fter three days of inten-sive talks, facilitatedby the U.S. Instituteof Peace, 40Albanian and Serbleaders fromKosovo reached

an agreement to work together toend violence in their province andto create conditions for a strong,democratic civil society.

“It’s an historic moment,” said Serbian Orthodox BishopArtemije, a joint leader of theSerb delegation and president ofthe Serbian National Council ofKosovo. He called the agreementthe first positive documentreached in talks between Serbsand Albanians in 100 years.

Hashim Thaci, a member of the Albanian delegation who is a former leader of the KosovoLiberation Army (KLA) and nowhead of the Democratic Party ofKosovo, told the Voice of

Inside

4 KOSOVO”A Better Life, A New Life”

6 PEACE ESSAYCONTEST

8 KOREARichard Solomonmeets with KimDae Jung

FELLOWSHIPPROJECTSSouth Africa,Asian FinancialCrisis, Sri Lanka

Father HesburghReceives TopHonor

UN I T E D STAT E S IN S T I T U T E O F PE AC E ■ WA S H I N G TO N, DC

AUGUST 2000

Vol. VI, No. 5

Ko s ovo Leaders Agree to Pact Against Vi o l e n c eAfter three days of intensive talks, Albanian and Serb leaders from Kosovoreached an historic pact to work together to end violence in their province.

Above:Albanian lead-ers fromKosovo reviewthe details ofthe Albanianlanguage agree-ment to workfor peacefulcoexistencewith Serbs.

America that he was happy to see ethnic Albanians willing to understand the problems ofKosovo Serbs. He added, “and Iam glad that Serbs have started toaccept the new reality in Kosovo,and more and more are distancingthemselves from officialBelgrade.”

The dialogue, co-sponsoredin cooperation with the U.S.

Department of State, was the firstextensive face-to-face engage-ment by the leaders of the twoethnic groups since the violenceof 1999. The meeting, held atAirlie House in Warrenton, Va.,July 21–23, was organized byDaniel Serwer, head of theInstitute’s Balkans Inititative.Chester A. Crocker, Institute

See Kosovo, page 2

1 0

1 1

board chair, and board memberStephen J. Hadley co-chaired themeeting, with Institute executivevice president Harriet Hentgesserving as vice chair. Serwer, alongwith George Ward, director ofthe Institute’s Training Program,facilitated the dialogue, with sup-port from the U.S. Agency forInternational Development andWorld Learning.

In addition to Thaci, the 26-member Albanian delegationincluded Ibrahim Rugova, headof the Democratic League ofKosovo. The 14-member Serbdelegation included Father Sava,an aide to Bishop Artemije,

2Ko s ovoContinued from page 1

Peace Watch (ISSN 1080-9864) is pub-lished six times a year by the United StatesInstitute of Peace, an independent, nonpar-tisan federal institution created by Congressto promote research, education, and train-ing on the peaceful resolution of interna-tional conflicts. The views expressed hereindo not necessarily reflect the views of theInstitute or its board of directors.

To receive Peace Watch, write to theEditor, Peace Watch, United States Instituteof Peace, 1200 17th Street NW, Suite 200,Washington, DC 20036-3011. For generalinformation call 202-457-1700, fax 202-429-6063, e-mail: usip_requests@usip.org,or check our web site: www.usip.org.

President: Richard H. Solomon Executive Vice President: Harriet Hentges

Publications Director: Dan SnodderlyEditor: Cynthia Roderick

Production Manager: Marie MarrPhoto Credits: Staff, AP Wide World

Photos, and Bill Fitz-Patrick

Board of DirectorsChairman: Chester A. Crocker. ViceChairman: Max M. Kampelman. Members:Dennis L. Bark, Stephen J. Hadley,Theodore M. Hesburgh, Zalmay Khalilzad,Seymour Martin Lipset, W. ScottThompson, Allen Weinstein, HarrietZimmerman. Members Ex Officio: J. Stapleton Roy, Department of State;Daniel H. Simpson, National DefenseUniversity; Walter B. Slocombe,Department of Defense; Richard H.Solomon, Institute president (nonvoting).

and Rada Trajkovic.The Institute has sponsored

four meetings for Albanians andSerbs from Kosovo since the endof the war. In May, the Institutepartnered with the U.S. Army inconducting a workshop on co-existence in a multi-ethnic societyfor a mixed group of Albanianand Serb community leaders inthe Gjilan/Gnjilane area. Lastyear, the Institute facilitated aworkshop for Albanians inVirginia and one for Serbs inSofia, Bulgaria.

At Airlie House, Albanian andSerb leaders hashed out the termsof the declaration word by word

3

during sometimes difficult andemotional day and evening ses-sions. “This was a classic facilita-tion, where the issues and the dis-cussion and the conclusion camefrom the participants,” Hentgesnoted.

In the “Airlie Declaration,” theKosovo leaders agreed to seek anend to violence, identify perpetra-tors, urge their communities tosurrender illegal arms, dissolveany illegitimate governing andsecurity structures, help refugeesreturn, and respect the outcomeof Kosovo’s October elections ifthey are deemed “free and fair” byinternational observers. (The fulltext of the declaration is availableon the Institute’s web site atwww.usip.org.)

The campaign against violencewill include a “Day AgainstViolence,” during which Kosovoleaders agreed to appear in publicto speak out against violence inthe province on a date to be set bythe Kosovo Transitional Council.

In a NATO press release, thesecretary general of NATO, the

Rt. Hon. Lord Robertson,praised the agreement: “Thiscommitment to reconciliation andto building a better future standsin stark contrast to [Serbian]President Milosevic’s continuingefforts to promote and exploitethnic division.” According toReuters, Bernard Kouchner,United Nations governor ofKosovo, welcomed the agree-ment, as it would give the signersimpetus to work together in arenewed spirit of cooperation.

John Menzies, director of theState Department’s Office ofKosovo Implementation,described the meeting, which heattended, as both “profound” and“heartfelt.” He said that partici-pants deserved much credit forthe “tremendous courage” theydemonstrated by attending.Hentges noted that meeting par-ticipants showed a “genuineappreciation of the suffering thateach community has experienced,and that’s a very important begin-ning, a very important first steptoward reconciliation.”

