KNOWLEDGEANDPOWERINAN

OVERHEATEDWORLD

EditedbyThomasHyllandEriksenandElisabethSchober

DepartmentofSocialAnthropology

UniversityofOslo

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FirstpublishedinOctober2017by

DepartmentofSocialAnthropology

UniversityofOslo

P.O.box1091

Blindern

N-0317Oslo

October2017

©DepartmentofSocialAnthropology,UniversityofOslo

Allrightsreserved.

Nopartofthispublicationmaybereproducedinanyformorbyanymeanswithoutthewritten

permissionofDepartmentofSocialAnthropology,UniversityofOslo.

Knowledgeandpowerinanoverheatedworld

EditedbyThomasHyllandEriksenandElisabethSchober

ISBN:978-82-7720-200-6

http://www.sai.uio.no

ArtDirectionbyMariaKartveit,maria@meetingroomfour.com

CoverphotobyWonhoLee,defender.of.kimchi@gmail.com

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TABLEOFCONTENTS

1.Introduction:Knowledgeregimesinanoverheatedworld........................p.7

ThomasHyllandEriksenandElisabethSchober

2.MovementsontheMountain:regimesofsovereignsustainabilityin

Nepal................................................................................................................................................p.20

BenCampbell

INTRODUCTIONPOST-AGRARIANVILLAGELIFEMORALECONOMYOFSUBSISTENCE:CONTEXTSOFWAR,MIGRATION,FEDERALINDIGENEITIES,AND

CLIMATECHANGEENERGYANDPOWERREGIMETRANSITIONSMOVEMENTONTHEMOUNTAIN:REGIMERESISTANCEANDFLOWS.CHRISTIANITYANDGLOBALCITIZENSHIP?CONCLUSIONREFERENCES

3.TheFrailtyofPower.ElectricityGenerationandSustainableLivelihoodsin

Zambales,Philippines...............................................................................................................p.46

ElisabethSchober

ABSTRACTINTRODUCTION:ASOLIDFACTONTHEGROUND?THEPHILIPPINEDOUBLE-BINDBETWEENECONOMICGROWTHANDECOLOGICALSURVIVAL

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ANANTHROPOLOGYOFLABOUR,ENERGYANDINFRASTRUCTURETWOENERGYDISPUTESCONCLUSIONREFERENCES

4.ConflictingregimesofknowledgeaboutGladstoneHarbour:Adramainfour

acts........................................................................................................................................................p.72

ThomasHyllandEriksen

ABSTRACTACT1.THEEARLYDAYSOFDREDGING,ANDINTRODUCINGTHEDRAMATISPERSONAEACT2:THEENDOFCOMMERCIALFISHINGINGLADSTONEACT3:DISAGREEMENTSAMONGTHEEXPERTSACT4:THEBUNDWALLSCANDALEPILOGUE:ONTRUST,POWERANDKNOWLEDGEREFERENCES

5.TinkeringwithKnowledge:RepresentationalPracticesandScalinginU.S.

ThinkTanks...................................................................................................................................p.98

ChristinaGarsten

ABSTRACTINTRODUCTION:THINKTANKSAS‘SITESFORNORMATIVITY’THINKNOWLEDGE,THICKDESCRIPTIONBRICOLAGEANDTHECREATIVETINKERINGWITHKNOWLEDGEREPRESENTATIONALPRACTICES:‘DISTANCIATION’AND‘PROXIMATION’DISRUPTIONCONCLUDINGNOTES:POLICYBRICOLEURSANDTHEMAKINGOFSOFTPOWERREFERENCES

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6.SafetyinNumbers:whyeveryonelistenstoeconomists...............................p.126

DesmondMcNeill

ABSTRACTINTRODUCTIONVALUINGTIMESAVINGSVALUINGHUMANLIFEVALUINGNATUREVALUINGFUTUREGENERATIONSSAFETYINNUMBERSREFERENCES

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1.Introduction:Knowledgeregimesinan

overheatedworld

ThomasHyllandEriksenandElisabethSchober

Suddenly,weseemtoliveinatimedominatedby‘fakenews’,‘alternativefacts’,

conspiracytheories,scepticismofscientificresearch,partialaccountsparadingas

‘therealtruthwhichhashithertobeenconcealedfromus,thepeople’,revolts

againstallegedlysmugacademicelitesanddistantpoliticalelites–atimewhere

YouTubevideosclaimingresearchintoclimatechangetobeascamgetfarmore

viewersthanvideospresentingthescienceofclimatechange.Inthisworld,where

theauthorityofscienceandempiricalmethodsisbeingquestionedandwhereeven

worldleadersmaybrushasideuncomfortablefactsas‘fakenews’,itisincreasingly

difficulttoknowwhoseknowledgetotrust.Thisinsightisthestartingpointofthis

slimcollectionofarticles,whichhasgrownoutofaworkshoporganisedbytheERC

AdvGrproject‘Overheating:TheThreeCrisesofGlobalisation’inOsloin20151.We

areverypleasedtobeabletoofferthesetextsasafreee-book,notleastconsidering

thefactthatitssubject-matterisknowledge.Inthisintroduction,wegiveabrief

outlineofthestudyofknowledgeregimesinanthropologyandrelateddisciplines

beforepresentingthee-book,butfirst,somecontextonaccelerationand

overheatingisrequired.

Theaccelerationandintensificationofglobalprocesseshasledto“overheating”

acrosstheworld,inthesensethatchangenowtakesplacefasterandwithmore

wide-rangingconsequencesthanbefore(cf.Eriksen2015,2016).Globalization,in

itstwenty-firstcenturymanifestation,canbedescribedasacomplexanduneven

development,markedbycriseswhichareincreasinglyperceivedasbeingglobalin

character,butwhichremainlocalintheireffects.Economicdownturns,inequalities

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andalienationresultingfromglobalneoliberalism,environmentaldestructionand

climatechangeareallfamiliarsourcesofdestabilisationinourdayandage,withthe

nexusofknowledgeandpower–contested,changing,butoftenhegemonic–beinga

privilegedsitefortheexplorationofthecrisesofglobalisation.Inordertostudythe

particularsocioculturalconfigurationsthatemergeinresponsetofast,typically

exogenouschange,thecontributingauthorstakeacomparativeandethnographic

approachtoaddresstherelationshipbetweenknowledgeandpower.Weaskhow

differentkindsofknowledgearebeingarticulatedwitheachotherinsituationsof

socialorculturaltransformation,towhatextentandinwhatwaysoneformof

knowledgebecomeshegemonicandpoliticallydecisive,andwhattheconditionsare

foralternativemodesofknowledgetofigureasthebasisforoutrightresistanceor

alternativecoursesofaction.

Whetheritisplannedorunplanned,rapidchangehasunintendedside-effects,is

understooddifferentlybypeopleindifferentsubjectpositions,andtendstobe

contestedbythosewhoareimmediatelyaffectednegativelybythechanges.The

transformationsweexplorerangefromphysicalinfrastructuresbeingbuiltto

transnationalpolicyimplementationandpoliticalmachinations.Acoupleof

chaptersalsofocusontheproductionofknowledgeitselfasafieldofcontestation.

Thecasesexploredaremarkedbygreatinternalheterogeneitywhenitcomesto

makingsenseofchange:actorsandstakeholdersnotonlyrespondindifferentways,

butfrequentlyunderstandthesituationinwhichtheyfindthemselvesdifferentlyas

well.Inconnectionwithlarge-scaleconstructionprojects,investors,politicians,

media,NGOsandlocalsdirectlyaffectedperceivetheseprocessesandtheir

implicationsdifferently,drawingondifferentsourcesofknowledgeand

representingdifferentinterestsandagendas.Frequently,‘expertknowledge’is

contrastedwith‘experience-basedknowledge’,butaswilleventuallybeargued,

differentkindsofdisembedded‘expertknowledge’mayalsoclash,aswhen

independentresearchersreachresultsatoddswithreportscommissionedby

industryorgovernment.

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Thecontrastbetweenembodiedandcognitiveknowledgehashistoricallybeen

importantinanthropologicalresearchonknowledgeregimesandtheirrelationship

tothesocialworld.Anexceptionallyrichandfertilefieldofresearchandtheorising,

thestudyofformsofknowledgehasformanyyearsraisedepistemological,

methodologicalandindeedontologicalquestionswithintheanthropological

discourseaboutculturaldiversity.ThegreatrationalitydebatefollowingWinch's

(1964)critiqueofEvans-Pritchard’sanalysisofAzandeknowledgeaboutwitches,

summedupinthelatter'sassumptionthatwitchesdonotreallyexist(Evans-

Pritchard1983[1937])comestomindhere(adiscussionthatitselfwasanindirect

descendantofthecontroversyaroundtheSapir-Whorfhypothesisonthelinguistic

constructionofreality).Questionsconcerningtranslation,commensurability,

hegemonicknowledgeandethnocentricbiasweretakenupandrephrasedmuch

morerecentlybyViveirosdeCastro(2004)andhisfollowers,whogobeyond

theorisingaboutknowledgeandrationalityinarguingthatworldsinhabitedby

humansmayberadicallydifferent”allthewaydown”.Ourcontributors,however,

assumethattherelevantaspectsofknowledgesystemsandregimescanbestudied,

understoodandcomparedbyusingtheconventionalmethodsofanthropological

fieldwork,interpretation,translationandcomparison.Themultiple,often

convergingcrisesofglobalisation,weargue,arebestaddressedbyunderstanding

howknowledgeconstructionsrelatetopowerandchange,ratherthanbypondering

the(im-)possibilityofknowingtheother.

Returningtothecontrastbetweencognitiveandembodiedknowledge,theGreek

conceptofhabituswasmostfamouslydevelopedincontemporarysocialtheoryby

PierreBourdieu(1977),whoinhistheoryofpracticesoughttocometotermswith

powerasamultidimensionalphenomenonexpressedthroughsymbolicandcultural

strugglesevenifitwasconstitutedinpoliticsandtheeconomy.Habitus,atermwith

itsoriginsinAristotle'sphilosophy,wastheconnectingpointbetweenindividual

actorsandthelargersystem,aformofinternalisedknowledgesituatedinthebody

thatsignalstheimplicitandnonverbalrulesofaparticularconfiguration.Aclose

relativeofConnerton's(1989)conceptofhabit-memoryinspiredbyMaurice

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Halbwachs'sociologyofsocialmemory,habitusortacit,embodiedknowledgehas

representedamethodologicalchallengetoanthropologists;itisunderstoodby

doing,notbytalking(seee.g.HastrupandHervik1994).Thepresentendeavourfor

themostpartdoesnotaddresstheissueofhowknowledgebecomesembodied,but

insteadraisesquestionsabouttherelationshipbetweendifferentkindsof

knowledgeregimes(whichusuallyexpressthemselvesincognitiveways)andtheir

respectiverelationshiptopower.Infact,Bourdieu's(1977)distinctionbetween

doxaandopinionmightbemoreusefulforthetaskathandthanhisconceptof

habitus,withdoxabeingtheimplicitlyheldbeliefsthatareusuallynotverbalised,

butsimplytakenforgranted.Doxaisthusunquestioned,whileopinionisrecognised

asbeingopentodisagreement.

Onefamilyofapproachesthathasinspiredthepresentprojectisthatassociated

withEdwardSaid'sOrientalism(Said1978)andpostcolonialtheory,Michel

Foucault'sarchaeologyofknowledge(Foucault1970),JamesScott'scontrastingof

abstractstateknowledgeandconcretelocalknowledge(Scott1998)aswellas

BruceKapferer'sstudiesofideologyandstatepower(Kapferer2011,Hobartand

Kapferer2012).Allthesebidstoconnectideology,knowledgeandpowerare

indebtedtoAntonioGramsci's(1971)Marxisttheoryofhegemony,originally

formulatedwhenGramsciwasaprisonerunderMussolini'sFascistregimeinthe

1930s.

Inaddition,someothersourcesofinspirationforthisprojectconcerntheformsof

cognitiveknowledgethathavebeenstudiedcomparativelyinanthropologyproper.

JackGoody'simportantworkonliteracyandthestate(e.g.Goody1977)usefully,if

controversially,distinguishesbetweenkindsofknowledgeandmemoryproducedin

oralandliteratesettings.Thetitleofhismostinfluentialtheoreticalstatementon

theissue,TheDomesticationoftheSavageMind,issuggestiveofhisproject,namely

toplacetheLévi-Straussian(1962)comparisonbetweentheingenieurandthe

bricoleurfirmlyonitsfeetinhistoryandsociety.Barth'slatercomparisonbetween

theguruandtheconjurer(Barth1990)distinguishesbetweenknowledge

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economiesandmodesoftransmission–theBalineseguru,heargues,derives

authorityandsymbolicpowerfrominstructingandteachingasmanyaspossible,

whiletheBaktamanritualleaderinNewGuineaholdshisknowledgebackand

sharesitonlywithahandfulofhigh-rankinginitiates.

Ananthropologistwhoworkedonalargecanvas,historicallyaswellas

geographically,wasEricWolf,whoseunderstandingofpowerisworthbringingup

here.Wolfdistinguishesbetweenfourdifferentmodesofpower:1)powerasthe

attributeofaperson;2)powerastheabilityofonepersontoimposetheirwillon

another;3)tacticalororganisationalpowerthatallowssometocircumscribethe

actionofother;andfinally4)structuralpower,whichisaformofpowerthat

regulatesthepoliticaleconomy.Thislastform,Wolfargues,“is(…)powerthatnot

onlyoperateswithinsettingsordomainsbutthatalsoorganisesandorchestrates

thesettingsthemselves”(Wolf1982:586).“Structuralpower”,hefurtherascertains,

“shapesthefieldofactionsoastorendersomekindsofbehaviorpossible,while

makingotherslesspossibleorimpossible”(Wolf1982:587).Byconceptualising

powerthus,Wolfshowsitsintrinsicrelationshiptoknowledge,orrepresentations

oftheworldandhumanpotentials,asconditionsforthemaintenanceor

transcendenceofthestatusquo.

Whatarguablyconnectsallthesedifferentanthropologicalenterprisesmentioned

here–fromGoody’ssweepingregionalanalysis,toBarth’scomparisonof

knowledgeregimes,toWolf’shistoricalanalysisoftherelationshipofknowledgeto

differentformsofpower,isanimplicitunderstandingthattheknowledge/power

nexusisscaledinanalyticallysignificantways.Wolf’smodesofpowerinvolve

increasingdegreesofdistanceandcomplexityasheshiftsfrompurely

individualisedformsofpowertothatofpotentiallyglobe-spanningpolitical

economy.Barth,whohadeditedavolumeentitledScaleandSocialOrganizationin

1978,seemstotakehisargumentofhowguruknowledgetravelsacrossmuch

greatersocialandgeographicaldistancesduetoitsmodeoftransmissionintoa

complementarydirection,notwithstandinghisadherencetoaverydifferent

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anthropologicalprojectthanWolf.He,too,foundhimselfdeeplypuzzledbyhow

“thestressonin-depthcontextualknowledge–onwhichsocialanthropologyis

rightlybased–resultsinamyopiclocalism,sothatwecanonlycompareplacesand

culturesintermsofhighlyabstractedandpartialstructures”(1990:641).

Thecaseswepresenthereseektoactivelyavoid“myopiclocalism”;theyarewritten

intheawarenessthatnotonlyanthropologists,butalsothepeopleweworkwith

drawontransnationaldiscoursesaboute.g.labourrights,climatechangeor

conservation.Theyliveingloballyinterconnectedworlds,andareincreasingly

awareofsomeoftheconnectionsthemselves.Theissuesfacedbylocalstryingto

makesenseofglobalworldsmaybeilluminatedthroughtheconceptofclashing

scales:Local,context-specificformsofknowledgefrequentlycontradict,orsimply

presentadifferentversionofreality,tothestandardised,abstractformsof

knowledgethatmaystemfromthedominantglobaleconomicsystemand/orthe

state(Eriksen2016).Long’s(1989)conceptof‘theinterface’,introducedtoaccount

fortheclashingworldsofnativeSouthAmericansanddevelopmentagencies,

exemplifiesaphenomenonoffarmoregeneralsignificancethanthesinglecasehe

lookedinto:abstractexpertknowledgeusuallyoverruleslocal,partiallyembodied

knowledge.ClashingscalesarealsoattheheartofJamesScott’s(1999)studyof

stateinterventionsaswellasLévi-Strauss’(1977)mournfullamentofthelossof

indigenousworldstothebenefitofaflatteningmodernity.Therefore,ifweareto

lookatknowledgeandpowerunderconditionsof“overheating”,itbecomesa

matterofparamountimportancetounderstandhowpowerisscaled,andhow

knowledgeisbothtransmittedalongthosescalesandbecomesentangledinthe

kindsofconflictsthatarisewhenvariousscalesareconfronted.

Whileourapproachisinformedbytheseauthorsandothers,itisdistinctiveinthat

itemphasisestheproblemsassociatedwithconflictingknowledgesclashinginone

andthesamesocialfield,frequentlyleadingtoopendisagreement,distrustand

challengestovariousclaimsoflegitimacy.When,forexample,thereisaperceptible

gapbetweenexperience-basedknowledgeandexpertknowledge,thedecision-

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makingprocesscomesunderscrutinyandmaybequestionedordeemed

illegitimatebypeopleaffected.Forexample,inassessingtheconditionsforthe

openingofanopen-cutmine,beitinAustraliaorelsewhere,formsofknowledge

mayincludethatofeconomicprofitability(thecorporations,thenational

government),thatofjobs(localpoliticians),thatofecologicalconsequences

(environmentalNGOs),andarangeoflocalknowledgeswhichmayemphasise,e.g.,

changesinthelocalqualityoflife,reducedaccesstowater,increasesinthecostof

living,butalsoincreasedeconomicopportunities.Thereexistdifferent,andoften

conflicting,interpretationsof(and,accordingly,proposedcoursesofaction)

anythingfromeconomiccrises,immigration,environmentalissuesandpolitical

reformtoelectricitygeneration,foreigninvestmentsandindigenousrights.Inspite

ofthemodestnumberofchapters,thise-bookcoversabroadrangeofempirical

cases,butwithasharedanalyticalinterestinknowledgeandpowerinsituationsof

fastchange.

Insum,then,byfocusingonprocessesofchangewithglobal/transnationalandlocal

dimensions,weaimtoexploretherelationshipbetweenknowledgeandinterests,

localandtranslocallevelsofdecision-making,andlocalresponsestorapidchange.

Thequestion‘Whototrust?’isimplicitthroughout,andmaybesupplementedby

thequestion‘WhyshouldItrustthem?’.Situationswhereinformationisconsciously

heldbackforstrategicreasonsareexplored,asaredirectconfrontationsbetween

community-basedgroupsandexternalactors,butcriticaldiscourseanalysis

indicatingtheboundariesofdiscursiveuniversesisalsohere.Whilewearealerted

tothefactthattheknowledgeclaimsofanthropologymust,inevitably,be

interrogatedonaparwiththeothersituatedknowledgesinquestion,wemainly

explorecontrasting/conflictingknowledgeregimesandtheirimplications,withan

emphasisonthepower–knowledgenexusandthesituatedcharacterofknowledge

amidstrapidchange.

***

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Intheopeningpiece“MovementintheMountain”BenCampbelltakesustorural

Nepal,wheretheauthorobservedanumberofsignificantandrapid

transformationstosociallifeoverseveraldecadesofethnographicfieldresearch.

Climatechangehascometoputanevergreaterpressureonpeople’sabilitytomake

aliving,leadingtoevermoreeconomicmigration,toinnovationintherealmof

energy,toethnicresurgenceandtounexpectedprocessesofreligiousconversion.

Hemakesapowerfulpleathatanthropologistsas“foragersofknowledge”dohave

thecapacityto“subverttheordersofknowledgeandpowerthatarecharacteristic

ofmetropolitanframesforthinkingaboutmattersofglobalconcern”.Campbell

furtherarguesthatourunderstandingofthegeopoliticalhistoryofthe

Anthropocenecansubstantiallybeenriched(andattimesevencapsized)bytaking

thepointofviewtobefound“attheperipheryofexpandingextractivefossilfuel

drivenempires”.Byfocusingonlocalapproachestosustainabilityandunlikely

solutionstooff-gridenergysystemproblemsthatariseinthesmall-scale,

ethnographicapproachesmayarguablyprovetobemuchmorecapableofrevealing

“thebreadthofknowledgeandnormativeorientationsthatactuallydocontributein

homespuninnovations”thanmoretechno-managerialapproachestothesame

subjectmatterwould.

“Wheredoesknowledgesit?”isapertinentquestionraisedinElisabethSchober’s

contribution.Therolethatthebuiltenvironmentplaysintheestablishmentofsocial

ordersamidstrapidchangeisputattheforefrontofherchapter“TheFrailtyof

Power”.ThePhilippineshasrecentlyseenamassiveincreaseincoal-fuelledpower

plants,with42powerplantscurrentlybeinginvariousplanningstages(inaddition

tothe17coalplantsthatalreadyexistinthecountry).Inourpreoccupationwith

discoursesinthispost-Foucauldianera,arguablythematerialdimensionsofpower

andknowledgehaveoftenbeenoverlooked.However,Schoberargues,“material

factsonthegrounddoalsopurveyakindofknowledgeinthesensethattheyhave

variousexpertisebuiltintothem,allowfortheaccomplishmentofcertainsocialand

economicrealities,andmaymakecompeting,oftensmaller-scaleformsofsociality

aroundthemmoredifficulttoachieve.”

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WhileSchoberlooksathowinfrastructuresandthematerialworldshapepower-

infusedrelationsofknowledgeproduction,ThomasHyllandEriksen’scontribution

exploresthewaysinwhichpeopletalkaboutthematerialwhilenotquiteagreeing

whatthephenomenontheyseeinfrontofthemactuallylookslike.Inhis

investigationofthedredgingoftheGladstoneharbourincentralQueensland,

Australia,heshowshowopposingknowledgeregimesandvarioustruthclaimshave

cometocompetewitheachotherovertheputativeenvironmentaldamagedoneby

thecontesteddredgingproject.Withthesafetyofthebundwallthatwasbuiltto

containthedredgespoilalsoindispute,heshowsthattrustinthehegemonic

knowledgesystemwasseverelyreduced,withlarge-scaleactorslikeindustrial

leadersandpoliticiansoftenbeingunderstoodasincollusionwhenmoneymatters

areconcerned.“Whenyourjobisontheline”,oneinformanttoldEriksen,“you

mightnotaskthehardquestion”,areasoningthatechoesandresonateswitha

numberofotherchapters.

IfpoliticsisnotwhatitusedtobeinAustralia,neitherisitintheUnitedStates.In

ChristinaGarsten'schapteraboutthink-tanks,arecent,muchdebatedbutpoorly

understoodkindofpoliticalactivityisanalysed,namelythekindofinstitution

which‘helpsgovernmentstothink’–thethinktank.BasedonfieldworkinUSthink

tanks,Garstenprovidesafresh,criticalperspectiveontheiractivities,showinghow

theirintellectualniche,somewherebetweenresearch,journalismandPR,canexert

enormousinfluenceonpolitics.Yet,asGarstenpointsout,‘theauthorityuponwhich

thinktanksrelyisfragile,inthatitdependsontheswayoftheirnormativeideas

andtheirabilitytotranslateresearchintopolicyrelevantknowledgethatcaptures

theattentionofthemedia,ofthepublic,andofdecisionmakers’,andreliesnotonly

ontheinternalvalidityoftheknowledgetheyproduce,butonitsrelevanceandthe

wayitisbeingpresentedbythethinktanks.Thisiswheretheethnographicgazeon

thethinktankbecomesessential,inthatitshowsnotonlywhichknowledgeisput

towhatuse,butalsowhathappensbetweenthelinesandthewayinwhich–in

Garsten'swords–knowledgeisbeingtinkeredwithcreatively.

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In“SafetyinNumbers”,theclosingchapter,economistDesmondMcNeillraisesthe

pertinentquestionastowhypractitionersofhisdisciplinehavecometoexercise

suchpowerinthemodernworld.Heexplores,inparticular,howamonetaryvalueis

putonsuchseeminglyinvaluablemattersastime,humanlife,ornature.Heargues

thatthepoweroftheknowledgeproducedbyeconomistsisderivedfromthefact

thattheytranslatenormativeissuesintotechnicalmatters.Inthewaythey

“perform”realitybyprovidingdefinitenumbersinanincreasinglyunstableworld,

economistshavesuccessfullyinscribedtheirspecialisedviewonpolicy-makersand

otherinfluentialactors.Insuchawaytouchinguponthecrucialquestionofhow

trust(ordistrust)inaknowledgeregimeisestablished,heshowsthattrustisoften

vestedinabstractknowledgesystemsifandwhenpolicy-makersareinneedof

backinguptheirdecisionsthrougharetorttothekindofsafetythatnumbers

provideinourincreasinglycomplexworld.

Inasimilarvein,SaskiaSassenhasrecently(2014)arguedthatitisthevery

complexityofthecontemporary,globalisedworldthatopensthedoortobrutality

againstpeople,theenvironmentandthebiosphere.Expertscanalwaysbefound,

andpaid,tocontesttheknowledgeandexperiencesoflocalsaffectedbythe

changes,orthatofotherexperts–whichisapointthatseemstoberather

confirmedinanumberofthepaperscollectedhere.McNeill’spiece,muchlikethe

openingchapterbyBenCampbell,alsoalertsustothefactthattheemphasison

knowledgeregimesand,morebroadly,therelationshipofknowledgetopower

requiresreflexivityonthepartoftheresearcher,sincethekindofknowledge

representedbyanthropologistsandotheracademicsisarticulatedwithlocal

knowledgesbothbefore,duringandafterourencounterwiththem.

Throughtheirinsistenceonthemultiplicityofpossibleinterpretationsofrealityand

theircritiqueofhegemonicknowledgeregimes,socialscientistsandhumanities

scholarsworkingbroadlywithinasocialconstructivistframeworkhavesometimes

beenlabelled,inaccurately,as‘postmodernists’andblamedinpartfortheerosionof

faithinscientificknowledgeleadingtothekindofcompletedisdainforknowledge

17

andtruthwhichis,atthetimeofthiswriting,mostblatantlyexemplifiedinthe

WhiteHouse.Asthisclutchofarticlesmakesclear,however,challengesto

hegemonicknowledgeregimesfromscholarslikeourselvesdonotaimtorelativise

alltruthclaims,butrathertoshowthattheyarecontextualandrelational.Although

thefollowingchapterswerewrittenbeforetheBrexitvoteandTrump'selection,

theycanbereadastheoreticalcontributionstotheerectionofaclearboundary

betweengratuitiousnonsense,liesandfabricationsontheonehand,andsituated

(cf.Haraway1988),butdocumentedandjustifiedknowledgeontheotherhand,

alongthelinesofMichaelHerzfeld'srecent(2017)accountofanthropologyasa

realist,butnotscientistdiscipline.Beingawarethatknowledgearisesinaparticular

kindofsituation,andthereforechanges,isarealistattitude,notarelativistone.

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2.MovementsontheMountain:regimesof

sovereignsustainabilityinNepal

BenCampbell

SeniorLecturer

DepartmentofAnthropology

DurhamUniversity

SouthRoad

DurhamDH13LE

UK

Ben.campbell@Durham.ac.uk

Bionote:TrainedinSocialAnthropology(Cambridge),andwithaPhDin

DevelopmentStudies(UniversityofEastAnglia),DrBenCampbellisseniorlecturer

inAnthropologyatDurhamUniversity.Hehasworkedoverthreedecadeson

transformationsinindigenousagro-pastoralistcommunitiesintheNepalHimalayas.

Heanalyseslocalknowledgepractices,alongsideinteractionswithinstitutionsof

environmentalprotectionandprocessesofpoliticaleconomicchangeinhisbook

LivingBetweenJuniperandPalm:Nature,CultureandPowerintheHimalayas

(OxfordUniversityPress,Delhi).Benhasturnedtoresearchenergytransitionsin

theperiodofclimatechangeawarenessandpostcivilwarregionalrealignmentsof

developmentagendas.BenuseshisNepalesefieldexperiencetoinformhiswork

withtheLowCarbonEnergyforDevelopmentNetwork,andwithaproject‘Energy

ontheMove’,aboutdisplacedpeopleandinformalsettlers’energypractices(funded

bytheDevelopmentFrontiersprogrammeofESRC/DFID).

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Abstract

ContemporaryglobalcrisesmanifestinNepal’sonceremoteregionsbringingcivil

strifeinconjunctionwithmassiveoutflowsoflabormigrantsfromrurallocations

wherevillagershaveexperiencedwitheringimpactsofclimatechangeonfood

sovereignty.Ratherthanasimplelackoffoodorotherkindsof‘security’,itisinapost-

normalenvironmentofrelationalbreakdownthatmanypeopleareseekingwhatto

do,includingre-buildingrelationshipswithsentientlandscapes.Thearticleconsiders

themesocosmofstatestructuresandsocio-technicalregimesforpossiblesolutionsto

reorganizeenvironmentsandlivelihoodsmoresustainably,butfindsmainstream

secularpolicydiscourseonclimatechangeandrenewableenergysystemstootechno-

rationalisttohearidioms of power and sovereignty of indigenouspeople, some of whom

are lured instead to Christian conversion.

Keywords:climatechange,ethnicconflict,migration,sustainabilitytransition,Nepal

“Powerisnecessaryfortransformation,butthismaybesubvertedifpoweritselfisnot

transformed.”Stirling(2014:84)

Introduction

Inthemultiplecrisesfacingcontemporarysocieties,anthropologistscanactas

foragersofknowledgewhobringunanticipatedhumanperspectiveson

understandingthewaycrisestakeshape,mattertopeople,andconnectindynamic

wayswithotherstrandsofgloballyextensiveprocesses.Ethnographicallysituated

participantobservationcanyieldevidenceaboutstrugglesandalliancesthat

mobilizeandreconfigureethicalandnormativeframeworks.Thesehaveacapacity

tosubverttheordersofknowledgeandpowerthatarecharacteristicof

metropolitanframesforthinkingaboutmattersofglobalconcern.Thisarticle

connectstothemesthattheOverheatingprogramhasidentifiedbroadlyinthearea

oftensionbetweeneconomicgrowthandsustainability.Theintroduction‘An

OverheatedWorld’presentsascalarproblematic,whichembracestheglobalscope

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ofeconomic,environmentalandidentitychange,butseekstogroundtheseforcesin

livedexperiencesofrelationalworlds.Thoughthefocusleapscreativelybetween

thelocalandglobal,itonlymakespassingreferencestothemesocosmofthestate

(e.g.theunfashionabilityofsocialiststateideas),theexhaustionof‘thedevelopment

paradigm’,andthecontributionofthestate(alongwithmarketsandNGOs)to

disembeddingprocesses.Itisnotablebycontrast,howengagingwithliteratureson

makingtheindustrializedworldamoresustainableplaceforhumanlivelihoodsin

socio-technicalsystems,thereisoverwhelminglyacallonthe‘regime’level(not

necessarilymappedintermsofnationstatepolities,butimplicitlyso)tobecomethe

criticallocusof‘transition’.

IapplaudthefreedomaccordedbytheOverheatingproblematictothink

ethnographicallyandtrans-locally,butthearticleiswritteninthehopethatits

explorationoflocalscalesustainabilitycrisescanhaveabearingonthewaysthat

regimetransitionisapproached.Academicandpractitionercolleaguesattempting

toinfluencehowpower-wieldingregimescanmakedecisionsthatwouldhavemore

sustainableoutcomes,musttranslatetheirknowledgeintothelanguageofpower.

Thisreducesoptionsandleavescertainkindsofmotivating‘beliefs’outsidethecity

hall.Tohaveanthropologicalvoicesmakingthecaseforthinkingdifferentlyabout

powerandaboutlocationswherecitizenscanorganizeappropriatelyscaled

regimesfortheirpurposes,anddosointheirownidiomsofpowerandsovereignty,

isworthparticipatingin.

