Koha Presentation |Open Source ILS Software: KOHA | I&T Services |irateeshaservices.co.in
Koha Digest 86 (1996)
-
Upload
palaciosjm -
Category
Documents
-
view
218 -
download
0
Transcript of Koha Digest 86 (1996)
8/14/2019 Koha Digest 86 (1996)
http://slidepdf.com/reader/full/koha-digest-86-1996 1/24
- 1 -
Koha Digest # 86
EDITORIAL
VJOLLCA IN SMOKE
by VETON SURROI
Vjollca (Violet) is attending fifth grade in a elementary school and the last thing she does
before going to sleep is not her homework or study something for tomorrow: she wanders
from a cafe to a cafe and sells cigarettes. She is one of hundreds of children, or at least they
seem hundreds to me, that I meet daily on the streets. These days of winter remind me of
images of poverty. An ever more evident Kosovan poverty followed behind by a kind of
marketing: children with their frozen hands and sacred eyes are the best way to sell, cigarettesin this case.
The same cigarettes which thanks to a superb marketing, became images of the West, are on
sale. But, at the same time, these are those cigarettes that thanks to an extraordinary
governmental and medical campaign, are being rejected by may citizens of the developed
states. That night when I saw Vjollca, American TV was broadcasting a program presenting a
cardiologist from Houston, who had convinced insurance companies to pay 50 thousand
dollars to persons who had cardiovascular problems, and who had quit smoking and opted for
sports training. This sum, according to the calculations of the doctor, would save another 50
thousand dollars that the patient would need if he/she kept on smoking and having a lifewithout any sports activities.
The banned cigarettes in the public buildings in New York are being transferred to the places
where conscience about health-care is at the end of the list of problems, at the East of Europe.
The motive, naturally, is not the macabre nature of a plotting theory which would leave the
citizens of the European east with more affected lungs and hearts than those of the west. The
motive is simply material. Producing companies are interested to sell as much as possible,
while the newly capitalized states are interested in the taxes they would collect from the sold
cigarettes.
The exclusions are Kosova, Albania and Macedonia to a certain extent. The smuggling net produces profit to some custom offices (or rather, custom officers), and the states are paid no
adequate taxes because the cigarettes are sold by Vjollcas and Fatoses on the street. All seem
satisfied, at first sight... But, I was forced to another calculation by an old friend of the family.
He was telling me about the complaints of his former colleagues at the faculty, that they had
no money to buy auxiliary means for studies, to what he had replied that all the money is - in
the cigarettes. "Any package of cigarettes represents money for education", he told them.
The dimensions of the money, I calculated recently, are really enormous. It is evaluated that
there are 340 thousand households in Kosova with an average of 6,9 members each. If one
would be the smallest number of tobacco consumers and if the price of the cheapest pack of cigarettes is 1 DEM, then it comes out that about 340 thousand DEM a day are spent in
Kosova on cigarettes. Multiply this by 30 days a month, it comes out that 10 million DEM
are spent on tobacco, or almost the double of the monthly budget for the Albanian elementary
8/14/2019 Koha Digest 86 (1996)
http://slidepdf.com/reader/full/koha-digest-86-1996 2/24
- 2 -
and high school education. Multiplying it by 12, it comes out that we spent over 120 million
DEM, money which would enable every fifth elementary and high school student to have a
computer and connect him/her to their mates around the world, which would introduce
Kosova in the highest rank of the states with average development in the world. Instead of
these figures, we have Vjollca a fifth grade student on the street, in the late hours of the night.
INTERVIEW
BUJAR BUKOSHI, Premier of the Republic of Kosova
WE MAY LOSE
Interviewed by BATON HAXHIU / Prishtina
KOHA: At the end of 1994 you had declared that the problem of
Kosova in the international processes on the former Yugoslavia
was vanishing. Why do you think Kosova's problem has lost the
planned and propagated continuity in the past five years?
BUKOSHI: It is true that I declared and expressed a kind of
preoccupation that Kosova's problem and Kosova proper were
being marginalized in the international peaceful processes.
But, this happened due to the warring process in Bosnia. Last
year has been a difficult year for Kosova because of theorientation of the international politics and of the states that
influenced the Bosnian peace process. Their attention was
concentrated on stopping the fighting in Bosnia. Then came
Dayton, with the end to the fighting and all this period should
be treated as a post-Dayton phase. It is an ascertainment of
the government and my own personally, this I say with deep
sorrow, that Kosova is not included in any of the international
plans on the former Yugoslavia. None of the international plans
mentions Kosova. The international factor, as we refer to it,
can ignore and is ignoring the requests of Albanians, the
legitimate demands. This is an undeniable truth which we mustnot hide. The same way we should not hide our inertia and the
low level of organization which we have. There is a real threat
that this level of organization we have, may force the autonomy
of Kosova, widely promised by the international community and
a much speculated theme, disappear even from the horizon.
KOHA: We were promised by your Party and President Rugova
that Kosova will be part of the peaceful processes. Kosova was
not in Dayton, nor Paris, nor London, nor Bonn. Nothing from
those promises became true. Why do you believe that PresidentRugova, the LDK and you as Premier were so optimistic?
BUKOSHI: We must first ask ourselves. We must not forget that
promises are only one category easily manipulated in politics,
8/14/2019 Koha Digest 86 (1996)
http://slidepdf.com/reader/full/koha-digest-86-1996 3/24
- 3 -
but which should not trick us easily. The promises must always
have a foundation. I think that I made myself clear. The
question is, why did it happen so? Because we can't impose
ourselves as a factor while the job of the others is to make
promises and cool you down. But we must do our job. Then theother question arises, about the optimism of some political
circles. I am not competent to ascertain why are the statements
optimistic. I would also ask you why are you optimistic or
pessimistic? But it must not be forgotten that things are clear
and can be observed only will political regularity and
precision.
KOHA: But, this reality soon became evident in the New Year's
messages of the two presidents. The first one declares that
Kosova should accept the '74 autonomy, while the other one
states that Kosova is on the international agendas and that itis heading towards independence. What is the truth about
Kosova here?
BUKOSHI: We are in a situation to speak clearly about some
things and not create a confusion. You question seems to be
confusing as well, and this I say it without any bad intentions.