Decani Monastery, built in theMiddle Ages, where during the war the monks shelteredAlbanians and Serbs alike. Sincebeing assigned to the DraganacMonastery in Gnjilane, he hasreceived numerous threats againsthis life, and he cannot leave themonastery without armed guards,usually soldiers of NATO’sKosovo Force (KFOR) stationedin the monastery courtyard. Hesays that since the end of the war last year, some 70 Serbs inGnjilane have disappeared, andmore than 100 have been mur-dered.

Inter-ethnic violence continuesto riddle the area of Leposavic, in the far northern region of theprovince, close to the border with Serbia, where NenadRadosavljevic, 39, makes hishome. Trained as a mechanicalengineer, Radosavljevic, a Serb,

became a journalist to counter thehate propaganda that is beamedinto the area by state-controlledSerbian radio and television. Hefounded a “peace” radio and TVstation that retransmits broad-casts locally from independentmedia sources internationally. Hesays he has always believed in tol-erance and pluralism. He believedin those principles before the war,and he believes in them now.However, the people livingaround him are not literate and

hen Kosovo’s civilwar began several

years ago, B a j r a mR e x h e p i , 46, an

Albanian surgeon, droveinto the mountains with the

Kosovo Liberation Army to tendto its wounded fighters andinjured civilians, leaving behindhis wife and infant daughter.During the fighting, an estimated10,000 Albanians may have diedat the hands of Serb police andparamilitaries, and of the Yugoslavarmy, under the direction ofSerbian president SlobodanMilosevic. Rexhepi never expectedto return home alive. Today he isthe mayor of the divided city ofMitrovica. Mitrovica lies in thenorthern part of Kosovo province,where Albanians and Serbs,though no longer at war, continueto kill each other.

And members of the two eth-nic groups continue killing eachother in the Gnjilane area, in theeast of the province, where FatherKirilo Djurkovic, 65, a SerbianOrthodox priest for most of hislife, has been reassigned. FatherKirilo once lived in the historic

4Kosovo leaders say although it is difficult for both sides, they want to put thewounds of the past to rest and end the inter-ethnic violence in Kosovo.

‘A Better Life,

A New Life’ for Ko s ovo

know only what the state propa-ganda tells them. Sadly, they don’tyet know the meaning of toler-ance, he says.

Despite the hatred and vio-lence that still rip through theirlives—and in part because of it—Rexhepi, Father Kirilo, andRadosavljevic courageously agreed to sit down with 37 otherAlbanian and Serb leaders fromKosovo recently to talk aboutwhat they might do to restorepeace and sanity to the province.The U.S. Institute of Peace orga-nized and facilitated the meeting,which was the first extensive face-to-face engagement among theleaders of the two ethnic groupssince the war ended last year. Themeeting was held at Airlie Housein Warrenton, Va., July 21-23.(See the story on page 1.)

At the end of the meeting, thetwo groups agreed to the “AirlieDeclaration,” which is primarily apact against violence. In the docu-ment, the Kosovo leaders agreed toseek an end to violence, identify

5

perpetrators, urge their communi-ties to surrender illegal arms, dis-solve any illegitimate governingand security structures, helprefugees return, and respect theoutcome of Kosovo’s October elec-tions if they are deemed “free andfair” by international observers.

Before the final agreement onthe declaration, Vjosa Dobruna,45, an Albanian member of thetransitional government inPristina, looked around the roomand said, “I have had bad experi-ences with certain people in thisgroup. My human rights wereviolated. But I can overcome suchthings for the benefit of thefuture.”

Implementing the Declaration

Dobruna noted that the meetingwas the first time in over 10 yearsthat she had had a meaningfulconversation with Kosovo Serbs ina group. The two ethnic groupshave lived in a system of virtualapartheid, sharing no commonspace, she said. “Albanians could-n’t even go to the movies.”

Hearing Serbs talk about theirfears and wishes made her realizethat Serbs are not all alike, andthat gave her hope that she couldwork with them. “It’s importantto be here, important to overturnmy mistrust and really listen tothem and learn from the Serb sidethat there is a will to live together.The Serbs have the same interestsI have. We want a better life, we

want a new life. There is no chance to go backward.”

Sonja Nikolic, 48, of Pristina,a Serb member of the KosovoTransitional Council, said thatthe war has been over only a shorttime, and people of both ethnicgroups back in Kosovo may not behappy with the declaration. Forsome, it may be too soon to takesuch a step. She herself still feelsthe pain of the divisions widenedby the violence. “I was witness tomany things. Maybe I haven’t hadtime to feel that pain until now.”When both sides at the meetingtalked about what happened inKosovo, she realized that everyonein the room was having difficultfeelings, and that helped herbecause in a way they shared inthe pain together. “Sharing thoseemotions brings you closer,” shesaid.

Besides some resistance frompeople back in Kosovo, a majorobstacle to implementing the dec-laration is the almost completelack of a judicial system inKosovo—police, courts, jails—saidMargarita Kadriu, 27, director ofKosova Sot, a daily newspaper inPristina. “Both sides right nowhave no way to handle criminalsand troublemakers, so it is hard tomake progress on some of these issues.” A number of theparticipants said that the UNMission in Kosovo (UNMIK)needs to act urgently to get a judi-cial system in place. “We are able

See A Better Life, page 6

6

The people ofNagasaki,Japan, focusedErin Boeke Burke'sattention on thetragedy of war andthe importance ofworld peace. The 17-year-old home-schooled studentfrom Neenah, Wis.,was the third placenational winner inthe U.S. Institute ofPeace’s NationalPeace Essay Contestthis year—theInstitute’s first home-schooled national winner.

Burke took a break from homeschooling in Wisconsin last yearto attend Kwassui High School, a Christian girl’s high school inNagasaki, on a Rotary scholar-ship. “Studying in Japan has beena fantastic learning experience,”Burke says. “The people there areso polite and so incredibly wel-coming. In Nagasaki, I've seenhow they've taken the experiencewith the atom bomb and used itas a reason to seek peace in the

world. Out of their terrible expe-rience, they are committed toworld peace.”

The three national peace essaycontest winners were announcedat an awards banquet at theMeridian International Center onJune 21. First place was awardedto Elspeth J. Simpson of LittleRock, Ark., who received a$10,000 scholarship; second placeto Megan Corrarino of Portland,Ore., $5,000; and third place toBurke, $2,500. An honorable

to and really want to . . . show ourwillingness to have the Serbs backand live together,” Kadriu said.

