Krishnamurti's Theory of Blackmarket Prices · 5. Penalties on black market buyers may reduce the...

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THE ECONOMIC WEEKLY think in these terms of that other bird of the wildemess—the skylark. The elections are due. The cry goes round for a reorientation and reorganisation of political work, for party work to be re-vitalised and galvanised. The offices, so long lying in a virtual comma, that threatened to develop into a full stop, become suddenly beehives of activity. Volunteers are enrolled. Student cadres are formed for this or that party work. When party members meet, thre is so much of shop (and non-shop) talk inter se, that those in company, but outside the pale of the party line, suddenly become, as it were, non-rxistent. Now at last, the country's future will be assured; now will the maz- doors and kisans come into their own: now at least the welfare of the masses will become a fait accom- pli. With all this zeal and zest of party leaders and the rank and file for capturing the political machine of a country, whether it be in Russia or among the Warlis, in Tammany Hall, USA or with the now dormant Nazis and Fascists, in conservative Britain or with the French Rightists under De Gaule, can there be other motives, other notions, other intentions at work, subconsciously perhaps, if not overtly? Who knows? Only a psychoanalyst can answer correctly, and let him do so before the greatest experiment in democracy shakes this country at the end of 1951! Krishnamurti's Theory of Blackmarket Prices A Rejoinder Pravakar Sen June 23, 1951 I N The Economic Weekly, Annual Number, 1951, Dr B. V. Krishnamurti attempted to re- state the theory of black market prices and to draw, on the basis of his attempted restatement, certain rather unorthodox conclusions, tor policy. This rejoinder pleads, that those conclusions proceed from a false theory. Dr. Krishnamurti's position may be summarised as follows: 1. The problem of black markets is the problem of multiple markets for the same commodity with the legal market situated at the one end of the chain where the commo- dity is sold at a controlled price. Hence the theory of discriminating monopoly, which explains the conditions of equilibrium in multi- ple markets, can be applied to ex- plain the conditions of equilibrium of the black market. 2. The individual seller produces that aggregate output which equate- the marginal revenue and the mar ginal cost of production of the aggregate output. Then he divides this aggregate equilibrium output. between the controlled, legal mar- ket on the one hand and the chain of black markets on the other in such a, manner that the marginal revenues of his sales in the two types of markets are equal both to one another and to the aggregate marginal revenue at the equilibrium level of aggregate output, for only such a division will maximise his 617 what follows, only one black mar- ket has been taken into considera- tion). 3. The aggregate demand curve from which the aggregate marginal revenue curve is derived is the algebraic sum of two curves, the negatively inclined black market demand curve and the horizontal legal market " demand curve," so that the aggregate demand curve " slopes downwards till it reaches the end of the black market and abruptly turns horizontal as it enters the legal market,," 4. Penalties on black marketeers cannot reduce the amounts black- marketed, for the seller fixes the volume of his black-market sales not with reference to the cost of black-marketing, but with reference to the cost of production of his aggregate output; that is, he equates the marginal revenue of his black market sales not to his marginal cost of black-marketing, but to the marginal revenue of ins aggregate output the curse of which, in equi- librium, intersects the curve of the marginal cost of production of profits. Finally, since the seller enjoys in his black markets monopolistic or quasi-monopolistic powers. black market prices are dents come because they think I am going to be their examiner; the wo- men come because of the students; and the officers come because of the women." One may have some, doubts, if the causa causans of the students' attendance was appreciated in all its proper perspective by the Pro- fessor, who was admittedly not a savant in psycho-analysis. In any case, one can trace, to its lair the reason why, in spite of the leaders' advice nowadays to students to keep away from party politics, the latter are so anxious to dabble therein and do party work. Not that colleges, these days, do not pro- vide ample scope for the practical romancer, but the corridors of col- lege buildings are not as convenient as the passages of the edifice of political work for excusable meets. Occasionally, political work and its consequence breed romance in quite another direction also. This is based on the ancient saying about the. (she ) mice playing, when the (he-), cat is away. Many in living- memory are the instances of the political and the not-so-political wife, turned grass-widow, through the incarceration of her politically inclined worse-off, suffering and sacrificing in the cause of the coun- try, seeking solace outside the mar- riage vow. If the maxim, " When uplifting, get underneath " is one that every social worker should take to heart, " See the better half, how- ever half bitter she may be, safely behind iron bars before making a like sacrifice for the country," is a healthy principle in the politics of any country, but specially A subject nation. The theses one is labouring to prove holds good even in the Mother of Parliaments. The. life and soul of the Independent Labour Party was divorced by the. one to whom he was tied, " till death do us part," before himself divorcing the ILP and going over to official Labour. War, after all is a more activised, energetic and militant form of the. political rumpus. All the manifes- tations of peace time politics are, therefore, magnified a hundred times in the blood, sweat, tears, toil and turmoil of the war years. Nin- compoop, now ex-son-in-law of the versatile turncoat Winston Church- ill, never had a chance when his wife joined the ITS or some such Women's Auxiliary Services. Re- sult? Another divorce, with the hubby becoming yet another bird in the wilderness, blighted and cum- bersome, even if the poet did not