It is your right to ask the question in this way. You say that
President Berisha insists on something known as the '74
autonomy. Having in mind the last statements made by Berisha
about the solution of Kosova's problem, I can say that thereare no differences in the posture of the Republic of Albania
and Berisha proper towards Kosova. And all the meetings we
have with President Berisha and the other officials in Albania,
speak of a support, even a juridical, of Albania and President
Berisha for Kosova. Referring to his last statements, these are
expression of clarifications of the postures of many western
states, which have the wish to keep the peace in the region as
a starting point - stating that the '74 autonomy is a solution
for Kosova. In this context, I believe that you agree with me,
Berisha has only good intentions. Meanwhile, some circles in
Kosova try to find a scapegoat. There are interpretationsstating that "we created and formed the republic, and now
someone comes out and ruins it, or... there comes Sali Berisha
and spoils it all". I think that all of this is self-explanatory.
This attitude is wrong. Instead we should be asking ourselves
why couldn't we move the rock, why wasn't our demand for
independence respected, ask us what did we do in these past
years. Did we really insist, or was it only declarative
demanding. Do we have just a formal government, president,
etc. All of these are to regret. All of these cause concern. Inregard to the government, everything is clear. I can say that
the Government remains consequent in what the people have
declared themselves in favor of and it has not changed its
8/14/2019 Koha Digest 86 (1996)
http://slidepdf.com/reader/full/koha-digest-86-1996 4/24
- 4 -
posture anytime. And this is the only and the best way for the
survival of the Albanian people. Kosovans are asked to remain
under the Serbian jurisdiction, practically under Serbian
slavery. Albanians are offered an a priori failed solution, and
I say this because Albanians will not accept it.
KOHA: You just said that the problem is worse than it really
seems. The '74 Autonomy which many mention is, according to
you, hard to achieve.
BUKOSHI: Not hard, but extremely hard to achieve.
KOHA: Then to what extent should we organize ourselves to
overcome this inertia, knowing that you are the premier of a
party which proved to be inert in the past five years?
BUKOSHI: The party which I belong to, the Albanian people I
belong to, let these sound as populist slogans, abstracting that
a premier is teaching lessons from Germany on how should the
things be run in Kosova, which is the first obstacle in the
communication with the basis, can do a lot. Even though this is
delicate situation, the things may change and could turn to the
wished direction. We must move, not escape, but move.
KOHA: This pronunciation of yours seems to dispute the
relations between the Government and you as Premier and theLDK Presidency and Rugova as President. Wasn't this evident
during Rugova's visit to Bonn?
BUKOSHI: I would not interpret this problem. It is not good to
discuss whether the relations with me and the LDK are good.
I as Premier, treat all political parties in the same way. But,
let's not justify ourselves all the time, there are problems. The
pretensions are since some time, to give the Government the
role of a political branch which must function only when money
is requested to finance something. I will not accept this and I
will not work in this way. In regard to Rugova's visit to Bonnand my non-participation in the meeting with Kinkel I must say
that I had already arranged a meeting in Tirana and I could
not give up on it.
KOHA: Don't you think that meeting with Kinkel is more
important?
BUKOSHI: I would not want to categorize the importance of the
visits. My visit had been appointed three weeks ahead in
Tirana, and I was not informed about Rugova's visit to Bonn.Don't forget that we have always gone together to all visits
with President Rugova. In all meetings that Rugova thought I
should attend, I did. I don't see anything wrong here, if
8/14/2019 Koha Digest 86 (1996)
http://slidepdf.com/reader/full/koha-digest-86-1996 5/24
- 5 -
Rugova came to Bonn met with Kinkel and didn't invite me.
KOHA: Nevertheless, you know well the circumstances in
Germany and you have good relations with some political
circles there. How is it possible that you didn't know of Rugova's visit to Bonn?
BUKOSHI: I am sorry if my absence from the meeting with
Kinkel has been interpreted in a wrong way. Both I and the
government didn't think of it as a serious and nasty mistake.
We also have separate activities and it is not natural to have
the premier going wherever the president goes.
KOHA: Do you think that your mandate will still last after May,
when the elections are foreseen to take place in Kosova and
when your mandate should expire?
BUKOSHI: I believe that this question is not actual at all, I am
not preoccupied by it at all. I am not worried about the
procedure for the election of the new government and what
will happen with it. There are more important things to think
about. Nevertheless, whatever is decided in Kosova, that will
happen with the Government. Another Government can be
appointed. I would make a digression if you'll allow me. The
Republic of Kosova was proclaimed. The free elections were
celebrated, the Parliament was never constituted. TheGovernment's mandate was prolonged - the provisional
government's mandate. This clearly speaks of the fact that
things are being stalled and that there is much to be
criticized. We, as it can be seen, have no political consequences
even if criticized, therefore we must concentrate on very
important issues ahead of us.
I believe this is a very dramatic situation and we, the way we
are acting, not doing a thing, could very easily lose
everything. Our policy must, from now on, adapt to new
conditions. Many circumstances in the geopolitical aspect arechanging, and thus we must set new tasks. We must find a way
to get out of this situation, from this dead-end. We find
ourselves in a big hole and we are creating the mentality of the
hole in Kosova. Harsh, but true.
KOHA: Nevertheless, the impression remains that you have
often criticized your party for its inert and negligent attitude.
BUKOSHI: I am still criticizing it. I do not claim to be the most
intelligent if I criticized the party and was right about it, but thedifficult situation in Kosova is a new challenge for us to get
our from this situation. The Government was conscious of the
function it has opposite to the situation and has asked the
8/14/2019 Koha Digest 86 (1996)
http://slidepdf.com/reader/full/koha-digest-86-1996 6/24
- 6 -
people, the political subjects and responsible people to
coordinate their activities. Slogans such as "let's
institutionalize life in Kosova" were ever heard in Kosova.
Rubbish. Life in Kosova will not be institutionalized with
slogans. Coordination is lacking. The communication betweenus lacks any content.
KOHA: Because of the situation we are facing, because of the
unsuccessful policy, the status-quo, Demaçi appeared with a
statement. In a meeting with President Rugova, he announced
his active participation in politics. Your comment on this?
BUKOSHI: I haven't read Demaçi's statement and I don't know
how active will he be. And it is better if all of us are political
rather than apolitical. Demaçi's statements, first of all I would
say Demaçi's criticism addressed to us - the political
leadership of Kosova, came out to be just. At least the majorityof the critiques are just. Personally, I support an eventual
political engagement of Demaçi. No one has the deeds on the
political posts. There are no institutions, personalities or
parties which can pretend to have the exclusive right,
therefore not only Demaçi but other forces and personalities,
which have remained aside so far, should get involved. Our
movement there must be revived. Slogans and talk should be
set aside and the movement should start moving. We talk a lot
and serve a lot of demagogy. I don't know whether you agree
with me.