Reflecting on the meeting,Rexhepi said that although he wasglad to be working with KosovoSerbs, “I will not forget completelythe tragedy of the Albanians.” InMitrovica, many Serbs have unre-alistic expectations, and thatmakes the situation difficult. Serbscomprise only 20 percent of thepopulation, yet they refuse to par-ticipate in the administration ofthe area until they are given anequal voice in decisions, he said.“Sometimes in politics you can’tdo everything equally,” and pro-portional representation is a morejust allocation of power. Never-theless, he said when he returnedhome, he would immediately workto implement all of the agreementsof the Airlie Declaration. “I amconvinced that three or four of the[Serb] participants [at Airlie] areready to work on joint projects.They have demonstrated a realisticposition, and I will be able tocooperate with them on an ongo-ing basis, without any hesitation.”

Radosavljevic said that whenhe returned to Leposavic, hewould call a meeting of theSerbian National Council ofLeposavic, of which he is presi-dent, and invite citizens to discussimplementation of the AirlieDeclaration. “Many problems canbe solved through direct contact,”he said. “I believe contactbetween representatives of bothsides is going to continue. Wecan contribute to pacifying ten-sions, that is the most importantthing because it will give people achance to do tangible work, toreturn to work, to develop theeconomy. All these things arepossible once the tensions havebeen lowered. Talking does that.”

‘A Better Life’Continued from page 5 From Home

Schooling to Japanto a Winning

Peace EssayErin Boeke Burke, 17, the third-place winner in this

year’s National Peace Essay Contest, is the Institute’sfirst home-schooled national winner.

7

mention was awarded to MichaelHenry of Windsor, Conn.

The Institute’s peace essayquestion this year asked studentsto assess how U.S. policymakerscan address the changing natureof international conflict. Burke’s1,500-word essay, “SeekingLasting Solutions for CivilConflict,” examined the need forthe United States to pursue con-flict resolution strategies thatencourage long-term respect forinternational human rights andeconomic development. Both vis-iting Japan—where she lived withtwo Japanese families and in aBuddhist monastery—and writ-ing the peace essay have piquedher interest in international rela-tions, she says. But she originallyparticipated in the essay contestsimply because “it looked like afun challenge. I love pressuringmyself”—which may explain whyshe has been such an ideal candi-date for home schooling.

While learning on her own—under the direction of her moth-er, Lee Boeke Burke—ErinBurke took classes at theUniversity of Wisconsin and onthe Internet, and joined localbook study groups, among othermeans of educating herself. “Ilove getting out into the commu-nity and finding resources, ”Burke says. “Home schoolingteaches you how to find your ownresources. You have to be moti-vated. I was very frustrated in thepublic school system and left afterthe seventh grade. I love the free-dom of home schooling. It allowsme to follow my passions and go

Above left tor i g h t : M e g a nC o r r a r i n o ,Michael Henry.

Opposite page:R i c h a r dSolomon handsErin BoekeBurke heraward at theannual peaceessay awardsb a n q u e t .

L e f t : B i l lR i c h a r d s o n

Below: S t a t e -level essay contest winnerswith Einsteins t a t u e

with them. Home schoolinghas to be something you reallywant to do for yourself. Ittakes a large commitment,and parents have to be avail-able to help. If you’re com-mitted, nothing can match it.”

Winners in Washington

More than 1,100 students from50 states, the District ofColumbia, U.S. territories, andAmerican high schools overseasparticipated in this year’s NationalPeace Essay Contest. Burke wasone of some 50 state-level winnerswho attended a special education-al program in Washington, D.C.,June 17–22. The contest andrelated programs were organizedby Heather Kerr-Stewart, educa-tion specialist, and Janice Hoggs,program assistant.

In Washington, the studentsmet with senior U.S. governmentand foreign embassy officials,members of Congress, and otherexperts directly involved in themaking of American foreign poli-cy. They also participated in athree-day policymaking simula-tion focused on U.S. foreign poli-cy priorities and attended brief-

ings at the State Department, theembassies of Colombia and SierraLeone, and on Capitol Hill,where they met with their repre-sentatives in Congress. State-levelwinners received a $1,000 collegescholarship.

Secretary of Energy B i l lR i c h a r d s o n delivered the keynoteaddress to the award winners attheir concluding banquet, sharinghis insights on negotiation anddiplomacy. In a technological age,he said, “establishing good face-to-face interpersonal relations isimportant to achieving results andfor personal satisfaction.” Success-ful negotiations are essentiallybased on the ability to establish apersonal connection with the otherparty or parties, he said. Forexample, he said, Fidel Castrowarmed up to him after the two

had talkedbaseball fora while, andthey werethen able toengage infruitful dis-cussions.

he June summit between the leaders of North andSouth Korea raised hopes that the Korean Peninsulamay be entering a period of dramatic change, one that

could lead to the end of the last Cold War confrontation inAsia, says Richard H. Solomon, president of the U.S. Instituteof Peace. He notes that, if a process of reconciliation indeedtakes hold between the communist regime in the North and thedemocratic government in the South, “there will be momentousconsequences for all Koreans—and also for the future of the

Asian region and for U.S.-Korean relations.”Solomon discussed “Korea’s Security and the Future of the

U.S.–Republic of Korea (ROK) Alliance” in a keynote address to the

8

Future U . S . - Kore a nRe l a t i o n s

The Institute’s Ko r e aWorking Group

The U.S. Institute of Peace’s Korea WorkingGroup, which was first convened in 1993, isconsidered by many to be a leading clearinghousefor American ideas and experience on Korea issues.The group, currently directed by Patrick M.Cronin, director of the Research and StudiesProgram, and program officer William A.Drennan, brings together leading academics andthink tank specialists on Korea with officials fromthe Departments of State and Defense andCongress to focus on foreign and national securitypolicy issues.

For example, former U.S. secretary of defenseWilliam Perry, after his appointment by PresidentClinton in 1998 to lead a review of U.S. policytoward North Korea, made presentations to theworking group three times. Before his 1999 trip toPyongyang, he met with the group to exchangeviews. After the trip, he returned to brief membersand bounce ideas off of them. Before releasing hisfinal recommendations on U.S. policy to the presi-dent and the public, he presented them to thegroup in an off-the-record discussion of the issues.