Transcript of Krishnamurti's Theory of Blackmarket Prices · 5. Penalties on black market buyers may reduce the...

T H E E C O N O M I C W E E K L Y

t h i n k in these terms o f t h a t o t he r b i r d o f the w i l d e m e s s — t h e skylark.

T h e elections are due. T h e cry goes r o u n d f o r a reo r ien ta t ion and reorgan isat ion o f po l i t i ca l w o r k , fo r p a r t y w o r k to be re-v i ta l ised and galvanised. T h e offices, so long ly ing in a v i r t u a l c o m m a , t ha t threatened to develop in to a f u l l stop, become suddenly beehives of ac t i v i t y . Vo lun teers are enro l led . S tuden t cadres are fo rmed fo r this o r t h a t par ty work . W h e n par ty members meet , th re is so m u c h of shop ( a n d non-shop) ta lk inter se, t ha t those in company , bu t outside the pale of the par ty l ine, suddenly become, as i t were , non- rx is ten t . N o w a t last, the count ry 's f u tu re w i l l be assured; now w i l l the maz-

doors and kisans come i n t o t he i r o w n : now a t least the we l fa re o f t h e masses w i l l become a fait accom-pli. W i t h al l this zeal a n d zest of par ty leaders and the rank and f i le fo r cap tu r i ng the po l i t i ca l mach ine of a coun t ry , whe the r i t be in Russia or among the Warlis, in T a m m a n y Hal l , U S A o r w i t h the now d o r m a n t Nazis and Fascists, in conservat ive B r i t a i n o r w i t h t h e French Right is ts under De Gau le , can there be o ther mot ives, o the r not ions, other in tent ions at w o r k , subconsciously perhaps, i f n o t overt ly? W h o knows? O n l y a psychoanalyst can answer cor rec t ly ,

and let h i m do so before the greatest exper iment in democracy shakes this coun t r y at the end of 1951!

Krishnamurti's Theory of Blackmarket Prices

A Rejoinder

Pravakar Sen

June 23, 1951

IN The Economic Weekly, A n n u a l N u m b e r , 1951, D r B . V .

K r i s h n a m u r t i a t tempted to re­state the theory of black marke t pr ices and to d raw, on the basis of his a t tempted restatement, certa in ra ther unor thodox conclusions, tor po l i cy . This re jo inder pleads, tha t those conclusions proceed f rom a false theory .

D r . K r i s h n a m u r t i ' s pos i t ion m a y be summar ised as fo l lows :

1. T h e p rob lem of b lack marke ts is the p rob lem of mu l t i p l e marke ts for the same c o m m o d i t y w i t h the legal marke t s i tuated at the one end of the chain where the c o m m o ­d i t y is sold at a cont ro l led pr ice. Hence the theory of d i sc r im ina t ing m o n o p o l y , wh i ch exp la ins the cond i t ions o f equ i l i b r i um in mu l t i ­ple marke ts , can be app l ied to ex-p la in the condi t ions of equ i l i b r i um of the b lack marke t .

2 . T h e i n d i v i d u a l seller produces tha t aggregate ou tpu t wh ich equate-the marg ina l revenue and the mar g ina l cost of p roduc t i on of the aggregate ou tpu t . T h e n he div ides this aggregate equ i l i b r i um output. between the con t ro l led , legal mar­ket on the one hand and the cha in of b lack marke ts on the other in such a, manner that the marg ina l revenues of his sales in the two types of markets are equal b o t h to one another and to the aggregate marg ina l revenue at the e q u i l i b r i u m level o f aggregate ou tpu t , fo r o n l y such a d i v i s i on w i l l max im ise his

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what fo l lows, o n l y one b lack mar ­ket has been taken in to considera­t ion) .