KOHA: The impression in Kosova is that our politics is
developed on two rails: in Germany and in Prishtina. Both are
considered to be pale in Prishtina, but then, there are other
opinions which think that the politics created on Germany is
more active, more dynamic.
BUKOSHI: Something else should be mentioned first. Albanians
in Kosova must think of their existence and evade the physical
extermination by the Serbian regime. This is the priority. If
this is forgotten, then we will make a serious mistake. Fromthis perspective, the time of individuals, fathers of nations,
etc. has died. It is the time for institutions and
professionalism. Teams should work, things must become
transparent and people should be held responsible for their
work. The situation in Kosova is depressive. People rather deal
with themselves and forget the fact that they are under
occupation and that we must do everything to become free, and
our whole preoccupation is how to manage in these
developments and tectonic changes in politics and diplomacy.
Our policy often resembles what I as a physician repeat so
often: that in times of laser medicine, we melt lead on our
patients. Whatever is happening there reminds us of the past
8/14/2019 Koha Digest 86 (1996)
http://slidepdf.com/reader/full/koha-digest-86-1996 7/24
- 7 -
times. Take a look at information. It's catastrophic. Kosova
Information Center (KIC) is especially catastrophic.
KOHA: We often listen to your communiques only on satellite TV.
Does this mean that you have a media blockade in Kosova?
BUKOSHI: I don't know. And if they do this, they are blocking
themselves, because all of us are in this game.
KOHA: What is expecting Kosova in this year?
BUKOSHI: I don't like the prognoses, because I am not suppose
to give them. I repeat it again: we must move. Let's mobilize,
let's enliven, for we are the same Albanians from 1981 and 1989.
Let's make this defeatism, successfully imposed by the
opponent, disappear.
KOHA: We have helped it a bit...
BUKOSHI: We are the main ones to blame. I wouldn't want to
finish this interview and give the impression that the Premier
is a defeatist, for there is no reason to be pessimistic, only if
we adapt to the new circumstances. And the circumstances
which have changed, I evaluate as positive for our cause,
because the purpose is to reach a durable peace in the region.
If the attempts to establish peace in the Balkans are serious,then Kosova is sitting right on those attempts. It is not
serious, nor is it in the interest of the international community
to have Albanians remaining in Serbia, remaining slaves, but
it would be even less serious for Albanians to accept such a
situation.
KOSOVA
THE INDEPENDENCE OF WEATHER FORECASTS
by YLBER HYSA / Prishtina
The new daily 1996 calendar seems to bring a new political
"calendar" in the Albanian space. Seemingly all - the
"fatalists" and the "realists" i.e. the "rational optimists" -
agree that our issue will be discussed this year in its
"degraded" option or as "at the top issue of the international
agendas". Therefore, agreeing upon this issue is evident - the
question of Kosova is going to be discussed seriously duringthis year, that it will be solved as Clinton, Berisha or Kinkel
say, or as Rugova and KIC's and Albanian TV's commentators
say!
8/14/2019 Koha Digest 86 (1996)
http://slidepdf.com/reader/full/koha-digest-86-1996 8/24
- 8 -
But, besides this coincidence, it seems that none of the other
pronouncements and analyses have anything in common in
respect to those who speak of "autonomy" and those which
refer to the "republic and statehood...". The new rhetoric
which has started being applied in regard to Kosova since theend of the last year is new and old at the same time. The word
which is the least liked by the Albanians was first used by the
former American ambassador, Zimmerman, in 1992 in a
interview by BUJKU, and many politicians and statesmen as
Herzog, Dole, Hogg, Koemans and many others, as well as the
Americans and Germans in the last visits of Berisha and
Rugova, declared themselves in favor of the autonomy (large,
maximal, territorial, political, or whatever kind).
Nevertheless, the Albanian media keep on treating Kosova as
"an independent state" and as the "Republic of Kosova", etc.and this became clearly evident in the Rugova's New Year
Message transmitted by (satellite) TV Albania. On the other
hand, the same media, in the 17 minutes' long message of
President Berisha, there was no mention of any "Republic of
Kosova" nor similar terms. Berisha's careful vocabulary when
it comes to the declaration about Kosova's status, has been
noticed since some time now, even the Serbian state TV has
repeated his statement about the respect of the non-alteration
of the borders. The clear statements about the "autonomy of
Kosova" by the Albanian President which was heard also in themeeting with the high ranking German officials, were
transmitted by Albanian state TV on the central news hour.
This is where the question arises: how will the collision in the
Albanian TV and other media be overcome when the Albanian
president speaks of the autonomy of Kosova, the President of
Kosova talks about the realization of Kosova's statehood and
commentators from Prishtina speak of the Republic of Kosova?!
If any parallels can be established, then this situation reminds
us of the Serbian TV which continues presenting the weather
forecasts for the "RS" and "RSK", while the Krajina peoplehave become refugees and the Serbian President has signed
the Dayton agreement! The same thing can be noticed in
"Politika", a newspaper which never forgets to put the maps
of these two Serb "republics" on the last page where the
weather forecast is. The same thing happens with HRT,
Croatian TV, which starts the weather forecast in this way: "In
the B&H Federation, the weather will be..."!
It seems that the weather forecast is the ideal space to keep
the "national political programs" alive, and is also a vent whichregulates the discrepancy between the wished and the
achieved. Albanian TV does not give any forecasts on the
weather throughout the Albanian space, but it seems that in
8/14/2019 Koha Digest 86 (1996)
http://slidepdf.com/reader/full/koha-digest-86-1996 9/24
- 9 -
1996 it will have to conciliate the big gap between the
"Republic" and the "Autonomy" of Kosova. This conciliation has
also a very economic tone because the Albanian satellite TV is
financed directly by Kosova Albanians living in the West and
"autonomy" is not a very musical word to their ears (and thiswould also directly repercute in their 3% contribution).
Nevertheless, the political tone gives the main accent to the
whole problem. Therefore, those who listen to Albanian state
TV still have the hope that during 1996 they will not listen to
the meteorologic news from the ethnic lands...
KOSOVA
HAPPY WHAT YEAR?
by ASTRIT SALIHU / Prishtina
The year we just left behind was for many reasons a year of
disappointments, especially political ones. After the Dayton,
London and Paris Conferences, where the Albanians didn't
participate, which means that the political process on the
Former Yugoslavia doesn't involve Albanians, we enter 1996.