“The working group helps to provide U.S. offi-cials with a longer range view,” notes Drennan.“When you’re in an official capacity, the workingday is typically consumed by pressing issues, andyour horizon is sometimes 24 hours out, if you’relucky.” Out of these meetings, the Institute haspublished a series of special reports, available to thepublic free of charge (see page 16).

Officials in South Korea are aware of theInstitute’s role, while understanding that it is not anarm of the government, Drennan says. Thus, theywere eager to meet with Institute president RichardH. Solomon during his trip to Seoul in July (see theadjacent story). In the fall, the Institute’s two newsenior fellows working on Korea issues—KimChong-Whi, national security adviser to formerpresident Roh Tae-Woo, and Richard A.Christenson, deputy chief of mission at the U.S.embassy in Seoul—will join in the activities of theworking group.

A true easing of North-South tensions may leadSeoul to reconsider U.S. bases, dramatically alteringthe security environment in Northeast Asia.

Th e o f

9Korea Research Institute forStrategy (KRIS) during a trip toSeoul July 9–15.

In Seoul, Solomon andWilliam A. Drennan, programofficer in the Institute of Peace’sResearch and Studies Program,also met with ROK presidentKim Dae-Jung at the BlueHouse, Korea’s equivalent of the White House. President Kimspoke at the Institute of Peace inJune 1994 before he was electedto office, and Institute grantrecipient Moon Chong-In, a professor at Yonsei University for-merly living in the United States,was part of President Kim’s offi-cial ROK delegation toPyongyang.

In Seoul, Kim briefed Solomonon the North-South summit, dur-ing which the two Korean leadersvowed allegiance to the long-termgoal of a unified peninsula andagreed upon various measures toend the longstanding conflictbetween North and South.President Kim briefed Solomonon his plans to maintain themomentum of the understandingsreached at the summit.

Security Dilemmas

In his speech at KRIS, Solomonnoted that reconciliation withNorth Korea will—and indeedmust—trigger a re-examination of the ROK-U.S. security rela-tionship by the two alliance part-ners. And such a re-examinationwill quickly focus on the future of the American forces based inKorea. “As Koreans contemplatetheir alternative security futures,they need to consider what theregion would look like withoutthe presence of forward-deployedAmerican forces,” he said.“Would the peninsula be caughtin the middle of renewed Sino-Japanese rivalry, or confrontation,without the buffering presence ofthe United States?”

Recent public demonstrationsin Seoul and elsewhere against theU.S. military presence in theROK will likely have a corrosiveeffect within U.S. policymakingcircles on continuing support forthe alliance, Solomon cautioned.“From an American perspective,stability in East Asia remains cen-tral to our security and economicfuture. I believe the Americanpeople can be led to sustain a for-ward military presence in Koreaand elsewhere in the region—however modified to conform to changed circumstance—as aninvestment in our national securi-ty. But they will give their supportonly as long as they believe thatthis security commitment isdeeply shared by the Korean peo-ple.” The alternative, he conclud-ed, is the eventual withdrawal ofU.S. forces, with the politics ofthe region increasingly driven byChinese-Japanese tensions.

Other Meetings in Seoul

During their visit to the SouthKorean capital, Solomon andDrennan also met with KimChong-Whi, national securityadviser to former president RohTae-Woo, and Richard A.Christenson, deputy chief of mission at the U.S. embassy inSeoul—both of whom will be

senior fellows at the Institute ofPeace for ten months beginningin October. Additionally, theymet with Stephen Bosworth,U.S. ambassador to Korea, andwith South Korea’s minister andvice minister of national defense,unification minister, director ofthe National Intelligence Service,national security adviser, vice for-eign minister, members of theNational Assembly, other offi-cials, and a broad range of opinionshapers in academia and the media.

During these meetings,Solomon explored ways in whichthe Institute of Peace—which hasbeen a leading center for work onKorean Peninsula issues (see page16)—might collaborate withSouth Korea on conflict manage-ment issues such as tension-reduction and confidence-buildingmeasures and the reconciliationprocess, through policy develop-ment, education, and trainingprograms. With the unificationminister, he discussed various pro-posals for joint research on unifi-cation issues. “The Institute ofPeace has a strong track record of work in conflict managementand the reconciliation process,”Solomon says. “We look forwardto contributing to the reduction ofthe military confrontation and toNorth-South reconciliation inK o r e a . ”

L e f t : R i c h a r dSolomon andSouth Koreanpresident KimDae Jung dis-cussed therecent summitbetween theNorth andSouth at a meet-ing in the BlueHouse, Korea’sequivalent ofthe WhiteH o u s e .

Opposite page:During a three-day summit inPyongyang inJune, NorthKorean leaderKim Jong Il andSouth Koreanpresident KimDae Jung raisetheir armstogether beforesigning a jointd e c l a r a t i o naimed at easinghalf a century ofconflict on theK o r e a nP e n i n s u l a .

10

The U.S. Role in Ending Apartheid

While the United States was not a mediator betweenthe South African government of President F. W. deKlerk and the African National Congress, it played asignificant role in ending apartheid, notes PrincetonN. Lyman, a senior fellow at the U.S. Institute ofPeace. For his fellowship project, Lyman, who wasU.S. ambassador to South Africa in 1992–95, hastaken a detailed look at how the United States playedthat role. He notes that his case study of “conflict res-olution diplomacy” in South Africa may hold lessonsfor such diverse issues as U.S. policy toward monitor-ing change in China, preventing ethnic conflict, andthe effectiveness of programs to support the develop-ment of democracy.

Lyman says that although the South Africans“owned” the transition process, the United Statesinvolvement was “active and intensive. It made a dif-ference.” Through a flexible use of diplomatic initia-tives and resources, both public and private, the UnitedStates facilitated the process, helped it through severalcrises, and encouraged it in many ways. “We cajoledleaders, brought in expert advisers, and convinced peo-ple to trust the transition process,” Lyman says.

The United States sent embassy staff throughoutthe country to report on developments and assessthreats to the process from the right and left, includ-ing threats of violence, and worked intensively tohelp people stay the course. With some of the recal-citrant parties, U.S. encouragement played an espe-cially influential role.

“On virtually every issue that came up in the nego-tiations, the United States provided expertise on site oraccess to expertise in the United States—federalism,fiscal arrangements in a federal system, parliamentaryprocedures, constitutional law, affirmative action.”