3. The aggregate demand curve f r o m wh i ch the aggregate marg ina l revenue curve is der ived is the algebraic sum of two curves, the negat ive ly inc l ined black marke t demand curve and the hor i zon ta l legal market " demand c u r v e , " so that the aggregate demand cu rve " slopes downwards t i l l i t reaches the end of the b lack marke t a n d ab rup t l y turns hor izonta l as i t enters the legal marke t , , "

4. Penalt ies on black marketeers cannot reduce the amounts b lack -marke ted , for the seller fixes the vo lume of his b l ack -marke t sales not w i th reference to the cost of b l ack -marke t i ng , bu t w i t h reference to the cost of p roduc t i on of h is aggregate o u t p u t ; that is, he equates the marg ina l revenue of his b lack marke t sales no t to his marg ina l cost of b l ack -marke t i ng , b u t to the marg ina l revenue of ins aggregate o u t p u t the cu rse o f w h i c h , i n e q u i ­l i b r i u m , intersects the curve o f the marg ina l cost of p r o d u c t i o n of

p ro f i ts . Finally, since the seller en joys in his black markets monopol is t ic or quasi -monopol is t ic powers. black marke t prices are

dents come because they think I am g o i n g t o be t h e i r examiner ; t he w o ­m e n come because o f t he s tudents ; a n d the off icers come because of t he w o m e n . "

O n e m a y have some, doubts , i f t h e causa causans of the students ' a t tendance was apprec ia ted i n a l l its p rope r perspect ive by the Pro­fessor, w h o was adm i t t ed l y n o t a savant in psycho-analysis. In any case, one can t race, to its l a i r the reason w h y , in spite o f the leaders' adv ice nowadays to students to keep away f r o m pa r t y pol i t ics, the la t te r are so anx ious to dabb le there in and d o p a r t y w o r k . N o t t h a t colleges, these days, do no t p ro ­v ide ample scope fo r the p rac t i ca l romancer , b u t the corr idors o f co l ­lege bu i ld ings are n o t as convenient as the passages of the edif ice of po l i t i ca l w o r k fo r excusable meets.

Occas iona l ly , po l i t i ca l w o r k and its consequence breed romance in qu i te ano the r d i rec t ion also. T h i s is based on the anc ient saying about the. (she ) mice p lay ing , w h e n the (he - ) , ca t is away. M a n y in l iving-m e m o r y are the instances of the p o l i t i c a l and the not -so-po l i t i ca l w i f e , t u rned grass-widow, t h rough the incarcera t ion o f her po l i t i ca l l y i nc l i ned worse-off , suf fer ing a n d sacr i f i c ing in the cause of the coun ­t r y , seeking solace outside the mar ­r iage vow . I f the m a x i m , " W h e n u p l i f t i n g , get undernea th " is one t ha t every social worke r should take to hear t , " See the better ha l f , h o w ­ever ha l f b i t te r she may be, safely beh ind i ron bars before m a k i n g a l i ke sacrifice fo r the c o u n t r y , " is a hea l thy p r i nc ip le in the pol i t ics o f any coun t ry , bu t special ly A subject n a t i o n .

The theses one is l abou r ing to p rove holds good even in the M o t h e r o f Par l iaments . The. l i fe and soul o f the I ndependen t L a b o u r Par ty was d ivorced by the. one to w h o m he was t i e d , " t i l l death do us p a r t , " before h imsel f d i v o r c i n g the I L P a n d go ing over to of f ic ia l L a b o u r . W a r , a f te r a l l is a more act iv ised, energet ic and m i l i t a n t f o r m of the. po l i t i ca l r umpus . A l l the mani fes­tat ions of peace t ime po l i t ics are, the re fo re , magn i f i ed a h u n d r e d t imes in the b l o o d , sweat, tears, to i l a n d t u r m o i l o f the w a r years. N i n ­c o m p o o p , n o w ex-son- in- law o f the versat i le t u rncoa t W i n s t o n C h u r c h ­i l l , never h a d a chance w h e n his w i f e j o i n e d the I T S o r some such W o m e n ' s A u x i l i a r y Services. Re­sul t? A n o t h e r d ivorce , w i t h the h u b b y becom ing yet ano the r b i r d i n t h e wi lderness, b l i gh ted and c u m ­bersome, even i f the poe t d i d no t

5. Penalt ies on b lack m a r k e t buye rs m a y reduce the amoun ts .b lack-marketed, b u t may a t t h e same t ime increase the b lack m a r k e t prices cons iderably by m a k i n g the black marke t demand curve no t on ly lower , but also steeper t h a n before.