Separation from last year didn't take place without firstlistening to the messages sent to us by the two presidents, Sali
Berisha and Ibrahim Rugova. Just several days before New
Year's, transmitted by Euronews and later confirmed by
Albanian TV, Berisha had declared: "There is no secession. A
solution for Kosova within the framework of the '74 autonomy
should be found". I remember the reaction of a simple man:
"Maybe he hasn't said so, maybe it was only a
misinterpretation". The days before the new year came were
full of tensions created by the comments about Berisha's
statement. But not long after, Berisha and Rugova addressed
the public with their messages for the New Year.Berisha, after talking broadly about the reforms in Albania,
about the achievements of the state, democracy and its
perspectives, also mentioned Kosova and he said: "The real
perspectives for the just solution of Kosova's question were
open. During this year, this question was broadly discussed at
the White House, the chancellories and large institutions of
Europe. The Resolution about the support for Kosova which we
managed to adopt this month in the general Assembly of the UN
with the support of 150 states, is the real proof of the
international support this just cause has today". If we would briefly analyze what Berisha said, then some unfavorable
postures for the Kosova Albanians appear. First, Berisha
refers to "the real prospects" and the "just solution of
8/14/2019 Koha Digest 86 (1996)
http://slidepdf.com/reader/full/koha-digest-86-1996 10/24
- 10 -
Kosova's problem". These two aspects do not meet, for
according to Berisha the prospects are "no secession and a
solution according to the '74 Constitution". On the other hand,
it is not that easy to conclude that this would be a just
solution for the Kosova Albanians which make up the majority.Therefore, the just solution, grounded on real perspectives,
as offered by the international factor, is only a political
phraseology, an euphemism for all what Berisha had declared
so far, no secession.
The continuation of the message is also indicative. If 1995 was
the year of successes and the international support for its
solution, according to Berisha, it is all crowned with a
Resolution of the General Assembly of the UN which is related
to the violation of human rights and not with a resolution of
political consequences, then the solution of Kosova's questionis not the luckiest, and again it will be made within the frame
of the real perspectives.
The last part of the message says:" I express my opinion and
conviction that 1996 will witness the advance of the important
covenants in establishing the dialogue between the legitimate
Albanian leadership of Kosova and Belgrade in the presence of
a third party and the realization of the human and national
aspirations of the Kosova and all other Albanians". However,
any Albanian-Serb dialogue, prejudiced or a priori set withinthe frames of the autonomy and the "real perspectives", as
Berisha says, is not accomplishable, because here you won't
need a third party. This closes the dialogue as an internal
affair of the Serbian or Yugoslav state. The consequences
would be as the precedent of the Serb Krajinas in Croatia,
when before they disappeared, dialogue in the presence of the
third party took place. Now, this issue has become an internal
affair of Croatia and there are only issues of violations of
human rights which aim to be guaranteed to the Serbs refuged
in Serbia.
The most concerning is the difference in the contents of the
messages of the two presidents. Rugova's message is much
shorter, probably because free elections are so far away that
he needn't use the message as a pre-electoral spot. Not only
this, but the opinions expressed about Kosova are diametrally
opposite. But, let's start from the beginning. Rugova says:
"The year we are leaving behind, despite the violence and the
occupation of Kosova, was a important year, the year of
further affirmation of the question of Kosova, of the
affirmation and recognition in international instances, a year when Albanians and citizens of Kosova continued further on
the organization of life in the institutions of their state which
is ever more becoming a reality". The Rugovian reality in this
8/14/2019 Koha Digest 86 (1996)
http://slidepdf.com/reader/full/koha-digest-86-1996 11/24
- 11 -
message, differing from Berishian real perspectives, means a
state and not autonomy. Without analyzing which is really the
reality for Kosova, the state or autonomy, this fact speaks
clearly that the Albanian politics is not coordinated and has no
consensus about what reality is, whichever it may be.
In the second part of the message, Rugova says: "We hope and
we are convinced that in the coming year many problems of
Kosova and of the Albanian question in general will be solved.
We also hope and we are working determinately for this, that
the Kosova question will be solved according to the political
will of the people". While Berisha declares that 1996 "will
register the realization of the human and national aspirations
of the Kosova and all other Albanians", Rugova expresses his
reserves, because he says that he is convinced and hopes that
the coming year will solve "many of Kosova's problems" andnot the question of Kosova. He characterizes the new year as
an important but not historical. If nothing else, 1996 will
deepen the divergencies appeared since some time between
Kosova and Albania.
In this context, the last meeting of Rugova with the
representatives of the political parties and associations of
Kosova should be mentioned. In the atmosphere created after
Dayton and finally Paris, as well as Berisha's statement about
no secession and autonomy, it is interesting to outline Demaçi'sstatement, as an oath in front of the President: "I have come to
tell you that I am not only a symbol of resistance, but I am also
a power of dynamic resistance at the disposition of these
people and I will not be satisfied to only head the Council (for
the Defence of Human Rights and Freedoms)". The fact that
Demaçi considers himself to be the "power of dynamic
resistance" means that this year could evidence many political
breaks. On this occasion, Demaçi expressed his willingness to
get actively involved in politics in order to make it more
dynamic, meaning that the directions of the present politics
may change. He continues by addressing the presidentdirectly hoping that "they will walk together towards the
mobilization of all the forces in the function of freedom".
However, the most "offensive" part of Demaçi's statement is
that he believes that "the president will be even more dynamic,
engaged and will be forced to make even some quicker
movements in order to create the preconditions to be
successful in the conversations that could expect us". The
preconditions that Demaçi mentions, and which are a
consequences of the dynamic engagements and movements, arecontrary to a part of Berisha's message, stating: "Never before
has the engagement of the international community been so
responsible, while Albanians remained determined in their wise
8/14/2019 Koha Digest 86 (1996)
http://slidepdf.com/reader/full/koha-digest-86-1996 12/24
- 12 -
politics which made them evade the conflict, and this same
politics is leading them towards the solution of their big
question". The differences are evident, the same politics
considered by Demaçi as lacking dynamics can't create the
preconditions to start the eventual dialogue. The politics leadso far, and the messages explain what can they lead to if
continued, brings nothing else but the deepening of political
contradictions. The fact that Demaçi is addressing President
Rugova hoping that the mobilization of the Albanian potentials
and forces will take place, only expresses the concern for a
general demobilization reigning in the Albanian political scene.
