Kinet Hoyuk Middle and Late IA Ceramics
Transcript of Kinet Hoyuk Middle and Late IA Ceramics
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Middle and Late Iron Age Painted Ceramics from Kinet Hyk: Macro, Micro and ElementalAnalysesAuthor(s): Tamar Hodos, Carl Knappett and Vassilis KilikoglouReviewed work(s):Source: Anatolian Studies, Vol. 55 (2005), pp. 61-87Published by: British Institute at AnkaraStable URL: http://www.jstor.org/stable/20065535 .Accessed: 11/09/2012 06:36
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Anatolian Studies 55 (2005): 61-87
Middle and Late Iron Age painted ceramics from
Kinet H?y?k: macro, micro and elemental analyses
Tamar Hodos1, Carl Knappett2 and Vassilis Kilikoglou31University of Bristol,
2University of Exeter,
3'Demokritos' National Centre for Scientific Research, Athens
Abstract
This article presents the results of scientific analyses on a selection of sherds associated with two kilns from the site
of Kinet H?y?k (Hatay). The kilns are dated to the eighth century BC and the end of the seventh century BC. In
between these two periods, archaeological evidence suggests a period of occupation by the Neo-Assyrians. The
present study assesses the impact of this occupation on the pottery industry at the site using a combined approach of
thin section and neutron activation analyses. The results of these analyses additionally allow for a new classification
system of local wares.
?zet
Bu makale Kinet H?y?k (Hatay) yerle?im alanmdaki iki ocakla baglantili seramik par?alan ?zerine yapilan bilimsel
analizlerin sonu?lanni sunmaktadir. Bu ocaklar M.?. sekizinci y?zyila ve yedinci y?zyilm sonuna tarihlenmi?tir.
Arkeolojik deliller bu iki d?nem arasmda Ge? Assur yerle?imine i?aret etmektedir. Bu ?ah?ma s?z konusu yerle?iminburadaki ?anak c?mlek end?strisine o?an etkisini ince kesit ve n?tron etkile?im analizleriyle beraber degerlendirmektebununla birlikte analizlerin sonu?lan, y?resel kaplann yeni bir smiflandirma sistemine de olanak saglamaktadir.
Questions of trade and manufacture during the Iron
Age have been among the driving forces of schol
arship in the Mediterranean Iron Age, often linked to
the mobility and activities of the Greeks and the
Phoenicians (Horden, Purcell 2000). Pottery continuesto be one of the major material indicators of such inter
actions. However, there is growing evidence for local
production of specific pottery types across a broad area,rather than widespread distribution from single locales.
The site of Kinet Hoyuk exemplifies this during the
Iron Age, thanks not only to a clear stratigraphie
sequence with a large ceramic assemblage, but also to
the presence of kilns, one dated to the eighth centuryBC and the other to the end of the seventh century BC
These two kilns help show exactly which shapes and
styles were being produced at the site in these twoperiods, while sandwiched between them is evidence
that the site was occupied by Neo-Assyrians. Althoughmuch is often made of the immediate material impact of
conquests and occupation, little attention has been paidto their long-term impact upon local populations. One
aim of the present study is to consider this questionfrom the admittedly narrow perspective of pottery
production at the site, using these two kilns and their
associated material as a means of assessing any longterm influence the Neo-Assyrian occupation may have
had on the technologies of pottery production at the
site, such as clay paste preparation, in addition to
stylistic developments.Material associated with the Neo-Assyrian phase,
itself, has not been included in the present study, as our
focus has been on material from and associated with
the two kiln complexes themselves; questions
regarding the production and prevalence of local wares
compared with imported examples in the Neo-Assyrian
phase will be addressed in the final ceramic report.For the present study, we have subjected samples from
both kilns to scientific analysis. Material from the
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earlier kiln and related examples have been analysed
through both chemical and microscopic study, while a
sample of material from the later kiln was analysed
through microscopy alone, in light of associated
material and the conditions ofdeposition.
The result
of this study impacts upon a second aim: to inform the
final analysis of the Iron Age ceramics by providing a
means of identification and classification of the
various local wares.
The regionThe northeastern corner of the Mediterranean was a
region of tremendous cross-cultural interaction duringthe Iron Age. Populated by north Syrians, Aramaeans
and Luwian-speaking Neo-Hittites, the area also represented the westernmost limit of the
Neo-Assyrianempire from the time of Tiglath-Pileser III (744-727
BC). The natural resources of the region were of greatinterest to these various peoples. The Amanus
mountain range, which lines the coast of the Gulf of
Iskenderun, had gold, copper and arsenic resources
(Yener et al. 2000: 167), and the north Syrian landscape
inspired the Assyrians in their visual arts, particularlythe representation of shrubs, fruit trees, cypress,
boxwood and cedarwood (Alkim 1965; Thomason
2001). The fertility of the region in antiquity is attested
by the preservation of cereals and olives at a number of
sites (Bonatz 1993: 131). Purple dye was also produced
locally, as suggested by the remains of quantities of
murex shell in various states of processing from Kinet
H?y?k (Gates 1999a: 263).
