucialfunctionofCMCingeneral,forinstanceintheformofphatic

communication(Lomborg,2014;Miller,2008).Communicatingaboutexercise,and


21

specificallythesharingoftrainingresultswithothershasimplicationsforandfeeds

backintothetrainingpracticesoftheself-trackers:mostofthemsaysitmeansthatthey

pullthemselvestogetherandgivetheirexerciseanextranudgebecauseitisondisplay

forothers.Forsomeoftheparticipants,communicatingaboutexerciseonFacebook

seemstoserveafunctionbeyondmotivatingoneself,namely,tourgeotherstoexercise

aswell.Alice(40)describeshersharingonFacebookasintendedbyawishtomotivate

others:‘whenpeopleknowmeassomeonewhoneverexercisedatallandwhowasvery

overweight,thenifIcanrunfivekilometers,theneverybodycanrunfivekilometers’.

Atthesametime,severalparticipantsalsovoiceaconcernwithsharing

exercisewithbroadersocialnetworkssuchasonFacebook.Theconcernhastodowith

aperceivedconflictwithbroadersocialnormsofwhatisrelevantforthecontext.AsEric

(34)contends:‘IgetreallyannoyedwithmyownFacebookfriendswhentheypostall

this“I’vebeenoutrunningfourkilometers”.Well,thatissuperforyou.ButIlikeitinthe

application,becausetomeitbelongsinthatuniverse,andthepeerswhoarethereare

therewiththatspecificpurpose’.Strikingly,particularlythemeninthesamplevoicethis

ideaofconfiningexercisecommunicationtospecificrelevantcontextsdedicatedto

specificpurposes.Forsomeofthewomen,inparticular,thesharingoftrackingassuch

isambivalent.Carol(27)worriesthatbylettingothersseehowmuchexerciseshefits

intohereverydayschedulewillcommunicateanunwantedideaofherasabadmother

whodoesnotgiveprioritytobeingwithherkids.Similarly,Helen(36)worriesabout

beinglabeledasobsessedwithtraining.Whatthesewomenseemtosuggestisthat

exercisingandsharingitisweighedagainstothersocialnormsandexpectationsof

normality(e.g.,notbeingfanaticabouttrainingsothatotherneedsandactivitiesare

compromised).


22

Intermsoftheircommunicativefunctionalitiesforsharingindividual

exercise,self-trackingservicesmaybesaidtofitwithwhatCastellshasdubbed‘mass

self-communication’(Castells,2007),thatis,individualizedandself-centered

communicativestatementsdistributedonlinetoapotentialmassaudience.However,

thecommunicativepracticesoftheusersinthisstudytelladifferentstory.Overall,their

onsitecommunicationisfairlylimited,andsoarethesocialnetworksontheself-

trackingapplicationsofmostoftheparticipants,whoorientthemselvestowardsasmall

groupofrelevantothers.Thisissurprising,giventhatakeyexperientialofferofthe

applicationsistoaddanelementofsocialitytotheoften-individualexercisinghabits

(running,cycling,etc.).Moreover,ratherthanself-trackingfundamentallyalteringthe

exercisingpractice,whatwehaveseenisthatthepracticesofexercisingaloneorwith

othersreflectsintheuseofandcommunicationontheself-trackingapplication.Those

whoexercisetogethertendtocommunicateandsocializemoreintheself-tracking

system.Hence,whensocialnetworksmatteronthetrackingservices,itisbecausethese

networksarekeptvibrantinothercontextsineverydaylife.Self-trackingtechnologies

maythusassistinmaintainingandamplifyingexistingrelationships.

Conclusion:Self-trackinginaneverydaycontext

Wehavedevelopedacommunicativeperspectiveonself-trackingbyexaminingtheuse

ofself-trackinginthecontextofexerciseineverydaylifealongthreedimensions:

communicationwiththesystem,theselfandsocialnetworks.Thecommunicative

affordancesofself-trackingapplicationsprovideaflexibleandsocialstructurefor

exercising,onethatparticipantscometoseeaspleasurableandmeaningful,ingreat


23

partbecauseitisscalabletotheirindividualandsocialneeds.Thestructuresand

demandsofeverydaylife,andthesocialrelationshipsparticipantsmaintainindiverse

contexts,manifestthemselvesineachofthecommunicativedimensionsexamined:the

systemprovidesaninfrastructureforplanningandexecutingexerciseinapersonalized

manner.Thatistosay,thesystemisresponsivetoindividualuserneeds.Thefeedback

providedbythesystemonexercisingmetrics,bothonindividualexercisingsessionsand

accumulatedpatternsovertime,functionsasabasisforadjustingtraininggoals,for

instancebypromptingtheusertoincreasetheamountofexercise.Andtheopportunity

tonetworkwithrelevantothersontheapplicationsservestointegrateexerciseinother

everydaycontexts(i.e.,work,leisure,familylife).Approachingself-trackingfromthe

perspectiveofcommunicationtheorymakesvisibletherelationshipbetweenself-

trackingpracticesandtheircontextualembedding:whatiscommunicatedontheapp(in

theformofprofileinformation,exercisedataandsocialnetworks)bearstracesofthe

contextsoftraining.Moreover,thiscommunicationservestoconstitutetheusers’sense

ofselfinthecontextofexercise:profileinformation,datavisualizationsandfeedback

fromthesystemandtheconnectedpeerscontributetoconfirmingtheusers’exercise

identity,competenceandagency.Arguably,thisisacrucialpartofwhatmakesself-

trackingpleasurable,motivatingandmeaningfulforusers.

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