1996 is not the year of the Albanian impositions for the solution
of their question. If inside the Albanian politics there is no
consensus about what is the real political reality and which is
the just solution, if there is no agreement about what is the
real and what the dynamic politics, if it is not certain whatshould be the Albanian strategy for acute issues as is the
solution of the status of the half of the people, then the
suppositions can be really morbid. But these do not belong in
these analyses, but rather in the analyses which should be
done by its decision making centers. All what is said in the
messages of the Albanian presidents, will not leads towards
1997, as the year of free, independent and democratic Kosova.
The educational and scientific program "Beyond 2000" is full
of scientific and technological achievements which are to be
applied in the 21st century. Albanians, with the politics theyare leading, can enter that century again with the messages of
the presidents and maybe those of their opponents for the
hopes for the year 2001, in the two hours' long satellite New
Year's Eve TV program.
A KOHA EXCLUSIVE
THE COW THAT ATE THE SERBIAN LETTUCE
by GORAN MILIC / Zagreb
Goran Milic was TV Belgrade's correspondent in New York for
many years. Coming back to Belgrade, he became one of the
best editors of the evening news. Milosevic's arrival to power
removed Milic from the house that had produced him as a
journalist and soon Milic became the Director of YUTEL (seated
in Sarajevo), the alternative to the state TV, established by
the then federal premier Ante Markovic. The beginning of war
in the Former Yugoslavia ended with YUTEL's life and sincethen Milic has been living and working in Zagreb as a free
lance journalist.
8/14/2019 Koha Digest 86 (1996)
http://slidepdf.com/reader/full/koha-digest-86-1996 13/24
- 13 -
I believe it was January 1989. I was in Prishtina, then as a
journalist of TV Belgrade, trying to understand the roots of
the Serbian-Albanian conflict and put in some optimism for the
peaceful solution.
Differing from my Belgrade colleague who were poisoning the
public through the TV screens and the "Echoes and Reactions"
rubric, inventing the rapes of (Serb) young girls and old
women, publishing inscriptions "House on sale" and by
"discovering" the links of separatists, irredentists,
fundamentalists, cleric-Catholics to the world's anti-Serbian
centers - I was trying to find the small examples of human
harmony and good neighborhood. This is how the TV story
about an unfortunate cow was made...
In a lecture about the US and the situation in the world, whichI gave to both Albanian and Serb students, an Albanian youth
presented a very interesting example:
- Why does the Belgrade TV always present Albanians in the
negative context? As rapists, as chauvinists, as primitive...
See, my Serb neighbor killed by cow. If you kill someone's cow,
that is a very serious thing in Kosova. And, nevertheless,
because of the general situation, because of the good relations
with my neighbor, I pardoned him. And you never wish to
present these kind of cases...
I immediately organized the shooting of the reportage, I
brought the young Albanian and his Serb neighbor together,
and I invited them to have a drink in front of the cameras.
Spontaneously, the Serb commented:
"These were cows coming into my garden every day. One
morning, I went crazy. I took the axe, to tell you the truth, I
didn't know it was the cow, I hit it on the head... And then,
after I cut it, I found the cabbage, the lettuce and everything
it had eaten, inside it's stomach...
The reportage was transmitted on TV Belgrade, with the
participation of my colleague Mihailo Kovac, while my final
comment was the following:
"There are not many examples of such reconciliation between
Albanians and Serbs, and there are not many to affirm them.
But, they do exist and they prove that the other kind of life is,
nevertheless, possible..."
Immediately the next morning, one of the directors of TV
Belgrade called me at the hotel:
8/14/2019 Koha Digest 86 (1996)
http://slidepdf.com/reader/full/koha-digest-86-1996 14/24
- 14 -
"Listen, forget the reportage about the cows and good
neighborhood. The guys from the Central Committee have gone
crazy! I barely defended you. I have told them that you don't
know the situation in Kosova, that you perceive it with the
eyes of an American reporter. But, don't make the same mistakeagain!"
- Where did I go wrong?, I asked "naively".
- This is are not times of reconciliation, but times of conflicts.
And now you, whom the public trusts, place the Albanian and
the Serb one beside another to have a drink together!"
Thus, you are destroying all what we have been constructing
from here. The message is clear, and it can't be clearer. The
tense atmosphere had to be created, the Serbian public had to be exalted and thus allow the abrogation of the autonomy and
the arrest of the Albanian leaders. The unfortunate cow whose
life was pardoned to the raged Serb, couldn't be incorporated
in that scenario.
In that time, in 1989, I thought that there was no Serb that
would perceive Kosova differently but as an Serbian exclusive
property in which the Albanians could live as second rated
people or rather not live at all. Nevertheless, I found an
exemption in the former President of the Central Committee of the Communist Party of Serbia, Marko Nikezic, whose story has
an actual value:
"Milosevic's movement has thrown to the surface all the evil
the Serbian people has" - Nikezic told me in midst 1989.
"Besides this, it is a catastrophic mistake of the Serbian policy
to hold Kosova under seige. They don't see that since ever, the
old rule of the emigration and of movement of population from
the south to the north and from the east to the west has
existed and has worked. Kosova is lost for the Serbs. But, this
is why Vojvodina was won. According to me, Serbs should getinvolved in European flows and think about their west, and not
about the south, about Kosova. After all, Serbs live as far as in
Knin, in Zadar..."
I was happy to know that such an intelligent person, and
intellectual as Marko Nikezic, thought so realistically, not
showing any hatred towards Albanians and by respecting their
rights in Kosova. But my father Marko, who was perceiving the
whole thing also from the Croatian perspective, warned me:
"Nikezic said wise things about Kosova. But, you missed thesentence about Serbs living as far as in Knin and Zadar. In
Serbian politics, the maximalist theses are still hidden. If
Kosova is lost, that territory must be compensated elsewhere,
8/14/2019 Koha Digest 86 (1996)
http://slidepdf.com/reader/full/koha-digest-86-1996 15/24
- 15 -
by all means. And this is not only Vojvodina. Nikezic didn't
mention Knin and Zadar casually..."
My father died in December 1990 and I will suffer for the rest
of my life for not having understand his wise forecast.
Because, this determination of the Serbian policy, the
combination of strength and self-consolation, that collective
self-confidence about domination over all neighboring states,
confused all political horizons for a long time.
In the clear example of the suffocation of the autonomy of
Kosova, I still tried to find a "balance" of guilt, thinking that
one party couldn't be blamed alone for the inter-ethnic
conflict.