6. Since penalt ies cannot cu rb b lack -marke t ing , it, is best to lega­lise the black m a r k e t , that is, to w i t h d r a w a l l penalt ies and at the same t ime to adopt a po l icy of subs idy -cum- taxa t ion . Subsidies are to" be given to buyers in the contro l led market enabl ing them to offer a, h igher pr ice for the commo­d i t y , so tha t the spread between the contro l led and uncontro l led prices diminishes and a larger sup­p l y is offered in the contro l led marke t . These subsidies are to be covered by two t ax measures. One is a par t icu lar tax on sellers in the uncont ro l led market wh ich they wi l l no t at al l be able to shift to buyers as they do not take the cost of sel l ing in the h igh-pr iced marke t i n to considerat ion in decid­ing the vo lume of their sales there and wh i ch w i l l therefore cut in to their monopo ly prof i ts . The other measure consists in in t roduc ing a h igher degree of progression in the income tax structure wh i ch leaves less money in the hands of con­sumers so that the-aggregate de­mand curve in the uncont ro l led marke t range is lowered, and as­suming the elast ic i ty of demand to have remained unchanged, sales in the high pr iced markets decl ine.

7 . T h e tax-cuin-subsidy me thod is not a subst i tute for, but a com­plement to , pr ice-contro l and ra t i on ing , for i f the lat ter are w i t h ­d r a w n , the condi t ions of demand in the contro l led sector of the mar ket represented by the hor izonta l " demand curve " w i l l at once be replaced by the monopol ist ic condi ­t ions o f demand h i ther to ru l i ng in the uncon t ro l l ed sector only , so that aggregate sales w i l l tend to be res t r ic ted and the benefit of subsidies to be conf ined to a smaller number of buyers than wou ld have been the case under pr ice con t ro l and ra t i on ing .

T h e theory of price d isc r im ina­t i on or mu l t i p l e markets is based on the poss ib i l i t y of a par t i cu la r t ype of market imper fec t ion . On the side of supp ly , th is t ype of imper fec t ion relates to the number of sel lers: there must be monopo ly o r col lus ion among sellers. On the side of d e m a n d , i t concerns cer ta in i ns t i t u t i ona l obstacles to compet i ­

t i o n among b u y e r s a l t hough the f t number m a y be qu i te l a rge : the to ta l demand must be capable of be ing sub-d iv ided in to markets w i t h di f ferent elasticit ies of demand since i t is possible to prevent buyers in the h igh-pr iced marke t f r o m shi f t ­i n g their demand to the low pr iced one and also to prevent buyers in the low-pr iced marke t f r o m resell­i n g their stocks to buyers in the h igh-pr iced one. To suggest t ha t the work ing of black markets can be explained in terms of the theory of price d isc r im ina t ion is to assume tha t the same elements of marke t imper fect ion as are found in the case of price d iscr iminat ion are also to be found in the case of b lack marke ts . To make this as­sumpt ion , however , as D r . K r i shna-m u r t i has done, is w r o n g .

Dr. K r i s h n a m u r t i deduces that the black market seller is a mono­polist f r o m the fact tha t in the b lack market " each t ransact ion is effected by the seller i nd i v i dua l l y and in a clandestine m a n n e r . " T h a t Ibis fact cannot real ly y ie ld the deduct ion w i l l be clear i i we reflect that under pure ly compet i ­t i ve condi t ions also each transac-t ion is effected by the seller i n d i v i -dua l l y and somet ime- in a clan destine man Her. In b u t , a black-marketeer may be a monopol is t , but he is not necessarily' so s imp ly because he is a b lack-marketeer . Clandest ine operat ions are not im­mune f rom the inf luence of marke t forces whatever the nature of these m a y be.