TheethnographicexamplesthisarticledealswithcomefromNepal,whichenlivens

theargumentoverappropriatescalesofregimetransitionstosustainabilityina

particularway.Thisisbecausethecountryisonewhosehistoryitselfdeconstructs

theEurocentricideaofself-containedmono-culturalnationalnarrativesof

developmentandpoliticalautonomy.ApproachingtheOverheatingproblematicin

relationtoNepalnecessitatesconsiderationofasituatedgeo-politicalhistoryofthe

anthropocene,fromapointofviewattheperipheryofexpandingextractivefossil

fueldrivenempires.Itbringsattentiontoalandscapeofself-reliantandmutually

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contrastivecommunitiesofeconomic,environmental,andidentitariansovereignty,

inwhichthestatewastillthelatemid20thcenturysomethingofanarbitraryand

randompresence.

Ithasaweakcentralpoliticalregimeandistoldbypowerfuloutsiderswhatitneeds

todotoavertcrisis.Withoutchangingtheincumbentorderandinstitutions,acheap

versionofmodernitypaidforbyoutsiderpatrons,ratherthanengaging

participatorycitizenship,hascompoundedinjusticesofdisaffectedsub-national

groupswhohavealwaysbeenstrugglingagainstasymmetricalandpartialeffectsof

thestate.Fromtheglobalmomentsof1989,anewhistoricalturnwastakenandthe

ensuingtwodecadessawregimecrisesofmulti-partydemocracy,ethnicpluralism,

neo-liberalAidBudgetdepletion,civilwar,economicoutmigration,severeclimate

changeimpacts,andconstitutionalmiasma.Theseeventshadalreadyleftthe

countrystaggeringtokeeponitsfeet,beforetheearthquakeofApril25th2015

struck,whichthisarticlewillnotaddressforlackofspace.

MyfieldworkrelationshipwithNepalalsobeganin1989,andthefocusofmystudy

wasacommunityinapoor,culturallymarginalmountaindistrict.Iarrivedwithan

agrarianresearchquestionthatwastounderstandhowindigenousinstitutionsof

reciprocitybetweenhouseholdsandclansinthereproductionofagro-pastoral

subsistencepracticewereaffectedbyandcontributedtoruraldevelopment.

Researchactivitiesincludedcultivatingpotatoes,transplantingfingermillet

seedlingsintheearlymonsoonrainsinlargegroupsofrotationalexchangelabour,

discoveringtheeconomicandsymbolicvaluesofdifferentcropandlivestock

species,recordinglandandlivestockholdings,andmakingafilmofshamanic

mountainpilgrimage.Iwaslookingforareasinwhichanthropologistscouldengage

withdevelopmentissues,andbringunderstandingsofsocialrelationshipsof

reciprocitytobareonsubsistencelivelihoodprocessesinaethnicallymarginal

Tamang–speaking(aTibeto-Burmanlanguage)communitythatwasaffectedby

roadbuildingandbyanenvironmentalconservationregimeenforcedbyanational

park.

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ThethreethematicconcernsoftheOverheatingprojecthaveaggressivelycomeinto

playsincethatfirstfieldworkendedin1991.Ihadobservedasqueezeon

subsistencelivelihoodsfromthenationalpark’sregulations,whichwasjustifiedin

policyasacontrolonunmanageabledemographicpressureonbiodiversity.

Conservationwasputtingthebreaksonvillagers’consumptionofforestproduce

andbiomass.Thiswasoneexampleofpatternsofnationalmodernizationthat

involvedtheextensionofaregimerunbythemid-hillsethnicParbatiyaorderofthe

Bahun-Chhetrihighcastes.ThepolityhadbeensustainedbyUSAidandotherdonor

fundingduringthecoldwar.Ithadbroughtthestatealongdirtroadsandinto

concreteofficestobepopulatedmostlywithpeopleconnectedtoemployment

patronsfamiliarwiththeworkingsofthecapital,notbringingjobsforruraldistrict

populationsotherthanofpeon-status,orprimaryschoolteaching.TheClintonera

peacedividendcastasignificanttrancheofthoseruraleducatedclasseswhohad

foundworkindevelopmentprojectsintoredundancy.Meanwhile,theendofone-

partymonarchicalrulein1990freedupthemarginalizedethnicgroupstoexpress

theirdispleasurewithtwohundredyearsofindigenoussuppressionemanating

fromKathmanduandthehigh-casteParbatiyas.ThePeople’sWarof1996-2006

broughtthedisaffectedfromtheruraleducatedclassesandtheindigenousandDalit

communitiesintocommoncause,andworkedonthenegativeimpressionofstate

presence(especiallycorruptpolice)inruraldistricts,whereglobalcommunications

hadenabledpeopletobecomeincreasinglyawareoftheirbackwoodsisolation.The

educatedyouthturnedagainsttheirparents’peasantproductivism,someofthem

espousingenvironmentalconcerns,somediscoveringotherplacesofwagedworkin

Indiaorfurtherafield,whilesometurnedtoChristianityindefianceofparentsand

theHindustate.

ThreeexamplesofnewsworthycommentinNepal’srecenthistorydeserveto

registerintermsofsensorsfor‘overheating’.In2013mediastoriesreportedNepali

andotherSouthAsianmigrantlaborersdyingonconstructionsiteswherefootball

stadiawerebeingbuiltfortheworldcupinQatar.Intherunuptothe2009COP15

talksacabinetmeetingwasheldatEverestbasecamptoraisetheprofileofglobal

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warmingintheiconicpeaksandglaciersoftheThirdPole.InMay2008the

jettisoningoftheHindumonarchyanddeclarationofNepalasarepublicoccurred

aftertheMaoistsbecamethelargestpartyinaconstituentassemblythatwould

debateoptionsforafederalconstitutionandreorganizethecountryalongexplicitly

ethnicregionsintheadministrationofasecularstate.

Post-agrarianvillagelife

VillagersIspokewithinMarch2009saidnotadropofrainhadfallensincethe

previousOctober.Theypointedtotheskythickwithsmokefromthedrought-

stricken,burningforestsandtopatheticparchedfieldcropsofwheatandbarley.

Theysaidtheywerenow‘walkingdead’(shijimpraba).Misrepresenteddataabout

ratesofHimalayanglacialmeltscandalouslyhobbledthechanceofclimatetalks

successinCopenhagenthatDecember,yettheincreasingfrequencyoffailedwinter

cropsspokeoftheglobalindifferencetowardsthoseontherough,receivingendof

climatewarmingimpact.ThisisfarhigherintheHimalayanregioncomparedtothe

globalaverage.Erikssonetal(2009)calculatedtheincreaseinwarminginNepal

was0.6degreesCelsiusperdecade,whereastheglobalaverageincreaseinwarming

overtheprevious100yearshadbeen0.74degrees.

Theeffectsofdroughtsandthelateronsetofthemonsoonwereexacerbatingthe

mostprofoundreorientationofvillagesubsistenceinthatitwasnotonlyclimatic

conditionsforagro-pastoralismthatweretakingaturnfortheworst.Thevillage

labourforcehadalsoturnedtolookawayfromhomegrowncropstofeedthe

family,andtakethemigratoryturntofollowthegeneraloutpouringofmale

workersfromthenationaleconomythathadsufferedmassivelythroughthecivil

war.Withthebulkofthevillagelabourforceabroad,andpeoplehavingtopayfor

daylabourtoplantthemoreintensivecropssuchasfingermillet,thevillagewomen

explainedtometheyhaddonethesumsandworkedoutfor3,000rupeesinvested

inlabourthereturnofharvestedcroponlyamountedtoacashvalueof1,000

rupees.Inotherwordsthefinancialisedcasheconomyhadfinallyarrived!

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Duringfieldvisitsin2005and2007thevillagershadspokenabouthowthecivil

warhadaffectedthem,thattheyhadbeenforcedtomakedonationsoffoodand

moneytogroupsofinsurgents.SomeyouthhadlefttojointheMaoistsinthesouth.

Onthewholethevillagershadmaintainedasenseofdistancetotheconflict,and

spokeofitasaninternalmatteroftheBahun-Chhetridwellingdownhill,closerto

Kathmanduandthestate.Forthevillagersitwasnot‘their’struggle.Withthis

climatechangebusinessthough,thingswerefarmoreserious.ThebasisforTamang

subsistencesystemswasatbreakingpoint.Thecapacityforself-reproduction

throughcultivatingcropswascritical.Thiswasnotevenanissueof‘foodsecurity’

asmightnormallybeunderstood,asthefailedwheatcropwasiconicoftheannual

renewaloftheTamangs’cosmicfoodweb.WheatisthefoodthatTamang

householdersmustfirstofferinapotofgraintotheirclangodbeforethey

themselvesmayenjoythenewharvest.Thisritualactrestartedtheseasonal

cultivationofrelationshipswithterritorialdeities,soilsandfieldsites,animaland

plantspeciesandunseenforces.Climatechangesanddroughtweretakenassignsof

relationalbreakdownandcommunicativeimpasse,drivenbywillfulagentscausing

harm.Thisnon-humanthreatwasnotcontainableasaneffectofthesameold

structuralneglectfromthedevelopmentalstate,butsignifiedapost-normal

environmentofrelationalunease.Therelationaluneaseconcerningcorrect

behaviortowardsdifferentcategoriesofterritorialsovereigndeitiesledtointensive

ritualattendancetohealingwatersources(menchu).

InMarch2009aterriblewindblewuponeday.Myhosthadabandonedtryingto

securetheroofofhishouseandtookmetojoinahuddleofovertwentypeople

coweringinaneighbor’sground-floorroom.Thedestructionofthewindleftroofing

sheetsandhouseholdbelongingsstrewneverywhere.Withinjustafewhours,

conversationsupanddownthevalleyhadconvergedonthecauseoftheexceptional

windbeingthevengefulterritorialdeity(shyibda)abovethevillageofThulo

Bharku,sometwelvekilometersaway.Firescreepingthroughthedryforesthad

reachedtheshyibda’ssacredgrove.Thetreesofthesacredgroveshouldneverbe

damagedordisturbed.Theideathatsomeonemighthavestartedthefiresasanact

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ofsneakydisobedienceagainstthenationalpark(whichbansalluseoffire)was

mooted.

Visitingthedrought-afflictedforest,similarconversationswereheard.Thereare

reasonswhypeoplestartfires.Firewasatraditionaltechniqueformaintaining

patchesofgrassyundergrowthbeneathtreesandbushes.Otherwiseweedyspecies

wouldgrowandchokeoutthegrassessoughtoutbygrazingcowsandyak-cow

hybrids.Sincethenationalparkbannedburning,thebuildupofcombustible

undergrowthmakesfirearegularhazardinthespringandearlysummer.Naturally

occurringandhumaninstigatedfiresdomakebeneficialpatchesofgrazingforthe

forest-basedherders.Thereforeitwouldbenormaltoaskwhowouldbenefitfrom

anygivenfire?Thepossibilityofestablishingwhotheculpritmighthavebeenis

veryremote,butthespeculationastowhowouldfindeconomicadvantageasa

resultoffireisinevitable.Thereasonswhyvillagersholdgrievancesagainstthe

parkaretoonumeroustolist,buttheycomedowntohavingtopayfeesandlicenses

foraccesstoforestproducethatpeopleaged45andoverstillrememberas

mediatedbytheirownvillageheadmen,nottheparkheadquarters.Givingventwith

firetogrievanceagainstthestateconservationregime,however,risksrunningout

ofcontrolandencroachingontheregimeoftheterritorialdeities.

InlookingataccountsandanalysesofclimatechangeanditsimpactinNepali

society,thereisanabsenceofanymentionofreligionorterritorialdeities.Instead

thereisanemphasisoneconomicrationalistapproaches,asfromaNational

PlanningCommissionmember,PitamberSharma:“Climatechangeisabout

respondingtolossesinopportunitiesandatthesametimerecognizingandtaking

advantageofnewprospectsandopportunities”.(14)

Therestofthepaperisdirectedtoofferingviewsofrelationalenvironmental

personhoodintheinterconnectedareasofmigration,energytransition,and

religion,toenquireintolifeintheAnthropocene.Arangeofsocialscientists

committedtoanewconnectednessofeverythingareturningthepageonpeakfossil

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fuelsandpoliticaleconomicglobalization.Palssonetal(2013),Chakrabarty(2009),

Shove(2010),andCastreeetal(2015)alleffectivelybemoantherestrictedsenseof

‘humandimensionsofclimatechange’foundinmainstreamclimateresearch.

Moraleconomyofsubsistence:contextsofwar,migration,federal

indigeneities,andclimatechange

Anthropologybroughtquestionsofpowerrelations,localknowledge,andgenderto

challengethedominanteconomicapproachestodevelopmentintheThirdWorld.

Theseconcernsnowfacewholesalelandscapereorientationsinwhichglobal

marketssuckinvaluefrompreviouslyperipheralsocietiesandterritories.Labor

marketsinemergingindustrialandenergyeconomieshavereconfiguredoldthemes

ofproductionlogicsandculturaldifferenceinthedynamicsofruralsocial

differentiation.Conflictsandinsurgencieshavebrokenpatternsofinstitutionaland

socio-politicalembeddednessofruralpersons.

Thereconfiguredlandscapeforongoingsubsistenceshiftsthenormativeaxisinto

discrepantversionsofthegoodlife,betweenmenandwomen,betweenelitesand

culturalminorities.Domesticrurallivelihoodsnowcallintoplaytrans-nationally

distributedhouseholdmembers,androlesperformedbynormativecoordinationof

genderageandtask,nowdependontheabilitytocommunicateinternationallyand

sendremittancesatappropriatetimes.Thesustainabilityoffoodproductionis

severelycompromisedbytheexitofdomesticlabor,andtheunwillingnessofyouth

anddaughters-in-lawtorepeattheirparents’peasantscareers.Theactivitiesof

dailylifehavereordereddomesticfunctionsandthecompaniabilityoflivestockin

thehome.

Themigratoryturnofthedomesticisatonelevelanewdeparturefromold

itinerariesandincomeflowswithdifferentdisembeddingrepercussionsfor

persons.Lookingattheotherendofthemigratoryloop,atthedestinationsof

migration,leadstorejectingassumptionsthataneconomicsystemisdrawingglobal

participantstoshareintransparentandtransactablekindsofpursuitsandvalues

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(Servet2009).Intheirownterms,Himalayanvillagersarenotstraightforwardly

enteringamarkettoachieveprofitableoutcomesinthebalanceofcostsand

benefitsoverathreeorfouryearperiod,butareheadingofftoplacesand

conditionsofworkaboutwhichtheyarepoorlyinformed(Gardner2014,Bruslé

2008).Theyaredrivenbytheprospectofbecominganewkindofpersonbeyond

contextsofeconomictraditionandorigin.Fortheirfamiliesandspousestheyhave

disappeared‘anywhere-wherever’(inTamangkanatangtang),andthebestthey

canhopeforisthearrivalofanoccasionalremittanceandforareturningoodstate

ofhealth.Manymigrantsfailinbothrespects.

TheeasiestmigrationdestinationbeyondIndiaisMalaysia,wherewagesareinthe

regionof£200permonth.IntheGulftheyareabout£400.Thesesumsareabig

drawcomparedtolocalratesofpaybuttheunreliabilityofemploymentcontracts

andregularityofpayment,thedangertolife,meanthemigrationhastobe

explainedinotherterms.Irecordedtheoutflowsofmigrantswhendoingcatch-up

householdsurveysafterthecivilwar.Whenmypreviousphasesoffieldworkhad

involvedchartingwhereeachhousehold’smobileanimalshelterwaslocatedin

fieldsandforestareas,asanethnographicsensorofsubsistencelife,nowthecrucial

informationwashowmanyhouseholdmemberswereinothercountries.

Thebigoutflowofmigrationtookplaceduringthecivilwar,butitwasa

combinationoffactorsthatmotivatedthemove.Forthevillageslocatedontheeast

bankoftheTrisuliRiverandinsidetheLangtangNationalPark,thedisembeddingof

livelihoodsfromtraditionalenvironmentalentitlementswasabigfactor.The

squeezeonsubsistencethroughthebansonhunting,burning,movinglivestock

acrosslocaladministrativeterritories,andthechargingoffeesandpunishmentsfor

contraveningregulationswasexperiencedasifitwereacoldwetblanketthrown

overthelabor-intensiveworkofprovidingawarmdomestichearth.Forpolitical

expediency,amore‘people-friendly’policyofbufferzoneareashadbeeninstituted

inthelate1990s,whichofferedfundsforsmalldevelopmentprojects,butthisonly

reinforcedpeopleturningtheirbacksontheforestasasourceoflivelihood

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provisioning.Inthegrandschemeofthings,environmentalconservationdidnot

leadtoareformandreinventionofmoresustainablepracticesofbiomass-based

lifeways,butactedtomarkoff,protectandcommoditizetheforestasaparkfor

tourism,wildlife,andmonetizedresourceservices,andcloseditdowntomore

innovativeoptionsforsubsistence.Villagersgotnoseriousinformationortraining

aboutalternativelivelihoodstrategies(beyondbeekeeping,appleorchardsand

troutfarmsallriskingland,capitalandskillsbeyondthemeansofanaverage

household).Natureconservationwasimplementedtothebenefitofexternallabor

markets(Campbell2014).

EnergyandPower

JustasthevillagelaborforcesofcountrieslikeNepalabandonedtheirterracedfield

systemsandforeststoworkinthefossilfueleconomiesoftheGulf,sothewhole

topicofenergyhasre-entereddebateinanthropology.Peakoil,theconsequencesof

globalwarming,andthesearchforlowcarbonrenewableenergysystemshave

broughtaboutbothacademicattention(Nader2010,IsenhourandLove2016)and

globalpolicyshifts(UN2013).

Acommonindicativemeasureofacountry’slevelofdevelopmentisoftentakento

beitslevelofenergyconsumption.Mitchell’swork(2009)hasanalyzedjusthow

shapedbytheoileconomy,andfossilfuelsmorebroadly,havebeentheexperiences

ofindustrialtransformationoverthelasthundredyearsandmore,includingthe

mechanicsofbringingeconomicregimestorecognizegeneraldemocraticrights

throughorganizedlabor.Nepalissituatedwaydownthegloballeaguetableswith

over80%ofitsenergyneedsmetbybiomass,basicallyfuelwood.Whatchancesare

thereforleapfroggingdirtycarbontechnologiesandtransitioningintoclimate

friendlyrenewableswithpositiveoutcomesforthepoor–alowcarbondemocracy?

Withitsmountaingeographyprohibitivelyexpensivetoelectrify,formostofthe

twentiethcenturyonlyselectenclavesandthesouthernterailowlandssawthe

kindsofbusinessandtechnology-basedmarketgrowththatrequiresignificant

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powerconsumptionandthediffusionofinternalcombustionengines.Nepal’stotal

electricitygenerationisjustover700Megawatts.Thecapitalsuffersfrequentload

shedding.ResidentsofKathmanduareadaptivecitizensofenergyuse,copingwith

poweroutagebyinventivewaysofcombiningflexiblepersonalanddomesticusage,

withmetropolitanwideschedulesofallocatedconnectiontimes.Informationsheets

aredistributedabouthoursanddaysthepowerwillbeon.Inthemid1990s,abig

schemewasbeingplannedforaseriesofhydro-damsitesontheArunriverinthe

fareast(thedeepestgorgeintheworld).

Protestsfromlocalpeople,NGOsandenergyengineers(Gyawali2003)persuaded

theWorldBankofthepooreconomicreasoningbehindtheprojectanditsmassive

environmentalandsocialimpacts(fundingforotherbigdamssuchasNarmodarin

Indiawasalsopulled).EventhoughtheArunprojectisnowbeingrevivedwith

Indianfinance,andtotheNepalis’hugelong-termcost(Rest2012),thescenarioin

whichenergyneedshavebeenproclaimedtobeadevelopmentprioritybytheUN’s

‘SustainableEnergyforAll’isworthyofnotefortheOverheatingproblematic,asitis

explicitlythroughnon-fossilfuelsandoff-grid,decentralizedandcommunity-

managedenergysystemsthatthe622millionAsianpeoplewithoutelectricityare

expectedtogettheseneedssatisfied.

Off-gridenergysystemsforunder-developedcommunitieshaveprovedenormously

resistanttostandardinterventions(especiallybeingcash-poor).Socialscientists

havebeencalledintohelpwith‘technology-userinterface’,andassesswhatdoes

anddoesn’twork,whichcanbesummedupinByrneandOckwell’s(2013)phrase

‘beyondhardwareandfinance’.Thisisthescalewhereanthropologicalknowledge

comesintoplay,andthediversityofrelevantknowledgesmatter.Conflicting

prioritiesexistoverdeterminingwhatare‘resources’,andwhohasrightstouse

water,wood,dung,otherbiomass,andaclaiminredesigningentitlementstothem.

Whatsocialpowercomeswithnewtrainingandskillsandhowdomesticableare

differentkindsoftechnologytomeetlocalneeds(Campbelletal2016)?

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Renewableenergytechnologiesareinmanycasesstillatearlystagesoftheirdesign

lifecycle,andnicheinnovationisperceivedasapreconditionforsomeofthese

technologiestobetestedandmodifiedformultiplecontextsandpatternsofuse,

before‘scalingup’toreachthoseenergy-deprivedcommunitiesintheglobalsouth.

However,itisnotablethatanalternativeview,self-declaredasa‘transition’

movement,aimsnotsimplytoputrenewableenergytechnologywherefossilfuel

previouslypluggedin,butactuallytotransformenergycitizenshipand

empowermentforrenewableanddemocraticlowcarboneconomicparadigms

(Urry2014‘energylocalism’,Sovacool2011'energydemocracy’).

AwayfromNepal’sroadinfrastructureandalongtherouteswheremountain

villagershaveherdsthatmoveupanddownhillaccordingtoseasonallyavailable

pasture,therearenewinterestsinacquiringoff-gridenergysystems.Apolitical

ecologyapproachhighlightsthefactthattheorganisationofagro-pastoral

productioninsuchplaceshashistoricallinkstostatepracticesofpre-modernvalue

extraction.Holmbergetal(1999)andCampbell(2013)discussthecorvéelabor

systembywhichthestatebutter-makingdairyherdsmovedeachsummerinto

forestsofTamang-speakingvillagesrequiringeachhouseholdtoprovidelaborto

carryequipmentandconstructtimbersheltersfortheroyalcattleherds.When

SwisstechnologyforEuropean-stylecheesemakingwasintroducedinthe1950s,

thestatewasthereforewellacquaintedwiththeterritoryandthepastoralviability

oftheproject.In1970,thestateDairyDevelopmentCorporationbuiltanother

cheesefactoryatChandanbari,affectingare-organisationoflocalherdingpractices

intoseparatedairyingandbreeding(yak-cow)units.Manysuchcommunitiesnow

findthemselvesintheboundariesofprotectedareasdesignatedtoprioritise

biodiversityoverhumaninterests(orbiodiversity-lovingforeignersoverthelocal

villagers).Renewableenergytechnologiessuchasbiogashavebeenintroducedand

supportedbyprogramlinkedintobiodiversityprotectedareaconservation.Thus

theWWFprovidedfinancialbackingforbiogasinbufferzoneareasofnationalparks

inthelowlandsofNepal.

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By2009aquarterofmillionhomeshadbiogasunitsinsouthernNepal.Thebiogas

dometechnologyhasmoveduphillwithhelpfromsubsidiesandthroughitsown

persuasiveefficiency,oftenbeingadoptedenmassebyentirevillages,endingthe

burdenthatmostlyfallsonwomentofetchbothfuelandfodder.Limitstogreater

diffusionaremetincoolingtemperaturesataltitude,andinpartduetoother

prioritiesaffectingwhetheratechnologyisadopted.Thingsgetcomplicatedasthe

ecologicallystraightforwardpersuasivenessofatechnologylosesforceandother

networksandactorsarecalledupontofacilitateuphillprogress.

InthecaseoftheLangtangNationalParkandthegovernmentyakcheesefactoryat

Chandanbari,wherevillageherdsselltheirmilk,thereisalongstandingmessage

fromtheParktothedairyinginstallationstostopusingfuelwoodandlookfor

alternatives.Thepark’sprimaryconcernistoprotectforestandraremammals.Its

owninterestandpracticeisnottopromoteandactivelydeveloprenewableenergy

technologies,whichwouldensureanongoingpresenceoflivestockwithinthe

nationalpark.Ithasbufferzonefundstodistributetovillagecommunityinitiatives

forlivelihoods,eco-tourismandenvironmentaleducation.Theinstitutionalculture

isnothowevergearedtowardseitheractivemanagementofbiodiversityinthe

nationalpark,orthepositiveencouragementofalternativejobcreationforthe

villagersaffectedbytheenclosureoftheparkfromtheirhistoricalaccess.As

alreadydiscussedinrelationtooutmigration,theoutcomeofprotectedarea

managementhasnotbeentofosteralternativesustainablelivelihoodtechnologies,

buthasbeentopushevenmoreruralNepalisintothegloballabormarket,including

thehighcarboneconomyandconstructionindustryofQatar(Campbell2014).A

coldhierarchyofconservationfindsitdifficulttomaintainwarmthforvillagers’

transitioningtosustainability.

RegimeTransitions

InthelastfewyearsduringwhichIhavebeeninteractingwithmulti-disciplinary

researchcommunitiesinmattersofrenewableenergytransitions(DurhamEnergy

Institute,LowCarbonEnergyforDevelopmentNetwork),themostinfluential

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conceptlinkingupthedifferentknowledgeandpowerdomainsinthefieldhasbeen

themulti-levelperspectiveonsocio-technicaltransitions.Geelswrites:

TheMLPproposesthattransitions,whicharedefinedasregimeshifts,come

aboutthroughinteractingprocesseswithinandbetweentheselevels.

Transitionsdonotcomeabouteasily,becauseexistingregimesare

characterizedbylock-inandpathdependence,andorientedtowards

incrementalinnovationalongpredictabletrajectories.Radicalinnovations

emergeinniches,wherededicatedactorsnurturealignmentand

developmentonmultipledimensionstocreate‘configurationsthatwork’,

(Geels2010:496)

LetusconsiderwhatNepal’shistoryofsocio-technicalregimeslookslike.Inthemid

18thcenturyTheGorkhadynastyunifiedalargenumberofsmallkingdoms,and

capturedKathmanduafterlayingsiegefor25years.Feudalrelationsbetweenthe

neweliteandlocalpowersusedlandtitlesandthehinducastesystemtoregulate

favour,patronageandpunishmentandextractproduce,servicesandcorvéelabour

fromlowcastesandhillethnicgroups.Afteratwoyearwarapeacetreatywas

signedbetweentheBritishEastIndiaCompanyandthekingdomofNepal,and

‘Gurkha’troopsbeganenlistingtotheCompanyforces.Apartfromsoldieringand

laterlabourforteaestates,thehardwoodsofsouthernNepalwereextractedfor

extendingtheBritishrailwaysystem.TheRanadynastyofhereditaryprimeminster

tookchargeafteramassacrein1847.In1857Gurkhatroopsweresenttoassistthe

BEICosuppresstheIndianuprising.In1911thefirsthydro-electricsystemwas

installedinKathmandubytheRanaPrimeMinisterChandraShamsher.Withouta

roadtotheIndianborder,cars,includingRolls-Royceswereporteredintothe

KathmanduValley.ThepoliticalregimereturnedfromRanastomonarchyin1950

influencedbyIndianCongressparty.Theone-partyPanchayatsystemwas

establishedbyKingMahendra,aftertakingpowerin1959,followingaperiodof

electedgovernment.TheKathmandu-PokhararoadwascompletedwithUK

assistancein1974.ChinafundedtheKathmanduringroad.Verylittledevelopment

35

reachedbeyondtheroadsintovillageNepal.InternationalconcernatNepal’srising

populationanddegradingenvironmentinthe1960sand1970sledtoforestandsoil

conservationandpopulationcontrolprogrammesandcreationofnationalparks.

ThedominationofBrahmanicelitesintheadministrationseekingstatusvalidation

andneglectingdevelopmentoftechnicalinfrastructureinthecountrysidewasgiven

localanthropologicalanalysisinDorBahadurBista’s(1989)Fatalismand

Development.

AfterthefirstPeople’sMovementin1990multipartydemocracywithconstitutional

monarchywasinstituted.Ethnicminoritiescouldforthefirsttimeorganisein

public.Asfortheregime’scontrolofNepal’sgreatestenergysource–biomass,there

hasbeenahistoryofconflictandstructuralviolence,whichthe‘Janajati’movement

ofthefederationofethnicgroupshasmadeapolicyfeature.TheNepalFederation

ofIndigenousNationalities(NEFIN)producedapositionpaperonClimateChange

andReducingEmissionfromForestDeforestationandDegradation(REDD).One

paragraphsasserts:

4.Thestateshouldensureconstitutionalandlegalrecognitiontosymbiotic

relationsofindigenouspeopleswiththeirancestralland,forest,waterand

othernaturalresourcesandtheirtraditionalknowledge,skills,customs,

customarylegalsystemswhileformulatinganypolicies,plans,and

programsrelatedtoclimatechangeandREDDandimplementing,

monitoringandevaluatingthem.

ManyforestresearchNGOsandtheFederationofCommunityForestUserunderline

theongoingstruggleforjusticeintheregimesofforestandbiomassmanagement.

Gupta(2011)writes:

Despitetheimportanceofforeststotherealizationofrights,forest

communitiesareoftendeniedaccesstoforestresources.Thereisarich

historyofrepressivemeasurestakenbybothStateandnon-stateactorsto

controlforestaccessanduse.Conservationorganizationshavecooperated

36

withlawenforcementauthoritiestopoliceaccesstoprotectedareas,andin

someinstancescommunitieshavebeenforciblyevictedfromthoseareas.

Forestlawenforcementindicatesthathighprofilecrackdownsonillegal

loggingtendtobetargetedagainsttheruralpoorratherthanagainstthe

businesspeopleandofficialswhoareoftenbehindforestcrime.

…Poorgovernanceandcorruptioncanalsoexacerbatesecessionist

tendencies(2011:12)

Withtheindigenouspeople’sperspectiveworkingontheancestralconnectionsand

traditionalknowledgeunjustlyignoredandviolatedbytheincumbentregimeofthe

lasttwocenturies,andthevoiceofcriticalpoliticaleconomicanalystsidentifying

forestpolicyasakeyareaofunrestandalienation,itisclearthatoneofthemajor

obstaclestotacklingclimatechangeeffectsandenablingcitizenstoaccess

renewableenergytechnologiessuitedtotheirneedsistheincumbentregimeitself.

Inhispaper‘TransformingPower’,Stirling(2014)takesthesocio-technicalsystems

transitionthinkingforrenewableenergytoapointofconfrontationwiththestatus

quothatmanagedtheeconomyofconventionalfuels:

transformationintheenergysector–likeelsewhere–requiresknowledges

thatareproduceddemonstrablyindependentlyfromincumbentinterests.

This‘independence’isshowntostandmostfirmly,notinsome

romanticisedsingle‘objective’position,butinmultipletriangulationsand

counterpointsinpluralitiesofalternativeequallyvalidinterpretations,each

withtheirassociatedconstitutingconditions(2014:89)

AfterthealliancesandsettlementsofthePeoplesWarcametheprojectof

redistributingpowerawayfromKathmandu.Afederalconstitutionheldapowerful

allurefortheneglectedandunderdevelopeddistrictsandtheethnicminority

peopleswhohadbeensystematicallyexcludedfromparticipatinginthebenefitsof

thestaterunbycentralhighcasteinterests,appointingtheirownpeopleto

positionsofpowerinthedistricts.

37

‘IndigenousVoicesinAsia’Aug202015expressedaprofounddisquietwiththeway

theconstitutionwasbeingprepared(afteryearsofdelayitwasdeliveredinarush

inSeptember2015).

ThepublicisangrythattheDraftConstitutionenhancesinequalitiesin

society,ratherthaneliminatingthem.

However,thereareforcesatplay,whichdemandastatusquo.Broadly

speakingtheyconsistofthefiveMs–themilitarybrass,themandarinsof

civiladministration,themendicantsoftheHindutvavariety,themediators

ofhigherprofessionssuchaslawandmedia,andthemeddlersoftheNGO

sector.