The barbaric destruction of Croatia, including the burning of
my familial house in Dubrovnik, wasn't identified by me as a
Greater-Serbian project "as far as Knin and Zadar". When
Bosnia was massacred, although it gave no reasons for the
genocide it suffered, I had it quite clear that two parties were
not needed to have a war. One was enough.
Nevertheless, Serbs didn't manage to create Serbia up to
Zadar. They got hold of less of Bosnia than they had thought.
If the Croats and the Muslim-Bosniacs determine a seriousalliance, Serbs will lose even Banja Luka and Bosnian Posavina.
Does this mean that Kosova will be held even under a harsher
occupation? Will the wounded beast get depressed and free the
land giving it back to its original owners, or will it seek bloody
revenge from the weak, in this case the Albanians? Will the so
called international community reward the "peacemaker"
Milosevic by closing the eyes before the occupation of Kosova,
or will it force weakened Serbia to finally stop oppressing the
small people?
Right now, these dilemmas have no clear answers. But, someattitudes can be noticed.
The Croatian logic in the government lead by Franjo Tudjman,
is satisfied with the solutions "Croatia without the Serbian
question", therefore it is not willing to help or incite the
Albanian uprising in Kosova. This is why Albanians in Zagreb
can only gain verbal sympathy, more from the opposition than
the government. It is a real rarity to find an article about
Kosova these days.
Macedonians who don't differ much from the Serbs in their
attitude towards Albanians, are no possible partners either.
Unless they come to the situations Albanians are in now, but
8/14/2019 Koha Digest 86 (1996)
http://slidepdf.com/reader/full/koha-digest-86-1996 16/24
- 16 -
then it will be late. Bosnian-Muslims, by all means, have the
same enemy as Albanians, but also have more serious problems
to think about than the Kosovan problem. Alija Izetbegovic
can't patch the integrity of B&H by disputing the "RS" and
supporting the "Albanian Republic" in Kosova at the same time.This means that, if we forget the demoralized Vojvodina
Hungarians, who wish to emigrate or assimilate rather than
fight for their rights in Vojvodina, Albanians have no secure
ally in the Former Yugoslavia.
Albania remains, as a state, but militarily a weak one and
demolished from the post-Communist difficulties, it has no
strength to help the Albanians in Kosova.
America? Where are the times when the republicans and Robert
Dole spoke of the difficult position of the Albanian people inevery public presentation? In the Dayton and Paris
agreements, the protesting rallies of the Albanians seem to
have annoyed even the proven Albanian friends.
James Baker's counsels to the Kosova Albanians that patience
will be rewarded, disappeared as he departed from office. Was
all of this in vane, was this all a deception which will be paid
by the Albanian people?.
Now it seems that Kosova has no perspectives and that theworld would rather forget its existence. What seems to be
hopeless today, becomes possible as of tomorrow.
My conviction is that the Americans wish to involve the whole
former Yugoslav space in "Partnership for Peace". They don't
want the division of Bosnia according to some Yalta agreements
line, nor the confrontation line with the Russians which would
lead to the restart of the cold war. If it weren't so, would it
leave Serbs in the Banja Luka pocket, when they had already
lost the situation and were willing to escape to Serbia? If the
Americans weren't convinced that Milosevic is more pro-Westerner that pro-Russian, would they have amnestied him
from all war crimes?
If Americans achieve their goals, and with the help of the
Europeans, attract the whole of the Balkans towards Europe,
Kosova Albanians will gain a new historic chance. The same way
Washington managed to separate Greece and Turkey by
evading their mutual conflict, it will be forced to impose a new
relationship between Albanians and Serbs if it wishes to
escape the war within the NATO alliance. Kosova Albanians inthis case, would face equality and the longed peace, regardless
of how will it be expressed formally. In the form of a
constitutive autonomy, similar to the 1974 Constitution, in the
8/14/2019 Koha Digest 86 (1996)
http://slidepdf.com/reader/full/koha-digest-86-1996 17/24
- 17 -
form of a Republic, within the "FRY", or as an independent and
free state to unite with whom it wishes.
Time has so far been working against Albanians and the
passive resistance, but the arrival of NATO forces in theBalkans have opened the path to the better perspectives. The
Serbian policy is now under surveillance and any incident, any
violation of human rights which is documented to the world,
takes back the Kosova question on the agenda. This is the
moment in which the Albanians must request the return of
their legitimate institutions or new free elections in Kosova,
under international observation. Crimes committed against the
Albanian population are part of the total tragedy in the area
and must be discussed in The Hague by all means. Kosova had
concentration camps, i.e., "massive isolation" when people
were disappearing, beaten, mistreated, not to mention thearbitrary confiscation of property and the "racist laws" in the
area of employment, education, health-care, etc.
The same who committed the massacres in Bosnia and Croatia,
first trained their crimes on the Albanian people in Kosova; the
genesis of the crime is in Kosova and this must not be
forgotten.
It is clear that Albanians should reorganize and convert the
passive resistance into an active one, with clearly formulatedrequests - nothing less than equality and the right to be their
own masters.
Don't let "internationalists" trick you. They are always
bothered by the emancipation of small people, and always have
their mouths full of "United Europe" and the "World without
Borders". When the UN organization was established in 1945,
there were only 50 founding countries. Now there are 186
states members of the UN and all of them know where their
borders are. If Gambia, with one million inhabitants is an
independent state, an equal member of the UN, why should thisright be denied to the other people? The universality of the
world is reflected in computerization, science, medicine, air
companies, but it has always more national groups which want
to crown their differences with their own administration.
Whether someone wants it or not, the Basque, the Catalan, the
Chechen, the Kurd will win their self-administration one day,
as Quebec missed half a percentage point to gain it.
In the hardest times, Alija Izetbegovic always used to repeat:
"Since World War II and up to now, no people that has foughtfor its freedom has disappeared...".
8/14/2019 Koha Digest 86 (1996)
http://slidepdf.com/reader/full/koha-digest-86-1996 18/24
- 18 -
UITUK
RAISED HANDS
by IBRAHIM REXHEPI / Prishtina
Despite the fact that there was no permission for the
celebration of the Second UITUK Congress, it took place
without any major problems. Even if its efficiency can be
evaluated with its longitude, then it can be said that this was
the shortest congress ever celebrated. It started with a 40
minutes delay, and without counting the break, it lasted only
six hours. During this period, the delegates and guests had no
need to enter deeper discussions but speak of "the
consequences and the tortures Serbia commits" i.e., to repeat
what was said in the first Congress, almost five years ago, andin the meantime, as needed, to raise the hands up, vote or
applaud. The guests wished "all the best to the UITUK and
expressed their hopes that it will not change the course of the
chosen path" but there were also evaluations that "whoever is
against Hajrullah Gorani is against the Albanian people too".