Secondly, D r . K r i shnamur t i ' s as­sumpt ion that the total demand is div is ib le into two k inds of markets w i t h dif ferent elasticit ies of demand — t h e legal market hav ing in f in i te elast ic i ty since the commod i ty is sold there at a constant , contro l led pr ice and the black market hav ing f in i te elast ic i ty since, the b lack -mar keteer is a monopo l is t—is not o n l y an empi r ica l l y fa ls i f iab le construc­t i on , it is logical ly impossible. E v e n if we concede that the legal marke t is one discrete market and the black market is another, such a concession is real ly rmwarrant -ab le—the above-ment ioned assump-t ion is nevertheless empi r ica l ly im­probable because the possib i l i ty of buyers in the black marke t sh i f t ing the i r demand to the control led marke t and that of buyers in the contro l led marke t resell ing the i r stocks in the black marke t can ha rd l y be ru led out . More f unda ­menta l l y , however , th is assumpt ion is i l logical because the legal and b lack marke ts are no t two discrete

marke ts , b u t are i nex t r i cab l y b o u n d up together. T h e b lack marke t i n a c o m m o d i t y is the logical outcome of pr ice cont ro l and is Therefore mere ly an extension of the la t ter . The same condi t ions of demand sur round wha t appear to be two d i f ferent types of marke t , bu t w h i c h , being in terdependent , are one and the same market . I t means that the to ta l d e m a n d is no t d iv is ib le i n t o these two parts, of the marke t independent ly of the ac t i ­v i t y of the seller or of the Govern ­ment . In short , the i nd i v i dua l seller cannot , as he can in the case of price d i sc r im ina t ion , take the d iv is ion of the to ta l demand between the two markets as a d a t u m .

In view of the above- i t is no t possible to exp la in the black marke t ease in terms of the theory of price d isc r im ina t ion . .But even if we held that the phenomenon of b lack marke t presents a. prob lem of m u l ­t ip le markets, i t wou ld nevertheless be possible to show that the tools of analysis D r . K r i s h n a m u r t i has used are ex t remely defect ive.

D r . K r i shnamur t i ' s ma in analy­t ical tool is the aggregate demand curve f r om wh ich is der ived the aggregate marg ina l revenue curve w i t h reference In wh ich alt posit ions of equ i l i b r i um are de termined. I t is argued that this aggregate demand curve is the algebraic sum of two curves of demand—the one for the black market is s loping and the one for the legal market is hor izonta l . N o w i t should be clear ly real ized that the hor izonta l , so-called legal market demand curve is not a demand curve at a l l—i t is ind icat ive of the price constraint which the i n ­d iv idua l seller faces in the legal sector of the market , but to wh i ch bo th he and his customers can show var ious degrees, of indifference de­pending on the presence or absence of procurement by the Government and of ra t ion ing . It is not the de­m a n d curve tor the legal market as seen by the i n d i v i d u a l seller because it does not , even supposing that there is compet i t ion among sellers in the legal marke t , represent the pr ice which equates marke t demand and market supp ly—the pr ice wh i ch the seller could regard as f ixed and at wh ich the demand for his p roduc t wou ld be in f in i te ly elastic. In other words , this hor izonta l l ine does not have any paramet r i c signif icance fo r the i nd i v i dua l seller and the la t ter can ignore the pr ice ind ica ted by i t . E v e n i f we agree that th is curve has a l l the at t r ibutes wh i ch D r . K r i s h n a ­m u r t i t h inks i t has i t w o u l d never­theless be a lmost impossible to j o i n

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aggregate output "in the legal mar-ket range.

i t t o the b l ack m a r k e t d e m a n d c u r v e fa r , w i t h eve ry change i n i ts leve l , the b lack m a r k e t d e m a n d cu rve w o u l d change i t s pos i t i on a n d the resu l tan t aggregate d e m a n d cu rve w o u l d become unpred ic tab le . I t i s w e l l - k n o w n tha t cu rve A cannot be j o i n e d to cu rve B to y i e l d a i r v e C if curves A and B are in terdepen­dent and i f the i r in terac t ions are unpred ic tab le .

W i t h the re jec t ion o f the aggre­gate demand curve o f D r . K r i s h n a -i n u r t i , his aggregate ma rg i na l re­venue curve disappears leav ing his conclusions fo r po l i cy hang ing in the a i r .