AlltheseMsoncesupportedthemonarchy,andseemtothinkthat

federalismwillchallengetheirtraditionalmonopolyovertheresourcesof

thestate…

Evenacursoryglanceatthedraftstatuteisenoughtorevealthatits

intentionistoturnbacktheclocktothe‘glorydays’ofGorkhalihegemony.

Thisistoensurethathigh-casteBrahminsandKshatriyaswillcontinueto

runthecountry”

MovementontheMountain:regimeresistanceandflows

Whenleadersfromthelocalherdingcommunitysupplyingmilktothecheese

factoryapproachedmeforideasaboutfindinganalternativetofuelwood,afterthe

parkthreateneditsclosurein2010,IconsultedwiththeDairyDevelopment

CorporationandtheNationalParkandbegantoseethemajorissuewasresolving

turfwarandstatushierarchybetweenthesetwoarmsofgovernment.Formallines

ofaccountabilityreachedbacktothecapitalinsteadoffindinglocalresolution.The

modelimageoftheMulti-levelPerspectivewhereinnovationcouldtakeplacein

peripheralnichesandthenmoveacrossintotheregimescale,wasbeing

complicatedbythepresenceofconflictedregimeactorsatthenichelevel.Asisthe

38

casewithmostexamplesoftechnologyadoption,itisnottechnicalissues

themselvesbutthealignmentsofpowerrelationsaffectedbytechnicallyassisted

socialchangethataredecisiveastowhetheratechnology‘works’.Thestatesectoral

focuscouldnothelpresolvethepeople’slivelihooddevelopmentconcernsfora

moresustainableaccommodationofpeopleandwildlife.TheDairyDevelopment

Corporationhadjustfacedpayingitsstaffaraiseforthefirsttimeinyears,and

couldnotaffordtoinvestininnovationwiththebiogasunitanNGOcouldbuildasa

trial.Theparkitselfdidnotwanttoputitsmoneyintoanoperationitwouldrather

closedown.Meanwhilethemoneyfromthecheesefactorywasthemajorfactor

keepingmanyyoungpeopleinthedistrictandnotjoiningtheoutflowofmigrant

labor.

TheimpassebetweentwoarmsofgovernmentisafeatureofwhyNepalhasbeen

stuckwithaninabilitytospeakforthebetteroutcomesforlocalcommunitiesand

thenurturingoflocalculturesofcitizenshipparticipation,whichdotakeon

distinctivesensibilitiesdependingontheethnicmixandlocalparticularities.In

1997,asimilarblockagehadoccurredinthebufferzoneprogramwhenvillagers

hadpleadedformediationbythedemocraticallysensitiveChiefDistrictOfficerin

theirargumentthattheywerebeingforcedtoaccepta‘participatory’projectfrom

thenationalparkwithouttheirconsent(Campbell2005).

Itwasananthropologicalchallengetomapoutallthecommunitiesofinterestof

practiceinthereluctantassemblageofcompetingvaluesandstatuses(conservation

vslivelihoods,high-casteNationalParkvslowercastecheesefactory)withina

knottyimpasseofdifferentinstitutionalmissionsinaculturalmilieuofresurgent

ethnicconfidencetochallengecentralsay-so(Campbelletal.2016).(Atthetimeof

writingweawaitnewsofthebiogasunit’ssuccessastheearthquakedelayed

completion).Stirlingarguesforbringingoutallthediscrepantvoicesandnormative

clashesinsustainabilityconcernsratherthanmutingtheminfavorofacalming

managerialrhetoric:

39

Akeycontributionforallkindsofsocialscienceliesalsoinhelpingto

inform–andcatalyze,provokeandmobilize–morevibrantpoliticaldebate

overtheparticularquestionsframings,valuesandknowledgesunderwhich

alternativecoursesofactionlookmostreasonable.

…muchsocialscienceworkaroundenergySustainabilityhastheeffectof

substitutingrumbustious,holistic,explicitlynormative,autonomous

engagementsbymarginalinterestswithtranquil,neatlysegregatedand

formallyorchestratedproceduresof“polycentricgovernance”(2014:88)

OthernormativedimensionsofsustainabilitycomeinREDDprojectsinNepalwith

moneyforkeepingcarbonsequesteredinforests.Hereagaintherearecasestobe

madeinfavorofnotneatlysegregatingconservationfromlivelihoods,asstudies

intosmallholderagro-ecologypracticesinNepalhavedemonstratedasmuchas

48.6tonsofcarbonperhectare(Panditetal.2012).TheforestrysectorinNepal

expects$20-86millionperyear.Themajorobstacleisconfidenceinanti-corruption

measures,andconnivancebyregimeactorsinillegaltimberextraction.Thisscheme

willchannelunderstandingsofforestvalueintoanexternallylegitimizedfocuson

carbonsequestration.Theregimecouldbethoughtofasareimaginedeco-

modernist‘mandalapolity’ofcarbongovernancefortheanthropocene.Theglobal

forceoftheREDDschemetoaddressclimatechangethroughmanagementofcarbon

isaclosingdownofthenormativefecundityofforestsinsocialworlds.Stirling

comments“[t]his‘politicalpyrolysis’ofSustainability(areductionsimplyto

carbon),compressestheopen-ended,multiplicityofvaluesandissues,intoasingle

ostensiblyone-dimensionaltechnicalmetric”(2014:89).

Themulti-levelperspectiveonsocio-technicalinnovationinvokesthelandscape

beyondregimelevel,asascalewithinfluencesonthepossibilitiesfornichesand

regimestorespondtogreaterforcessuchasclimatechange,andfacilityforthe

globalcirculationofideasandpeople.Thenextsectionthinksethnographically

aboutcultural‘landscape’iterations,wherebyanactorperspectivecanbringinto

viewmarginalpositionalitiestoregime-centricity,andversionsofregime

40

redundancyanddetachment,tochallengethenormativeholdofincumbent

interests.

Christianityandglobalcitizenship?

Thepowerofvideo,internet,andmobilephonesfordisseminatingculturalproducts

amongdispersedcommunitiesofethnicminoritiesenablesimagesofevents,

weddings,pilgrimagesandearthquakestokeepcommunitiesconnected.Withinthis

newtechnologicallandscapeofculturalpossibility,itisnotablethatChristianityis

playingapart.ItprovidesawayforconvertsintheTamang-speakingworldtostay

closetooldcongregationalformsofspirituality,andprovidesanewinterpretive

twisttosomecherishedaestheticsensibilities.OneparticularvideoIhaveanalysed

(Campbell2016b)isstylisticallyseamlesswithfamiliarlyricalpatternsandcosmic

landscapes.Themomentofrevelatoryrupture,offindingsalvationinJesus,makes

possiblearebornappreciationfordivinebeautyinTamangsongtraditionsthat

celebratelifeinthemountains,themountainaslifeandsourceoforderand

prosperity(Steinmann1996).ThevideoisfromacommunityinRasuwaDistrictat

theverylastbusstopreachedbyaservicefromKathmandu.Speakingofhisvillage

locationoneofthevideoperformerstoldme“Allwelackhereishealthand

education”.ThissenseofapreferentialmarginalitybolstersChristianityasa

decisivepersonaltransformationandanemblemofwiderconnectednessamong

communitiesthathavebeenhistoricallydisparagedbyhierarchicalregimes.An

almostneo-Zomian(Scott2009,vanSchendel2002)perspectiveofmountain

communitiesinthehighgroundisupheldwithChristianitybringinganewsymbolic

languageofnon-conformismtowardsestablishedtraditionalpatternsoflowlanders’

dominanceover‘remoteareas’.2

Christianityisonewayofchartingapaththroughchangesineconomiclifeways,and

theadoptionofChristianpersonalbeliefisfrequentlyaccompaniedbydeliberate

choicesinalternativepracticesoflivelihood.Attheethnicrepresentationallevel,no

greatrupturewiththepastseemsnecessary.Inthevideoatleast,itisnotethnic

essentialismthatispromoted,butascending/descendingtransitionsofstyleand

41

moodfromtranscendentmountainheightstovillagedomesticity.Thevisualchoices

celebrateTibetanconnections.IncontrasttoTamangethnicessentialistsinother

districts,fortheTamang-speakingpeopleofRasuwaandespeciallytheShrestha

clanswhosegrandfathersmarriedwithTibetanwomen,thesenseofbelongingon

andbrokeringthefrontierzoneofculturaltrafficbetweennorthandsouthis

strongerthanacoherentinternalsenseofethnicity.Theseconnectionsarenotably

celebratedbytheChristiansinthevideo.TheydonglamorousTibetandressinthe

ascenttotheplacesofbeautywheretheysingexultantlyofpeaceandharmonyin

theircommunity,closetotheheavenlythroneofgod.Theyannouncetheir

contributiononthevideocoveras‘TibetanTamangGospelSongs’.Asthecreditsroll

inthefinalimages,theyinvokealandofmilkandhoneybyscenesofpouringmilk

andTibetanbuttertea,andimagesofritualtsampabowls.Itisnotonlyinthe

symbolismofthegoodlifethatcontinuitiescanbefound.Ripert(2013)observes

thatmotivationsforadoptingparticularstrandsofChristianityinneighbouring

DhadingDistrictstillfollowlogicsbywhichclansmaintaindistinctionsinrelationto

eachother.

ForTamang-speakingpersonslikethemakersofthevideo,andothersIhave

spokenwith,Christianityisattractiveforengagingwithasenseofdecisivenessin

addressingmodernconditionsoftheworldandnetworksofglobalconnection.In

theeyesofRasuwa’sethnicelite,itissimplythewaytheyoungergenerationsee

things.IndividualsIhavespokenwithhaveachievedsomepersonalpurpose,orat

leastenteredintoastruggleforpurposeagainsttraditionforthesakeoftradition,

wantingtoengageandmakeaclaimforanon-passiverelationshiptodevelopment,

advocatingnewenvironmentalknowledge(notjustworkingthelandforthesame

oldcrops)andtakingnewopportunitiesfortradealongtheexpandingroad

networkintoTibetandChina.Christianityforthemisavehicleforfurthering

culturalambition,detachingfromderogatorylabelsofcasteprejudice,fulfilling

desirestoreinventindigenousculture,eventostageitvisuallyasbothtourism-

orientedaestheticheritage,andgospeldance-video.

42

Conclusion

Thepeopleatthecentreofthisarticlearesituatedinrelationtoanoverheated

worldthroughclimatechange,economicmigration,energyinnovation,ethnic

resurgenceandreligiousconversion.Theirresponsesspeakofattempteddialogues

withprotectorgods,economicandpoliticalpatrons,NGOsandvideoperformances.

Theyhaveledtosearchesforcommunicationwithlifepowersdeepintheforestand

institutionallyatdistrict,nationalandglobalscales.

ThearticlehasbeenwrittenataninterfacebetweentheOverheatingscope,and

researchconductedinrecentyearsinNepal,wheretoolsforthinkingabout

‘inclusive’sustainabilityandenergydemocracyrevolvearoundmakingsocio-

technical‘regimes’anobjectofpoliticalthoughtandaction.Lookingattheproblems

ofoff-gridenergysystems,andplanstoimplementclimatechangemitigationand

adaptationschemestheontologicalstatusoftheregimeemergesasaquestionfor

criticalanalysis.Whenanthropologistsdiscussvariouskindsofsovereignty

concepts,whichwouldincludeterritorialdeities,infactsustainabilitytheoristslike

Stirlingarenotsofardistant.Effortstoapplyethnographicapproachesto

sustainabilityratherthandefertotechno-managerialelitecapturewill,asStirling

argues,revealthebreadthofknowledgesandnormativeorientationsthatactually

docontributetohomespuninnovations.Thelessonlearnedistotreatthesocio-

technicalregimeofthemulti-levelperspectiveasaheuristicratherthana

descriptionofhowtheworldworks,andtoapproachsustainabilityandpower

relationsbothwithinandbeyond‘socio-technical’framings.

Finallyitcanbeobservedthatincumbentregimesadaptwithinapparentlynew

configurationsofknowledgegovernance,andshiftmodernistutilitarianconcepts

suchasecosystemservicesintooldpatternsofinequality.Thisrequirescritical

normativeperspectivestobebroughttobearandunravelthethreadsthatdo

actuallyholdtogethercomplexandconflictedsocietieswithmultiplehistoriesto

tell,andmultiplefuturestoimagine.Thesemaystabilizeintodialoguesofhabitual

expectationandcentresofsocialgravity(lowland/upland,educated/illiterate,on

43

grid/off-grid),andtherebyattractappearancesofconsolidatedcontrol.Lookingata

countrylikeNepal,therearevestigesofagrarianGreatTradition,and

developmentalistnationalism,whichundergirdcentraldeliberativespacesfor

managingtheoverheatedworld,inwhichnationalgridsandconstitutionshave

distributedpowerinsocietytoattempttokeeppacewithglobalization.

Inordertospeakwithpower,sometransitionthinkersusesocio-technicalsystems

modelstojustifyattendingtobothnichediversityandregimelock-in.Thisrisks

turningaheuristicintoadescriptionofrealityandmisrepresentspowerand

knowledgefromwhatBourdieucalled‘theprivilegeoftotalisation’.Inthelifeworlds

ofpeoplewhosesovereignnormativitiesareconstitutedthroughalternative

communicativechannels(withsubterraneanwatergods,andWesternUnion)there

areeccentricterritoriestothestandardmodelofenergyandcitizenshipprovision,

inthestrangeweatherahead.Intheseplacestherearepeoplestrugglingtofind

whatRibotdescribesas“counter-powerthattranslatesvoiceintoresponse”

(2014:697),andthisincludeslookingbeyondburnt-outregimestoactivatenew

relationshipsoflivelihoodjusticeandtechnicalcapacityinformingreligious

congregationsanddomesticatinghighaltitudemethane-microbes.TheNepaliverb

(paribartana)canbeusedforbothclimate‘change’andreligious‘conversion’.

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3.TheFrailtyofPower.ElectricityGeneration

andSustainableLivelihoodsinZambales,

Philippines

ElisabethSchober

DepartmentofSocialAnthropology

POBox1091Blindern

0317OSLO

Norway

elisabeth.schober@sai.uio.no

Acknowledgements:Thefieldresearchdiscussedinthispaperhasbeenfundedby

anAdvancedGrantfromtheEuropeanResearchCouncil.

Bionote:ElisabethSchoberisanAssociateProfessorattheDepartmentofSocial

Anthropology,UniversityofOslo.AspartoftheProf.ThomasHyllandEriksen’s

“Overheating”-researchproject,shehasrecentlyundertakensevenmonthsof

ethnographicfieldresearchinthePhilippinesandSouthKorea.Previousresearchof

hersontheUSmilitarypresenceinSeoul,SouthKorea,formsthepremiseofher

mostrecentmonograph“BaseEncounters.TheUSArmedForces”(2016,Pluto).

Abstract

ElectricityisafragilegoodinthePhilippines,wheregovernmentalandcorporate

forcesareprimarilypushingforcoalasthesolutiontothecountry'sprecariousenergy

situation.Withclimatechangeincreasinglytakingaheavytoll,thepolitical,economic

andenvironmentaldilemmasthatareentangledwithelectricpowergenerationinthe

archipelagoareimmense.Whileaveragetemperaturesaresteadilypointingupwards,

47

substantiallymoreenergywillbeneededinthePhilippinesinordertocopewiththe

heattocome.Duetoincreasedeconomicactivities,theenergyspendinginthecountry

hasrecentlyalsogrownsubstantially,withthePhilippinesnowadaysoftenconsidered

tobeonthebrinkof"takingoff".Inbrief,thisisacountrywithanever-growingneed

forenergy,whiletheactualsupplyavailablestillprovestobebothunreliableand

expensive.Optimisticpredictionsonhowrapidlytheeconomywillgrowareoftenused

toconjureupimagesofanimpendingenergycrisisthatneedstobetackledhead-on.

Thesestate-endorsedargumentsentailastressonhowthePhilippinesneedstoinvest

intoimprovingitselectricitysupplynow,andforgetaboutenvironmentalorclimate

changerelatedconcernstosafeguarditsfuture.Underconditionsofeconomic

insecurity,thearticleshows,thede-factounevendistributionofenergyfrequently

createsnew,orsharpensalreadyexistinginequalities,andgivesrisetonovel

contradictions,oneofwhichcentrallyhastodowiththereconfigurationofthe

knowledge/poweraxisduringtimesofrapidchange:grandinvestmentsinenergy-

relatedinfrastructureastheyarecurrentlyundertakeninthePhilippinesarenearly

irreversibleandleadtomuchgreaterdependencies,asbothgovernmentandprivate

actorshaveinvestedlargesumsintheseprojects,whichconsequentlybecome“toobig

tofail”.Themanoeuvringpowerofunions,socialmovements,orothersocialgroupson

thegroundisconsequentlyalsodrasticallyreduced,withmoregloballystandardised

(andstandardisable)knowledgesandwaysofmakingalivingoften“winning”over

smaller-scaleformsoflivelihoodsandthekindofexpertisethatisbuiltintothem.

Keywords:electricity,livelihoods,knowledge,power,sustainability

(T)hereisgoodreasontobelievevisionisbetterfrombelowthebrilliantspace

platformsofthepowerful.(DonnaHaraway1988:583)

Introduction:ASolidFactontheGround?

ThemagnificentSubicBay–oncehometothelargestUSnavalbaseoverseas–is

nowadaysdominatedbyavastshipyard3.Specializinginultra-largecontainerships,

48

theshipyardthatisunderSouthKoreanmanagementcurrentlyhas34,000Filipinos

laboringatitsfacility,whichtakesupfourkilometersofSubic’swaterfront.Closeto

thisimposingstructure,intherelativelyinhospitableterrainofthemountainous

Redondopeninsula,thousandsofsquatterfamiliesreside,regularlyfinding

themselvespushedaroundeverytimeanewbigprojectreachesthisareathathas

beendesignatedforindustrialdevelopment(cf.Schober2016a).Andprojectsare

manyinthemaking,someofwhicharestilltofullymanifestthemselves,buthave

alreadycausedmuchcontroversyamongstthelocalpopulation.Inthefallof2013,

forinstance,ontheright-handsideoftheshoreasharp-eyedobservercouldspota

large,whiteplatform,whichisafirstmaterialannouncementofonesuchcontested

economicendeavorthatwastocome.Locatedamidstwildterrain,inthemiddleof

dried-upbushesandrocky,almostdesert-likestretchesofland,thatwasallwe

couldmakeoutfromaboardafishingboat,whenwefirstlaideyesonthisstructure:

aconcreteareainquasi-barrenno-man’sland.Noroads,nopowerlines,nohouses,

andnotracesofhumanlifeanywherenear,yetclearlysomethinglargewastobe

fabricatedhere.

Ofcourse,eventhemostremotestretchofterrain,seeminglydesertedbyhumans

fordecadesalready,maycontainmanycomplexlayersofhumanhistorythathave

onlyrecentlybeenerased.ThispartofRedondo,Iwastolearn,wasusedfornaval

trainingexercisesbytheU.S.militarybetween1959andtheearly1990s(cf.

MangampoOciones2006).Inthefewremaininghamletslocatednearby–

settlementsofperhapsadozenfamiliesorless–residentshavestoriestotellof

explosiveordinanceaccidentallygoingoffthathadbeenforgotteninthearea.This

wasseeminglynotthebeststretchoflandtosettleon.Ahandfulofpeopledecided

toliveherenonetheless–theyarerumoredtohavebeenindigenousAeta4who

usedtheareaforoccasionalsmall-scalefarmingwhenevertheywerenotroaming

themountainsnearby.WhileIhaveseenpicturesofanumberofshacksthatstood

onthisland,noonecouldtellmemoreaboutwhothesepeoplewerewhousedto

livethere,iftheygotpaidtoleave,andwheretheywentaftertheyvacatedthearea

in2011.TheonlyfactthatIcanbecertainofisthattheyaregone,andwheretheir

49

huts,treesandfieldsusedtostandafewyearsago,theplatformhasbeenerected

instead.Itisasimplestructure,yetatthesametimeamostsolidfactindeedthat

hasbeenestablishedonthegroundwiththeveryintentionofcementinganew

chapterofSubicBay’s“development”intoexistence.Thatisatleasthowthe

Taiwanese-Philippineconsortiumbehindthisprojectwantstopresentits

enterprisetothepeopleofthearea:their600-megawattcoal-fueledpowerplant

thatistobebuilthere,theysay,willliftthePhilippinesintoaneweraofeconomic

activity.

AtfirstsightSubicBay,locatedontheouterstretchesoftheZambalesprovincein

thePhilippines,isamostconvenient,nearlyself-evidentchoiceforsuchan

electricitygenerationproject.SubicBay,justafewhoursawayfromMetroManila

andfacingtheSouthChinaSea,findsitselfinastrategicallyimportantlocationinthe

Philippinearchipelago.Itsgeography,andthefactthatitprovidesanaturallydeep

harborforlargevesselstoenter,havemadethebayanditssurroundingsaprime

locationforforeignforcesseekingtomakeafirstentryintothiscountry.Spanish

colonialistserectedanavalbasehereinthe19thcentury,aninstallationthatwas

thentakenoverbytheU.S.NavyfollowingtheoutcomeoftheSpanish-American

Warin1898.Interruptedonlybythe3-yearoccupationbytheJapaneseduring

WorldWarII,thelandedareasbythebaywouldthenbecometheterritorial

foundationfortheUSNavalBaseSubicBay,thelargestUSnavalinstallation

overseas,whichusedtocovertheequivalentofthelandmassthatformsSingapore

(ca.68,000ha).

ThemanyUSsailorsmakingtheirwaytoSubicBaybecametheprimarysourceof

incomefortheadjacent(semi-)urbanterrainsofOlongapoCityandSubicTown,

wheremoneymadethroughrest-and-recreationservicesofthesexual

entertainmentkindweretokeeptheincomingpopulationsafloat(cf.Sturdevant

andStoltzfus1993;Schober2016b).OncetheUSNavy,followingaland-markvote

ofthePhilippinesenate,hadtoleavetheareain1991/92,theareawas

consequentlyplungedintoeconomicdifficulties;andthesolutiontotheregion’s

50

strugglesoverhowtosecurelivelihoodsforitsinhabitantswassoughtinthe

establishmentofaFreeportZoneontheterrainoftheoldbase,whichwastoattract

foreigndirectinvestorsnow.TheinfrastructureleftbehindbytheAmericans–the

portfacilities,roads,pipelinesandwarehouses–provedtobeparticularly

interestingtoinvestorswhowereengagedinlogistics,shippingandshipbuilding

(cf.Bowen,LeinbachandMabazza2010).Today,oneKoreaninvestor–Hanjin

HeavyIndustries-Philippines–hasbecomethemajorplayerinthearea.Through

Hanjin’sshipbuildingactivities,post-colonialSubichasinthemeantimebecomea

keynodeintheworkingsoftheglobalshipbuildingindustry,a(re-)integrationof

Subicintoworld-spanningeconomicaffairsthathasalsoputtheareaonthemapfor

energyinvestorslookingforalocationforoneofthemanycoal-fuelledpowerplants

thatarecurrentlyinvariousplanningstagesinthePhilippines.

***

Energyisamongstthekeygenerativeforcesoftheglobaleconomyandthemutually

dependedworldithasshaped.Allthewhile,energycanalsobefairlydestructive

whenitcomestomoremodest,locallyembeddedeconomicpracticesandthekind

ofknowledgesthatfeedintothemakingoftheselivelihoods.Thecomplex

structuresaroundelectricityproduction,forinstance,facilitateamuchgreater

rangeofeconomic,politicalandsocialactivitiesthanwereeverbeforepossiblein

humanhistory.Thesesameinfrastructuresofenergy,however,donotonlyenable

someformsoflivelihoods,inparticularthoselinkedtolarge-scaleand

technologicallycomplexbusinesses.Thegenerationofelectricitynearbymay

simultaneouslythreatenother,smaller-scaleformsofmakingaliving,thereby

shapingpeople’slivesregardlessoftheirpre-existingknowledgeorvalues.Coal

plantsliketheonethatistobebuiltinSubicBay,orthefacilitythatalreadyexistsa

fewhoursawayinthetownofMasinloc,Zambales,arematerialconstructionsthat

tielocalcommunitiestolargereconomicprocessesandtransnationalcommercial

networks.Atthesametime,theyarealsopotentialwork-placesthatnotonly

providejobstosome,butalsohavethecapacitytoimpactvariousotherlivelihoods

51

intheareasnearby.Powerplantworkers,farmers,fishermen,industrialactors,or

peopleworkinginthetourismsector–theymayallhavedifferentstakes,fearsand

hopesrelatedtohavingapowerstationintheirvicinity.

EversincetheworkofMichelFoucaulthasmadesuchatremendousimpactonthe

socialsciences,thefactthatknowledgeispower,andpowerisknowledge,has

practicallybecomeatruismtobereckonedwith.AsDonnaHaraway,another

proponentofapost-Foucauldianquesttolocatepowerindiscursivepractices,has

oncesummedup:“Allknowledgeisacondensednodeinanagonisticpowerfield”,

aninsightthatalsoledhertoproposethenotionof“situatedknowledges”bywhich

shereferstoa“criticalpracticeforrecognizingourown‘semiotictechnologies’for

makingmeaning,andano-nonsensecommitmenttofaithfulaccountsofa‘real’

world”(1988:579).WhileIdonotdisputethatmuchcanbegainedfromexploring

meaning-makingonadiscursivelevel(inparticulariftheyarealsosubsequently

connectedto‘real’worldaccounts),inthischapterIammorepreoccupiedwiththe

materialdimensionsofpowerandknowledgeastheyexpressthemselvesinand

throughinfrastructurelikecoalplants.Inordertounderstandthe“powerof

power”,whichisofinteresttomehere,stressingmaterialityratherthandiscourse

maybethebetterwayforward.Materialfactsonthegrounddoalsopurveyakind

ofknowledgeinthesensethattheyhavevariousexpertisebuiltintothem,allowfor

theaccomplishmentofcertainsocialandeconomicrealities,andmaymake

competing,oftensmaller-scaleformsofsocialityaroundthemmoredifficultto

achieve.Arguablybecauseofitskeyroleinkeepingtheglobaleconomyfuelled,the

terrainofenergy–asthewidelyreadworkofTimothyMitchellonoil(2011)also

seemstosuggest–bringsaboutinterconnectionsbetweenpower,knowledge,and

materialitythatareparticularlypronounced,asamultitudeofactors(fromsmall-

scaletoglobe-spanning)simultaneouslyhopeforgainstobemade.Andinnewly

industrializedcountrieslikethePhilippines,whicharecharacterisedbyrelatively

lowlabourcosts,whiletheirdemandforenergyisalsodramaticallyontherise,the

stakesareoftenexceptionallyhigh.

52

Bothlivelihoodopportunitiesandelectricity,asweshallsee,tendtobefragile

goodsinthePhilippines,andindiscussionsaroundtheerectionofcoalfuelled

powerplantsthesetwoissues(ofhowtomakealivingandpowerthoselives)often

becomeenmeshedwitheachothertothedegreeofinseparability,asIwilldescribe

insection2.InthePhilippines,governmentalandcorporateforceshaveoverrecent

yearsprimarilypushedforcoalasthesolutiontothecountry’sprecariousenergy

situation,which,sotheargumentgoes,willinevitablycreatemorejobsforthosein

needinitswake.Notsurprisingly,then,duringmyfieldresearchinZambales,

electricity–andhowitisconnectedtootherdefinitionsofpower–turnedouttobe

oneofthemaintopicsthatmyinformantswantedtodiscusswithme.Andindeed,

thequestionseemstometobeofcrucialimportanceforanthropology,too:How

exactlyiselectricityrelatedtosocialandpoliticalpower?Whatkindofknowledge

systemsembedthemselvesinacommunitytogetherwiththeinfrastructuresthat

arebeingerected,andwhichformsofknowledgesmaybeutilizedtocontestthese

ontheground?

AfterconnectingthespecificitiesofthePhilippinesituationwithnewinsightsmade

intheanthropologyofenergy,labourandinfrastructure(section3),inthe

(ethnographic)section4tofollow,Ishalldelveintosomeofthedetailsthathave

turnedelectricitygenerationinZambalesintoanincreasinglyoverheatedfield(i.e.

sparkingmanyattemptstomanipulate,contestorshapethesocialprocesses

involved).BothSubicandMaslinoc(theafore-mentionedtowninZambaleslocated

afewhoursNorthofSubicthatalreadyhostsacoalplant)havebecomekeysitesof

contestationsoverrecentyears.Thesestruggles,Ibelieve,needtobereadinlightof

oneseeminglybanalinsight:electricityliterallypowerseverythingwedothese

days.Itanimatescapitalismandbringsourglobalizedworldtolife,andforthat

reason,bolsterseconomicpracticesthataremorecompatiblewithglobalmarkets.

Inbothlocations,asweshallsee,thequestionoflivelihoodsthereforebecomes

particularlysalientinthepowerfieldthatthePhilippineenergysectorandthose

whoseektocontestitsrelianceonfossilfuelshavecreated.

53

ThePhilippineDouble-BindbetweenEconomicGrowthandEcological

Survival

Well,ofcourseweknowthatelectricityisbasic,veryimportantinourdaily

undertakings.Butifthesourceofenergywillbecoalandifthegovernmentwillbe

dependentmainlyoncoal–actuallyit’snotonlycoal,thereareothersourcesof

energy,likegeothermalprojects,(…)windenergyprojects,thereareproposedsolar

energyprojects,butthegovernmentispushingonlycoalplants.Andtheinvestorsare

reallypushingenergyprojectswhicharebasedoncoalandfossilfuel.Sooverthenext

20years,30years,wewillseethesproutingofcoalplantsalloverthenation.

(Spokespersonofthe“CoalFreeCentralLuzonMovement”)

Energyhasbeenharvestedforhumanusagewiththeintentiontoproduce

livelihoodsfornearlyaslongashumanshavebeenaround,withenergyarguably

figuringasakeycomponentinthedevelopmentofculturalcomplexityandhuman

knowledges(cf.Hornborg2013;White1943).Foravarietyofreasons,ourmodern

dayandagehasledtoarapiddeclineofthekindofsubsistenceeconomiesthat

anthropologistshavetraditionallystudied.Hunter-gatherersocietieshaveprimarily

reliedontheenergycontainedinhumanbodies,andonstoredsunlightintheshape

offirewoodtoreproducetheircommunities,withwildplantsandanimalsproviding

thenutritionalvalueneeded.Agriculturalsocieties,however,werethefirstto

systematicallyutilizetheenergyoflargenumbersofdomesticatedanimalsintheir

dailyundertakings,whichusuallyrevolvedaroundthecultivationofplantsthat

werefuelledbysolarenergy.Theinventionofengines,dynamos,motorsandother

machineryduringthe18thand19thcentury,allofwhichinvolvednovelconversions

ofenergy,triggeredanumberofothermechanizations,insuchaway“leadingtothe

unprecedentedsubstitutionoforganicwithinorganicenergyinmechanicalwork”

(Hornborg2013:47).Withthegrowingneedforlargequantitiesofcombustible

materialsthatwouldprovidepower,fossilfuelssuchascoal,gasandoilsoon

becamethesourcesforthecreationofmechanicalenergy.Thesupplementationof

humanlabourwithincreasinglysophisticatedmachinesconcomitantlygaveriseto

54

themodernfactorysystem,whichdramaticallyexpandedthecapacityofhumansto

createlargeamountsofgoods.Theindustrialformofcapitalismthatthese

developmentsbroughtaboutsubsequentlybegantotravelacrosstheglobe,

disseminatingaparticularversionofmodernitythathadadependenceonenergy

growthbuiltintoit–energywhichnowhadtobesourcedthroughincreasingly

sophisticatedandregionallyexpandingnetworks.