Even despite the remark that "we shouldn't deal with the past
in this convention but rather we should concentrate on the
tasks that expect us", the old story was repeated again even
with evaluations that "whoever is absent today, hasvoluntarily quit the UITUK". It remained unclear whether this
referred to Agim Hyseni and Xhafer Hyseni as individuals, or
branches that didn't have send delegates. If this refers to the
branches, then this means that the UITUK lost half of its
membership, because according to the verifying commission
there were a total of 227 delegates participating, meaning some
125 less than foreseen. This structure was enough to make any
decisions. However, it was very unclear what branches were
participating and which were not, for UITUK is composed of 21
branches and 17 of them were present, but high and superior
education were presented as separate branches, so wasFerronikel and the Driving schools. According to this, there
were four new branches, and thirteen of the old ones there.
Seeking for some explanations, some of the responsible in the
organization of this event said that the data provided by the
verifying reporter represented a lapsus, "for there are two
branches in education, one participating and known as
Mejreme Shema's wing and the other branch identifying itself
with Agim Hyseni, that declared not willing to assist the
Congress, although some of their delegates did come, and then
"Ferronikel" is not a singular branch, while the DrivingSchools' branch is new in the organization of the UITUK and is
presented by one delegate".
8/14/2019 Koha Digest 86 (1996)
http://slidepdf.com/reader/full/koha-digest-86-1996 19/24
- 19 -
If someone has expected something spectacular to happen in
this Congress, that the atmosphere of the Fifth and Sixth
Conventions will be repeated, he/she was really disappointed.
The problem could have appeared only if the Serbian police
would have intervened, for the present structure of thedelegates couldn't cause "divisions and confusion", and the
absences of the two Hysenis promised a "strong unity". Even
during the break, one of the delegates commented the flow of
the Congress with these words: "Since Mejreme Shema didn't
have to discuss, nor to have a polemic with anyone, this proves
how constructive the whole event is".
The attempt of Qazim Musa, delegate of the Administration and
Judiciary branch, to dispute the right of this Congress to elect
the chairman found no support, while Ibrahim Maxhuni, the
most competent to give juridical explanations, added that "thisis a vacuum legis which, if you remember, was interpreted at
the Fifth Convention. The dilemma is about who elects the
chairman: the Congress or the Convention. Since the First
Congress chose the chairman, logically, the Second Congress
should do the same and all the other staff will be elected by
the regular conventions".
This disagreement was overcome with the majority of votes.
The election of the chairman was done according to the motto
"the trade-union is the school of democracy". There was noother candidate but Hajrullah Gorani, elected by acclamation.
The way the Congress was prepared and was celebrated can be
disputed, but it is true that it took place, and according to the
statements of the participants, there were no big defects
which would devaluate the achieved work. Not even the
remarks of a delegate that the report on "income and
expenses" wouldn't match and that "it is absurd how three
times more money is spent on something else rather than
assisting the dismissed workers". Nevertheless, the strong
support Gorani got from the delegates and guests was evident.
This was especially noticed in the statement delivered by
Xhavit Bicaj, from the University Workers' Association who,
according to him, oppose Agim Hyseni's wing. He said: "I come
from health-care, I am not a delegate but neither a guest. You
can qualify me as you wish". He continued by disputing many
decisions made "on behalf of the health-care branch which in
fact are only of a small group of individuals". The truth is that
this branch hasn't been functioning for so many years.
The absence of those who were qualified as willing to dividethe UITUK, Agim Hyseni and Xhafer Hyseni or the delegates of
the branches of science, culture & education and health-care
contributed to have the dilemmas still open. Since their
8/14/2019 Koha Digest 86 (1996)
http://slidepdf.com/reader/full/koha-digest-86-1996 20/24
- 20 -
presence and statements were missing in the highest organ of
the UITUK, none of the future conventions will be able to
overcome the contradictions which appeared some time before.
Maybe there will be no contradictions. After the Congress each
group could follow its own path. The ones that supported theCongress will strongly remain behind Gorani and the UITUK,
while the others who were not assisting the place "the men
speak" remain faithful to the UITUK. But it is really
inconceivable how can these branches function within the
UITUK, while it is lead by the most disputed chairman of many
Albanian trade-unions on both sides of the border.
UITUK
"PROSPEROUS NEW YEAR" FOR 100 DEM
by I.R. / Prishtina
Prishtina was the same as in the last days of the other years.
Maybe there were less decorations. The largest crowd was
always found in areas where food and drinks were sold. Only
the strongest could break through the crowd at the market
place.
These are all normal images during festivities in Prishtina.
Nevertheless, the happiest evening of the year, as we used to
call it before, was characterized by tremendous expenses, for
besides the immense consumption of goods, the prices had also
increased in those days. UITUK was quite annoyed with some
businessmen who even doubled the prices of the articles at the
eve of this holiday. These days will also remember the most
expensive TV set that has ever come to the market in Prishtina
- 13 thousand DEM. Even though the price was astronomic, it
really deserved the money. The price was not high for an
Albanian businessman. Maybe he didn't make this investmentonly to follow the Albanian satellite TV program, as some did.
Hoping that they would have a chance to watch a New Year's
program on Albanian TV, a number of people hastened to buy
satellite dishes, which were cheaper than in the previous
years. Many of them were disappointed, for "good night" just
came too soon (at 8:30 pm).
Looked upon the economic aspect, this night caused more
expenses than the Kosova Albanians can really afford. It is
easy to understand where do the businessmen, the merchantsand salesmen get the money from, but if we ground our
conclusion on what an owner of soft drinks store said, that he
had sold more in one day than in the past three months, then
8/14/2019 Koha Digest 86 (1996)
http://slidepdf.com/reader/full/koha-digest-86-1996 21/24
- 21 -
we could say that all invested more than they had counted on.
It is hard to calculate how much did the celebration in family
cost, but it can be said that some 100 DEM was the minimum.
Some motels and restaurants offered their services for that
same price (per person). And the fun, depended from the placevisited. Some of them calculated only dinner in the price,
others soft drinks and spirits. But, there were also
restaurants which offered "meat as much as you can eat" a
bottle of whisky and four liters of wine. Famous restaurants
such as "Show", "D'ora", "Breta". "Holliday", "Hani i Dy
Robert‰ve", "Syri", "Dea"... contracted the most famous
soloists of popular music Kosova has today. And the fame of the
soloist and the orchestra determined also the price of the
"ticket" for that night. Rumors say that the owners of the
restaurants had to pay up to 23 thousand DEM to the orchestra
for their service during three evenings. One soloists evenrequested 1000 DEM per night. And, it is well known that no
one pays taxes, nor the 3% out of this money, therefore the
profit is good. Better than any other night.