In the area of assistance, the embassy combinedthe talents of the U.S. Agency for InternationalDevelopment and the U.S. Information Agency(USIA), transferring money from the former to thelatter to provide more flexibility, Lyman notes. Forexample, when sanctions still in effect prevented mil-itary training, the embassy used USIA money to senda mixed team of the ANC’s armed wing and SouthAfrican Defense Force officers to the United States,fostering communication and mutual respect betweenthem. Additionally, the United States funded train-ing for nearly every conflict resolution organization inSouth Africa. During the election process, it spent

some $40 million on voter education and support forthe Independent Election Commission.

Still, it would be a mistake to focus only on officialacts of diplomacy, aid, and support, Lyman stresses.For at least a decade before the negotiations betweenthe African National Congress and the SouthAfrican government, American foundations had beenproviding to opponents of apartheid a variety ofscholarships, financial support, and access to thefinest minds in America and to its best institutions.Moreover, the U.S. civil rights community made theanti-apartheid movement its own, giving it moral,political, and financial support, and exercised overtime major influence on U.S. policy. European coun-tries and institutions provided similar help.

“While South Africans had the requisite skills toresolve their own conflict, the United States provideda substantial boost to the process,” Lyman concludes.“In societies that lack conflict resolution skills, itbehooves the international community to invest inbuilding them, no matter how long it takes.”

U.S. Interests and the Asian Financial Crisis

The U.S. government must integrate economic andsecurity policymaking more effectively if authoritiesare to better manage future economic crises in theincreasingly interdependent 21st century, says CarolGiacomo, a senior fellow at the U.S. Institute ofPeace. During her fellowship year, Giacomo, who isthe State Department correspondent for ReutersNews Agency, focused on “Economic Strategy inU.S. Foreign Policy.”

Using Thailand, Indonesia, and South Korea ascase studies, Giacomo concludes that Washington hada mixed record of responding to security and economicchallenges triggered by the 1997–99 Asian financialcrisis. Although by 2000 the region was recovering, in1997 and 1998 U.S. officials feared the Asian melt-down would spread around the globe and undermineeven the robust American economy. With little warn-ing, the underpinnings of democracy and the interna-tional financial system seemed quite vulnerable.

The study looks at the rising importance of theU.S. Treasury Department, the weakened position ofthe U.S. State Department, and how these agenciesand their leaders affected policymaking during the cri-sis. Washington, like the rest of the world, was caughtunawares by Asia’s economic tsunami, Giacomo notes.While a worldwide disaster was averted—no small

Fe l l owship Project Re p o r t s

Princeton N.Lyman

Carol Giacomo

ArjunaParakrama

11achievement—the U.S.-led rescue effort was a flawedmodel for coping with future similar catastrophes,says Giacomo. Treasury, the traditional lead on inter-national economics, dominated U.S. decision-mak-ing. It frequently felt that policy options offered bythe State Department were empty or uninspired. Statesometimes felt its advice was not sufficiently heeded.An interagency process, which sought to coordinatepolicymaking among disparate agencies, was not initi-ated until four months after the crisis began, Giacomosays. “There remains a wide divide in the U.S. gov-ernment between economic and national security spe-cialists. State has few people who can hold their ownwith Treasury on international economic matters.The White House fared better but even there, theinstitution created to ensure coordination of economicpolicy with other policies—the National EconomicCouncil (NEC)—proved too weak for the task.”

The crisis pointed up the government’s thinexpertise on Southeast Asia in general, a failing thatmade it even harder to make sound judgments as tothe most effective U.S. responses, especially regard-ing Indonesia. It underscored that in a world inwhich economic events and strategies are an increas-ing component of U.S. national interests, changesmust be made in government processes and attitudesto ensure that economic, diplomatic, and militaryconcerns are fully integrated in national security poli-cy. Among Giacomo’s recommendations: abolish theNEC and bring international economic policy backunder the National Security Council (NSC), andensure that the Treasury secretary remains a perma-nent member of the NSC.

Elites Perpetuate Sri Lanka’s Civil War

To resolve the long, deadly civil war in Sri Lanka, itis necessary to work outside of traditional statistdiplomacy, says Arjuna Parakrama, a senior fellowat the U.S. Institute of Peace. The war essentially is apower struggle among elites who are using religionand ethnicity as a cover for their ulterior motives, heargues. “The elites in Sri Lanka are part of the prob-lem. It is they who are generating the conflict. Youhave to go to the ordinary people for a solution.”

Parakrama, former dean of the faculty of arts atthe University of Colombo, is a cultural theorist andhuman rights activist who has worked extensively atthe grassroots level in Sri Lanka. That country’s 17-year-long civil war has cost some 70,000 lives,leaving hundreds of thousands of others maimed andbillions of dollars of damage to the country’s infra-structure. Some 585,000 persons have been internallydisplaced, with about 250,000 international refugees.

The Rev. Theodore M. Hesburgh, a member ofthe Institute’s Board of Directors since 1991, wasawarded the Congressional Gold Medal—one ofthe nation’s highest civilian honors—in a specialceremony at the U.S. Capitol on July 13. PresidentClinton presented the award on behalf of Congressin recognition of Hesburgh’s many distinguishedcontributions to civil rights, higher education, andthe global humanitarian community.

In his remarks, Clinton praised Hesburgh as “aservant and child of God, a genuine American patriot, and a citizen of the world.” AddressingHesburgh, Clinton said that those who have beenprivileged to know him, “in any way, in any of yourmany capacities, know that your greatness, whichled to all this achievement, was rooted in yourunderstanding of our common humanity and ourcommon tie as children of God.” Hesburgh retiredas president of the University of Notre Dame in1987, after a 35-year career in which he distin-guished himself as a leader in higher educationinternationally. He now serves as president emeritus.

Among his many accomplishments, Hesburghhas held 15 presidential appointments, workingwith Democratic and Republican administrationsalike. He was a charter member of the United StatesCommission on Civil Rights in 1957 and served asits chair in 1969–72. As a member of the board ofthe Overseas Development Council, he led an ini-tiative to avert mass starvation in Cambodia in thelate 1970s. In recognition of his contributions topublic service, President Lyndon B. Johnson award-ed him the Presidential Medal of Freedom in 1964.