Earlierformsofimperialismandrecentwavesofglobalisationhaveonlyspedup

theadvanceofhighlycomplex,monetizedeconomiesintotheGlobalSouthand

placeslikethePhilippines,wheretodayself-provisioningforone’scommunitieshas

largelybeenreplacedwiththenecessitytomakealivingthroughwagedlabouror,

moreoften,througharangeofinformalworkpractices(Hart1973;cf.Schober

2016a).Asaconsequence,nowadaysthemajorityofhumans,bothintheso-called

developinganddevelopedworld,liveandworkinsocialcontextswhereone’s

dependenceonnaturalresourcesisoftenofarathermediatednature.Furthermore,

humanlabourisfrequentlyembeddedinhighlycomplextechnologicalsystemsthat

significantlyamplifyourproductivity.Oldandnewmodesofproduction,however,

maystillexistsidebyside,creatingaverycomplexpicturebestcapturedwiththe

toolsofethnography.Itmakesavastdifferenceforone’soverallproductivenessina

countrylikethePhilippines,forinstance,whetheroneworksatalargeshipyardlike

Hanjin’s,whichcomesequippedwithstate-of-the-arttechnologyandknow-how(all

ofwhichrequirevastamountsofelectricity),orisemployedbyasmall-scaleboat

builderwhoreliesprimarilyonsimpletools,traditionalboatbuildingknowledge,

andthephysicalinputoftheirworkers.

***

ThePhilippines,eventhoughitisoneofthepoorestcountriesintheregion,hasone

ofthemostexpensiveelectricityratesinallofAsiatoday.Bynow,pricesfor

consumersareevenhigherthanthoseinconsiderablywealthierJapaninthepost-

Fukushimaera(cf.JavadHeydarian2013).Andwhilecostsfortheindividual

55

householdshaveexplodedtosuchadegreethatelectricityhasvirtuallybecomea

luxuriousgoodtomany,orstaysfaroutofreachtothosewhohaveneverbeen

connectedtothegridinthefirstplace,atthesametimetheactualenergyspending

inthecountryhasrecentlyalsogrownsignificantly.Thislargelyhastodowiththe

factthatthePhilippinesisnowconsideredtobeonthebrinkof“takingoff”and

becoming“Asia’snexttiger”,asinfluentialeconomistshavenotedoverthelastfew

years(e.g.Domínguez2015).

ThePhilippines,tocriticsofneoliberalism,isalsoconsideredaprimeexampleof

whathappensiftheenergymarketofacountryisrapidlyprivatizedwithoutputting

certainchecksinplace.Followingrecommendationsandfinancialincentives

providedbytheIMFandtheWorldBankintheearly1990s,thePhilippineenergy

sectorwasswiftlyprivatized,withforeigndirectinvestorscominginthattypically

buildtheactualpowerplants,andlocalenergytycoonsemergingthathavebeen

widelyaccusedofformingcartelsratherthanactuallyprovidingforhealthy

competitionofthefreemarketkind.ProminentsociologistWaldenBellosummed

uptheproblemsinthelocalenergysectorofhiscountryinthefollowingway:“The

rootcauseofthe[electricity]crisisisaprivatizationschemethatwasnotwell

regulatedsothatitreplacedgovernmentcontrolofenergygenerationand

transmissionwitholigopoliesingenerationanddistribution–andwithcross-

ownershipbetweenthetwosectors–thathaveaimedformaximumprofitatthe

shortesttimepossibleandwiththeleastinvestmentpossible”(quotedinJavad

Heydarian2014).

PowerinthePhilippines,Iwastolearn,isprecariousforanumberofotherreasons,

too.Itisafragilegoodinthiscountryalsobecauseitisamediumthatisvery

susceptibletohumaninterventions–manipulationscomingfromthestatelevel,

fromthecorporatelevel,andalsofromindividualswhomaywishtotamperwith

thenetworkfortheirownbenefit5.Stateandcorporateactorscollaborate

extensivelywhenitcomestopromotingunpopularplantconstructionstoincrease

theelectricitygenerationinthecountry.Theaforementionedoptimisticpredictions

56

onhowrapidlythePhilippineeconomywouldgrowwere,forinstance,frequently

usedbyboththeAquinogovernment(inpoweruntil2016)andprivateenergy

distributorstorepeatedlyconjureupimagesofanevenlargerimpendingenergy

crisisinthecountrythatneedstobetackledhead-on.Theargumentsusedoften

entailastressonhowthePhilippinesneedstoinvestinimprovingitselectricity

supplynowandforgetaboutanypeskyenvironmentalorclimatechangerelated

concernstosafeguarditsfuture(e.g.Shukman2015).Insuchavein,thelast

governmentunderPresidentBenignoAquinostronglyendorsedcoalastheone

sourceofenergythatshouldreceivepriority6.Aslateas2015,only17coalfuel

powerplantsexistedinthePhilippines;however,anadditional42plants,manyto

befinancedthroughoverseasinvestors,havebeenapprovedinthemeantime,orare

intheplanningorconstructionstages(Lagsa2014,Tupas2015).

InspiredbyEricWolf’sfourfolddefinitionofpower(1989;seealsointroduction),I

proposetoconceptualizethegloballyconnectedenergysectorinthePhilippinesas

avitalmanifestationofwhatWolfhascalledstructuralpower,which,Ibelieve,

manifestsitselfconcretelyinaspecificmaterialform;thatis,intheinfrastructureof

thecoalplant.ThePhilippineenergysector–whichinmyunderstandingrefersto

notonlythecompaniesdirectlyinvolvedintheexploration,developmentand

distributionofenergy,butalsotothewidernetworkofpolitical,militaryand

societalactorsthathaveastakeinthisfield–canonlybefullygraspedbyalso

keepinganeyeonthissector’sembeddednessinpoliticaleconomicprocessesthat

transcendregionalboundaries,andbyexploringthewaysinwhichitthencomesto

shapelocationslikeSubicBayorMasinloc.

Notsurprisingly,theissuesofenvironmentaldegradationandclimatechangehave

playedakeyroleinthewaythoseopposedtomorecoalfuelledpowerplantsframe

theirobjectionsinthePhilippines.Tobesure,climatechangeisincreasinglytaking

aheavytollonthecountry(inDecember2014,thePhilippinestoppedalistof

countriesmostaffectedbyglobalwarming–cf.Kreftetal2014),butthepolitical,

economicandenvironmentaldilemmasthatareentangledwiththematterof

57

electricpowerinthearchipelagoaremuchmorecomplexthanthe“climatevictim”-

rhetoricsuggests.Withaveragetemperaturesarepointingupwards,substantially

moreenergywillbeneededinthePhilippinesinordertocopewiththeheatthatis

tocome.Afewdegreesaddedontopinacountrythatalreadyregularlyexperiences

temperaturesof35degreesandaboveduringthesummercanhaveahugenegative

impactonthewell-beingofpeople,whowilldependallthemoreonelectricfansto

preventheatstrokes.Typhoonshavealsoincreasedinintensityoverthelastfew

yearsandhavebecomemoreunpredictableintheiroccurrencethroughoutthe

seasons.Witheachtyphoonthatpoundsintothearchipelagothepowersupplyof

tensofthousandsofhouseholdswillbecomeinterruptedforhours,daysand

occasionallyevenweeks.IntheaftermathoftyphoonHaiyan(whichkilledapp.

7,000peoplewhenitmadeitslandfallinlate2013),thedevastationtothecountry’s

infrastructurewassomassivethatmorethanamillionpeoplehadnotseentheir

energyrestoredhalfayearlater(cf.Gutierrez2014).

Insum,theparticularecologicalvulnerabilitiesthatthePhilippinesisexposedto

(beingamongstthemostdisaster-pronecountriesintheworld,alotwhichhasonly

beenexacerbatedbyclimatechange)areinterpretedinfundamentallydifferent

waysbyopponentsandproponentsofcoal.Someuseclimatechangeasan

argumenttostresshowthePhilippinescanplayavanguardroleinthemovementto

savetheplanetbysayingnotocoal,whileothersarguethatthemorepressing

concernistosafeguardeconomicdevelopmentandamorereliableelectricity

supplynow,whichwillmakethePhilippinesmorepreparedtofacethemounting

ecologicalchallengesahead.

Ananthropologyoflabour,energyandinfrastructure

Inmyattempttoclarifyhowquestionsoflivelihoodsmightbetiedintoconcerns

overenergysupplyinthePhilippinecontext,Icanbuildontwodynamicbodiesof

anthropologicalliterature.Theanthropologyoflabour,initsmostrecent

manifestations,isprimarilyconcernedwithreconfigurationsofworkduringtheera

ofneoliberalglobalization.TakingcuesfromtheoeuvreofMarxandPolanyi,and

58

previousgenerationsofanthropologistswhohavebeeninspiredbythem(e.g.Wolf

1982;Mintz1985),anumberofauthorstodayarepushingtheboundariesofour

understandingoflabour,work,andthecreationoflivelihoods,whichNarotzkyand

Besnierhavedefinedasnotonlymakingaliving,butalsomakinglifeworthliving

(2014).Today,anthropologistsareengagedintryingtounderstandanumberof

differentworksectors–fromexplorationsintotheworkingsofheavyindustries

(e.g.GoddardandNarotzky2015;Mollona2009),togarmentindustries(e.g.Kim

2013;Prentice2012),tospecialeconomiczones(e.g.Cross2014;Ong2006),to

white-collarsectorssuchasbanking(Ho2009;Tett2010),IT(Freeman2000),or

callcentres(Nadeem2011)–theterrainsthathavebeenexploredarevast.

Theanthropologyofenergy,too,isupandcoming(again)thesedays.Dominic

Boyerhasnotedthatanthropologyhasalreadyseenthreegenerationsofwriters

engagewiththetopicathand(2014:310-316).Thefirstgenerationassembled

aroundLeslieWhite,whobrokethegroundforlaterruminationstofollow(e.g.

1943),withWhite’sworkbeingparticularlyinfluentialonRichardAdams,whofirst

exploredtheconnectionbetweenenergyandsocialpower(1975),andonRoy

Rappaport(1968;1975),whowouldtakeupquestionsofenergyandnutritionin

hisecologicalstudyofpigcyclesinPapuaNewGuinea.Thisfirstgeneration,still

verymuchdrivenbytheambitiontocomeupwithsweepingculturaltheoriesthat

soughttoincorporatethetwolawsofthermodynamics,wasthenfollowedbya

numberofanthropologistswhoweremuchmoreconcernedwiththereal-life

implicationsofvariousformsofenergythatwerebeingintroducedamongst

indigenouspopulationsandintheso-calleddevelopingworld(e.g.Jorgensen1984;

Jorgensen1990).

Thethirdgenerationemergedonlyrecentlyandisstillgainingmomentum.Possibly,

anthropologistsarenowadays(re-)discoveringenergyasatopicduetohow

multipleglobalcrises(inecological,economic,andculturaldomains)havetriggered

awidespreadsenseof“overheating”andacceleratedchange(Eriksen2016).The

mostprominentofthesecrisesiscertainlythatofclimatechange,and

59

anthropologistsworkingonthetopic(forareview,seeFiskeet.al.2014)have

recentlybeguntomapoutsomeofthesocialramificationsoflivinginthe

“Anthropocene”.Inanumberofpublicationsonenergy,however,climatechange

servesasavitalbackdrop,butisnotthesolefocus.Inspired,amongstothers,by

TimothyMitchell’sCarbonDemocracy(2011),inwhichheaddressesthequestionof

labour,coalandoilinahistoricalmanner,anthropologistssuchasCymeneHowe

(e.g.2015);John-AndrewMcNeishandOwenLogan(2012);LauraNader(2010);

SarahStraussetal(2013);HaroldWilhite(2012);andTanjaWinther(2008)have

donemuchground-breakingworkonhowtheinfrastructuresandpractices

surroundingenergyhavecometoeffectpoliticalinstitutions,socialprocessesand

localknowledgeregimes.

Whilethesegrowingbodiesofliteratureonlabourandenergyinprinciplehavea

numberofconnectingpointsthatwouldallowbringingthemtogether,inreality

theyhaveoftennotspokentoeachother.Forinstance,amongstanthropologists

interestedinenergy,muchhasbeenwrittenonhowfossilfuelshaveempowered

somesocialstrataofsocietyattheexpenseofothers(e.g.ReynaandBehrends

2008),buttheissueoflivelihoodshasrarelybeenplacedatthecentre.Allthewhile,

anthropologistsoflabour,despiteafewearlyattemptsbyWallman(1979),have

hardlyshowninterestinexploringthemostbasicmeaningofworkasthe

applicationofhumanenergy,andtherelatedquestionofhowtheexpenditureand

exploitationofhumanenergymaybehistorically,geographicallyandlocally

connectedtoourglobalenergyinfrastructures.

Finally,adeeperengagementwithanotherkeytermofanthropology–i.e.

infrastructure–mayalsoallowmetomakeunusual,butsolidconnectionsbetween

livelihoods,powerandknowledgeasitmanifestsitselfinthePhilippines.Coal

plantsastheactualmaterialconnectingpointsbetweenenergyontheonehand,and

livelihoodsontheother,mayleadustoconsidertheusefulnessofthe

“infrastructuretoolbox”(Appel,AnandandGupta2015)thatanthropologistshave

developedoverrecentyears.Energyproduction,distributionand(toalesser

60

degree)consumptionallrequiresomeformoffixedcapitaltobebuiltup,withthe

technologiesandmachinesrelatedtoenergynotonlycomingwiththeirownknow-

howbuiltintothem,butalsoshapingotherformsofknowledgearoundthem,in

suchawayfurtivelyconditioningandmodifyingourcontemporarylives(cf.

Hornborg2013).

Thinkingofinfrastructureas“thearchitectureforcirculation”(Larkin2013:328),

allowsustopayattentiontoboththematerialstructureandtheknowledgeand

powerflowsitenables,withinfrastructuresexecuting“technicalfunctions(they

movetraffic,water,orelectricity)bymediatingexchangeoverdistanceandbinding

peopleandthingsintocomplexheterogeneoussystems”(335f).Alsofocusingonthe

hiddensocialdimensionsofinfrastructure,PennyHarveyandHannahKnoxspeak

ofinfrastructuresas“dynamicrelationalforms”,whichinprinciplehavethe

capacitytomakethings“commensurate,equivalent,andexchangeable”(2015:4),

butquiteoftenfailtodosoinreallife.Powerplants,Ibelieve,areexcellentmaterial

sitestostudyinasimilarfashion,astheyarebothwork-placesandinfrastructures

ofenergythatsignificantlytransformtheenvironmenttheyareerectedin.Tobe

sure,muchcanbegainedfrominvestigatingthesematerialconnectingpoints

betweenworkandenergyas“technologicalsystem(s)”thatfacilitate“theflowof

goods,people,orideasandallowfortheirexchangeoverspace”(Larkin2013:328).

TwoEnergyDisputes

TheSubicarea,likevirtuallyallotherregionsofthePhilippines,suffersfrom

frequentbrownoutsthatputdailylifetoahalt.Unlikemanyotherlocationsinthe

country,however,Subicishometomuchindustrialactivityeversincethedeparture

oftheUSNavyfromthisareaintheearly1990s.Giventheintermittentlackofa

stableenergysupplyinthiseconomicallystrategicarea,Iwassomewhatsurprised

byhowmanyofitsresidentswereactivelyopposingabusinessplanthatwould

entailthebuildingofa600mwcoalfuelledpowerplantinSubicBay.Regardlessof

whetherIspoketoindigenouspeoplefearingfortheiraccesstoland,impoverished

fisherfolkwhoworriedthattheirscantfishingstockswoulddisappear,orpeople

61

workinginthetourismsectorwhofearedforSubic’smagnificentscenery,people

tendedtobeinagreementthatthiscoalplantwouldnotbringallthatmanybenefits

tothem.Whatstruckmewashowwidespreadtheconcernsagainstthisproject

wereinspiteofthe1,000jobsthatthecompanywasalsopromisingthecommunity.

Yetthesensewasclearlythereamongstmanyofmyinformantsthatthesejobs

couldbecreatedinadifferentwaythroughotherprojectsthatwouldnot

detrimentallyimpactthelivelihoodsofsomanyactorsinthearea.

Anotherkeyissueamongstopponentswasthewidespreadperceptionthatpeople

hadnotbeenaskedfortheiropiniononthematter.Assomeoftheactorsinvolvedin

“NotoCoalinSubicBayBroaderCoalition”toldme,therewasasensethatthe

publichadneverbeenproperlyinformed.Consortiumrepresentativesapparently

held“publicmeetings”intheouter-lyingvillagesofSubic,wheretheyinvited

squatterstoenjoyfreefoodanddrinkswhiletalkingtothemaboutthesenewjobs,

andhowmuchcheapertheirelectricitybillswouldbecome(iftheyhadindeed

alreadybeenconnectedtothegridatall).Whensomeofthepeopleinvolvedinthe

emergingcoalitionagainsttheplantheardabouttheseevents,theyprotestedso

thatonehearingwaseventuallyorganizedattheactualFreeportZone,whichwould

beeasiertoaccessforallconcernedparties.Onthisoccasion,manyofthesame

squatterswereputonbusesandtakentoavenue,whereanumberoftheanti-coal

coalitionmembersalsomanagedtohavetheirvoicesheardduringthemeetingthat

ensued,bringingthehearingtoastandstilloncethesquattersbegantosidewith

thosewhoraisedconcernsovertheplant.

Eventhoughtheoppositiontotheplantwassteadilygrowing,theFreeportZone

administrationcontinuedtoendorsetheproposal.By2011,anEnvironmental

ComplianceCertificatehadbeenissued,andaSiteDevelopmentPermitwashanded

totheconsortiumaswell,whichledtothebuildingoftheconcreteplatform

mentionedintheintroduction,wheretheplantwassupposedtoriseintothesky.By

thispoint,however,thepeoplewhowereinoppositiontothecoalplanthad

organizedthemselvesintoabroadcoalitionthatembracedactorsfromthewidest

62

spectrumpossible.Duringsomeoftheproteststhatensued–attendedbyhundreds

ofparticipants–tourismstakeholderswouldmarchnexttoseasonedleftists,expat

retireeswalkedsidebysidewithlocalreligiousleaders,rebelliousstudentand

youthgroupswerejoinedbyvillagemayorsandprovincialgovernors.

Inthesummerof2012,a“writofKalikasan”wassubmittedbytheanti-coal

coalitiontothePhilippineSupremeCourttostopthisprojectfromgoingfurther.

ThewritofKalikasanisalegalmeasurethatcanbetakenbyconcernedcitizensin

thePhilippineswhowanttohaltmassiveenvironmentaldamagethatmaythreaten

thelifeandhealthofresidentsofseveralcitiesorprovinces.Thecoalition,Iwas

told,managedtofindayoung,enthusiasticlawyerwhowaswillingtotakethecase

up,andwhowouldheadtoSupremeCourthearingswiththelocalactivistsintow.

Theywereluckywiththefirstjudgepresidingoverthecase:Sheprovedparticularly

impressedononeoccasion,whentheanti-coalcoalitionmanagedtobusagroupof

indigenousAetafromSubictoManilatolisteninonthehearing.Thejudgeaskedthe

Aetawhotheywereandwhytheyhadcometocourt,andonepersonstoodupand

explainedthatthemountaininwhichthisplantwastobebuiltwaspartoftheir

ancestraldomain,sotheywereheretolearnmoreaboutthiscasethatwould

greatlyaffectthem,too.Thejudge,inasummary,broughtuptheissueofindigenous

landrightsassomethingthattheconsortiumneededtoaddress.

Thesesmallvictoriesdidnotleadtoalargertriumphintheend,though:Aftermuch

backandforth,theSupremeCourtintheenddecidedtodismissthewritof

Kalikasanthathadbeenfiledbythecoalition.TheEnvironmentalCompliance

Certificate,thevalidityofwhichhadearlierbeencontested,wasalsoupheld,andthe

leaseanddevelopmentagreementwiththeauthoritiesrunningtheFreeportZone

wereequallydeclaredtobelawful.Inthemeantime,RedondoInchasbeenpushing

forwardwithitsplans–by2016,theyhadstartedtheprocessofsigningthe

contractswithvarioussubcontractingcompaniesthatwouldbeinchargeof

engineering,procurementandconstruction.Theprojectisnowexpectedtobe

completedby2019(Flores2016).

63

***

TheactivistsinvolvedinthecaseagainstthepowerplantinSubicBayoftenreferred

toMasinloc,Zambalesasanegativeexampleofwhatacoalplantinone’s

communityactuallyentails.Intheend,Monica,aSubic-basedactivist,agreedtotake

metoMasinloctohavealookformyself.EnteringMasinloc,whichishometo

Zambales’first(andsofar,only)coalfuelledpowerplant,Ifoundmyselfsurprised

byhowCityHall,andthetown’smainsquare,weredominatedbytwogigantic

posters.Placedprominentlyattheverycenterofthesquare,theseposters

advertisedthenegativesideeffectsofsmokingbygraphicallydepictingthevarious

bodilymalformationsitmaycause.Anotherlargebanner,runningacrosshalfofthe

CityHallbuilding,announcedthattheentiresquarewasofastrictlynon-smoking

kind.Thisanti-smokingthemecontinuedoncewewereseatedcomfortablyina

motorcycletaxi–thelittleironcagewesatin,too,wasfullofstickersdepictingthe

horridhealthresultsthatcigarettesmaytrigger,andcontainedstrictwarningsnot

tosmokeinsidethevehicle.Allthiswhilewemadeourwayacrosstown,rapidly

approachingMasinloc’sveryowngiantsmokestack.

WemetupwithYuanandPablo–twomenintheir50sand60swhohadbeen

involvedinorganizingthelocalresistanceinthemid-1990swhenthepowerplant

waserected.UnlikeinthemuchmoreurbanizedSubicarea,wherepeoplefromall

kindsofsocialstratahadgotteninvolvedtoformabroadersocialmovement,

Masinlochasaratherhomogenouspopulation.Thatistosay,outsideoftherather

smalltownproperwithitssemi-urbanelite,theoverwhelmingmajorityofpeople

livingherearerelativelypoorpeasantsandfisherfolksjustlikeYuanandPablo.

SeatedunderneathanumberofoldmangotreesnexttoYuan’sshack,wetalked

abouttheirinvolvementinthisstruggleforawhile.Ayoungwomanstrolledbyand

pausedforamomenttochatwithus.Sheandherfamilyliveinasmallhousethatis

squeezedagainstthewallofthepowerplant.Afewyearsago,shesaid,theplant

usedtoburncoalofalowquality,andtheywerecoughingincessantlybackthen.

Nowadays,sinceanAmericancorporationtookoverthefacilityfromtheFilipino

64

investorthatoriginallyranit,theyseemtouseadifferentkindofcoal;breathinghas

gotteneasieragain,shesays.Monicamentionednowthatevenwiththisbettercoal,

theymightstillinhalesmallerparticlesintotheirlungsthatcouldcausenegative

healtheffects.Whatkindsofeffects,theyoungwomanasked,andMonica,

hesitantly,saiditwasknowntocausemanyrespiratoryproblems,includinglung

cancer.Thefemaleresidentshookherhead.“Wedon’tknowaboutanyofthat,”she

said.“Noone’severtoldus.”

Theplantwaserectedin1996,andenoughyearshavegonebyforthefirstfew

changestobenoticedbyresidentsinthearea.TheoneissuethatYuanandPablo

keptbringingupwasmangoandfish.Mangosareoneofthemainsourcesofincome

forresidentsnearby–whoeverhasalottotheirnamealsogrowsmangosonit.

NorthernZambalesisfamousforitssweet,deliciousmangos;onthewayto

Masinloc,wepassedbyseeminglyendlessmangoorchards,whereweoftensaw

individualfruitsthathadbeenpainstakinglywrappedinnewspapertoprotectthem

frominsectattacks.Mangosareapreciousgood,awaytomakealivinghere.Since

theplanthadbeenbuilt,however,acidrainhadtakenitstoll.Duringsomeyears,

YuanandPablotellus,entiresectionsofthemangotreesnearbydidnotbloomat

all,oriftheydid,thebudswouldneverturnintofruits.Sometimes,theysawtheir

harvestreducedbyathirdormore,comparedtowhattheyusedtopickfromthe

treesintheolddaysbeforetheplant.

Theothermajorimpactofthecoalplanthasbeenonthesealifethattheyhad

previouslydependeduponfortheirdailysurvival.Themenallownedlittleboatsor

atleasthadaccesstothemsotheycouldgooutandfish–theshorelinenextto

wherethepowerplantislocatedusedtobeparticularlyplentifulintermsoffish

stock.Whentheytookustothatareasothatwecouldhavealookattheplant,

however,wesawthattheclearwatertherewasindeedpracticallyempty.Weonly

spottedafewjellyfishhereandthere–oneofthefewwaterspeciesthatactually

lovetheoceanofthepolluted,overheatedkind.Theotherfishhadseeminglymoved

65

on–drivenawaybythenoiseandtheheatcreatedbythepowerplant,ourhosts

wouldargue.

OnourwaybacktothebusthatwouldtakeMonicaandItoSubicagain,wetalkeda

littlemorewithYuanandPabloaboutthepressuresthatthepowerplanthas

createdforthoselivingnexttoit.QuitesimilartothestoriesIhadheardinSubic,in

Masinloc,too,anumberofpromiseshadbeenmadebeforetheplantwasactually

built.Talkoffreeelectricitywasmakingitsrounds,andstoriescouldbeheardof

thousandsofjobsthatwouldbecreated,notonlybytheplantitself,butalsobythe

industriesthatwouldcometosettleinthearea,attractedbytheplantandits

promisesofprosperity.Noneofitcametrue.Yuanhasfourchilden,hetellsus,and

onlyoneofthemisgainfullyemployedattheplant.Heisonlygivenshort-term

contracts,though,andkeepsgettinglaidoffforlongperiodsatatimebeforehecan

re-applyforwork.Withtheirmeansformakingaliving–thatis,catchingfishand

harvestingmango–rapidlydiminishing,evermoreyoungresidentsoftheir

overcrowdedcommunityaredrivenintogivingupthekindofsubsistenceworkthat

theirparentsandgrandparentswereengagedin.Instead,theygotoworkinthe

biggercities,maketheirwaytoManila,orquitefrequently,headofftoSubicBayto

findworkintheSpecialEconomicZone.

Conclusion

Inourincreasinglyinterconnected,multi-scalarandinterdependentworld,which

thespreadofcrucialabstractionssuchasproperty,money,ormarketshascreated,

thequestionofenergyaccesshasbecomekey.Thisisanissuethatfrequently

definesaperson’swell-being,theirsocialstatus,andtheirchancestopartakein

localversionsof“thegoodlife”.Andwhileenergy,fromaphysicalstandpoint,isa

nearlyinfiniteresource,insocialtermsitisquiteoftenscarce,whichisparticularly

trueinthenewlyindustrialisedcountrieslikethePhilippines,wherethe

provisioningoflocalitieswithenergytendstobemoreprecariousthaninthericher

GlobalNorth.Underconditionsofeconomicinsecurity,thede-factouneven

distributionofenergyfrequentlycreatesnew,orsharpensalreadyexisting

66

inequalities,andgivesrisetonovelcontradictions,oneofwhichcentrallyhastodo

withthereconfigurationoftheknowledge/poweraxisduringtimesofrapidchange:

grandinvestmentsinenergy-relatedinfrastructureastheyhaverecentlybeen

undertakeninthePhilippinesarenearlyirreversibleandleadtomuchgreater

dependencies,asbothgovernmentandprivateactorshaveinvestedlargesumsin

theseprojects,whichconsequentlybecome“toobigtofail”.Themanoeuvringpower

ofunions,socialmovements,orothersocialgroupsonthegroundisconsequently

alsodrasticallyreduced,withmoregloballystandardised(andstandardisable)

knowledgesandwaysofmakingalivingoften“winning”oversmaller-scaleformsof

livelihoodsandthekindofexpertisethatisbuiltintothem.

Tohaveapowerplanterectedinone’scommunity,aswehaveseen,maynot

necessarilyentailaccesstocheaperandmorestableelectricitytothoselivingand

labouringinoraroundit,inparticulariftheenergygeneratedatthestationis

directlyfedintonationalpowerlinesorindustrialoperationsinthearea.Ihave

analyzedcoal-powerplantsasinfrastructuresthatfunctionasthematerial

connectingpointsbetweenglobalandlocaleconomicprocesses.Coalplantsas

piecesofinfrastructureattachthelocallive-worldsofpeopleinthePhilippine

provinceofZambalestothelargerworkingsofoneparticular“powerfield”–thatof

thegloballyintegratedPhilippineenergysector.Andinsteadofbeinganequalizing

force,inrealityelectricityoftenprovestoberathersusceptibletohuman

manipulations,therebyalsosharpeningthegapbetweenrichandpoor.From

Philippinestateactorswhoseektomonopolizeorprivatisetheenergysector,to

corporateeliteswhotrytofindwaysandmeanstosecurethecheapestandmost

stableformsofenergyfortheirenterprises,toordinaryconsumerswhomay

attempttotamperwiththeenergynetworksaroundthemfortheirownbenefit:

electricityproductioninthePhilippinesisoftenareflectionof“power”inthesocial

senseoftheterm,too,asitisclearlyshapedbyhowmuchinfluencevariousactors

holdinthesocialcontextstheyfindthemselvesin.Consequently,theparticular

(economicandother)knowledgethatispurveyedthroughthematerialformsof

energy-relatedinfrastructureslikecoalplants,whichcanbesaidtobe“systemsthat

67

enablethecirculationofgoods,knowledge,meaning,people,andpower”(Lockrem

andLugon.d.),inthe‘real’worldofthePhilippinestodayonoccasiondisable

alreadyexistinglivelihoodsintheareastheyareerectedin.

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72

4.Conflictingregimesofknowledgeabout

GladstoneHarbour:Adramainfouracts

ThomasHyllandEriksen

DepartmentofSocialAnthropology

POBox1091Blindern

0317OSlO

Norway

t.h.eriksen@sai.uio.no

Acknowledgement:Theresearchonwhichthisarticleisbased,formspartofthe

project‘Overheating,fundedbyanAdvancedGrantfromtheEuropeanResearch

Council.

Bionote:ThomasHyllandEriksenisProfessorofSocialAnthropologyatthe

UniversityofOsloandPIoftheERCAdvGrproject‘Overheating’.Hismostrecent

booksinEnglishareGlobalization:TheKeyConcepts(2nded.,2014),FredrikBarth:

AnIntellectualBiography(2015)andOverheating:ComingtoTermsWithAccelerated

Change(2016).

Abstract

Sincethelate1960samajorportinAustraliaandanimportantcoalport,Gladstonein

centralQueenslandexpandeditscapacityfrom2010to2013throughthedredgingof

itswesternharbour.Thiswouldmakeiteasierforlargecargoshipstomooratthe

newcoalterminalonWigginsIsland(completedin2015),butthemainreasonforthe

dredgingwastheconstructionofthreeLNG(liquidnaturalgas)plantsonCurtisIsland

acrossanarrowstraitsfromGladstone.Soonafterthedredgingbegan,reportsabout

73

sickanddeadfishandturtles,shelldiseaseamongmudcrabs,thedisappearanceof

dolphinsanddugongsfromtheharbourareaandincreasedturbidityofthewaterled

environmentalists,fishermen,journalists,bloggersandotherstosuspectthatthe

dredginghadecologicalside-effectswhichwerenotacknowledgedbytheGladstone

PortsCorporation(GPC),whichhadbeeninchargeoftheoperation.Therewerealso

concernsabouttheremovalofthedredgedsiltandmudtoareasneartheGreat

BarrierReef.Abundwallbuilttocontainmostofthedredgespoilwasbelievedtobe

leaking,yettheGPCdeniedthattherewereanyproblems.

Sincethebeginningofthedredging,opposingknowledgeregimeshavecompetedfor

legitimatetruthclaims.Ontheonehand,theofficialexpertknowledgecommissioned

bytheGPChascontradictedexperience-based,oranecdotel,knowledgeamong

fishermenandlocalswhohavewitnessedchangesintheirimmediatesurroundings.On

theotherhand,thevalidityofvariousscientificreportshasalsobeencontested.The

truthclaimsarecompoundedbypoliticalandeconomicinterests.Inthisarticle,I

examinethecompetingknowledgeregimesandtruthclaims,discussinginwhatways

andtowhatextenttruthsareboundtobepartial,inbothsensesoftheword.