I t is no longer possible to say tha t penal t ies on sellers w i l l no t reduce b l a c k - m a r k e t i n g on the g round t ha i the marg ina l revenue of his b lack m a r k e t sales is equated to tha t level o f aggregate ma rg i na l revenue w h i c h is equal to the aggregate marg ina l cost of p r o d u c t i o n in the legal m a r k e t range, for the aggregate m a r g i n a l revenue cu rve does not ex ist . I t is also no t possible to say whether penal t ies on buyers w i l l reduce the amoun ts b lack -marke ted b u t at the cost of increasing the i r p r i ce , f o r a l t hough the b lack m a r k e t d e m a n d cu rve m igh t become steeper t h a n before as a result of penal t ies, the f inal ou tcome w o u l d depend on the ac tua l level o f the con t ro l led p r ice and ra t i on i ng po l i cy , i f a n y , on w h i c h also the e last ic i ty o f the black m a r k e t demand cu rve p a r t i a l l y depends.

A g a i n , wh i le there can be no ob jec t ion to D r . K r i s h n a m u r t i ' s sug­gestion for subs id is ing the consu­mers so tha t the legal marke t can offer a h igher pr ice to sellers, h is proposal to t a x b lack-marketers to meet these subsidies, on the g round tha t these later canno t t ransfer the bu rden of such a tax to b lack -mar ­ke t buyers because t hey determine the i r sales w i t h reference to aggre­gate cost of p roduc t i on a n d not to the cost o f b l a c k - m a r k e t i n g , m a y no t be accepted so enthus iast ica l ly i f i t is remembered t ha t the aggre­gate marg ina l revenue cu rve has d isappeared f r o m the p ic tu re leav­i n g the p rob lem of de te rm ina t ion of the aggregate e q u i l i b r i u m o u t p u t , f r o m w h i c h the b lack-marketeer was supposed to take gu idance, to ta l l y unso lved .

F i na l l y , to suggest t ha t r educ t i on of inequal i t ies of incomes t h r o u g h progressive income t ax m i g h t , under ce r ta in c i rcumstances, reduce the v o l u m e of b l a c k - m a r k e t sales," one need no t take the a m o u n t o f t roub le D r , K r i s h n a m u r t i has so coura ­geously taken , a l though, he seems to h a v e reached here a somewhat uncer ta in r esu l t . T h i s unce r ta i n t y

is due to the fact that he has sought to conf ine the effects o f be t t e r d is ­t r i b u t i o n o f incomes on the b lack -m a r k e t d e m a n d cu rve a lone where ­as in fac t bet ter income d i s t r i b u t i o n affects the cont ro l led leve l o f p r i ce f i rs t and t h r o u g h i t , the b lack -m a r k e t d e m a n d . I f incomes are d i s t r i bu ted on an equa l basis, p r i ce con t ro l becomes unnecessary, unless of course i t is sought to d isc r im ina te against p roducers , and the c o m m o ­d i t y is sold a t t ha t pr ice a t w h i c h m a r k e t demand is equal to m a r k e t supp l y , m a k i n g short w o r k o f b lack -marke ts .

W h e t h e r the tax -cum-subs idy me­thod is a subst i tu te fo r p r ice con t ro l a n d ra t i on ing remains , on the basis o f D r . K r i s h n a m u r t i ' s t heo ry , an open quest ion , a l t hough on general g rounds o f adm in i s t ra t i ve conve­nience w i t h w h i c h his theory has

be accepted.

I n dea l i ng w i t h b l ack -marke ts i t i s necessary to remember t h a t t he m a r k e t imper fec t ions associated w i t h t h e m are m a n y a n d va r ious . I t i s we l l -n igh impossib le to exhaust a l l these va r ious k i n d s o f imper fec ­t ions by analys is a n d one can a t the most construct a few s imp l i f y ­ing models dea l ing w i t h some o f these imper fec t ions . To c l a i m genera l i t y f o r a n y single mode l is , i n v iew o f the w ide v a r i e t y a n d c o m p l e x i t y of these imper fec t ions , comp le te ly ou t o f the ques t ion . Howeve r , D r . K r i s h n a m u r t i ' s m o ­del is unacceptable no t because i t is unreal is t ic , b u t because i t is se l f -cont rad ic to ry . N a t u r a l l y , some o f h is conclusions f o r po l i c y a re non-sequitor.