“We are honored to have ‘Father Ted’ on ourboard,” said Institute president Richard H. Solomon.“With his wisdom and experience, he unflagginglyprovides a strong moral compass to help guide us indeveloping nonviolent solutions to world conflict.”

Other notable recipients of the CongressionalGold Medal include Winston Churchill, MotherTheresa, Nelson Mandela, and Colin Powell.

H e s b u r g hAwa r d e dC o n g r e s -sional G o l dM e d a l

See Fellowship Projects, page 15

12S h o r tTa ke sPreventing War in the Taiwan Strait

Current tensions across the Taiwan Strait clamorfor creative statecraft to prevent a return to hos-tile confrontation, says Richard H. Solomon, presi-dent of the U.S. Institute of Peace. “The UnitedStates has serious interests at stake in the straitregion,” he notes. “We have an opportunity to exertsignificant influence on the evolution toward a politi-cal process that would benefit all parties.”

At the invitation of the American Institute inTaiwan, Solomon joined the U.S. delegation to theinauguration of Taiwan’s new president, Chen Shui-bian, in May. Following the visit, Solomon andPatrick M. Cronin, director of the Institute ofPeace’s Research and Studies Program, wrote an op-ed analysis on preventing war in the strait thatappeared in the Los Angeles Times on June 19. Chen’sinauguration opened up an opportunity to return tocross-strait dialogue, they say. Their recommenda-tions for U.S. policy include the following:

■ Quietly facilitate “Track II” encounters amongofficials and relevant experts from both sides of thestrait until an official dialogue gains traction and,thereafter, support the formal process. [In February,the Institute of Peace supported a dialogue among 22Chinese scholars and officials from Taiwan and themainland. See the April issue of Peace Watch.]

■ Urge all parties to adhere to a period of condi-tional military restraint in which no party would uni-laterally change the military balance. The UnitedStates should avoid provocative arms sales or evendeclaratory policies at this delicate time while main-taining its support for Taiwan’s security. Beijingshould have no doubt about the support for Taiwan’sdefense in the U.S. Congress. Thus, the UnitedStates would predicate such restraint on reciprocalrestraint by the mainland and Taiwan.

Trials for the Khmer Rouge

Cambodia and the international community havereached a critical stage in the long process ofbringing senior Khmer Rouge leaders to justice, saysDavid Scheffer, U.S. ambassador-at-large for warcrimes issues. He discussed the recent negotiations toestablish a joint national-international tribunal inCambodia to prosecute senior members of theKhmer Rouge for their crimes in the 1970s, and theprospects for such trials, at the U.S. Institute ofPeace on July 19. Some 30 senior administrationofficials, human rights advocates, and international

lawyers attended theoff-the-record round-table discussion orga-nized by theInstitute’s Rule ofLaw Program.

Scheffer briefed thegroup on the basicframework set forthin the recent draft tri-bunal law and thedraft agreement

between the United Nations and the government ofCambodia to establish such a tribunal in PhnomPenh. The subsequent discussion focused on severalkey themes, including the role of the United Nationsand the international community in establishing thetribunal and implementing its mandate; the goals ofjustice and reconciliation in Cambodia, which haveheretofore proved elusive; and the structure of thetribunal, which will be a Cambodian court with theparticipation of international judges and prosecutors.

The ongoing process in Cambodia offers anothervitally important model for dealing with violations ofinternational humanitarian law—a mixed nationaland international tribunal in which the internationalcommunity and a sovereign state work together tobring perpetrators to justice.

Third-Party Mediations: Herding Cats

Today, peacemaking efforts frequently include anumber of mediators and other third-partyactors—peacekeeping forces, development agencies,nongovernmental organizations (NGOs), and lone

R i g h t : D a v i dS c h e f f e r

Left to right:David Maloneand ChesterC r o c k e r

operators—all hoping to stem or stop the conflict.Such a profusion of actors often makes peacemakingefforts complex, difficult, and at times chaotic, rais-ing a number of questions: Are these multipartymediations good or bad? How can they be bettermanaged? Have we learned lessons over the pastdecade that will produce better third-party interven-tions and better peace settlements?

In an effort to address these issues, U.S. Instituteof Peace board chairman Chester A. Crocker,Institute president Richard H. Solomon, and Alvarode Soto, special representative of the UN secretary-general for Cyprus, spoke at a June 6 symposiumorganized by the International Peace Academy (IPA)in New York. The event was held in conjunctionwith the publication of Herding Cats: MultipartyMediation in a Complex World, edited by Crocker,Fen Osler Hampson, and Pamela Aall and publishedby the Institute of Peace Press.

A collection of 21 first-hand accounts of mediationin Europe, Africa, Asia, Central America, and LatinAmerica, the volume illuminates such underexploredaspects of mediation as the comparative advantage ofdifferent mediators and mediating institutes, and thestrategic effect that any third-party intervention hason international peace and security.

The three speakers at the IPA event discussedchapters they contributed to the book. Crocker, aprofessor at Georgetown University, who was theprincipal diplomatic architect and mediator in theAngola/Namibia negotiations in 1981–88, set theframework for the session by examining the essentialconditions of a successful peacemaking effort.Solomon, who was assistant secretary of state forEast Asian and Pacific affairs in 1989–92, headed theU.S. negotiations that led to a Cambodian peace set-tlement and the development of an approach to nor-malizing relations with Vietnam. He has writtenabout those efforts in detail in Exiting Indochina: U.S.Leadership of the Cambodia Settlement andNormalization with Vietnam, published recently byUSIP Press. De Soto, formerly the under secretaryfor political affairs and the secretary-general’s person-al representative to the El Salvador peace process,discussed lessons learned from the UN experience inmediating that intensive civil war.