Keywords:Australia,environmentalism,health,industry,knowledge,pollution,power

Theharbourhasbeendredgedbefore.Thingswillreturntofuckingnormal.

–Ron,48,fitterandturner

Thewaterintheharbourusedtobegolden,almostthecolourofyourshirt;itisnowa

dirtybrown.

–Jane,82,retiredbusinesswoman

Seawaterisoneofthemostcomplicatedthingstotest.

–ColChapman,citycouncillor

74

Anormallyconstitutedtruthlives—letussay—asarule,seventeenoreighteenyears;

attheoutsidetwenty;veryseldommore.

–DrStockmanninHenrikIbsen,AnEnemyofthePeople

Act1.Theearlydaysofdredging,andintroducingthedramatispersonae

Manyharboursneedtobedredgednowandthen.Tidalmovementandwaves

causedbywindorprecipitationshiftsthebottomsedimentandmaycreate

dangerousshallowspotsandcumbersomeunpredictabilityfortheshiptraffic.

GladstoneincentralQueenslandisnoexception,anditsharbourhasbeendredged

severaltimesinthepast.Indeed,anareaacoupleofkilometersoffthecoasthas

longbeendesignatedadumpingareafordredgespoil.However,therecent(2010–

2013)dredgingwasamajoroperationwherebyupto46millioncubicmetreswere

toberemovedfromtheseafloor,somedumpedoffthecoast,butmostwithinabuilt

enclosurecalledabundwall.Thereasonforthedredgingwastheneedtoexpand

theharbourwestwardsinconnectionwiththebuildingofanewcoalterminalat

WigginsIslandaboutfivekilometreswestofthecity,andthesimultaneous

constructionofthreelargeLNG(LiquidNaturalGas)terminalsonCurtisIslandjust

acrossanarrowstraitcalled,aptly,TheNarrows(seeFig.1).

GladstoneisanimportantindustrialhubandportinCentralQueensland.Sincethe

constructionofwhatwasthenthelargestaluminarefineryintheworldinthemid-

1960s,followedbythebuildingofQueensland'slargestpowerstation,railway

extensionsconnectingtherapidlygrowingtowntothecoalfieldsandtwolargecoal

terminals,thecityhasearnedareputationinQueenslandandAustraliaasamajor

contributornotonlytothestate'seconomy,butalsotoenvironmentalproblems,

rangingfromairpollutionanddestructionofwetlands(localscale)anddamageto

theGreatBarrierReef(regionalscale)toclimatechange(globalscale).Thedredging

ofGladstoneharbourcanbeseenasanindexofboth:Itbringspromisesofgrowth

andcontinuedprosperity;andithasrevealedalackofsensitivitytolocal

ecosystemsandlocalpeoplewhosufferfromitsunintentionalconsequences.

75

Thedredgingofthewesternharbour,carriedoutbytheGladstonePorts

Corporation,wasapprovedbyQueenslandauthoritiesinJuly2010,andcommenced

laterinthesameyear,steppinguptoa24-hourlarge-scaleoperationinJune2011.

Bymid-2013,whendredgingwascompleted,25millioncubicmetersofseafloor

hadbeenremoved.

Thebundwall,connectedtothemainlandatFisherman'sLandingjustacrossthe

NarrowsfromtheLNGterminals,wasconstructedbetweenJanuaryandAugust

2011,andtheintentionwastoturntheenclosure,whenfilledwithdredgespoil,

intoreclaimedland.

Owingtotheconstructionoperationsinthewesternharbourbasin,shiptrafficin

GladstoneHarbourincreaseddramaticallywhiledredgingtookplace.Thenumber

ofmovementsacrosstheharbourincreasedfrom1,500to25,000amonth,theall-

timepeakmonthbeingDecember2011with33,000shipmovements.

Figure1.LocationofGladstoneinrelationtotheLNGterminalsandFisherman'sLanding,indicatingtheshippingchannelabouttobedoubledandextendedfollowingdredging.

76

Manylocalswereconcernedaboutthepotentiallydamagingeffectsofdredging.

Althoughfewraisedtheirvoicesinpublic,therewasagreatdealofanxietyamong

Gladstonitesaboutthedredging.Gladstonehadmorethanahundredprofessional

fishermen,manyofwhomfishedintheharbourbasin.Inaddition,therewere

thousandsofrecreationalfishermen,manyofwhoseboatsweremooredinthe

Marinaandtowhomtheharbour,fromtheNarrowsinthewesttoFacingIslandin

theeast,wasanimportantrecreationalarea.Theyhadseenmudflatsand

mangrovesbeingdestroyedinthenameofprogress,andmanywerewaryaboutthe

futureoftheirleisureactivities.Inadditiontofishing,crabbingisapopularpastime

amongGladstonites,thetastymudcrabbeingacommoncatchinpreciselytheareas

mostaffectedbythedredging.Thefactthattherewasnomassivelocaloutrage

againstthedredgingcanbeputdowntothefactthatthemajorityofGladstonites

earntheirlivingfromtheindustryandarereluctanttocriticiseitandthereby

riskingtheirfuturecareerprospectsorthoseoftheircloserelatives(seealso

Erikseninpress).

InMarch2011,whentwomillioncubicmetersofdredgespoilhadbeendisposedof

inthedesignatedareaintheocean,sightingsofsickanddyingturtleswerereported

byfishermen(Landos2012:20).Soonafterwards,reportsaboutsickanddeadfish

ofseveralspecies,proliferatingshelldiseaseamongmudcrabs,thedisappearanceof

dolphinsanddugongsfromtheharbourareaandincreasedturbidityofthewater

ledenvironmentalists,fishermen,journalists,bloggersandotherstoconcludethat

thedredginghadecologicalside-effectswhichhadnotbeenacknowledgedbythe

GladstonePortsCorporation(GPC).Therewerealsobroaderecologicalconcerns

abouttheremovalofthedredgedsiltandmudtoareaswithintheGreatBarrierReef

MarinePark.Thebundwallinthewesternharbourwasvisiblyleaking(seeFigure

2),yettheGPCdeniedthattherewereanyproblems.Scientistscommissionedby

theGPCcontinuouslymonitoredthewaterquality,declaringittobewithinthe

acceptablelimits.

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Figure2.Dredgespoilleakingoutofthebundwallin2011.TheLNGplantsunderconstructioncanbeglimpsedonCurtisIslandontheothersideofTheNarrows.

Localsmurmured.TheAustralianenvironmentalmovementwasoutraged.The

presswasmoreequivocal,reportingfrombothsides.TheGladstoneRegional

CouncilandQueenslandGovernment,supportiveofitsPortsCorporation,argued

thatthedredgingwasnecessaryandessentiallyharmless.Yetthedramanowbegan

tounfoldinearnest,reachingaclimaxinJanuary2014withtherevelationsthatled

towhathaslatterlybeenknownastheBundWallScandal.Inowproceedtotellthe

storyaboutthedredgingofGladstoneHarbourandthebundwallinfull.My

analyticalinterestconcernstherelationshipbetweendifferentregimesof

knowledge,howtheyarelinkedwithactors'positioning,andthewaysinwhich

certainknowledgeregimescometoformthebasisofpoliticaldecisionsand

practices.Anoldinterestinanthropology,therelationshipbetweencompetingor

contrastingknowledgesystemshasbeenexploredsinceEvans-Pritchard(1937)

andhisseminalbookaboutwithcraftbeliefsamongtheAzandeofsouthernSudan.

Latercontributions,oftentakingontheasymmetricalencounterbetweenmodernity

78

andatraditionalknowledgesystem,includeNormanLong's(1992)important

writingsonthe‘interface’inthecontextofdevelopmentaid,PeterWorsley's(1997)

neglectedKnowledges,andmorerecentstudiesintheSTSvein,oftendrawingon

BrunoLatour'sperspectivesonknowledge(e.g.Latour2005).Importanttheoretical

contributions,whichinformthepresentendeavourtonosmallextent,areMichel

Foucault'sarchaeologyofknowledge(Foucault2002[1969]),whichshowsthe

embeddednessofknowledge,includingexperience-basedeverydayknowledge,ina

particularhistoricalcontext;andJamesScott'sworkonthegapbetweenlarge-scale

abstractknowledgeandpracticalknowledge(Scott1998).Theconceptofpower

willherebetakentoencompass(a)powerofdefinition—theabilitytomakea

certainversionofrealityappearcredibleandauthoritative,and(b)thepowerto

effectchangesinthephysicalworldbymakingpeopledothingstheyotherwise

wouldnothavedone.

Act2:TheendofcommercialfishinginGladstone

InAprilandMay2011,sickfishwereobservednearthespoildumpground,dead

turtleswerereportedatthemouthofthenearbyBoyneRiver,andthreedead

dolphinswerefoundinGladstoneharbour.ByJuly,reportsofsickanddyingfish

werebecomingmorewidespread,aswereobservationsofshelldiseasein

mudcrabs.InJuneandJuly,threedeaddugongswerefoundintheharbourarea.In

thisperiod,largenumbersofbarramundiwithskinlesions,parasiticalinfections

andotherdiseaseswerereported.

InSeptember,thecouncilimposedathree-weekfishingbanintheharbour.Bynow,

theprevalenceoffishdiseaseinGladstoneHarbourwaswellknown,themarketfor

seafoodfromGladstone‘justdisappearedovernight’,inthewordsofonefisherman,

andthefishermenfoundthemselvesinaverydifficultsituation.Somewentoutof

businessandfoundworkelsewhere;somemovedtoanotherlocation,andafew

continuedtousetheGladstoneMarinaastheirbase,butwentfurtherafieldtofish.

Agroupoffishermen,whowereconvincedthatthedredgingwasculpableoftaking

themoutofbusiness,formedtheGladstoneFishingResearchFundinordertoprove

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theircaseanddemandcompensation.Fundedoutoftheirownpocketsandfrom

donations,theFundhiredamarinebiologist,MattLandos,tocarryoutresearchand

writeareportaboutthecausesoffishandmudcrabdisease.

Tothisreportanditsdetractorsweshallreturninthenextact.Fornow,wewill

concentrateontheobservationsandreflectionsmadebycitizensofGladstone

duringandafterthedredging.ItshouldbenotedthatthetrustinthePorts

Corporationatthisstagewaswearingthin,andthatawidespreadviewwasthatthe

politiciansweregenerallycomplicitwiththeGPCandthecorporateworld.Ata

publicmeetingabouttheGreatBarrierReef,heldinRockhamptoninDecember

2013,theQueenslandGovernmentannouncedthatithad‘prohibiteddredging

outsidePriorityPortDevelopmentAreas’.Mysidemanwhisperedthatthismeant,in

reality,‘thattheycangoaheadwheretheywantto’.

Onlyafewmonthsbeforethefirstreportsaboutsickanddeadfish,unusuallyheavy

rainfallintheGladstoneregionledtofloodingofrivers,streams,gardensand

basements.Largenumbersofbarramundihadbeenintroducedintotheartificial

LakeAwoongauptheBoyneRiver,andforthefirsttimesincetheAwoongadam

wascompletedin1970,itoverflowed,andthousandsofbarramundiwerereleased

intotheriver,eventuallyendingupintheoceanalongwithalargevolumeof

freshwater.Formonths,fishermenhadawindfallofhugebarramundicatches.One

ofthemestimatesthevolumeofbarramundicaughtbetweenJanuaryandMay2011

to200tonnes.Thefishwere‘visuallynormal’(Landos2012:19).Thiswouldsoon

endasthefirstbarramundiwithskinlesionswerediscoveredinJune.By

September,thefishingbanwasimposed,andalthoughitwasliftedinOctober,the

damagetotheGladstonefishingindustryturnedouttobefatal.

TheCouncilandtheGPCexplainedthelesionsanddiseasesinfishasaresultofthe

flooding.Partly,barramundiweresaidtohavebeenwoundedandtraumatizedby

theroughandviolentjourneyfromtherimofthedamdowntothesea;partly,the

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turbidityandbrackishwaterintheharbourbasinresultingfromtheheavyrains

andfloodingwereblamedforthefishailments.

TheGladstonecommunitywereawareoftheseopposingviews,andmanycould

alsodrawontheirownexperiencesinassessingwhathadcausedtheproblems.

Veronica,awomaninherfiftieswhowalksherdogsalongtheMarinashoreevery

morning,toldmethatoneday,‘itmusthavebeeninmid-2011’,shediscoveredfive

large,deadfishlyingontheshore.‘Ihadneverseenanythinglikeitbefore.Surely

thatcouldn'tbenormal.We‘vehadfloodsbefore,butthiswasnew.’

HerviewisexpandedonbyAnna,aseasonedenvironmentalistwhodrilyremarks:

‘Fortyyearsofdumpingtoxicwasteintotheharbour,andyouthinkitwouldn't

makeadifferencetostirupallthatstuffbydredgingupmillionsofcubicmetresof

siltandmud?’

Jane,aretireeinherearlyeightieswhohaslivedinGladstonesinceshewasyoung,

elaboratesmoreonwhatisessentiallythesamenarrative:

Andifyoutaketheharbour,Isawthefishwithred,bulgingeyesandbig

soresontheirbodies.Fishermenandtheirfamiliesalsogotrashesand

sores.Soitisclearthatsomethingshavebeenignoredhere.Inaway,what

weseetimeandtimeagainisbigmoneywalkingoverpeople,nottaking

responsibilityfortheirwell-beingunlessthey'reforcedto.Theysaythat

‘it'snotus’,it'sthefloodingandsoon—butlook,we'vehadrainbefore.The

fishermendidtheirownresearch,paidabloketodoresearchforthem,and

whathecameupwithwasquiteshocking.

SheisherereferringtoLandos'report,butseemstobeunawareoftheresearch

commissionedbythePortsCorporation,whichconcludeddifferently.Many

Gladstoneresidentssharedthisbasicview,someofthemunabletoresistthepun

that‘thereisclearlysomethingfishyaboutthiswholething’.

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Otherswerelessconvincedbythefishermen'snarrative.Frances,anactive

memberofseveralcivilsocietyassociationsinGladstone,hasthistosay:

“Forexample,someofthosefishermenaredoingagreatdisservicetothe

community.”

THE:“YouarethinkingaboutthenegativepublicityaroundGladstone

Harbour?”

Frances:“Yes,they'veeffectivelydestroyedthefishingindustrybycreating

animageofaplacewherenobodyshouldeventhinkabouteatingthe

seafood.”

THE:”Well,[oneoftheirspokesmen]hasmoveduptoYeppoon...”

Frances:“Yes,andactuallyIthinkhecanstayupthere.Heandafewothers

havebeenbad-mouthingthewholeindustry,thewholecommunity.Itisnot

good.”

Inherview,thefishermenhadbeenpublicisingnewsaboutdiseasedfishandcrabs

farandwide,therebyeffectivelydestroyingtheirownlivelihood,insteadofkeeping

theircounselcourtesyofthebenefitofthedoubt.Shebelievedthatfloodingwas

‘probablythemaincause’ofthefishdisease,but‘I'mnotanexpert,soyoureally

havetoasksomeoneelse’.

Speakingaboutdredginggenerally,Greg,amachinistinhisforties,whohaslivedin

Gladstoneallhislife,wouldbehappytoeatseafoodfromGladstoneanytime.

Besides,the‘greenywhingingaboutthedredging’wasmisguidedandhysterical,in

hisview.Charlie,anelderlypart-timefarmerwhoraisesstatelyBrahmancattleona

pastureoutsideofGladstone,mentionedduringcasualconversationthathe'd

boughtsomecrabstheotherday.‘Theladyasked,doyouwanttopqualityor

mediocre?Isaidwell,topquality.Paidtwentybucksacrab.’

THE:‘Mediocre...wouldthatmeanfromGladstoneHarbour?’

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Wewerehavingsmoko(abreak—inthepastitwouldhavebeenacigarettebreak)

inashednearthepastures,andCharlie'ssonDougintervened:‘Allthecrabsare

fromGladstoneHarbour.Mediocremeansempty,orhalf-empty.Youknow,you

pokeyourfingerintothebellyofthecrabandit'sallsoft.’7

AccompanyingmeonthetripwasCraigButler,alocalpoliticianandpreviouslya

farmerintheregion,andCharliewentontoaskhim:‘SoCraig,whatdoyouthink

aboutthisdredgingbusiness?’

Craigrespondedcautiously,butunanimously:‘Well,Ithinkthereweresome

connectionsbetweenthedredging,thepoorlybuiltbundwallandtheproblems

withfishandcrabsandsoonlater.’

Charliedisagreed.‘Look,inthepastwhenwehadfloods,therewerered-eyedfish

andmudcrabswithdiseaseintheharbour.Isawthatfiftyyearsago,soIdon't

believeinthatcrap.Thosefishermenjustwanttogetalotofmoneyinso-called

com-pen-sation.’

Charlie'slocalknowledgecontradictsVeronica's.Hehadseendiseasedcrabsand

fishbefore,andwasunimpressedwiththe‘whinging’ofthefishermen.Yetothers

wouldsaythatshelldiseasewasfarfromunknown,butthatalmost40percentof

thecrabswereinfectedattheheightofthedredgingin2011–2012,whichcould

scarcelybeacoincidence.Asonefishermansaid,‘Iftheyblameflooding—well,the

entireQueenslandcoastwasflooded,butIhearnothingaboutmudcrabdisease

fromBundaberg,orfromHerveyBay.’

Inotherwords,theexperience-basedknowledgeaboutdredging,floodingand

diseaseinfish,crabsandseamammalsisnotconsistent.Somespeakwithshockand

disgustaboutthedeaddolphinswashedupontheshorein2011,whileothersare

adamantthatdolphinswereneversupposedtobeintheharbouranyway.However,

onaboattripinJanuary2014,IsawadolphinintheMarinamyself.Ialsosaw

dugongsintheharbourbasintwice,inDecember2013andMarch2014,despite

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allegationsthattheturbidityhaskilledofftheseagrass,reducedvisibilityandmade

theharbouruninhabitablefordugongs,aswellastheview,heardfromaman

overseeingtransportintheharbour,thatdugongsneverventuredintoitanyway.

Thosewhogothealthproblemsfollowingthedredgingwouldtakealesssanguine

view.

WithhiswifeBetty,Fredwastheownerofathrivingseafoodbusinessformany

years.BasedonBoyneIslandjustsouthofGladstoneproper,theysoldcrustaceans

andallkindsoffishtolocals.Inaddition,asafriendofhispointsout,‘Fredwas

neverexactlywhatyou'dcalladie-hardenvironmentalist.Heusedtochopoffshark

finsandsellthemtoAsia.Now,nobodywantstobuysharkfinsfromGladstone,of

course.’

Inlate2011,Fred'srightlegbecameswollenandpainful.Hewasadmittedto

hospital,butthesourceofhisailmentwasnotfound.Therewastalkofamputating

hislegwhenDrAndrewJeremijenko,aBrisbane-basedmedicaldoctor,foundthat

FredhadbeeninfectedbyShewenella,amarineorganismthateatsmetal.He

treatedFredwithantibiotics,andamputationwasavoided,butmorethantwoyears

later,Fredcouldwalkonlywithdifficulty,andisunlikelytoworkagain.Hespeaks

withbitternessabouttherefusaloftheGPCtoadmittheirresponsibilityandtooffer

somekindofcompensationforhislostbusinessandruinedlife.

JeremijenkoexplainedtomehowhegotinterestedinGladstone.Hehadworkedas

adoctorfortheminingindustrybefore,andhadseendeadseabirdsinWestern

Australia,wheretherehadbeenleadpelletsinthewatersupply,whichhadentered

thesensitivesystemsofthebirds.

NowthatdeadfishwereturningupinGladstoneharbour,Iknewthatthere

werereasonsforthis.Deadfisharebiomarkers.Obviously,inGladstone

therehasbeenheavyindustryformorethanfortyyears,andeverybody

knowsthataluminaproductionreleasestoxins,includingheavymetals.

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Headdsthatwhatsurprisedhimwasnotthatthishappened,sinceenvironmental

side-effectsarealwaysoutcomesofindustrialactivity,butthedenialthattoxic

wastewasaprobleminGladstoneHarbour.‘Thingswereclearlybeingcoveredup.

Well,smallenvironmentalproblemsorhealthissuescanalwaysbecoveredup;

therearewaysofavoidingthembeingreportedbypayingpeopleoffandreporting

theminotherways,butthesewerebigthings—Ithoughtthatthey'dgetcaught

soonerorlater.CurtisIslandispartoftheGreatBarrierReefWorldHeritagearea,

afterall.’

Soonafter,thePortsCorporationwasindeed‘caught’,butthatstorywillhave

towaituntilAct4.Wefirsthavetoexaminetheexpertknowledgesatplay.Itisa

commonassumptionthat‘scientists’tendtocloseranksandprojectashared,

objectivistviewofthenaturalworld.Thismisrepresentationiscommon,notleast

amongcriticsofscience.IntheongoingcontroversyarounddredginginGladstone,

itneverthelesssoonbecameapparentthattherewasnosinglescientificview,but

several.

Act3:Disagreementsamongtheexperts

Justaslaypeopledisagreedfundamentallyonthedescriptionofthesituationas

wellasthecausesandeffectsoftheeventstakingplaceinGladstoneharbourduring

thefloodinganddredgingfrom2010to2013,sodidpeopledrawingonscientific

researchdisagreejustasstrongly,ifnotmore.

In2012,whileMattLandoswasbusycollectingdataforhisreportcommissionedby

theGladstonefishermen—collectingspecimens,measuringthewaterquality,taking

algaesamples—otherscientistswerealsoatworkstudyingthewaterqualityinthe

harbourarea.TheGladstone-basedresearchinstituteVisionEnvironmenthadbeen

hiredbytheGPCtomonitorwaterqualityandtoreportonanyaberrations.Their

viewwasthattheproportionofchemicalsanddissolvedmetalsarewellwithin

establishedlimits.AstheVisiondirector,DrLeonieAnderson,concludesa

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presentationoftheirworkonAustralianTVinSeptember2012,‘Bymaintaining

waterqualitywithinAustralianstandards,wearemaintainingecologicalhealth.’8

Landos'findingsinsteadindicatedthatmassivetoxicalgaebloomcompoundedby

leadandotherdissolvedmetalswerethemainexplanationforthehighprevalence

ofdiseaseinfishandcrabs.

However,anearlierreportpublishedbytheGPC,inlate2011(GPC2011),drew

oppositeconclusions.WhilethestoriesIhavetoldaboutdeaddolphins,turtlesand

dugongsmayseemdramatic,theGPCpublishedstatisticsindicatingthatstranded

seaanimalsarequitecommoninQueensland,andthatthereisnoglaring

overrepresentationinGladstone.Forexample,44dolphinswerereportedas

strandedinQueenslandfrom1Januaryto27September2011,sixoftheminthe

Gladstonearea.TheGPCconcedesthatseagrasscoverinGladstoneharbourhad

decreasednoticeablyduring‘thewildsummerseason’(GPC2011:4)of2010–11,

butthatithadrecovered.Thisreportalsoindicatesthatdredgingonalargescale

hadtakenplaceregularlysincethe1960s—however,since1998,thedredgespoil

haduntilnowbeendepositedashore.Currently,thedredgespoilwasdumped

eitheratseaorinthecontestedbundwall.And,regardingthediseasedbarramundi,

thereportconcludes:‘Thesefishsufferedphysicalstress,whichcombinedwiththe

stressoftherelocation,wouldhavealsomadethemsusceptibletodisease’(GPC

2011:18).

IaskedDrMarnieCampbellatCentralQueenslandUniversity,amarinebiologist

whohasalsodoneresearchinGladstoneHarbour,forherviews.Shetookan

equivocalstance.

DredgingintheGladstoneharbourhashadlessofanimpactthanmany

peoplebelieve.Yes,thewatergetsmuddy.Buttherewasn'tgreatvisibility

beforeeither.Whenwearrivedthreeyearsago,thesituationforthe

seagrasswasdisgusting,butthisyear[2013],theseagrassisfantastic,

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probablyasaresultoffloodingwhichhaswashedoutmudandbrought

circulationandnutrientsintotheharbour.

Whatdredgingdoesdoistoaffectwatercurrentmovements,buttheeffects

ofthisonfishingareuncertain.ThereisnofishcaughtinGladstone

Harbour,butwhowouldhaveeatenthatfishanyway?Therehasbeena

recentalgaebloom,butthecausesareagainuncertain.

IaskedheraboutherviewsonMattLandos'report.Shewasscepticalofthequality

ofhisscience,butaddedthat‘dredgingisdebatable,andonecouldarguethatyou

shouldn'ttakethemudouttothereefbutdumpitelsewhere.Also,therehasbeena

changeintactics,wheretheslogannowseemstobe“talkmore,doless”.’Dr

CampbellalsopointedoutthatthePortsCorporation'smandatoryEIS

(EnvironmentalImpactStatement),publishedpriortothecommencementof

dredging,reportedonshorebirds,dolphinsanddugongs,butmadenoreporton

fish.

Soonafter,IaskedDrJeremijenkowhythewatermonitoringcarriedoutbyVision

Environmenthadnotdetectedthepresenceoftoxins.

Youhavetomonitormanytimesandusedifferentcriteriaeachtimeifyou

reallywanttofindoutwhatiswrong.Totakeananalogy,ifIhaveapatient

withaswollen,painfulleg,andIcan'timmediatelydiagnosehim,Ican'tjust

sendhimhomeandsaythatheisfine.Ihavetocontinuesearchingforthe

causes.Intheend,inthisparticularcase[Fred],ittookayeartoidentifythe

Shewenellabacteria.Iteatsmetals,andpeoplegotsickwithit.Clearly,the

environmentwassuffering.

Anothersurprisewasthatthiswasdeniedbyscientistsdoingthereports

forthePortsCorporation.Theysaidthatthecausewasflooding,whichIsee

asaperversionofscience.Seagrassdied,fishdied,andgovernmentofficials

weremanipulatingsciencetotheirownpurposes.Thiswasaneye-opener

tome.CurtisIslandwasa$60billioninvestment,anddredginginthe

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harbourwascrucialforittocomeabout.Theyhadalreadysold[partof]a

worldheritageislandtotheoilandgascompanies—itwasinitiallyowned

byapastoralist,whosolditcheaplytotheQueenslandGovernment,which

thensoldittothecompanieswithahandsomeprofit.Alotofthingswere

subvertedforthistohappenquickly.Thereisacollusionbetweenthe

industryandgovernmenthere;itwasnotregulatedproperly.Andifyousay

absurdthingsforlongenough,suchas‘theskyispink’,eventuallyalotof

peoplearegoingtotakeyouonyourword,butthatdoesn'tmakethesky

anymorepink.

AhandfulofdismissivecommentswerepostedbelowtheYouTubevideooftheABC

programmewhereDrAndersonpresentsVisionEnvironment'sconclusionsabout

thehealthofGladstoneHarbour.Onesays:

Thevidsaysthewaterwastestedfordissolvedmetalseverymonthfrom

thetimethedredgingbegan.DredgingbeganonMay20,2011.Therewasno

testingofdissolvedmetalstillwellafterthefishgotsickandtheharbour

hadtobeclosed.TotalmetalsweretestedforinApril,Aug,Oct,Novand

onlymonthlyfromthen,whichonlyincludedfordissolvedmetalsfrom

then.TherewasnodissolvedmetaltestinginMay,June,July,Aug,Sept,Oct

2011.sickfishsurprise?theevidenceismissing.

Anothersays:

Shesays‘some’levelsofturbiditydoesn'thurtanyone.It'slikesaying,some

acidrainintheraineverynowandthendoesn'taffectanyone.Mud

particleswhichblockoutsunlighteffectsmarinelifedrastically,killingoff

vegetationwhichneedsunlight,andthemarinelifewhichfeedsoffthe

vegetationmoveoutoreatinfectedplanktonandsorts.

Inthisway,scientificknowledgeisbeingchallengedonitsownterms,bypeople

whoquestionthemethodologyandinterpretationofthedata,butwhodonot

questiontherelevanceofscience.Fortwoyears,alocalenvironmentalgroup,the

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GladstoneConservationCouncil,hadrequestedaccesstotherawdataonwhichthe

PortsCorporationbaseditsassessmentofthewaterqualityintheharbour,butto

noavail.Intheend(January2014),JanArensoftheGCC,achemicalengineer

capableofinterpretingthedataandmethods,finallygotaccesstomostofthedata,

butasaPDFfileratherthaninamoreusefulspreadsheetformat.

Peopleinpowerfulpositions—politiciansandspokesmenfortheGPC—would

typicallyadopttwokindsofpositions,anddeveloptheirstrategiesaccordingly,

whenconfrontedwithanxietyandcriticism.LeoZussino,thedirectorofGPCuntil

2013,wascompletelydismissiveofthecriticism.Hereisashortarticlefromthe

GladstoneObserver.

Callforleaderstostandupagainstharbourcritics

COMMUNITYleadersshouldstandupagainstcriticsofthescienceshowing

GladstoneHarbourisingoodhealth.

ThatistheviewofGladstonePortsCorporationchiefexecutiveLeo

Zussino,whospokeattheGladstoneRegionFuturesSummityesterday.

MrZussinorejectedthenotionthatscientistsmonitoringtheharbourwere

compromisedbecausetheirresearchwaspaidforbytheportauthorityor

thegovernment.

Oneoftheargumentsmadebycriticsofthecurrentdredgingprojectisthat

thegovernmenthasmanipulatedtheoutcomeofscientificresearchonthe

harbourtoshowdredginghasnothadanimpact.

“Itisjustabasepoliticalargument,”MrZussinosaidoftheclaims.

“Whatitbasicallysaysisthateveryscientistwehaveeverused,andthey

areallreputablescientists,iseithermorallycorruptortheyarewillingto,

forabuck,changetheoutcomeoftheirresearch.

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“ItisnonsenseandIgetsickandtiredofcommunityleaderswhowon’t

standupandsayit.”

(GladstoneObserver,12April2013)

CouncillorColChapmanoftheGladstoneRegionalCounciltakesadifferent

approach.Heconcedesthattherearemanyuncertaintiesinvolvedhere,andsays

that‘seawaterisoneofthemostcomplicatedthingstotest’.Hespeaksabout

desalinationowingtorainfall,riversandflooding,turbidityresultingfromincreased

shiptraffic,industrialwasteandnaturalfluctuationsin,forexample,seagrasscover.

‘Itisamatterofseveralthings,notjustthisorthat.’Chapmanhasbeeninvolvedina

broadrangeofcouncil-ledinitiativestomonitorandimprovetheenvironmental

situationinGladstone,andhassuccessfullybuiltpartnershipswithvarious

institutionsincivilsocietyaswellastheindustry.

Perhapsthesolutiondoesnotlieinsearchingforthetruth,butfollowingthemoney.

Landoswaspaidbythefishermentomakehisreport.VisionwerepaidbytheGPC.

ZussinoandtheGPCstoodtolosemoneyandsymboliccapitalweretheytobefound

guiltyofecologicalindifference,whiletheCouncilhasasoneofitsmaininterestto

buildtrustbetweentheresidentsandtheindustry.Themembersofcivilsociety

whowerequotedliberallyinAct2,andtoalesserextentinthisact,wouldinmany

casesbepersonallyentangledwiththeinterestseitheroftheGPRanditsallies,or

withtheforcesopposingit.Some,however,suchastheGladstoneConservation

CouncilandDrJeremijenko,donotseemtohavevestedinterestsatall.

ThestoryaboutthedredgingofGladstoneHarbourmighthaveendedhere,

somewhatinconclusively,withevidencepointinginseveraldirections,possiblywith

themoreconvincingstoriessupportingtheviewthatenvironmentaltoxinswere

releasedthroughthedredging,leadingtodeathanddiseaseinfishandcrabs,and

resultinginboils,infectionsand—inacoupleofcases—seriousillnessamong

peoplewhocameinregularcontactwithfishfromtheharbour.However,thereisa

finalact,whichdevelopsthethemeofknowledgeandpowerfurther,anditconcerns

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thebundwallcontainingmostofthedredgespoiltopreventdamagetotheharbour

asaresultofthemassivedredgingoperation.