This is what is supposed the fun in restaurants cost. But no
one knows how much money was spent in petards or bullets.
Not even the army or the police. But, if one bullet costs one
DEM, then according to the shots heard all over, thousands of
DEM flew over town that night.
MACEDONIA
A LOT OF SMOKE INSIDE - THE WIND BLOWS OUTSIDE
by KIM MEHMETI / Shkup
The political strategy "given them, bit by bit", and "let's
exhaust them with basic requests while we finish up the main
job", has given the expected results to the Macedonian side;Albanians, when it comes to their reasonable demands, are
almost where they were when Macedonia was becoming
independent. And now they feel exhausted and facing the
issue: "Where and what next?"
And really; what political strategy is the most optimal
necessary to develop in circumstances when the participation
in the government and the parliament doesn't give the
expected results. Or in circumstances when in the global
aspect Albanians have quite some unresolved problems,headed by the Kosova problem. These dilemmas, certainly,
preoccupy the PPD leadership the most; its ministers
participate in the government not to the satisfaction of the
8/14/2019 Koha Digest 86 (1996)
http://slidepdf.com/reader/full/koha-digest-86-1996 22/24
- 22 -
Albanians and who have no reasons to be satisfied with. Maybe
what Albanians achieved with the participation in the
government could have been achieved anyways, but it is
undeniable that the PPD leadership proved in all ways it could
that it is tolerant and that it is willing to contribute to thefuture of Macedonia. Why the other party didn't take
advantage of this tolerance, could be discussed in many ways:
depending on the viewpoint and the affinities of the analyst.
One of the explanations could also be that the Macedonian
party wasn't even interested to reach an agreement with
Albanians, or it is simply "buying time" knowing that the
"directives" coming to the Albanians from abroad suggest them
not to interrupt the institutional dialogue which so far, hasn't
given the possible results. Such suggestions come occasionally
also from Tirana. The international factor also supports the
participation of the Albanians in the statal system, as the bestway to see their demands fulfilled.
Between these suggestions and counsels remains the truth
that Albanians are almost just a decoration of "democracy" in
Crvenkovski's cabinet, while the Albanian MPs are only
"witnesses" of the personal political failures. Simply, the more
consolidated becomes Macedonia, the deafer it becomes in
regard to the demands of the Albanian citizens. This can be
best proven in the area of superior education, with the
adoption of laws and regulations which even restrict therights Albanians were guaranteed in times of monism.
Maybe all of this has forced the PPD chairman Aliti, to warn the
public about the "end to the patience", about the fact that the
members of his party can resign from the government and
withdraw from the parliament. Who knows whether any other
solution remains from this party in order to defend its political
being but withdraw the ministers, who for the time being seem
to achieve only one purpose - be still employed and receive
high salaries. It seems that in Crvenkovski's cabinet there is
too much smoke which doesn't allow anyone to see the Albanianministers and the threats in the style "we're leaving" are not
taken seriously by anyone knowing that outside it's "cold" and
that "the wind is blowing". There are even rumors that when
Albanian ministers argue their demands, some of their
Macedonian colleagues leave the meeting and take a coffee
break.
The decision - leave the parliament and government, can also
be the only alternative which remains from the Albanian party,
but this decision forces another question out: "Where andhow?". And "where and when are you coming back?". Of
course, there is also the dilemma of the effect of one political
decision of the kind. Albanian MPs and ministers will not be
8/14/2019 Koha Digest 86 (1996)
http://slidepdf.com/reader/full/koha-digest-86-1996 23/24
- 23 -
able to go further than Tetova. And there they can wait for the
Macedonian party to adopt any laws and create a state as it
suits it. Something that will save the government from all the
mistakes so far and that will finally reveal the guilty for the
existing misunderstandings. Therefore, Albanians should makea clear difference of their conflict with the Macedonian
government from their relations with the Macedonian people
and their departure from the government should not be
allowed to be proclaimed as the creation of a new "party " in
the Balkans.
Simply, Macedonian citizens and the international factor
should be explained that the further participation of Albanians
in the Macedonian political scene often results with an absolute
zero in regard to solving problems through dialogue. That it
is vane to knock on the door of the deaf. That there is no other way for them to prove that they are in favor of the stability of
this state, but leave the parliament and government and thus
"allow" their Macedonian colleagues to "strengthen" the "rule
of law".
In the meantime, President Kiro Gligorov is recuperating well
from the attempt against his life. He will soon take over the full
responsibilities. And maybe he will invite the Albanian leaders,
as many times before, and "arm" them with patience. Humorous
analysts of the situation in Macedonia claim that each one of Gligorov's promises lasts six months: until nervousness
captivates the Albanian leaders again. And they adds that all
Albanians in Macedonia suffer from diabetes as a consequence
of the sweet words of the President. Anyhow, "times of
(political) calculation" in Macedonia have not ended yet.
Therefore, any action of the Albanian political parties must
have in mind the political environment in the Balkans actually.
Especially the question of Kosova. or said in other words; the
pro-Serbian factions in Macedonia which would profit on the
deterioration of the Macedonian-Albanian relations, so Kosovawould be "covered" a bit and thus Serbia would be "helped".
Before any political steps are undertaken, a global solution of
the problem should be taken into account, but none of the
Albanians in Macedonia can be asked to forget oneself. Today,
more than ever, the Macedonian party is strengthening the
conviction among its population that "the Albanian is an
Albanian" and that "when you give him the finger, he will take
your arm", always aiming at holding the tense inter-ethnic
situation so far. Forgetting that this state is facing the threat
of eliminating the cohesive inter-civic element as a precondition for the existence of a multinational,
multiconfessional and multicultural state, as Macedonia is.
8/14/2019 Koha Digest 86 (1996)
http://slidepdf.com/reader/full/koha-digest-86-1996 24/24
Albanians have since long ago paid the price of tolerance and
loyalty. All of those who have eyes and want to see can notice
this. The others, anyways, don't care about any proof. It is
vane to convince them that the state can't be built only with
words and that the policy of empty promises resembles a rainof autumn leaves in a field - one day you'll remain totally
naked.