13SENIOR FELLOWS

Daniel Benjamin, director for transnational threats, NationalSecurity Council, “U.S. Responses to Genocide,” in residenceJanuary–October 2000

Lt. Col. Donna Boltz, United States Army, project to bedetermined, in residence September 2000–June 2001

Stojan Cerovic, columnist, Vreme, Belgrade, “The Future of theFederal Republic of Yugoslavia,” in residence February–November2000

Richard Christenson, deputy chief of mission, U.S. Embassy,Seoul, “Security and Peace in Northeast Asia,” in residenceSeptember 2000–July 2001

Jean-Marc Coicaud, senior academic officer and researchdirector, UN University, Tokyo, “Multilateralism and Superpower:Dilemmas of International Democratic Culture,” October2000–July 2001

Graham Day, district administrator, Oecussi District,UNTAYET, East Timor, “Policekeeping: Public Security inFailed States,” October 2000–July 2001

Neil Hicks, senior program coordinator (Middle East), LawyersCommittee for Human Rights, “The Crisis of Human RightsImplementation in the Middle East and North Africa,” October2000–July 2001

Kim Chong-Whi, former national security adviser to the presidentof South Korea, “Policy Options for the Republic of Korea and theUnited States toward North Korea and the Unification of Korea,”October 2000–July 2001

Violeta Petroska-Beska, professor of education, University of Sts.Cyril and Methodius, Skopje, Macedonia, “Education forInterculturalism: Learning to Live Together in a MulticulturalSociety,” October 2000–July 2001

Dana Priest, Defense Department correspondent, WashingtonPost, “Civil-Military Relations in the Formulation and Executionof American Foreign Policy,” October 2000–April 2001 (guestscholar)

Henryk Sokalski, former assistant secretary general, UnitedNations, “UNPREDEP in Macedonia: A Blueprint for EarlyConflict Prevention,” October 2000–July 2001

PEACE SCHOLARS

Jennie Burnet, Department of Anthropology, University ofNorth Carolina, Chapel Hill, “Crisis as Opportunity: Women andReconciliation in Rwanda”

Michele Commercio, Department of Political Science,University of Pennsylvania, “Contentious Peace in Kyrgyzstan,Kazakhstan, and Latvia”

Kristine Herrmann, School of International Service, AmericanUniversity, “Implementing or Impairing Democracy: Lessons inDemocratization Assistance”

Ronald Krebs, Department of Political Science, ColumbiaUniversity, “A School for the Nation? Military Institutions andthe Boundaries of Nationality”

Alan Kuperman, Department of Political Science, MassachusettsInstitute of Technology, “Tragic Challenges: How and WhyCommunal Groups Provoke Genocidal Retaliation”

TheInstitute’sboard of direc-tors has select-ed the2000–2001senior fellows(residentawards) andpeace scholars(non-residentdissertationawards) in theJenningsRandolphProgram forInternationalPeace.

14

And yet these figures fail to assessor convey the war’s heavy humantoll, Parakrama says.

His fellowship project, “Resist-ing the Crossfire: Border Villagesin Sri Lanka’s Civil War,” debunkspopular explanations for the con-flict in Sri Lanka in part bydemonstrating the fluid and provi-sional nature of identity amongordinary villagers living in bordercommunities. “In the border vil-lages I studied, religion was neveran issue,” he says. “The simplisticcausal explanations that have takenroot in academic discourse on SriLanka’s war—that it is a religiouswar between Buddhists and Hindus,or an ethnic war between culturallydistinct and unmixed Sinhala andTamil groups—are made unten-able by the rich complexity ofthese villagers’ lives,” he notes.

Such simplistic explanationsalso fail to consider class-basedalliances and schisms, religiouscoalitions, other ethnicities, andthe many people of mixed her-itage. Those at the margins of theconflict demonstrate radically dif-ferent options that display toler-ance and plurality as they resolvetheir conflicts on a daily basis atthe village level.

“Many elites derive power andprofit from the conflict,”Parakrama says. “War is big busi-ness, a self-perpetuating exercise.The initiative to end the fightingis now in the hands of people whoare not really committed to peace.”

Past constitutional reformshave failed to truly change a sys-tem that keeps power in thehands of particular families, net-works, and groups. Parakramaconcludes that whatever constitu-tional reform may be recom-mended, it will not end the con-flict unless it ensures that power iseffectively shared on the ground.

Articles by JON B. ALTERMAN,program officer in Research andStudies, appeared in the followingpublications: “Ruling is Tough forJordan’s Abdullah—For Syria’sBashar, It’s Even Tougher,”Outlook Section of theWashington Post on June 18;“Peacebuilding and the Limits ofTechnology,” Palestine-IsraelJournal, Summer 2000; “CountingNodes and Counting Noses:Researching New Media in theMiddle East,” Middle EastJournal, Summer 2000.

Board chairman CHESTER A.CROCKER testified on the pre-elections crisis in Zimbabwebefore the House InternationalRelations Committee, Sub-Committee on Africa, on June 13.

PATRICK M. CRONIN, director ofResearch and Studies, lectured on“Coercive Diplomacy” forDavidson College’s WashingtonProgram on June 13. The Centerfor Strategic and InternationalStudies has invited Cronin to par-ticipate in a year-long project toidentify and recruit future

Fe l l owship ProjectsContinued from page 11 I n s t i t u t ePe o p l e

New Director of Grant ProgramThe Institute welcomes Judy Barsalou asthe new director of the Grant Program.Before coming to the Institute, Barsalouwas a program officer at the JerusalemFund, Center for Policy Analysis onPalestine, in Washington, D.C. In1996–99, she served as executive directorof the Middle East Research andInformation Project, which publishes theMiddle East Report. Barsalou was directorof academic programs at the Institute of Government Affairs,University of California at Davis, in 1992–95, and she served as princi-pal negotiator for the Office of Research at Davis in 1991–92. In thatcapacity, she developed and negotiated research contracts and agree-ments with academic institutions; private industry; and local, state, andfederal agencies.

In 1984–90, she was a program officer at the Ford Foundation,where she developed, monitored, and evaluated grants supportingresearch, training, and institutional development in international rela-tions, economics, governance, and public policy. She also created andmanaged the foundation’s Middle East Research Competition(MERC), a regional social science competition designed to extendoutreach to non–Western trained scholars.

Barsalou earned a bachelor’s degree at the University of Californiaat Berkeley in 1976; a master of arts in 1979 and a master of philoso-phy in 1980, both at Columbia University; and a doctorate in compar-ative politics at Columbia in 1985. She also earned a Middle EastInstitute certificate at Columbia in 1980. She replaces David Smock,who heads the Institute’s new Religion and Peacemaking Program.

1515

American leaders in foreign andinternational policy.

DEBRA LIANG FENTON, programofficer in Research and Studies,discussed “The Role of the U.S.Institute of Peace in ConflictManagement” at the 16th annualWorld Affairs Conference held atMarymount University inArlington, Va., June 26–29. Theconference was sponsored by theRotary Club of Springfield, Va.