Act4:Thebundwallscandal

Whenitcomestogovernmentofficials...somebodyhasdeliberatelybeen

playingsometricksonus.Othershavebeenmisinformed.Toomuchwasat

stake.Soitwasclaimedthatthebundwallcompliedwithlegislation.Some

havebeenthinking,thisiswhatwewantyoutoknow.Nottherest.Thereis

likelytohavebeenacoregroupwhohaveknownthetruth[aboutthebund

wall]allalong.

–EnvironmentalactivistbasedinSydney

ManysuspectedthatthePortsCorporationwerenottellingthewholetruthabout

thebundwall,whichwasmeanttobeawatertightsealpreventingdredgespoil

fromenteringintotheNarrowsandtheharbour.However,aerialphotosindicated

thatbrown,muddywaterwasleakingoutofthebundwallonallsides(cf.Figure2

above).TheGPCrefusedtoacceptthisevidence,insistingthatthebundwallwas

safeandsealedsaveforaminorleakageintheearlydaysofdredging.

Astheforegoinghasmadeclear,thereissomuchcomplexitysurroundingthe

dredgingthattheleakagesmightconceivablyhavebeenforgottenamidthegeneral

confusionanduncertainty.Regardingthedredgingingeneral,notonlywasthere

disagreementaboutthecausesofenvironmentalproblemscoincidingintimewith

thedredging;therewasalsodisagreementabouttheverydescriptionofthe

situation.

Thecontroversyaroundthebundwall,whichwasattackedasleakyanddodgy,but

defendedassoundandsafe,tookanunexpectedturninJanuary2014,whenthe

previousenvironmentalmanageroftheGladstonePortsCorporationcameoutasa

whistleblowerinTheAustralian,anationwidenewspapernotusuallyknownforits

environmentalistcredentials.AsearlyasAugust2011,JohnBroomheadhad

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reportedtohisemployerthatthebundwallwasseriouslyfaulty,andthat

potentiallytoxicdredgespoilleakedoutofitatlowtide.Twoandahalfyearslater,

theenvironmentaleditorofthenewspaper,GrahamLloyd,describedacultureof

secrecy,anopaqueprocessofdecision-makingwherebytheLNGprojectwas

impracticablylocatedtoanislandratherthantothemainlandwheretherewas

alreadyaStateDevelopmentArea,andspokeofanemergingecologicalcatastrophe

inaWorldHeritagearea,takingplace‘undertheastonishedgazeofUNESCO’(Lloyd

2014).

In2011,theGPChadconcededthatthebundwallwouldbesomewhatleakyuntilit

wassealedbyamassiveamountofdredgespoilplacedagainstthewall.However,

theyhadnotadmittedthatitsconstructionwasfaulty.

Broomheadwasnottheonlywhistleblowertocallattentiontothebundwall

scandal.InAugust2013,BillService,dredgingadvisortotheQGC(QueenslandGas

Company)andWarrenHornsey,NationalTechnicalManagerofGeofabrics

Australasia,hadgivenadetailedpresentationtoEngineersAustraliaidentifying

mistakesmadeduringtheconstructionofthebundwall.Theyexplainedindetail

howtheGPC,inabidtosavetimeandmoney,hadsettledforaninferiorgeotextile

sealingthebundwall,andthatithadbeenplacedalongtheinternalrimandnotin

thecoreofthebundwall.Asaresult,thegeotextilesoonbecametornandleaky

(ServiceandHornsey2013).

InanenvironmentalbriefingreleasedbytheGPCitselfinOctober2011,itismerely

remarkedthat‘[t]herehavebeenshortperiodsofheightenedturbiditylevelsduring

extremeSpringtidesneartheFisherman’sLandingbundwall’(GPC2011:3),butno

conclusionisdrawn.However,inareportcommissionedbytheGPC,submittedin

November2011,theengineeringfirmBMTWBMstatedthattheleakingbundwall

wasalikelycauseforthepoorwaterqualityatthetimewhenfishandotheranimals

weresickanddyinginlargenumbers.Thisreportwasreleased(orleaked)tothe

publiconlyinNovember2013(Lloyd2014).TheGladstoneObserver,whichcalled

92

attentiontothemountingscandalinseveralarticlesinDecember2013andJanuary

2014,hadconcluded,on2August2013,that‘Flooding,notdredging,causedsick

fishinGladstoneharbour’,basingtheconclusionona‘finalreport’onsickfish

commissionedbyGPC.Owingtothenewinformation,thenewspaperhadnow

changeditsmind.

ThenewboldnessoftheObserverincritiquingthepowerfulPortsCorporationmay

alsohavebeenlinkedtothefactthatitsCEOhadbeendismissedinAugust.Leo

Zussinowasknownforhisimpatiencewithcritics,andhadthreatenedtotakethe

newspapertocourtforlibelonseveraloccasionsinthepast.‘Thesemovestypically

endedwithout-of-courtsettlementswhichhavecosttheObserverquiteafew

dollars,’ajournalistwiththenewspapersays.

DrJeremijenkosecondsthisinterpretation.IaskedhimwhyTheAustralian,a

RupertMurdoch-ownednewspaperwhichwouldoftensupportthecorporations

againstlocalcommunities,nowranaseriesofcriticalarticlesabouttheGladstone

PortsCorporation.‘Yes,theyranthewhistleblower'sstory.Whathappenedhere

wasthatLeoZussino,wholikedtosuepeoplewhocriticizedhim,hadtakenGraham

Lloydtocourtsometimeback,soLloydwasnonetoofondoftheGladstonePorts

Corporation.Thiscouldbeseenasawayofhittingbackatthem.’

ThedismissalofZussino,whohadbeenCEOoftheGPCfor21yearsandopenly

statedthathehadnowishtoleave,islikelytohavebeenrelatedtothebundwall

affair.ChiefexecutivesoftheGPChad,accordingtoBroomhead,beenawareoffatal

flawsinthebundwallandthelikelihoodofitsleaksbeinglinkedtotheeffective

deathofthelocalfishingindustrysince2011.Nowthatdredgingwascompleted,it

wasnolongernecessarytoconcealthefactsfromthepublic,whichwouldinthe

longrunbeimpossibleinanycase.So,manyGladstonitesreason,Zussinowas

sacrificedfortheGPCtobeabletowashtheirhandsoffthemountingscandal.

ZussinowascloselyalignedwiththeformerLaborgovernmentofQueensland,

whichhadtakenthecounterintuitivedecisionoflocatingtheLNGplantstoCurtis

93

Island.Hewasreplacedbyaliberal,MarkBrody,withnopriorconnectiontothe

region.

On20January2014,theABC(AustralianBroadcastingCorporation)announced,in

itseveningnewsprogramme,thatthefederalministeroftheenvironment,Greg

Hunt,hadcalledforanindependentinquiryintothebundwallaffair.SinceTony

Abbott'sLiberalgovernmentcametopowerinSeptember2013,Hunthadapproved

severalcoalminesandcoalportexpansionsontheecologicallyvulnerable

Queenslandcoast,andthisdecisionwasclearlytheresultofgrowingpressurefrom

themediaandcivilsociety.

Thereportresultingfromtheinquiryconcludedwithseveralpointsofcriticism

directedattheGPC,andrecommendedbettertransparencyandmoregenuinely

independentdecision-makingprocedures.Thereportidentifiedbreachesof

environmentalconditionssetpriortothedredging,statedthatthewater

monitoringwasinadequate,andemphasizedthatthebundwallwas‘notconsistent

withindustrybestpractices’(Johnson,Tinney,andCresswell2014:vii).The

commission'smandatewaslimitedtothebundwallaffair,andthustheydidnot

commentontheeffectsoftheleakagesonthesurroundingecosystem,aspointed

outandlamentedbytheQueenslandSeafoodIndustryAssociationintheir

submissiontothecommission(QSIA2014).Yet,thefindingsandrecommendations

madeitclearthatseriousmistakeshadbeenmadebyGPCintheconstructionofthe

bundwall,andthatithadnotadequatelycommunicatedthesituationtothepublic.

Epilogue:ontrust,powerandknowledge

Gladstonitesareusedtoindustryhavingitsway.Mostofthemdependdirectlyor

indirectlyontheindustryfortheirlivelihood,andarereluctanttocomplain.Asa

Sydney-basedNGOworkersays,

Whenyourjobisontheline,youmightnotaskthehardquestion....Weget

askewedviewinthepress,oftenwithanemphasisonfactorsthatobstruct

94

theview.Thepoliticiansandcorporationsarepartofthispackage.The

systemisbrokenandneedstobefixed.

Sheseescomplicitybetweenfederalandstatepoliticiansontheonehandand

powerfulindustrialinterestsontheother,visualizedbeyonddisputeintheperson

ofClivePalmer,theminingmagnatewhoformedhisownpoliticalpartyin2013,the

PalmerUnitedParty,andholdsaseatinthefederalparliament.

Trustinthemedia,politiciansandspokespersonsforcorporationsisgenerally

limited.Thereisalsoaconcernaboutthehegemonicknowledgeregimeworking

againstabalancedviewoftherelationshipbetweencarbon-intensiveindustryand

theenvironment.AGladstone-basedenvironmentalistpointedoutthat‘when,last

year[2013],therewerenationwidedemonstrationsagainstfossilfuels,therewasa

hugeturnoutinthemajorcities;eveninBundaberg,40showedup.Itledtoafive-

secondmentiononthenews,andnocoverageinthelargernewspapers.’

Thecomplicitybetweenpoliticiansandcorporationsiseasytounderstand.

ProducinganEISissowellpaidthatitsauthorsmaybemorecautiousandequivocal

intheirassessmentsthantheywouldotherwisehavebeen.ArrowEnergy'sEIS

aboutGladstoneconcedesthattheprojectislocatedwithintheGreatBarrierReef

WorldHeritageArea,andthatimpactsofdredgingandconstructioncoulddisturb

fragileecosystems(ArrowEnergy2012).However,ShellOil,whichownsArrow,

statedin2003thatthecompanywould‘notexplorefor,ordevelop,oilandgas

resourcesinnaturalWorldHeritageSites’,andaccordingly,theEISdownplaysthe

locationaswellastheecologicalimplicationsoftheproject.Government,inturn,

receiveslargesumsinrevenueandroyaltiesfromthecompanies,andwould

thereforegenerallysupportdevelopmentofnewprojects.9

MostGladstonitesneverthelesstakealocalperspective,speakingfromtheirown

experience.AresidentofSouthEnd,thesolevillageonCurtisIsland,says:

95

“Well,beforethedredgingstarted,we'dgetperhaps200whitingsinthe

Narrows.Afterwards,itwasperhaps20.Westoppedfishingthereanyway,

wentoutontheothersideoftheislandinstead.”

Hecontinues:“Whatreallyangeredme...”

Hiswifeinterrupts:“...andhedoesn'treallygetangry...”

“...wasbeingtreatedlikeanidiot.”

Hiswifeadds:“Before,wewouldhavefishperhapsthreeorfourtimesa

week.Butnow,wouldIeatthefishfromtheharbour?”

“Youalsostoptrustingscientists.IfCSIRO[CommonwealthScientificand

IndustrialResearchOrganisation]tellsmethateatingthefishfrom

GladstoneHarbourissafe,wouldIdoit?Notnecessarily.Theveryconcept

oftheindependentinquiryhasbeenhollowedout.”

AndrewJeremijenkogetsthefinalwordinsumminguptherelationshipbetween

power,trustanddifferentregimesofknowledgeintheprospering,booming,but

fraughtandparadoxicalindustrialcityofGladstone:

Theairqualityisalsopoorlyregulated.Areasofconcernincludealuminium

dustlevels,whicharehigherherethanincomparableplacesintheUS,but

alsootherdischarges.Personally,Ihaveasthma,andIwouldn'tlivein

Gladstone,no.Coaldustalsoincreases,andisprojectedtoincreasefurther

inthecomingyears,andalsohasanimpact.Itishardtoblameallthison

‘naturalcauses’.

ButwhentheycansellaGBRislandofftoagascompanyandgetawaywith

it,yougetthefeelingthattheycandoanything.Itisanincredibleexample

ofpoorenvironmentalregulation,asistheharbouraffair.Well,Gladstoneis

basicallyrunbytheports,andsomehavemadealotofmoneyoutofthis.

96

Otherswillgetveryrich.Clearly,allthepowerfulpeoplejustwantedthe

problemstogoaway.

References

ArrowEnergy(2012)ArrowLNGPlant:EnvironmentalImpactStatement.Brisbane:Coffey

EnvironmentsAustralia.

Eriksen,ThomasHylland.Inpress.NIMBYandenvironmentalactivisminanindustrialtown.

ForthcominginEthnos.

Evans-Pritchard,E.E.1937.Witchcraft,MagicandOraclesAmongtheAzande.Oxford:Oxford

UniversityPress

Foucault,Michel.[1969]2002.TheArchaeologyofKnowledge.London:Routledge.

GladstonePortsCorporation.2011.WesternBasinDredringandDisposalProjectEnvironmental

Impacts.Gladstone:GPC

Johnson,Andrew,AntheaTinney,andIanCresswell.2014.IndependentReviewoftheBundWallat

thePortofGladstone.Canberra:CommonwealthofAustralia.

Landos,Matt.2012.InvestigationoftheCausesofAquaticAnimalHealthProblemsintheGladstone

HarbourandNearshoreWaters.Gladstone:GladstoneFishingResearchFund.

Latour,Bruno.2007.ReassemblingtheSocial:AnIntroductiontoActor–NetworkTheory.Oxford:

OxfordUniversityPress.

Lloyd,Graham.2014.Drivenoveraleakywall.TheAustralian,13January2014.

Long,Norman.1992.BattlefieldsofKnowledge:TheInterlockingofTheoryandPracticeinSocial

ResearchandDevelopment.London:Routledge.

QueenslandSeafoodIndustryAssociation.2014.SubmissiontotheIndependentReviewintothe

LeakingBundWallatthePortofGladstone.Downloadedfrom

http://www.environment.gov.au/submissions/gladstone-bund-wall/15-queensland-seafood-

industry-association.pdfon21January2016.

Scott,James.1998.SeeingLikeAState:HowCertainSchemestoImprovetheHumanConditionhave

Failed.NewHaven:YaleUniversityPress.

97

Service,BillandWarrenHornsey.2013.“GladstoneHarbourDredgedSpoilBundWall—WhatWent

Wrong?”PresentationtoEngineersAustralia,GriffithsUniversity,Brisbane21August2013.

Worsley,Peter.1997.Knowledges:WhatDifferentPeoplesMakeOfTheWorld.London:Profile.

98

5.TinkeringwithKnowledge:Representational

PracticesandScalinginU.S.ThinkTanks

ChristinaGarsten

Professor

DepartmentofSocialAnthropology

StockholmUniversity

SE10691StockholmsuniversitetSweden

christina.garsten@socant.su.se

Bionote:ChristinaGarstenresearchesglobalizationprocessesandnewformsof

governanceinorganizationsandprofessionalbusinessandpolicynetworks.She

currentlystudiestheroleofthinktanksinsettingagendasforglobalgovernance.

Earlierworkshavefocusedontransnationalorganizationalculture,on

organizationalvisionsoftransparencyandaccountabilityfortransnationaltrade,

andonpolicychangestowardsflexibilityandemployabilityinworklife.Sheis

ProfessorattheDepartmentofSocialAnthropology,StockholmUniversity,and

ChairoftheExecutiveBoardofScore(StockholmCentreforOrganizational

Research).

Abstract

Thinktanks,orpolicyinstitutes,arebecomingsignificant‘sitesofnormativity’onthe

globalpoliticalscene.Whiletheirprimaryconcernoftenistoprovideknowledge,

basedonwhichdecisionmakerscanmakeinformedchoices,theyalsoplayapartin

settingorganizationalagendasandpriorities,andinmobilizingforpoliticalaction.

BasedonethnographicfieldworkinthinktanksinWashingtonDC,thepaperengages

withthemodesrepresentationusedbypolicyexpertsastheystrivetogettractionand

99

establishcredibilityfortheirideas.Theworkofpolicyexpertscanbeunderstoodasa

formof‘bricolage,’inwhichinformationandnormativeperspectivesaretinkeredwith

andarethusaffordedtruth-value.Theuseofdistanciationandproximation

techniquesfacilitatesthecontinuousscale-makingprocessesinwhichpolicyexperts

areinvolvedandmakespossiblethe‘evacuationofthenearfuture’.

Keywords:thinktanks,policyexpertise,knowledge,bricolage,representation,United

States

Introduction:Thinktanksas‘sitesfornormativity’

Thinktanks,orpolicyresearchinstitutes,areemergingaskey‘sitesfornormativity’

fortheglobalorder(cf.Sassen1998).Innation-statepoliticaldebatesaswellasin

transnationalpoliticaldiscourse,andnotleastinponderingsonthestateofthe

economy,theglobalfinancialcrisis,andglobalriskscenarios,think-tank

professionalsaregainingincreasingtractionfortheirviewpoints.

Thegrowthofthinktanksoverthelastfewdecadeshasbeenexplosive,bothin

termsofnumbersandscopeofactivity.AccordingtoMcGann(2012:15),90,5per

centofallU.Sthinktankswereestablishedafter1950,withnumbersmorethan

doublingsince1980.Asimilar,butnotasdramatic,trajectorycanbeseen

worldwide.Despiteamarkeddecreaseintherateofestablishmentofnewthink

tanksinrecentyears,thinktankscontinuetoincreasetheirroleandinfluencein

countriesaroundtheworld,offeringexpertknowledgeforgovernmentaldecision-

makingandarenasfordiscussionstotakeplace.

Theprincipaltaskofmostthinktanksistogeneratepolicy-relevantknowledgeand

toprovideinformationtopoliticalandbusinesselitesaswellasthepublicatlarge–

knowledgethatcantheninfluencepoliticaldecisions.Thistrendismostvisiblein

theU.S.,wheretanktankshavealongtraditionof‘helpinggovernmentthink,’

traceableallthewaybacktotheProgressiveEraReformandtheriseofScientific

Managementintheearlyyearsofthe20thCentury.TheU.S.isalsothecountrywith

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thelargestnumberofthinktanks(1,823in2012),makingup29,1percentofthe

world’sthinktanks(McGann2012).

Inessence,thinktanksareplaceswhereinformationisbeinggatheredand

packaged,andknowledgeisbeingproducedanddistributed.Theyaremotorsinthe

diffusionofnormativelychargedideasabouthowthecurrentstateofaffairsshould

beunderstood,dealtwith,andimproved.Theyfunctionbothasagendasetters(cf.

Kingdom1984)andasanarenafortheepistemiccommunitiesofglobalpolicyand

economics(Haas1992).Policyexpertsworkingforthinktanks,orappearingat

eventsstagedbythem,arepartofagrowingcadreofprofessionalsidentifiedby

Nader(1992)as‘symbolicanalysts,’ie’mindworkers’whoengageinprocessing

informationandsymbolsforaliving.Theyareengagedintheassembling,

packaging,anddiffusionofcomplexsetsofdataofthestateoftheworldin

producingglobalscenariosofculturalflowsandbordersthatenter‘thepublic

geoculturalimagination,’inHannerz’(2009)senseoftheterm.Suchscenarios

capturetheimaginationsofpoliticiansandpolicymakers,oftenbywayofseductive

soundbites,like‘theclashofcivilizations’(Huntington1993,1996),‘theendof

history’(Fukuyama),or‘theworldisflat’(Friedman2005).

InAnnaL.Tsing’s(2005)terms,wemightseepolicyexpertsasengagedin‘scale-

making’activities,activitiesthatnecessitateparticularimaginingsofthecontoursof

actionandrelations.Theseframingsinturn,mayhavetangibleconsequencesfor

socialpractice.Insofarasscaleistoalargeextentaboutperceptionandimagination,

scenariosmustconjureasenseoftheirscope,applicabilityandefficacyinorderto

function(cf.Richard2012:137).Thescalingprojectsalsoallowforthenegotiation

ofpoliticalissues,socialcontracts,redistributionofresourcesandwelfaretoshift

alternatinglybetweenthepersonalandthecollective,andthenationaland

transnationalscale(cf.Uitermark2002).

Acentralargumentisthattheactivitiesundertakenbythinktanksmustbe

understoodwithinananalyticalperspectiverelatingtotimeandthefutureandhow

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actorsmakesenseofcomplexeventsandimaginablescenarios.Inthisperspective,

thevariousactivitiesofthinktankshaveeffectsoftheirown,insofarastheyoften

succeedingivingamoredeterminateformtoanindeterminatefuture.Here,Guyer’s

notionofthe‘evacuation’ofthenearfuture(e.g.Guyer2007),entailinga

reorientationofpeople’sattentionandpoliticalprojectstoimmediatesituationsand

distanthorizons,therebyabandoningmidtermreasoningandorganizationis

relevant.Inthecaseofthinktanks,wemayobserveashiftingbetweenthedistant

imaginablefutureandtheimmediatefuture,whichtendstoleavethenearfutureas

an’emptyspace’.

Inbroaderperspective,theemergenceofnewandmultiple‘sitesfornormativity,’in

partmadeupbythinktanks,signalsthepartialdisruptionoftheexistingformal,

geopoliticalarchitecture(Sassen1998).Thisinturnraisesquestionsaboutthe

futureofcrucialframeworksthroughwhichmodernsocieties,economies,and

polities(undertheruleoflaw)haveoperated;aboutthesocialcontractofliberal

states,moderncitizenship,andtheformalmechanismsthatrendercertainclaims

legitimateandothersillegitimateinliberaldemocracies.Assemblagesof

institutionalarrangementsareemergingalongsideandentangledinestablished

nationalandinternationalcollaborationanddecision-making,assemblagesthatare

abletoexertadegreeofauthorityandtopromotecertainnormativeperspectives

onselectedissues.Suchglobalorganizationalconstellationstoalargeextentescape

‘thegridofnationalinstitutionalframes’(Sassen2008:61).Anessentialfeatureof

thinktanksispreciselytheirabilitytoexertinfluencebeyondtheformal

organizationalboundaries,bywayofvastnetworksofconnectionstoboth

individualsandorganizations.Throughtheirassemblage-typeorganization,think

tankscande-border,andevenexit,establishednormativeorders.

Informingthesescale-makingactivitiesandscenarioproductionsarelargebodiesof

informationandresearch.Researchinthinktanksisundertakenonawiderangeof

topicsrelatingtothepolicynicheofthethinktank.Researchprogramsmayemerge

fromtheinterestsandexpertiseofscholars,theprioritiesoftheleaders,available

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fundingopportunities,orinterestsofstrategicpartners.Theyworkactivelyto

ensurethatresearchproductsandpolicyrecommendationsreachpolicymakers,

advocatesandpublic-opinionleaders,andcontinuouslyexperimentwithnew,more

effectivewaystoturnideasintoaction.Think-tankexpertsproduceanextensive

rangeofprintandonlinematerials,suchasbooks,peer-reviewedworkingpapers,

essays,policybriefs,congressionaltestimonies,andshortpolicymemosaddressed

tospecificpolicymakers.Policyrecommendationsandanalyticfindingsareaswell

adaptedinformatandlengthtosuitdiverseaudiences.Think-tankexpertsalso

writetheirownopinioneditorials(op-eds)andmayalsohavetheirownwebpages.

Onlineengagementiscrucial.Mostthinktankshavealivelywebsiteandapresence

insuchsocialmedianetworksasFacebookandTwitter.Theirstaffproducepolicy

blogs,inwhichseniorexpertsprovidetheirviewsontopicalissuesandadvocate

policychanges.Theproductionofdocuments,as‘artifactsofknowledgepractices,’

inAnneliseRiles’(2009:7)terms,isconsiderable.Moreover,thinktanksorganizea

rangeofeventsthatfeaturetheworkoftheirexpertsandotherinfluentialpolicy

thinkers,withtheaimofreachingawideraudienceofpolicymakers,academics,

diplomats,analysts,advocates,andjournalists.Thinktanksalsodependfortheir

authorityonaccesstoandcontroloflargesetsofdata,suchasindexes,rankings,

andothermetrics,forthecraftingofrobustdataandscenariosforfuture

development(cf.Merry2011).Therelevanceofthinktanks’propositionsforpolicy

makingreliesonthembeingabletoforecasttrajectoriesofdevelopmentforthe

verylongterm,toprovideversionsofdistantfuturity.Toalargeextent,these

scenariosarebasedondominantversionsofmacroeconomictheory,‘workedoutin

myriaddetailsandtechnicalinnovationsoverdecades’(Guyer2007:410),to

achievethetractiontheyarestrivingtobeaffordedincontemporarypolicymaking.

Adistinctivefeatureofthetemporalitiesevokedbysuchdoctrinesis,accordingto

Guyer,aconcentrationon‘choice’,intheveryshortrun,andtheanchoringnotions

ofthedistantfuture,asin‘waysoflife’.Maintaininggrowthandprogressrequires

continuousexperimentationwithandtheterminationofunsuccessfulexperiments

throughmarketcompetition(Guyer2007:414;Sowell2000:73).Theadvancement

ofmacroeconomictheorybyliberalandcorporate-sponsoredthinktanksdisplayat

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oncetherelianceonrationalizedandabstractformsofdata,metrics,andformsof

representationthatallowforprojectionsofversionsofdistantfuturity.

Thusequippedwiththelatestbodiesoftopicalknowledge–‘evidence’asitwere–

thinktankscompeteforattention,visibility,andimpact,andworktoinfluence

politicalagendasoutsideofregulardecision-makingrooms.However,sincemost

AmericanthinktanksareorganizedunderU.S.corporatelawonthesametermsas

charitiesandeducationalorganizations,theycanonlyuseatinyportionoftheir

totalresourcesforlobbyingandpoliticaladvocacy.Consequently,theymustbe

inventiveinfindingwaysofgettingtheirideasacrosswithoutengaginginlobbying

inthestrictsense,butbywayof‘educatingandinforming’publicofficialsabout

criticalissues.Agreatdealofeffortgoesintoensuringthatexpertsaregiventhe

opportunitytoprovidetestimoniesondevelopmentissuesbeforetheHouseand

SenateCommitteesonCapitolHill—testimoniesthatserveascriticalmilestonesin

theworkofexperts.

So,howaretheyfaring?Presentingevidenceoftheinfluenceofthinktankson

policyisatrickymatter.AsnotedbyWeidenbaum(2010:134),‘thereisan

inevitableamountofpufferyintheclaimsofindividualthinktanks,especiallywhen

theyareraisingmoneyorreportingtotheirsupporters.’Itisclearlyatemptation

forthink-tankexpertstoclaimcreditforthepublicpolicystatementsofnationally

knownlegislativefigures.Evenso,thinktanksareinthepositiontowieldaformof

‘softpower’(Nye2004),whichworksbywayofattractionandmobilization,

agenda-settingandpersuasion,ratherthanbycoercionandsanction.Centraltothe

workingsofsoftpowerincontemporaryformsofgovernancearetheassociations

betweenentitiesconstruedas‘political’,andtheprojects,plansandpracticesof

these.Knowledgeispivotalfortheseactivities,asitisthroughexpertiseand

evidencethatgovernanceisexecuted,throughattemptstoinfluence,mobilize,

encourage,direct,andframeunderstandings(RoseandMiller1992:175).

Consequently,thepossiblepowerthataparticularthinktankcanacquireand

executeisnotpowerinanovert,formalandlegalsenseoftheword,butrather

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powerintheformofauthority(cf.Cutler,HauflerandPorter1999,Weber1948),

whichmaybeusedforinfluencingpoliticaldecisionmakers.Thisauthoritymayfor

exampleregardcontrollinganagenda,shapingdebatesanddiscourses,constructing

a‘politicalproblem,’andsoforth.

Softpowerisrelational,inthatinitreliesonarelationshipbetweenagentand

subject.Aslooselyintegratedorganizationalentities,thinktanksmaintainvastly

stretchednetworksofconnectionstootherthinktanks,togovernment,

multilaterals,andcorporations.Lackingaformalmandatetoengageinlobbyingor

advocacy,thinktanksaredependentuponthesuccessfulmanagementoftheir

networks,andthenurturingofconnections,tobeabletoexertinfluenceand

achieveimpact.Withnewmeansofconnectivity,powerandinfluenceare

consequentlybecomingmoreintertwinedintocomplexrelationalnetworks

(Rothkopf2008,Stone2001,Wedel2009,Weidenbaum2008).Furthermore,soft

powerissituational,inthesensethatwhatisavaluableresourceinthewieldingof

powervarieswithculturalcontext.Theassemblage-likeorganizationofthinktanks

meansthattheycanestablishparticularized‘normative’ordersspecifictopolicy

issues.

However,theauthorityuponwhichthinktanksrelyisfragile,inthatitdependson

theswayoftheirnormativeideasandtheirabilitytotranslateresearchintopolicy

relevantknowledgethatcapturestheattentionofthemedia,ofthepublic,andof

decisionmakers,(cf.Nye2004).Withoutthecapabilitytogettheirmessageto‘stick’

andtheirpresentationstobearonurgentpoliticalproblems,thereportsandthe

eventswouldbethinwithregardstoauthority.Wereitnotfortheirnetworks,the

influenceofthinktankswouldbelimitedinscope.Andwithoutthefinancialsupport

ofdonors,thepossibilityofthinktankstoactuallyengageinthesetopics,letalone

attempttoinfluencethepublic,wouldbeslim.

Inthispaper,Iwilldiscusstherepresentationalpracticesofpolicyexperts,witha

focusontechniquesof‘distanciation’and‘proximation.’Whilsttheformerworksto

105

providecondensed,abstractandrationalizedrenderingsofcomplexevents,the

latterprovidescontext,familiarity,andasenseofintimacytonarrativesandtruth

claims.Iwillsuggestthatpolicyexpertsmakeuseofthesetechniquesalternatingly,

togaintractionfortheirideasandtosupporttheirknowledgeclaims.Sincethink

tankslackaformalmandatefromwhichtopursuetheirinfluence,themannerin

whichideasandknowledgeisconveyediscrucialtoestablishingcredibilityand

authority.Theusageofdistanciationandproximationtechniquesfacilitatesthe

continuousscale-makingprocessesinwhichtheyareinvolved.Theworkofpolicy

expertscanbeunderstoodasaformof‘bricolage,’inwhichinformationand

normativeperspectivesaretinkeredwithandareaffordedtruth-value(cf.Lakoff

2008).

ThepaperdrawsonethnographicfieldworkundertakeninWashingtonDCovera

periodoffourmonthsin2011.Fieldworkinvolvedparticipantobservationinone

specificthinktank,varyingdegreesonparticipationineventsandactivities

organizedbyotherthinktanks,andalargenumberofsemi-structuredinterviews

withthink-tankexpertsandstaff.Bystudyingtheproductionofknowledgein

organizationalsettings,andininteractionsbetweenandacrossorganizations,we

maygainanunderstandingofthewayknowledgeclaimsaremadeinactual

practice,howtheyarecontested,andhowoneversionofknowledgegainsprimacy

overanother.Thewaysinwhichorganizationssuchasthinktanksoperate,how

theyworktoconstructknowledgeandtorepresenttheirknowledgetorelevant

audiencesanddecisionmakersmayinformusabouttheorganizationofthepolitics

ofeconomywithintheglobaldomainatlargeandhowthesenetworksand

structuresareembeddedin‘differentlyconfiguredregimesofpower’thatare

culturallyspecific(Ong1999).