W h o Owns US Corporations? W i t h the excep t ion o f a few i n ­

dus t r ia l p lants t ha t are o w n e d en­t i re ly by a f am i l y , or a s im i la r smal l g r o u p , A m e r i c a n corpora t ions are o w n e d by stockholders whose n u m ­ber may range f r o m a few to seve­ra l h u n d r e d thousand. A m e r i c a n corpora t ions have , on the average, more stockholders than have E u r o ­pean corproa t ions . I n a l l , the Fe­dera l Reserve ( B a n k ) Boa rd esti­mates, f r o m seven m i l l i o n to e igh t m i l l i o n i n d i v i d u a l Amer i cans o w n shares of stock.

O n e reason to r this b road owner ­ship is the A m e r i c a n an t i - t rus t legis­l a t i o n , w h i c h has done m u c h to reduce i n t e r l o c k i n g in indus t ry , and thus has forced more and more stocks of corpora t ions on the f ree marke t . T h e cour ts i n the U n i t e d States can force a b ig s tockholder whose hold ings v io la te the a n t i ­t rus t laws to sell a pa r t or a l l of his stock in a ce r ta i n co rpo ra t i on .

I t is a g r o w i n g prac t ice of US corpora t ions to g ive shares of stock to the i r workers as p a r t o f p r o f i t -shar ing plans. E a s t m a n - K o d a k , a l ead ing m a n u f a c t u r e r o f p h o t o g r a ­ph i c equ ipmen t , i n a u g u r a t e d such a system 38 years ago. Since then i t has pa id o u t more t h a n $75 m i l l i o n to its employees as t he i r share of the prof i ts .

T h e l i v i n g s tandard o f the. A m e ­r i c a n people has r isen so m u c h in the f i r s t h a l f o f this cen tu ry t h a t no t on l y the m i d d l e classes, b u t also large segments of labour , are able to accumu la te savings w h i c h they c a n invest in stocks. As a conse­quence, the shares o f v i r t u a l l y a l l

the large, w o r l d - f a m o u s A m e r i c a n indus t r ia l corpora t ions are he ld p re ­ponderan t l y by the m i d d l e - i n c o m e and lower - income groups,

F o r example , o f the m i l l i o n stock holders o f the A m e r i c a n Te lephone and T e l e g r a p h Co . , w h o o w n a to ta l o f 29 m i l l i o n shares, more t han 900,000 are smal l owners w i t h less t han 100 shares. A b o u t 750,000 have only 50 shares or less, and about 300,000 stockholders c w n no more t h a n l ive shares. S i m i l a r l y , 74 per cent of the stock of US Steel C o r p o r a t i o n , ano the r b i g concern , i s o w n e d by persons w h o have a m a x i ­m u m of 100 shares. T h e stock o f the Genera l M o t o r s C o r p o r a t i o n , the largest A m e r i c a n au tomob i l e company , is owned by more t h a n 400,000 persons, o f w h o m m o r e t h a n 90 per cent o w n less t h a n 100 shares.

Wor ld Cattle Wealth

T h e w o r l d to ta l o f cat t le a t t h e beg inn ing of 1951 has been est i­m a t e d by the U n i t e d States O f f i ce o f Fo re ign A g r i c u l t u r a l Re la t ions a t 806.3 m i l l i o n head . I t ind icates a n increase of abou t 2 per cent over the revised est imate f o r 1950 (790.9 m i l l i o n h e a d ) a n d 8 pe r cent above the 1936-40 average (743.1 m i l l i o n ) . O f the to ta l o f 806.3 m i l l i o n h e a d , N o r t h A m e r i c a has 118.3 m i l l i o n (o f w h i c h U S : 84.2 m i l l i o n ) , E u ­rope 101.7 m i l l i o n , the U S S R 57.2 m i l l i o n , As ia 289.1 m i l l i o n , S o u t h A m e r i c a 129.5 m i l l i o n , A f r i c a 90.3 m i l l i o n a n d O c e a n a 2 0 m i l l i o n .

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June 23, 1951 THE E C O N O M I C WEEKLY

nothing to do, his conclusion may