An essay by Institute presidentRICHARD H. SOLOMON andPATRICK M. CRONIN, director ofResearch and Studies, on prevent-ing war in the Taiwan Straitappeared in the Los Angeles Times on June 19 and in the St.Petersburg Times of Russia on June 23.

WILLIAM A. STUEBNER, adviserto the Rule of Law Program, dis-cussed the possibilities for peaceand reconciliation in Bosnia-Herzegovina at the SrebrenicaReport Symposium held by theUnited Nations in New York Cityon July 11.

Institute board member ALLENWEINSTEIN, president of theCenter for Democracy, led abipartisan group of center direc-tors that monitored the Russianpresidential election last spring.Weinstein recently discussed cur-rent Russian-U.S. relations at theNational Archives and theKennan Institute. His essays onpresidents Theodore Rooseveltand Harry Truman appear in “Tothe Best of My Ability”: TheAmerican Presidents, published inAugust by the Society ofAmerican Historians.

The Library of Congress namedMax M. Kampelman, vice chairof the Institute’s Board ofDirectors, a “Living Legend” onApril 24 as part of the library’sbicentennial celebrations. In aletter announcing the award,James Billington, Librarian ofCongress, cited Kampelman forhis “accomplishments as a publicservant and as a pioneering, per-severing, and deeply effectivedefender of human rights.”Billington noted thatKampelman’s achievements“have influenced our nation andenriched our culture.”

Kampelman distinguishedhimself in public service onmany occasions, including ashead of the U.S. delegation tomeetings on the Conference onSecurity and Cooperation inEurope, held in Madrid in1980–83 and in Moscow in1991; and as head of the U.S.delegation to the Negotiationson Nuclear and Space Arms in1985–89.

On June 1, Kampelmanreceived the 2000 JewishLeadership Award from theWashington Institute for JewishLeadership and Values.

Ka m p e l m a nH o n o r e d

The Institute conducts anannual solicited grant com-petition on themes and top-ics of special interest. For furtherelaboration of the solicited granttopics as well as applicationmaterials, please call, write, orvisit our web site at:www.usip.org.

UNITED STATES INSTITUTE OF PEACEGrant Program1200 17th Street NW, Suite 200Washington, DC 20036-3011

(202) 429-3842Fax (202) 429-6063 e-mail: grant_program@usip.org

The closing date for receipt ofsolicited grant applications isDecember 29, 2000. Awardsannouncements will be made inearly April.

Solicitation A Po s t -C o n f l i c tPeacebuilding

Solicitation BA s i a - Pa c i f i c

Solicitation CThe Balka n s

Solicitation DTr a i n i n g

2001 S o l i c i t e dGrants

2001 S o l i c i t e dGrants

United States Institute of Peace1200 17th Street NW, Suite 200Washington, DC 20036-3011

ADDRESS CORRECTION REQUESTED

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Korea Working GroupIn addition to Current Issues Briefings andrelated events on Korea held over the years atthe Institute, the Research and Studies Programhas convened a Korea Working Group since1993. The group, currently under the directionof Patrick M. Cronin, director of the Researchand Studies Program, and program officerWilliam A. Drennan, brings together leadingpolicymakers, government officials, andscholars to discuss issues and developmentsimpacting the peninsula. Most of the SpecialReports listed below resulted from workinggroup meetings. (See page 8.)

G r a n t sSince 1984, the Institute of Peace has awarded24 grants totaling $763,953 for conflictmanagement and resolution projects relatingdirectly to the Korean Peninsula.

B o o ks ■ Negotiating on the Edge: North Korean

Negotiating Behavior by Scott Snyder (USIPPress, 1999)

Re p o r t sTo receive a copy of the following reports,write to the Institute’s Office ofCommunications, call 202-429-3832, or visitour web site at www.usip.org.■ The Politics of Famine in North Korea, by

Andrew Natsios (Special Report, August1999)

■ Mistrust and the Korean Peninsula: Dangersof Miscalculation (Special Report,November 1998)

■ “Trialogue”: U.S.-Japan-China Relations andAsian-Pacific Stability (Special Report,September 1998)

■ Challenges of Building a Korean PeaceProcess: Political and Economic Transitionon the Korean Peninsula (Special Report,June 1998)

■ North Korea’s Decline and China’s StrategicDilemmas (Special Report, October 1997)

■ A Coming Crisis on the Korean Peninsula?The Food Crisis, Economic Decline, andPolitical Considerations (Special Report,October 1996)

■ North Korea’s Nuclear Program: Challengeand Opportunity for American Policy(Special Report, March 1994)

■ The North Korean Nuclear Challenge: ThePost–Kim Il Sung Phase Begins (SpecialReport, December 1994)

Senior Fe l l owsThe following senior fellows in the Institute’sJennings Randolph Fellowship Program havebeen or will be focusing their fellowshipresearch on Korea:■ Richard Christenson, deputy chief of mis-

sion, U.S. Embassy, Seoul, “Security andPeace in Northeast Asia,” 2000–2001

■ Kim Chong-Whi, former national securityadviser to the president of South Korea,“Policy Options for the Republic of Korea

and the United States toward North Koreaand the Unification of Korea,” 2000–2001

■ Vladimir Ivanov, head of the Asia-PacificRegional Studies Department, Institute ofWorld Economy and International Relations,Moscow, “The Prospects for Peace andConflict in the Western Pacific Region andNortheast Asia in the Post-Communist Era,”1992–93

■ Yang Lee, former director-general of theSouth Korean Foreign Ministry, “Peace-building on the Korean Peninsula,”1993–94

Guest ScholarsMoon Moo-Hong, Park Chan-Bong

Peace ScholarsThe following peace scholars have written theirdissertations on issues impacting the KoreanPeninsula.■ Katherine Burns, Department of Political

Science, MIT, “Subnational Power andMultilateral Cooperation in Northeast Asia,”1996–97

■ Carla P. Freeman, Department of ChinaStudies, Nitze School of AdvancedInternational Studies, Johns HopkinsUniversity, “The Foreign Relations of aDecentralizing State: China’s Northeast inPost-Mao Asia,” 1995–96

Ko r e aU.S. Institute of Peace Work on