Thinknowledge,thickdescription

Fromabird’s-eyeperspective,Drucker(1957,1992)andlaterMansellandWehn

(1998)andStehr(1994)suggestedthatwearemovingtowardsaknowledgeor

knowledge-basedsociety,whichwouldinvolvegreatercollaborativeknowledge

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sharingglobally,ademocratizationanduniversalizationofknowledge,underpinned

bytechnologicaladvances.Thistypeofknowledgeplaysacrucialroleinshaping

socialactionandinformattingorganizations,inthatitprovidesmodels,templates

andsetsoftechniquesforthemanagementofsocialactionandoforganizations.The

knowledgeusedandproducedisknowledgeofacertainkind:largesetsof

aggregateddatathatisactionable,andorganizedtogenerateimplications

(Strathern1992,1999).Furthermore,thisknowledgeisqualified,inthesenseof

beingsystematized,madeexplicit,renderedlegible(Scott1998)andrationalized,in

thatitreliesuponneutralityandscientificgrounding(MeyerandRowan1977).

Rationalizedknowledgeoccupiesapivotalplaceinattemptsatimproving

contemporarysocialandorganizationalpractice,soalsointhinktanks.Decisions

aboutpriorities,resourceallocationsandreorganizationsareideallybasedonsolid,

reliableandqualifiedknowledgeintheshapeoftemplatesfororganizing,ranking

listsandaudits.Theproductionofsuchknowledgeistheverybasisofthethink-

tankrationale.Manythinktankshavedevelopedtheirownmetrics,suchasindexes,

tosupportthemakingof‘evidence’andactionableknowledge.

Relianceoncondensedformsofknowledgeoftenentailsthat‘thin’ratherthan

‘thick’descriptionsarebeingused(Geertz1973,Porter2012).Readilyavailable

factsarepreferredoverdetailedstories;general,abstractformsofknowledgeare

chosenoverlocal,idiosyncraticknowledge;systematized,codifiedandevidence-

basedformsofknowledgearerelieduponratherthaneveryday,tacit,and

experience-basedknowledge(cf.Polanyi1966).Weber(1919)emphasizedthe

continuedrefinementandstandardizationofknowledgeandpracticeasa

prerequisitefortherationalbureaucraticorganization.Inhisview,rationalactionin

ageneralsensepresupposesknowledge.Itrequiressomeknowledgeofthe

ideationalandmaterialcircumstancesinwhichouractionisembedded,fortoact

rationallyistoactonthebasisofconsciousreflectionabouttheprobable

consequencesofaction.Modernscientificandtechnologicalknowledgeisa

culminationofwhatWebercalledintellectualization,inthecourseofwhich

knowledgebasedonreligion,theologyormetaphysicswerepushedintotherealm

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ofsuperstition,mysticismorirrationality,inagradualprocessofdisenchantment.

Suchtypesofknowledge–whatGeertz(1973)andPorter(2012)call‘thin’

description,makespossibletheperceptionofdevelopmentsandfuturitiesand

facilitatesthegoverningoflargeterritories.Suchknowledgerestsonsimplelinear,

causallinksamongvariousphenomena,theproductionoflarge-scale,quantified

data–datawhichneitherconsidersvaluejudgementsnorseeksmeaning,but

merelyprovidesevidencewhichcaneasilybeactedupon.Accordingly,

organizationsdevelopproceduresfortheproductionanddiffusionofthin

knowledge;theywillshapetheproductionanddiffusionofknowledgetotheir

needs.Manycontemporarypoliticalconflictsareframedinthelanguageof

knowledgeandevidence,thuscreatingpressureforthemobilizationofmoredata

andprovidinganimpetusforthecreationofso-calledknowledge-intensive

organizationstocompileandassessexistingknowledgeandtoclaimversionsof

solid,robustknowledge.

AsHandelman(2004)noted,however,whilstwemayconsidertheidealWeberian

organizationasamarkerofmodernityandrationality,builtonreasonand

objectifiedknowledge,thisknowledgemixeseasilywiththickcontextualized

knowledgeandmythicalbeliefs.Thecomplexitiesofmixingdifferentformsof

knowledgehavebeenpoignantlyaddressedinclassicalsociologicalworks.Adorno

andHorkheimer(1944)arguedfortheimpossibilityofvalue-freeandobjective

knowledgeinmoderncapitalistsociety.Inacombinationofinsightsadoptedfrom

Marx,WeberandFreud,theydeclaredtheentireprojectofEnlightenmenttobe

illusory,primarilybecauseitwasaquestionofideology,heavilyboundtocapitalist

logicanditscorruptionofreal-lifevalues.Organizationalactorsuseandproduce

diverseformsofknowledge,andmustcontinuouslydealwithdiversifiedsetsof

knowledge.InBarth’sperspective(1995),knowledgemaybeproductivelyseenasa

majormodalityofculture,asthatwhichpeopleemploytointerpretandactonthe

world:feelingsaswellasthoughts,embodiedskillsaswellastaxonomiesandother

verbalmodels.Suchaviewofknowledgeabstractsitlessandpointstopeople’s

engagementwiththeworld,throughaction.Itacknowledgesthefactofglobally

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continuousvariation,withformsofknowledgenotseparableintohomogenized

entities,butinterlinked.InBarth’swords(1995:66),‘italertsustointerchangeand

toflux.’Thusafocusonknowledgearticulatescultureinaformthatmakesit

‘transitive’intheinteractionbetweenpeople,becauseofitspotentialusetoboth

parties.

Furthermore,aknowledgesocietyisnotsimplyasocietyofmoreknowledgeand

technologyandoftheeconomicandsocialconsequencesofthesefactors.Itisalsoa

societypermeatedwithknowledgesettings,thewholesetofarrangements,

processesandprincipleswhichserveknowledgeproductionandunfoldwithits

articulation.Societyislargelyconstitutedbysuchsettingsandarrangements.

Knowledgesociety,then,broadlyimpliesthegrowingimportanceofknowledge-

relatedculturescomprisingnewwaysoforganizingworkandsocietyandof

producingknowledge(Knorr-Cetina2007).Thinktanks,assitesfornormativity,are

onesuchsetting,gearedtotheproductionanddisseminationofknowledge,tothe

shapingofthepublicmind.

Bricolageandthecreativetinkeringwithknowledge

Localpracticesofknowledgetinkeringinthinktankssharesignificantdimensions

ofwhatLevi-Straussterms‘bricolage’(1966).InLevi-Strauss’view,thebasic

structuresofthinkingandcreatingarethesameinallculturesandwhathecalled

‘thesavagemind’worksinthesamemanneras‘thecivilizedmind’.Hedefinesthe

conceptof‘bricolage’asamethodofexpressionthroughtheselectionandsynthesis

ofcomponentsdrawnfromsurroundingculture.Incomparisontothetrue

craftsman,whomLévi-StrausscallstheEngineer,theBricoleurisadeptatmany

tasksandatputtingpreexistingthingstogetherinnewways.TheEngineer,who

approximatesscientificknowledge,dealswithprojectsintheirentirety,conceiving

andprocuringallthenecessarymaterialsandtoolstosuithisproject.TheBricoleur

ontheotherhandadaptshisprojecttoafinitestockofmaterialsandtoolsathand.

Lévi-StrausssuggeststhattheBricoleurreappropriates‘acollectionofoddments

leftoverfromhumanendeavors,’toexpresshim-orherself.TheBricoleurmust

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‘makedowith‘whateverisathand,’’choosingfromafinitesetoftoolsandmaterials

which‘bearsnorelationtothecurrentproject,orindeedtoanyparticularproject.’

AndthisisunlikethefigureoftheEngineer,whohasavailableallthe‘rawmaterials

andtoolsconceivedandprocuredforthepurposeoftheproject.’InLévi-Strauss’

terms,theuniverseoftheBricoleurisclosed,inthatheisforcedtomakedowith

whateverisathand,whereastheuniverseoftheEngineerisopeninthatheisable

tocreatenewtoolsandmaterials.Butbothlivewithinarestrictivereality,andso

theEngineerisforcedtoconsiderthepreexistingsetoftheoreticalandpractical

knowledge,oftechnicalmeans,inasimilarwaytotheBricoleur.Lévi-Strauss

furtherassertsthatthesetofpossibleusesforeachcomponentavailabletothe

Bricoleurislimited,becauseeachcomponentretainssomeresidualpropertiesand

fragmentsofmeaningrelevanttoitsoriginalpurpose.Heholdsthatplacingthe

materialsinanewcontext,however,canaltertheirmeaning,suggestingthatasa

methodology,bricolagecanbeempowering.

Theactivitiesofpolicyexpertsareinmanywaysanalogoustobricolage.Theyoften

needtodrawonresourcesthatareproducedelsewhere,suchasacademic

knowledge,politicalprocesses,andpolicyexpertise,andtomakethebestoutof

theiraccesstothese.Theyarerelativelyfreetomakenewuseofthematerialsthey

havegathered.Theymaypositionknowledgeclaimsinlinewiththeirnormative

inclinationandmissionwaysthatagovernmentfundeduniversityusuallycannot.It

isthisrelativelibertyintheprocessofcraftingthatmayproveattractiveto

audiencesandthatmayeventuallyhaveanimpact.Thinktanksaresavvyinthe

poolingofrelevantinformationandinthepackagingoftopicalknowledge.

However,itisnotenough,asthenotionofbricolagewouldsuggest,tocraft

somethingnewoutofwhatisathand.Toachievetraction,policyexpertsmustknow

thelanguage,vocabulary,andthetoneofvoiceofthedesiredaudience.Heorshe

mustbeabletoaddresstherecipientwithcredibility,authority,andtrust,andto

‘translate’itsfindingsandviewsintothevocabularyoftheother.‘Relevance’iskey

here,asistimingandprofessionalism.Beingabletotuneintotheprioritiesofthe

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recipient,whilstpushingtheagendaoftheorganizationonerepresents,isahighly

valuableskill.

AsLatourhassuggested,weshouldnotrestconfidentabouttheaprioriexistenceof

socialandinstitutionalrealms.Allactors(andnotjustsocialscientists)produce

interpretations,andpowerfulactorsofferscriptsintowhichotherscanberecruited

foraperiod.Inthissensetheirinterpretationsareperformative:‘Theyprove

themselvesbytransformingtheworldinconformitywiththeirperspectiveonthe

world’(Latour1996:194–195).Ourconcernbecomes,then,nothowactorsoperate

andstrategizewithinexistingarrangementsofknowledge,buthowprojectsbecome

realthroughtheworkofgeneratingandtranslatinginterests,creatingcontextby

tyinginsignificantpeopleandsosustaininginterpretations(Latour1996;Mosse

2005).Theconceptof‘translation’herereferstomutualenrollmentandthe

interlockingofintereststhatproducesprojectrealities.Thestrategicthinktank

Bricoleurstrivestomakeinterpretationsandprojectsrealbycreatingcontextand

credibilitybywayofalternatingdistanciationandproximationtechniquesandby

shiftingbetweendistantandimmediatefutures.Itistheappearanceofcongruence

betweenproblemsandinterventions,thecoherenceofpolicylogic,andthe

authorityofexpertise(Mitchell2002)thatisreallysurprisingandrequires

explanation(Moore2000:657).Theethnographictaskisthustoshowhow,despite

fragmentationanddissent,heterogeneousactorsareconstantlyengagedincreating

orderthroughpoliticalactsofcomposition(Latour2000).

Representationalpractices:‘distanciation’and‘proximation’

Inthespringof2011,thefinancialcrisishadatightgripontheU.S.economy.

Concernsaboutthefast-growingdeficitandlong-termdebtswereparalyzing

politiciansandfeedingnewschannels.Thedebt-ceilingcrisisof2011wasacrucial

stageintheongoingpoliticaldebateintheUnitedStatesCongressaboutthe

appropriatelevelofgovernmentspendinganditsconsequentialimpactonthe

nationaldebtanddeficit.Negotiationsforthefederalbudgettofundgovernment

operationsforthefiscalyear2011hadcometoastandstill,withadversaries

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showinglittlesignofawilltocompromise.Whilsteverydaylifewenton,asitwere,

thenearfuturehadcometoastandstill.PresidentObamaatonepointlethis

frustrationout,calledoncongressionalleaders–especiallySpeakerJohnBoehner

(R-Ohio)–toactlike‘grown-ups’andavertagovernmentshutdownaftertheymade

noapparentprogressinreachingabudgetagreementataWhiteHousemeeting

earlierintheday.ThebudgetnegotiationsculminatedinearlyApril2011,witha

tenselegislativestandoffleadingtospeculationthatthenationwouldfaceitsfirst

governmentshutdownsince1995.However,adealcontaining$38.5billionincuts

from2010fundinglevelswasreachedwithjusthoursremainingbeforethe

deadline.

TheCatoInstitute,alibertarian,advocacy-orientedWashingtonDC-basedthink

tank,coveredthebudgetdramabywayofahalf-dayconferenceonApril7th,‘The

EconomicImpactofGovernmentSpending.’TheeventfeaturedtwoRepublican

senators,oneformersenatornowseniorexecutivewithaninvestmentbank,a

scholarfromtheAmericanEnterpriseInstitute(aconservativethinktank),among

otherdistinguishedspeakers.Atthisconference,legislatorsandpolicyexperts

discussedtheeconomicconsequencesofbiggergovernment,andanalyzedproposed

solutions.Theannouncementoftheeventonthewebemphasizedtheurgencyof

thesituation:

‘Spendingbythefederalgovernmenthasdoubledinthepast10years,

risingfrom$1.86trillionto$3.82trillion.Thishascausedtheburdenof

federalspendingtoclimbfrom18percentofGDPto25percentofGDP.

Becauseofentitlementprogramsanddemographicchanges,however,

federalspendingcouldclimbtomorethan50percentofGDPifgovernment

policyisleftonautopilot.Atthisspecialafternoonconference,legislators

andpolicyexpertswilldiscusstheeconomicconsequencesofbigger

government,regardlessofhowitisfinanced,andanalyzeproposed

solutions.’

112

Iparticipatedinthisconference,whichdrawtogethersome150peoplefrom

differentorganizations:otherthinktanks,corporations,‘fromuptheHill’(thatis,

Congress),universities,andthemedia.Thedelegatesweremostlyseniormen,well

dressedinbusinesssuits.Theminorityofwomenandyoungstudentsstoodout

fromthecrowd.Alongwithpresentationmaterial,recentlypublishedreportswere

availableoutsidetheconferenceroom.Oneofthem,entitled‘Bankrupt:

EntitlementsandtheFederalBudget’(Tanner2011),veryclearlysupportedthe

argumentsoftheconference,arguinginfavorofreformingentitlementsaspartof

theplantobalancethefederalbudgetandreducethegrowingnationaldebt.The

Catoblogfeaturedentriesonthetopicaswell,alsotargetingthegrowthinfederal

spendingandacuteneedforgovernmentspendingreductions.

Intheintroduction,thehostingSeniorFellowfromtheCatoInstitute,Daniel

Mitchell,outlinedthecriticalityofthecurrentsituation:

‘We’regonnabetalkingabouttheeconomicimpactofGovernment

spendingandofcoursealsotalkingaboutsomepotentialsolutionstoour

budgetproblems.Andwhenwetalkabouttheissues,theeconomicimpact

ofGovernmentspending,we’renotreallytalkingaboutsortoftheargument

aboutKeynesianeconomics–shouldtherebeGovernmentspendingduring

adownturn–we’retalkingaboutthelong-runissueaboutwhatarethe

implicationsofaGovernmentthatconsumessay20percentofGDPversus

onethatconsumes40percentofGDP,whatisbetterforeconomicgrowth,

andofcoursethat’sverymuchanissuethatisdominatingWashingtonright

now,becauseinthelasttenyearsGovernmentspendingonthefederallevel

hasjumpedfrom18percentofGDPto25percentofGDP,andifyoulookat

thelong-runforecast,becauseofthingslikeentitlementprograms,we’re

headingintoGreek-styleterritorywiththefederalgovernmentalone

approachupto45percentofGDP,andthenyouaddin15percentoflocal

government,youcansortofgetanideaoftheproblemswe’refacing.’

113

Thespeakerspresentedtheirarguments,supportedbytablesshowingthe

developmentofthebudgetdeficit,bystatisticsofgovernmentspendingandof

graphsillustratingtheacutenessofthefinancialsituation.Thesefiguresandgraphs

conferredasenseofrobustnessandcredibilityontothearguments,andservedto

instilladegreeofurgencyandseriousnessintheaudience.

RepublicanSenator,BobCorker,whowasbehindthenewBilloncutting

Governmentspending,theCAPAct,startedoutbysaying:

‘So,I’mreallygladtobehere.IappreciatetheworkthattheCatoInstitute

does,andwecertainlyreadnumbersofpapersthatcomefromhere,andI

thinkallofusarebenefitedfromthinktanksthatdowhatyoudo,andwe

greatlyappreciatethat.Ithankyouallfortakingthetimetocomeand

listen.ItrytomakethispresentationinanyplacethatIcan,andI’vedone

this43timesacrossthestateofTennesseeinalmostanysettingyoucan

create.It’salittlebitlongerwhenIdoitthereandit’soneofthose

situationswhereIkindawalkintoastandingovationandIbelieveyoucan

hearapindropbecausepeoplearesoacutelyawareofwhereourcountry

is.Now,I’mnotgonnawalkthroughmultipleslides.Iknowthisaudienceis

veryawarewhereourcountryitasitrelatestoourindebtedness.ButIlook

atthisatatimewhenwe’retryingtofigureouthowkeepourcitizenssafe,

ontheonehand.We’retryingtofigureout,ontheotherhand,howwe

remaininternationallycompetitiveandhowtohavepeoplehaveincreasing

standardsoflivinginthiscountry.Andthenwehavethisissueofdebt,

whichisunderneathallofthis.Ithinkthisisthenumberoneissueforour

countrytoday,Idon’tthinkthereisanythingmoreimportant,andIbelieve

overthenext90to100dayswehaveatremendousopportunitytodo

somethingthatisgreatforourcountry.Ireallybelievethat.Iwakeupevery

singlydaymeetingwithSenatorsonbothsidesoftheaisle,individuallyin

theoffices,sellingthefactthatwehavethatopportunityandneedtotake

advantageofit.’

114

SenatorCorkerproceededtopresentagraphoftheloomingwaveofdebt(seeTable

1).Followingthis,apresentationoftheCapAct,aBillprosedbyhimselftoputa

straitjacketonfiscalspending,waspresented.Aslidedescribedtheoutcomeofthe

differentalternativesuntil2030,includingthemuch-discussedpropositionby

SenatorRyan(seeTable2).ThepositiveeffectsoftheCAPActwereclearlyshown

bywayofthegraph,andSenatorunderlinedthat‘itwouldbeirresponsiblenotto

takeresponsibility.’Therewasaneedforimmediateaction,inordertocreatethe

kindoffuturethattheAmericanpeoplewasclaimedtowant.SenatorCorker

ferventlyemphasizedhowmanagersinchargeactontheneed‘tomakeallthetough

choiceyoucanmake,’‘torighttheshipimmediately,’or‘toimmediatelymakesure

tomakethosechangesthatarenecessary.’‘Hecontinuedbysaying:

‘TheonlywaytocreatethekindofurgencythatweneedinCongresstobe

responsible,tobecourageous,todealwitheverythinginthebudgetsothat

wecanactuallyclosethatgapIwastakingabout,tomeistohave

somethinginplaceliketheCAPAct…Ithinkouropportunitytochangethe

directionofourspendinginthecountryisoneisondebtlimitedvote.I

reallybelieveit.’

Table1

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Table2

Reference:https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=6kw5LZbFnA8&t=379s

AttheCatoconference,asatothersimilarevents,suchgraphicandnumerical

representationsareanimportantpartinshapinghowmarketsareunderstood,and

thusactedupon.Itissimplyhardtodiscuss,letaloneinventeffortstoaltermarkets,

withoutrepresentationsofmarkets(McCloskey2010;MacKenzie2004).Tables,

statistics,narratives,formulae,imagesandthelike,influencedecisionmakingand

theallocationofresources,andcarrywiththemcertaininterests,prioritiesand

values.Theuseofsuchrepresentationsofmarketsisanimportant,yetoften

overlookedwayinwhichmarketsareshaped,andthusorganized.Throughthese,

relationsbetweeneventsandmarketactorscanbearticulatedanddescribed.

Representationaltoolsmayinfluenceandsteerperceptionsofongoingactivities,

andoflinkagesbetweenthese.Theyservetolinkeventsandactionsintomeaningful

assemblages.

Scholarshavearguedthatso-called‘distancing’representationsareimportantin

describingmarkets(cf.KnorrCetinaandBruegger2002;Helgesson,Kjellbergand

Liljenberg2004).Throughdistancing,orwhatwemaycall‘distanciation’,

techniques,exchangesareaggregatedintonumbersrepresentingmarketshares,

116

marketprices,turnoverandthelike.AttheCatoconference,tablesillustratedhow

privatesectorjobswouldincreaseinnumberswhenprivateinvestmentincreases;

thatincreasedfederalspendinghasnotleadtoprivatesectorjobcreation;and

pinpointedthefiscalscenariooffederaldebtundercurrentandproposedpolicies.

Suchrepresentationsrendercomplexmacro-eventsthatareimpactingonpeople’s

lives,abstractand‘distant,’yetgraspableandevidentandpalpable.Distanciation

practicesworkedinthissensetoreinvigorate‘distanthorizons’(cf.inGuyer2007:

410).

However,speakersalsomakeuseofwhatwemaycall‘proximation’techniques,ie

techniquesthatmakeeventsappearascloserandmoreexperience-near.For

example,scenarioexercisesofteninvolveconcretizingapossibleorplausiblechain

ofeventsthroughvisualandtextualmaterial.Similarly,somereportsaimtospell

outand‘makereal’certaindevelopments,suchasaspectsofthefinancialcrisis.

Mattersofgreatcomplexitymaythusbebroughtdowntoearth.Forexample,oneof

thespeakersattheCatoconference,RepublicansenatorMikeLee,suggested‘we

shouldtakechargeofthekeysofthefederalgovernment,untiltheylearntoact

responsibly’,muchlikeheandhisfamilyoncewereforcedtotakethekeystothe

Oldsmobilefromoutofhisgrandfather’shands,sincethegrandfatherrefusedto

stopdrivinginspiteofside-snipingseveralothercars:

‘Welovethisgovernment,welovethethingsthatisdoes,thatitstandsfor,

andbecauseweloveit,andbecausewelovethethingsaffectedbyit,we

can’tallowittobeinapositionwhereit’sharmingotherpeople.And

unfortunately,justlikemygrandparentscouldn’tsimplybetold”you’vegot

tobemorecareful”andinfacttheyhadtobeexpectedtobemorecareful

andbebetterdrivers,Congresscan’tsimplybetoldagain“you’vegottobe

morecareful.”YouhavetoputCongressinwhatIrefertoaneconomic

straitjacket.’

Thisanalogyspurredbothapplauseandlaughterintheaudience,aswerealizedthe

simplicityofitall.Bywayofthisfamilialanalogy,thedealingsofCongresswere

117

broughtclosertohome,asitwere,andwereunderstoodintermsofcommonsense.

Statisticsandprojectionscouldnotdothejobalone.Theyhadtobecomplemented

byasenseofintimacyandproximity.

Inthissense,usingaproximationtechniquecanbeenseentobequitesimilartothe

kindofknowledgesoughtbyanthropologists;knowledgethatisintimate,thatgoes

behindcategoriesandtables,andthataddscontexttowhatgoeson.AsRapportand

Overinghaveit(2002:78):

‘Theanthropologistseeksthesubtletiesofintimateknowledge:knowledge

behindtheidealtypes,categories,generalitiesandabstractionsofpublic

exchange.Thequestisfortheknowledgewhichanimatesthesecollective

forms,formswhichfarfromrevealingthisknowledgemaywellmaskitself

beneaththevagariesofsymbolorconventionalidiom.’

Thesearchforintimateknowledgecharacterizesnotonlytheworkof

anthropologist,buttheworkpracticesofseveraltypesofprofessionalsandexperts,

or‘symbolicanalysts’(Reich1992),whodependonwhatmaybeseenas‘anecdotal’

(HolmesandMarcus2006),asashortinformaldescriptionornarrativeaccountthat

providesameanstomovebetweenthickandthindescription,butalsoabreachin

technocraticknowledgethatalsoallowsfortherealigningoftherelationship

betweenethnographyandpoliticaleconomy.ThefederalbankersthatHolmes

studied,operatingainacultureofexpertisecommittedtoatechnocraticethos,

predicatedonthemanagementofvastamountsofquantitativedataneeda

narrativetoconnecttoreallifeanrealtime.Theanecdotalreports,‘anecdotal

evidence’,theysuggest(2006:40).‘constituteasophisticatedmeansoftrackingand

interpretingtheeconomyandendowingitwithsocialcontextandmeaning.’In

HolmesandMarcusterms,thebankersareengagedin‘para-ethnography.’

Similary,think-tanksexperts,politicians,andpolicyprofessionalsmakeuseofthese

techniquestotrackandinterprettheeconomyandothercomplexmacro-

developments.Whilstthefactualpowerofnumbersandmetricslegitimatetheuse

118

ofdistanciationtechniques,theformsofrepresentationalsoneedtobe

complementedbythepersuasivepowerofnarrativesandanecdotalevidence,ieby

proximationtechniques.ThespeakersappearingatheCatoconferenceworked

simultaneouslywithbothdistanciationandproximationtechniques,thereby

interchangeablydrawingtheworldcloserandrenderingitmoredistantand

abstractbywayofscalingactivities.

Theserepresentationscontributetoshapingthemarketstheyrepresent(Latour

1986).Performativeutterancesdonotprimarilyreportonafact,butarethemselves

theperformanceofsomeaction(Austin1962).Similarly,thediscursiveactionsof

policyexperts,thevocabulariestheycraftandemploy,andthetheoriesthey

developanddiffuse,alsoparticipateperformativelyinattemptstoorganize

markets.

Disruption

Thenormativeorderthatisconstructedbytheuseofsuchtechnologiesmaybeever

soconvincing.Itmay,however,bechallengedbyprovocationsandalternative

normativities.AttheCatoevent,amaninawheelchairhadenteredthereception

areajustintimeforthebreak.Asdelegateswerestretchingtheirlegs,chatting,and

enjoyingrefreshments,hewastryingtogettheirattentionbywavingahandfulof

pinkhandoutsandengaginginconversationswithpassers-bys.Theflyershewas

handingoutcarriedthemessage:‘REMOVINGHEALTHCAREis“MASSMURDER’’.’

Themessagewasthattheremovalanddenialofmedicaltreatmentforfatal

diseases,asoutlinedinaproposalintendedbyaUScongressmantopasslegislation

thesameweek,wouldleadto45,000+citizensbeingkilledeachyear.Onhist-shirt

wasprinted‘Iamguilty’,withatextexplainingthatwhathewasguiltyofwasbeing

sick,functionallyimpaired,andlivingoffentitlements.Iwasstandingrightnextto

him,asheengagedinaconversationwithoneofthedelegates,amaninhissixties.

Theprotesterexplainedthatcuttingentitlementswasthewrongwaytogoin

balancingthebudget,sinceheandmanyothersweredependentonthesefor

survival.‘IfI’dbeoutofmymedicinesforaweek,I’dbedead,’hestated.The

119

delegatesuggestedthattherewerelotsofindividualcharitiesfromwhichhecould

benefit,andthatstatesubsidieswerethewrongsolution.Theprotesterarguedthat

thesewerenotenough,andthatpeopleshouldnotbedependentonprivate

generosityforsurvival.Thedelegatethenexclaimedthatoneshould‘relyonthe

capacityofpeopletoworktosustainthemselves,theproblemisthatpeoplearenot

tryinghardenough,theyarelazy,peopleneedtoworkerharder.’Bythisturn,the

argumentwentloudandheated,andotherpeoplestoppedtheirconversationsto

followthedevelopment.Theprotesterthenexclaimed:‘lookhowhardpeopleare

working,peopleareworkinghardoutthere,youjustdon’tgetthemathsrighthere,

thisisdemeaningtalk.’‘Peopleneedtoworkhard,’thedelegatecountered.‘But

theyalreadydo,’thereplywas.‘Andtheyshould,’thedelegateresponded,waving

hisfist.Bythistime,theargumenthadbeguntodisturbthecomfortinthereception

areaandtheconferencestaffgavesignalstothedelegatesthattheconferencewould

reconvene.Thedelegatesmovedslowlybackintotheconferenceroom,andthe

tensioneasedoff.

Theprotestershowedupinpersontoconfrontthepresenterswho,inhisview,

wereadvocatingalineofactionthatwouldhavedevastatingeffectsonordinary

people,andnotleastpeoplewithsomekindoffunctionalimpairment.Hismovewas

aninstanceofproximation,inthathemadeuseofhisownphysicalappearanceto

makehisargumentstick.Beingthere,inperson,hisphysicalappearanceworkedto

strengthenandgiveevidenceforhisargument.Theactionsoftheprotester

threatenedforawhilethenormativeorderconstructedintheconference.Italerted

thedelegatestothepossibilityofother,alternativeandcontrastingviewsand

positions,anditbroketherelativeideologicalhegemonyoftheentireevent,which

hadhithertobeenrunwithacclaimandapplausesupportingthepresentations.The

relativeconsensuswastemporarilybroken.Butonlytemporarily,forasthe

conferencereconvened,noonebroughttheeventontotheagenda,normentionedit

inpassing.Theevent,howeverdisturbingithavebeen,didnotfullysucceedin

disturbingthecarefullyframedandnormativelychargedCatoconference.

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Concludingnotes:Policybricoleursandthemakingofsoftpower

Inthispaper,Ihavewantedtodrawattentiontotheincreasedsignificanceof

networksofinfluencethatassembleintothinktankorganizations,andtheirrolein

influencingpolicymakingatnationalandgloballevels.Isuggestthatthinktanks,as

organizationalforms,aregaininggroundasinfluentialactorsinpolicymaking,asa

resultoftransformationsintheoperationsofpoweratnationalleveland

governancechallengesatgloballevel.Thinktanksoperateinsomewaysatthe

interfaceofotherorganizationalstructuresandprocesses,observing,researching,

evaluating,proposing,andinfluencingbywayof‘softpower,’throughattractionand

mobilization.Theinterfaceposition,asitwere,placesthemflexiblyinastrategic

positiontoinfluence,withoutenteringintothedecisionmakingprocessdirectly.

Thinktanksoftentakeontheroleofmediatorsbetweenspheresofinfluence,such

asbetweencorporateinterestsandpoliticalinterests,andbetweenacademic

knowledgecreationandpoliticaldecisionmaking.Bywayoftheirresources,inthe

formofexpertise,politicalconnections,andfinancialresources,theyhaveaccessto

alargearrayofzonesofinfluenceandmayreachlargeaudienceswiththeir

messages.

Thinktanks,andtheindividualactorswhoareemployedbyorperformforthem,

workasbricoleursbetweenorganizations,networks,andspheresofinfluence.They

haveattheirdisposalalargerepertoireofinformationalandmediatechnologiesby

whichtheymaytranslateandadjusttheirmessagesflexiblytosuitdifferent

audiences.Indoingso,policyexpertsmakeuseofbothdistanciationand

proximationtechniques.Distanciationtechniquestranslatecomplexandlarge

stocksofdataintoabstractentitiesandmodelsandservetoestablishfactsand

createexpertiseandcredibility.Proximationtechniques,ontheotherhand,render

complexandabstracteventsanddevelopmentsmorefamilialandintimate,andthus

easiertograsp.Thesetechniquesalsomakepossibletheevacuationofthenear

future,sincewhatisfocusedisontheonehandabstractandimaginablefuturesthat

aredifficulttocontrolbuteasiertoturnintovisions,ontheonehand,andeveryday

practiceandintimateactions,ontheother.

121

Politicalpowertodaymaybeseentoevolvethroughanabundanceofshifting

alliancesbetweendiverseactorsinvolvedindifferentfacetsofeconomicactivity

andsociallife.Weneedtolookbeyondtheestablishedpoliticalvocabulary,madeup

bydichotomiesbetweenstateandcivilsociety,publicandprivate,coercionand

consent,andthelike,tounderstandthevariouswaysinwhichpowerisexercisedin

advancedliberaldemocraciesatgloballevel.Lookingmorecloselyattheentangled

networksofsignificantactors,therangeofresourcesdrawnupon,andthe

processesthroughwhichcertainformsofknowledgearemadeauthoritativeand

certainpropositionsreasonableanddesirable,appearsasamorepromisingpathto

uncovertheworkingsofcontemporarypower.Thescalingprojectsinwhichthink

tanksareinvolvedmaybeseenasinvolvingchangingregimesofgovernancethat

movethenegotiationofpoliticalissues,socialcontracts,redistributionofresources

andwelfarealternatinglybetweenthepersonalandthecollective,thenationaland

transnationalscale,anddistantandimmediatefutures(cf.Uitermark2002).This

dynamicscalingenablesthinktankstoportraythemselvesdifferentlydependingon

whatpolicyissuestheywanttoprioritizeandwhatbenefitstheywanttoreapfrom

theirfundersandfromthemedia.Theliquidmandateofthinktanksthusboth

necessitatesandfacilitatesanagileandshiftingpositioninginthepolitical

landscape,afluctuatingsitefornormativity,asitwere.

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126

6.SafetyinNumbers:whyeveryonelistensto

economists

DesmondMcNeill

CentreforDevelopmentandtheEnvironment

P.O.Box1116Blindern

0317Oslo,Norway

Tel:00-47-22858991

Fax:00-47-22858920

desmond.mcneill@sum.uio.no

Bionote:DesmondMcNeillisapoliticaleconomist(B.A.Cantab.),PhD(University

CollegeLondon).HeisResearchDirector,andformerlyDirector,attheCentrefor

DevelopmentandtheEnvironment(SUM),UniversityofOslo,Norway.Hisbooks

include:GlobalInstitutionsandDevelopment:FramingtheWorld?(ed.withM.Bøås),

Routledge,2007;DevelopmentIssuesinGlobalGovernance:MarketMultilateralism

andPublic-PrivatePartnerships(withB.Bull),Routledge,2009;GlobalPoverty,

EthicsandHumanRights:theroleofmultilateralorganisations(withA.St.Clair),

Routledge,2012;ProtectingtheWorld’sChildren:ImmunisationPoliciesand

Practices(ed.withS.RoalkvamandS.Blume),OxfordUniversityPress2013.

Abstract

Policy-makersbasetheirdecisionslargelyoncalculationsmadebyeconomists.Butthe

detailsofthetechniquesthateconomistsusearenotgenerallyunderstood;and

estimatedvalues,basedoncalculationsbyreputedeconomists,canvarybyafactorof

100oreven1,000times.Why,then,doeconomistsexercisesuchpower?Toexplore

theseissues,thisarticlebeginswithananalysisofthetechniquesthateconomistsuse

127

toputamoneyvalueontime,onhumanlife,onthe‘environmentalservices’that

natureprovides,andonthesignificanceattachedtofuturegenerations.These

examplesarethenusedtodrawsomeconclusionsabouthowandwhytheexpert

knowledgeofeconomistsexertssuchpowerinmodernsociety.

Keywords:economists,knowledge,nature,power,techniques,value

Introduction

Whatdowevaluemost?Ourhealth;ourfreetime;nature;thewell-beingofour

childrenandgrandchildren?Howmuchdowevaluethem?Aneutralobserverof

modern-daywesternsocietymightbeexcusedforconcludingthattheansweris‘ask

theeconomists’–forinallofthesecasespolicy-makersbasedecisionsontheir

calculations.Whyareeconomistsgivensomuchinfluence?Themainreason,I

suggest,isthattheyappealtopolicy-makersbecausetheyseemtoofferclear,

definiteanswers–eventhoughthedetailsofthetechniquesusedtojustifythese

answersarenotgenerallyunderstood.Orperhapsbecausethedetailsarenot

understood;ifpolicy-makersweretodelvemoredeeplyintothedebateswithinthe

economicsprofessiontheywoulddiscoverthatestimatedvalues,basedon

calculationsbyreputedeconomists,canvarybyafactorof100oreven1,000times.

Withdifferencesofthismagnitudewewouldseemtobefacednotwith‘marginsof

error’butratherwithdifferentworld-views.Butdebatesabouttheseissuesare

generallycontainedwithinthecommunityofeconomists(perhapsbymutual

consentwithpolicy-makers).Toexploretheseissues,thisarticlebeginswithan

analysisofthetechniquesusedbyeconomiststoplaceamoneyvalueonahuman

life,oronanhourspentsittingintrafficjams;onthe‘environmentalservices’that

natureprovides;orthesignificanceattachedtofuturegenerationsasmeasuredby

discountingfuturecostsandbenefitsataratewhicheffectivelyreducesthemto

insignificance.Theseexamplesarethenusedtodrawsomeconclusionsaboutthe

powerofexpert–inthiscaseeconomic–knowledge.

128

Valuingtimesavings

Wheninvitedtoadviseonpublicpolicydecisions,forexampleregardingthe

constructionofaroad,economistsuseatechniqueknownassocialcost-benefit

analysis(SCBA).Thebasicideaisthatsuchdecisionsshouldbebasednoton

whethertheyyieldafinancialprofitbutwhetherthebenefitstosocietyatlarge

outweighthecosts.Whilethelattermaybelargelymoneycosts,theformerare

usuallynot.Thus,forexample,anewroadisexpectedtosavedrivers’time,butthis

isnotabenefitwhichismanifestedinfinancialterms.Aslongagoas1844,aFrench

engineer,Dupuit,suggestedthatonecouldneverthelessestimatethebenefitsof

roadconstructioninmoneyterms–perhapsthefirstknownexampleofSCBA.

(Dupuit1844).Sincethenthetechniquehasbeenverymuchrefined,butthebasic

principlesareunchanged.Thecostofaperson’stimeistypicallymeasuredasthe

‘opportunitycost’ofthattime,inotherwordsthemoneyvalueofwhatthetime

couldotherwisehavebeenusedfor.Thiswasassumedtobecloselyrelated,ifnot

actuallyequalto,thewagerate.Onepersonsittinginatrafficjamforanhourisa

wasteoftime,awastedresource,whichimposesacostontheindividualconcerned

and,thereby,thesocietyasawhole.Andthewagerateisameasureofthemarket

valueofaperson’stime.Theargumentisverylogical,andthetechniquehasbeen

appliedeversince.(e.g.Beesley1965,Quarmby1967,LeeandDalvi1969).There

havebeenanumberofmodifications,butthebasicprincipleremains.(Oneaspect

thathasnotbeenmuchdiscussed,however,isthatthemethodnecessarilyimplies

thatanhouroflosttimeforarichpersonisworthmorethanthatofapoorperson.

Thisclearlyintroducesabiasintotransportinvestmentdecisions,aslongasthey

arebasedonthisvaluationtechnique).

Valuinghumanlife

Investmentinneworbetterroadstypicallyalsoresultsinreducedtrafficaccidents,

andhenceasavinginhumanlife.Justasforecasttimesavingscanbeestimatedwith

theuseoftrafficengineeringmodels,socantheestimatednumbersoflivessaved.

Thesetooarebenefitsofaninvestmentwhichhavetobetakenintoaccount,

129

involvinganestimateofthevalueofalifesaved.Inthiscase,again,amarket-based

approachisused.Intheearlydaysoftransportplanningtheapproachwasvery

crude:thevalueofalife–tosociety-isthevalueofthefutureearningsofthe

personconcernedovertheirremainderoftheirexpectedlife,minusthevalueof

theirfutureconsumption.Thishadtheunfortunateresultthatthedeathofsomeone

alreadyretiredwouldcountasanetbenefittosociety.Itwasrecognisedthatthis

wasanundulynarrowviewofthevalueoflife,andthetechniquewasadapted

somewhattotakeaccountofthisanomaly10.Overtime,themethodologyhasbeen

substantiallyrefinedandmodified(deBlaeijetal.2003,Small2012,Banzhaf2014),

andtodaytheapproachgenerallyadoptedusestheso-called‘revealedpreference’

techniquetoestimatethe‘valueofastatisticallife’.11Theunderlyingtheoryisthata

person’swillingnesstorisklosingtheirlife(bydrivingfast,forexample)reveals

howmuchtheyvaluetheirownlife.Empiricalstudies,eitherofstatedorrevealed

preferences,havebeencarriedoutinanumberofrichcountriesandyieldawide

rangeoffigures(frombelow$US1milliontoover$US20millionin1997).Atypical

figureforthevalueofahumanlifeusedintransportinvestmentdecisionsinrich

countriesis$US3million.

Forpolicy-makers,themeritofthemethodologyisthatityieldsadefinitefigure,

albeitwithinaratherwiderange.Foreconomists,themeritisthatthemethodology

isbasedonarationalargumentaboutrevealedpreference.Buthowmanypolicy-

makersunderstandtheargument?Who,ifany,havequestionedthetheoretically

verychallengingclaimthatthemoneyvaluethatapersonplacesontheirownlifeis

accuratelymeasuredbytheir‘revealedpreference’inrisk-takingbehaviour?

Valuingnature

Theinfluenceoftheeconomist,andmarketthinking,withregardtonaturehas

graduallyincreasedovertime.Inthisprocess,naturehasbecomearesource–an

ecosystemthatprovideshumanitywith‘ecosystemservices’.Theseservicesare

thenvaluedinmoneytermsbymethodsdevisedbyenvironmentaleconomists.A

veryimportantstepinthisprocesswastheMillenniumEcosystemAssessment–a

130

massivecollaborativeexercisebetweennaturalandsocialscientists.Theirreport

drewtheworld’sattentiontothedegradationoftheenvironment;butalso,very

clearly,encouragedthereadertoviewtheissuefromtheperspectiveofthe

economistandthebureaucrat.Inoneoftheworld’smostprestigiousjournals,

Nature,theheadlineannouncingthereportreads“Millenniumgroupnailsdownthe

financialvalueofecosystems”andcontinues:“TheUS$24-millionprojectbrought

together1,300biological,physicalandsocialscientistsfrom95countries.The

researchersconcludethatecologicalthreatscanonlybeheldincheckif

governmentsstarttoassignpropereconomicvaluetothebenefitstheyobtainfrom

naturalsystems”(Giles,2005)

Inrecentdecadestherehasbeenafurtherdevelopment,fromvaluingthe

environmentinmoneytermstocreatingfinancialincentivestoprotectitthrough

‘paymentforecosystemservices’(PES),basedontheestimatedmonetaryvaluesof

theseservices.FirstappliedinNewYork,thisapproachspreadtoCostRicaandlater

totherestofLatinAmericaandmanycountriesinAsiaandAfrica.Theeconomistic

wayofseeingtheworldisthusrealisedthrough,andstrengthenedby,the

associatedpractice.Thedevelopmentofideasmovedfromtheacademicworldof

journalarticlesandeconomictextbookstothepracticalworldoflawsand

conventions,followingnumerousconferencesandcommissions,andtheactivitiesof

internationalagenciessuchastheWorldBank.

InCostaRica,thegovernmentpayslandownersfornotcuttingdowntrees,in

recognitionofthe‘bundledservices’thattreesprovide:waterretention,

biodiversityconservation,carbonsequestrationandnaturalbeauty.Thusthevalue

of‘nature’isdividedintocomponentparts,andtheeconomistiscalledintoputa

moneyvalueoneach.Quiteapartfromthequestionablevalidity,fromanecological

pointofview,ofseparatingouttheseinterrelated‘services’–whattheecological

economistprofessorRichardNorgaardhasreferredtoasa‘complexityblinder’

(Norgaard,2010)–thereisthechallengingquestionofhowtovaluethesedifferent

services.Heretoo,economistshavedevisedsophisticatedvaluationmethods.There

131

areinfactseveraldifferentonestochoosefrom,typicallyyieldingsignificantly

differentresults.Iwillbrieflysummarisethem.

Thecontingentvaluationmethod(CVM)involvesaskingpeoplehowmuchthey

wouldbewillingtopayforaservice,orhowmuchtheywouldhavetobe

compensatedtoaccepttheloss.Thehedonicpricingmethod(HPM)estimatesthe

valueof,say,anaturalamenitybycomparingthemarketvalueofhouseswhichhave

thebenefitofthatamenitywithhouseswhichdonothavesuchabenefitbutare

alikeinallotherrespects.Thetravelcostmethod(TCM)assessesthevalueof,say,a

beautyspotbymeasuringhowmuchpeoplepay(intimeandtravelcosts)toaccess

it.Theproductionfactormethod(PCM)isbasedonthecontributionthatan

environmentalservicemakestotheproductionofmarketedgoods.Thus,for

example,theeconomicbenefitsofimprovedwatersupplyaremeasuredbythe

increasedagriculturalrevenuesthatfollow.Theavertedbehaviourmethod(ABM)

assessesthevalueofimprovedwatersupplybyreferencetotheexpenditurethat

wouldotherwiseariseforpeoplehavingtopurchasebottledwater.

Insummary,economistshaveshownconsiderableingenuityindevisingalternative

waysofestimatingthevalueofnature.Thishasbeenpartlyinresponsetolegal

casesrelatingtocompensationforenvironmentaldamage.Indeedthecontingent

valuationmethod(CVM)wasa‘relativelyobscuretechnique’(Kling,Phaneufand

Zhao,2012)untilitwasusedintheinfamousExxonValdezcase,theshipthatran

agroundinAlaskain1989releasing250,000barrelsofoilthatcausedmassive

environmentaldamage.“Acontingentvaluationstudyofthedamagesfromthe

ExxonValdezspillgeneratedanestimateof$4.9billioninlosteconomicvalue.In

contrast,arecreationdemandstudyofthedamagesfromthespillyieldedan

estimateof$3.8million”(Ibid,4).Thethousand-folddifferencebetweenthesetwo

estimatesisduetothecontrastbetweencalculating‘passiveuse’value(thevalueof

anamenitysimplybecauseitexists)orthevaluebasedonlossofactualvisitsmade

tothesite.(loc.cit).ThefigureactuallypaidoutbyExxonwasabout$1billionin

damagesandover$2billioninrestorationexpenses.

132

Thescaleofthisnaturaldisasterpalesintoinsignificancebycomparisonwiththe

effectsofclimatechange.Heretoo,economistshaveplayedacentralrolein

translatingtheforecastsofnaturalscientistsintoestimatesofpotentialeconomic

costs(andinsomecasebenefits).Butheretheimpactsextendoveraninfinite

period,affectingnotonlythosewhomakethecalculationsbut-evenmoreso-

futuregenerations.Thiscreatesamajorchallengeforeconomists,andothers.

ValuingFutureGenerations

Intheexamplesdiscussedaboveitisnecessarytotakeaccountofthefactthatcosts

andbenefitsarespreadovertime.Thus,forexample,ifanewroadisbuiltitmaybe

appropriatetoevaluateitoveritsthirtyyear‘life’.Thisis,byeconomists,dealtwith

bytheapplicationofadiscountrate:benefitsandcostsoccurringinfutureyearsare

convertedtoapresentvaluebydiscountingthematsomeselectedannualrate.In

otherwords,alowervalueisplacedoncostsandbenefitswhichoccurinthefuture:

thefurtherdistanttheyareintime,thelessertheirva1ue.(Thisiswhy,toover-

simplify,onecanearninterest-evenallowingforinflation-onmoneydepositedin

thebank).

Thediscountrategenerallyrecommendedbyeconomistsisbased(roughly)onthe

marketrate.Thisfigure-around6%peryear-hastheeffectofrenderingthe

concernsoffuturegenerationsvirtuallyinsignificant.(The‘presentvalue’of$1,000

accruingin100years,discountedat6%peryear,islessthan$3).Inassessingthe

effectsofclimatechange,theeconomistNicholasStern,inhisveryinfluential

report12,recommendedalowerdiscountratethanthestandardrateadoptedby

economists.Ifoneusesthislowerdiscountrate,futurecostsandbenefitsincrease

morethanonehundredfold.Theargumentsforandagainstalowdiscountrateare

quitecomplex,buttheydeservemoredetaileddiscussionsincetheyrevealthesort

ofsophisticateddebatewhichoccurswithintheeconomicsprofession–butdoes

notextendbeyondthisspecialisedgroup,topolicy-makersandthegeneralpublic.

133

Thetheoreticaljustificationfordiscountingthefutureisinfactrathermorecomplex

thansimplyreferringtothemarketrateofinterest,andincludesfactorssuchas

risk,andtheexpectationthatfuturegenerationswillbericher13.Withgrowing

concernaboutsustainabledevelopment,therehasinrecentyearsbeenarather

activedebateastowhatdiscountrateshouldbeused,withsomefavouringthe

adoptionofamuchlowerorevenzero,discountrate.Thisdebatebecameespecially

livelyfollowingtheSternreport.Ishallnottrytosummariseitsresults,butfocus

solelyonthequestionofdiscounting,andhowStern’sapproachhasbeenreceived

byeconomists.Forarepresentative,andauthoritative,sourceofmainstream

economicreactionthemostappropriatesourceistheJournalofEconomicLiterature

which,inSeptember2007,publishedreviewsbytwoleadingexperts,Nordhausand

Weitzman.Theirviewsareverysimilar,anddeservetobequotedatsomelength.I

beginwithNordhaus,whonotesthattheSternReview“clearlyandunambiguously”

concludesthat“weneedurgent,sharp,andimmediatereductionsingreenhousegas

emission.”(Nordhaus,2007:701)However,heasserts:

“TheReview’sradicalrevisionoftheeconomicsofclimatechangedoesnot

arisefromanyneweconomics,science,ormodelling.Rather,itdepends

decisivelyontheassumptionofanear-zerotimediscountratecombined

withaspecificutilityfunction.”(Nordhaus,2007:701)

Thisisquitetrue.Thereviewis,Iwouldsuggest,basedonanethicaljudgement

aboutourresponsibilitiestofuturegenerations,andonclaimsthatthis,notthe

marketor‘positive’economictheory,shouldbeourguideintakingthenecessary

steps.

NordhausalmostridiculesStern:

“TheReviewtakestheloftyvantagepointoftheworldsocialplanner,

perhapsstokingthedyingembersoftheBritishEmpire,indeterminingthe

waytheworldshouldcombatthedangersofglobalwarming.Theworld,

accordingtoGovernmentHouseutilitarianism14,shouldusethe

134

combinationoftimediscountingandconsumptionelasticitythatthe

Review’sauthorsfindpersuasivefromtheirethicalvantagepoint.”

(Nordhaus,2007:691)

Andheseemstoclaimthatmoraljudgementhasnomoreofaplaceineconomics

thanitdoesinthenaturalsciences:

“Thisapproachdoesnotmakeacaseforthesocialdesirabilityofthe

distributionofincomesoverspaceortimeofexistingconditions,anymore

thanamarinebiologistmakesamoraljudgementontheequityoftheeating

habitsofmarineorganismsinattemptingtounderstandtheeffectof

acidificationonmarinelife.”(Nordhaus,2007:692)

Heconcludesthat“TheReview’sunambiguousconclusionsabouttheneedfor

extremeimmediateactionwillnotsurvivethesubstitutionofassumptionsthatare

moreconsistentwithtoday’smarketplacerealinterestratesandsavingsrates.”Itis

interesting,Isuggest,thathetakesforgrantedthatthediscountrateofthe

marketplaceshouldbetakenasguide.

IturnnowtoWeitzman,whodemonstratesveryclearlywhythechoiceofdiscount

rateissocrucial:

“Globalclimatechangeunfoldsoveratimescaleofcenturiesand,through

thepowerofcompoundinterest,whattodonowishugelysensitivetothe

discountratethatispostulated.Infact,itisnotanexaggerationtosaythat

thebiggestuncertaintyofallintheeconomicsofclimatechangeisthe

uncertaintyaboutwhichinterestratetousefordiscounting.…Thislittle

secretisknowntoinsidersintheeconomicofclimatechange,butitneeds

tobemorewidelyappreciatedbyeconomistsatlarge.”(Weitzman,2007:

705)

Thetheoryiscomplexandneednotbepresentedhere.Heproposesasa“point

guess-estimate’anannualrateof2%eachfordiscountingutilityanddiscounting

135

consumption,andthesamefigurefor‘ameasureofaversiontointerpersonal

inequalityandameasureofpersonalriskaversion’.”(Weitzman,2007:706)These

threecombinetogiveanaggregatefigureof6%peryear.Thiscontrastswiththe

Review’sfigureof1.4%.Suchisthepowerofcompoundinterestthat,ashepoints

out:“thepresentdiscountedvalueofagivenglobal-warminglossfromacentury

henceatthenon-Sternannualinterestrateofr=6percentisonehundredth(italics

intheoriginal)ofthepresentdiscountedvalueofthesamelossatStern’sannual

interestrateof1.4percent.(Weitzman,2007:708)Inbrief,onthebasisofStern’s

figures,thecostofglobalwarmingacenturyhenceis100timesgreaterthanthat

calculatedbythefiguresproposedbytheauthor-“whatmosteconomistsmight

thinkaredecentparametervalues”(Weitzman,2007:707)

WeitzmanseemstoberathermorewillingthanNordhaustorecognisethatthe

Reviewisnot,andshouldnotbe,apurelyeconomicdocument:

“TheSternReviewisapoliticaldocument…atleastasmuchasitisan

economicanalysisand,infairness,itneedsultimatelytobejudgedbyboth

standards.Toitsgreatcredit,theReviewsupportsverystronglythe

politicallyunpalatableidea,…that…substantialcarbontaxesmustbe

levied.”(Weitzman,2007:723)

HisobjectionisthattheReview“predeterminestheoutcome”byadoptingavery

lowdiscountrate.(Hearguesinsteadforanintermediatediscountrateof2–4per

cent).HereferstotheReview’s“urgenttoneofmoralityandalarm”andcriticisesit

fornotmoreopenlyrevealingthatitsconclusionsresultfromadopting‘discount

ratesthatmostmainstreameconomistswouldconsidermuchtoolow.”(Weitzman,

2007:724)

Insummary,thesetwo‘mainstreameconomists’appeartobelievethattheirviews

aboutthecorrectdiscountratetouse–andbyimplicationthesignificancewhich

weattachtotheinterestsoffuturegenerations–shouldbeparamount.This,andthe

foregoingexamples,demonstratesthecrucialrolethatthemarketoften,butnot

136

always,playsinsuchcalculations.Thisisnottosaythateconomistsnecessarily

believethatthemarketrevealsthe‘true’valueofanything.Indeeditmaywellbe

thatpoliticiansandbureaucratshaveagreaterfaithinitthaneconomists.Butmany

ofthemethodsusedinSCBAmaybedescribedasbeingbasedona‘quasi-market’;

inotherwords,theyseektoestablishwhatwouldbethemarketvalueofagoodor

serviceifitweresoldonthemarket.

SafetyinNumbers

AccordingtoHirschmanandBerman(2014)“Everysociologist,anthropologistand

politicalscientistknowsthateconomicsisthemostpoliticallyinfluentialsocial

science…(but)…Everyeconomist,ontheotherhand,knowsthatsuchinfluenceis

extraordinarilylimited,whenitexistsatall.FromtheEurocrisistoclimatechange

policy,politicsultimatelyoutweighseconomicexpertise,evenwheneconomists

speakwithonevoice.Thesediscrepantinterpretationsarealmostcaricatures.But

theyraiseanimportantquestion:howdoeseconomicsinfluencepolicy?”(779).

Iwouldsuggestthatforthepolicy-makertheattractionofeconomistsisthatthey

arewillingtogivethemanumber.Withoutanumberhowcantheyjustifytheir

decisions?15Howcantheypresentacompellingargumentastowhyitisworth

expendingsomemillionsofdollarsonaroad,ortheprotectionofanareaof

outstandingbeauty?Astheexamplesdiscussedaboveillustrate,however,the

numbersthateconomistscomeupwithareveryfarfromprecise.Theextentof

inaccuracyrangesfromafactorof10inthecaseoftimesavings,through100inthe

caseoffuturegenerations,to1,000inthecaseoftheExxonValdezoilspill.Andthe

methodologiesemployedinthesecalculationsaresurelynotunderstoodbythe

greatmajorityofpolicy-makersthatmakeuseofthemtojustifytheirdecisions.

Howcanthisbe?Onthesideofthepolicy-makerstheanswer,Isuggest,isthatitis

notintheirinteresttoexploretheuncertaintyunderlyingthenumbersthat

economistscomeupwith.Ifthecalculationsledtoconclusionsthatweremanifestly

unacceptablethenthepolicy-makerwouldpresumablyignorethem.Butaslongas

137

theconclusionsappear‘reasonable’thenitisbestnottoasktoomanyquestions.

Butwhatabouttheeconomists?Andothers?

Turningfirsttoeconomists,itmaybehelpfultodistinguishbetweenpractisingand

theoreticaleconomists.Theformeraretobefoundinthefieldoftransportplanning,

forexample.Heretheyadoptmethodsthatarebasedonearlierworkbytheoretical

economists,triedandtestedinrepeatedpractice.Thesemethodshavebeenfound

to‘work’intwosenses.First,ithasbeenpossibletoapplytheminpractice:the

necessarydatahavebeenavailable,orobtainableatreasonablecost;andthe

calculationsreadilyundertaken.Second,theresultingconclusionshaveproven

acceptablebythepolicy-makerswhocommissionedtheirstudy.Therehaveno

doubtbeenbumpsalongtheroad,butastandardisedpracticehasbeenestablished

acceptabletoall,andpassedontonewrecruits.Whilechallengingquestionsare

perhapsaskedintheearlydaysofapplicationofanewtechnique(andmayagainbe

askedbynewrecruits),theserapidlyfadeaway.Thereisthus‘safetyinnumbers’in

asecondsense:thateverybodyfollowsthesamepracticeandsharesthesame

expertknowledge.

Thetheoreticaleconomisthasplayedaratherdifferentrole;contributingarticlesto

academicjournalsthattestoutandevenchallengeexistingmethods,andseekingto

inventnewones.Thecaseofvaluingnature,describedabove,illustratesthe

creativityofeconomistsinthisregard.Inanacademicarticle,theconcernofthe

economististypicallynotsomuchwhetherthemethodbeingexploredproducesthe

‘right’answer,orrevealsthe‘true’value;interestisfocusedmoreontherigourof

theargumentand(usually,butnotalways)thefeasibilityofapplyingthemethod.

Academiceconomistsarecertainlyawareofhowdifficultitistoplaceamoney

valueonenvironmentaldamage,buttheymayneverbefacedwiththechallengeof

doingsoinpractice.16Weitzman,quotedabove,assertsthatthe‘littlesecret’about

thediscountrate‘needstobemorewidelyappreciatedbyeconomistsatlarge.’But

economistshavenotbeenparticularlyactiveinspreadingtheword.17

138

Whatabout‘others’?Whatemergesfromtheforegoingpagesissurelyanexample

ofexpertknowledge,andtheexerciseofstructuralpower“thatnotonlyoperates

withinsettingsordomainsbutthatalsoorganizesandorchestratesthesettings

themselves”(Wolf1982:586).Whyisthisnotbeingchallenged-byactivistsorthe

media?Theansweristhatspecificmanifestationsofthisexpertknowledgeare

indeedchallenged:forexamplethefindingsofareportthatconcludesthatfracking

maybepermittedinsomespecificlocation;.butthemethodologyitselfisgenerally

not.TheWorldBankasanorganisationisfrequentlytheobjectofattackbyactivists

and,morespecificallythedecisionstaken.Butthisisnotquitethesameasattacking

themethodsusedbyWorldBankstafffortakingthesedecisions:seekingtoreveal

theirveryconsiderableweaknesses.Critiquerathertakestheformofpolitical

resistanceatlocallevel:whatmightbecalledaclashbetweenknowledgeregimesin

itsmostextremeform.Thesortofexpertisedescribedinthisarticleisglobalinthe

sensethatitisembodiedineconomistswhoaretrainedinalimitednumberofelite

universitiesspreadacrosstheworld,butpredominantlyinrichcountries;whoread

andcontributetothesamejournalsandsharesimilarviewsaboutwhatcountsas

legitimateknowledge.Oneimportantcomponentoftheirworld-viewisthe

possibility,evenimperative,ofplayingdownthelocal:ofseekingtogeneralize:

minimizingthesignificanceofcontext.Theirsisatotalisingknowledge,basedona

largelytaken-for-grantedfaithinthepowerofnumbersandrigorousanalysis.

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1‘Overheating:Thethreecrisesofglobalisation’(www.uio.no/overheating)isaresearchprojectwhich

lookscomparativelyandethnographicallyatlocalresponsestoacceleratedchange.2ThepreferenceforChristianityamongZomiacommunitiesisasignificantfeatureofScott’s(2009)

treatmentoftheirstrategicreligiousaffiliations.3AspartoftheERC-Advanced-Grantproject‘Overheating.ThethreeCrisesofGlobalization’,Ihave

conductedsevenmonthsoffieldresearchinSubicBay,wherebetweenSeptember2013andApril2014I

exploredtheimpactoftheSouthKoreanshipyardonthecommunitiesnearby.4TheAetaareanindigenousgroupwholiveinthehighlandareasofCentalLuzon;theirhunting-and-

gatheringskillswereparticularlysoughtafterbytheUSNavy,whoestablishedaSurvivalskillsCenter

insidetheSubicBaynavalbase,whereAetainstructedsoldiersduringthecoldwar–seeSchober2016c.

140

5Duringmyfieldresearch,forinstance,640arrestwarrantswereissuedinOlongapo,thecityIstayedin,

withtheseindividualsbeingaccusedofstealingtheirelectricity(cf.Garcia2014).6Muchcould(andshould)besaidaboutthechangesinenergypolicyundernewpresidentRodrigo

Duterte.However,inthisarticle,Ihavelimitedmyselftopre-2016occurances. 7IknewallaboutthisfromcountlesssummersdowntheNorwegiancoast,andasamatteroffact,

QueenslandmudcrabsbearanuncannysimilaritytotheNorthAtlanticcrabsthatcoastalNorwegians

typicallyeatwithlemonandmayoduringthewarmmonths.8Theclipcanbewatchedhere:http://www.youtube.com9Inearly2014,ArrowEnergydecidedtopostponetheconstructionofitsplantforeconomicreasons.10Controversyaroselaterwithregardtoanotheranomaloussituationwhen,in2003,theUS

EnvironmentalProtectionAgency(EPA)setalowervalueforthevalueoflifeofelderlycitizensthanfor

youngercitizens,toaccountfortheirfewerremaininglife-years.“Popularoutcryagainstthis‘seniordeath

discount,’givenfullvoiceintheUSCongress,forcedtheEPAtoretreat”.(Banzhaf,2014)11Inothersectors,themoreold-fashionedmethodsmaystillprevail.Totakeanexamplefromthewater

supplysector:“Basedonthenumberofdeathsavoidedineachagegroupthevalueofavoidingthese

deathswascalculatedusingthediscountedfutureearningsofpeoplewhoselivesaresavedfromeach

intervention”.(HuttonandHaller,2004:33)12SternReviewontheEconomicsofClimateChange,theenormouslyinfluential700-pagereportwritten

byex-WorldBankChiefEconomistNicholasSternfortheBritishGovernment.(Stern,2006)13Itisseldomconsideredthattheymaybepoorer.14AreferencetoSenandWilliams(1982:16)15Note:HirschmanandBermandonotarguethatothersocialsciencesaremorepowerfulthaneconomic;

rather,itispolitics.Andpoliticianscantosomeextentpickandchooseamongthenumbersthat

economistscomeupwith.16Theyarealsoawareoftheseveremethodologicalchallengesinvolvedinmakingasocialchoicewhich

adequatelyreflectsthedifferentpreferencesoftheindividualsconcerned-atleastsincethepublication

ofSocialChoiceandIndividualValuesin1951,byKennethArrow,laterwinneroftheNobelprizein

economics,inwhichhesetouttheso-called‘Impossibilitytheorem’.17Iamnotheresuggestingthateconomistsaredishonest.Reportsbyacademiceconomiststopolicy-

makersareoftenhedgedaboutwithnumerouscaveatsregardingthelimitationsofthedata,the

assumptionsmadeetc.Butthesecantooeasilybebrushedasidebythepolicy-makerswho–quite

understandablyfromtheirpointofview–areaversetocomplexityandwantsimpleandclearanswers.