Perhaps more importantly, however, the area also
served as a material crossroads, as well as a cultural
one. Passage through north Syria from the Mediter
ranean is provided by the Orontes river, which meets
the Mediterranean on the southeastern side of the Gulf
of Iskenderun. Following the river valley from the sea,
one quickly enters the Amuq plain, which integrates
with the overland trade routes leading to the Anatolian
highland, northern Syria, upper Mesopotamia, southern
Syria and Palestine (Pamir, Nishiyama 2002: 295).Mediterranean populations, particularly the Phoeni
cians and Greeks, were drawn to this frontier for its
access to the region's hinterland. Thus, during the
eighth century, when Greek pottery begins to arrive in
the Near East with regularity, it is in this region that it
ismost concentrated, not elsewhere along the Levantine
coast (Boardman 2002b). The region, therefore, served
as a gateway between land and sea, through which
goods and products manufactured for dispersal weredistributed between the Near East and the Mediter
ranean by a variety of mobile people (Horden, Purcell
2000; Purcell 2005).
Kinet H?y?k during the Iron AgeKinet H?y?k is a large mound site located on the eastern
shore of the Gulf of Iskenderun (fig. 1). It is 26m in
height and covers an area of 3.3ha. Excavations have
takenplace
atthe site since 1992 under the direction of
M.-H. Gates (Bilkent University). A near continuous
sequence of occupation from the Chalcolithic period to
the first century BC has been identified, with a brief re
occupation across the 13th century AD (Gates 1999a:
260, 261; Redford et al. 2001). Geomorphologicalevidence indicates that the settlement was situated in an
estuary at the mouth of the original course of the Deli?ayriver, which now flows 2.5km to the south (Ozaner
1994). The site developed on a rise on the northern bank
of the river, while a small natural harbour formed to the
west and northedges
of the mound itself. Over its
history of occupation, until the harbour and estuary
began to silt up during the Hellenistic period, this fluvial
harbour situation served as the site's primary raison
d'?tre, and Kinet functioned as a thriving port of trade
through which goods and ideas passed (Gates 1999b).As the only elevated ground in the otherwise level
alluvial floodplain that makes up the coast along the
foothills of the Amanus mountains, the site also
maintained a strategic purpose, with excellent sight-linesaround the entire bay.
The period of the Middle Iron Age was one of
extreme mixed cultural interactions for Kinet and the
territory inwhich it was situated. Since the Bronze Age,
Luwian-speaking Neo-Hittites and originally nomadic
Aramaeans had settled in this region alongside longestablished north Syrian populations (Hodos 2006: ch.
2). These communities were organised into small citystates made up of diffuse kinship-oriented urban settle
ments that replaced the regional powers of the Bronze
Age palace towns. They formed and altered politicalalliances with one another and their regional neighboursas required, usually in response to pressure from the Neo
Assyrians (Bunnens 2000; see alsoThuesen 2002). Evenonce this region was annexed into the Neo-Assyrianadministration system, some cities and alliances would
rebel or refuse to pay tribute, forcing the Assyrian armyto return again and again (Bing 1971: 100 with refer
ences; Thomason 2001: 67).From at least the tenth century, the Neo-Assyrians
provide us with names of the north Syrian politicalterritories. The area around Kinet belonged to the lands
of Que, which extended across the plain between the
Taurus and Amanus mountains, and whose eponymous
capital lies under modern Adana. Neo-Assyrian interestin Que may have begun during the reign of Tiglath
Pileser III (744-727 BC). He was the first to annex
territories in north Syria and Phoenician holdings
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Hodos, Knappen and Kilikoglou
TarsusAdana
!Mediterranean]Sea
?HJ2?S\iskenderun=
0 Zindiii
Amanus
Mts
Kinet
'Hoy?k
Amuq
Tell
cTayinat
?atal H?yiik
Tell Judaidah
Antakya
9Ras el
iBassit
rRas lbn\>Hani
Tell Sukas
Hama
i i i
Fig. 1. Kinet H?y?k in its regional setting
directly into the Assyrian empire, demonstrating an
increasing encroachment towards Cilicia (although
Neo-Assyrian campaigns against Que go back to the
middle of the ninth century: Desideri, Jasink 1990: ch.
2). By 738 BC, the state of Unqi, the Amuq plain, on
the eastern side of the Amanus mountains, had certainlybeen conquered and annexed (Hawkins 1995: 95). It is
possible that Tiglath-Pileser III began to prospect for
further conquest in Cilicia. No written records of
activity in the region are preserved from the reign of
Tiglath-Pileser's successor, Shalmaneser V (726-722
BC), although it is assumed that Que and the north
Syrian principality of Sam'al became fully incorporatedin the Neo-Assyrian empire during his reign, as there
are references to Assyrian governors over these regions
in documents dating to the reign of Sargon II (721-705
BC) (Forrer 1921: 70-71; Goetze 1962: 51; Hawkins
1979: 154).
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We do not know precisely what Kinet was called
during much of the Iron Age, although the site was
certainly known as Issos by the end of the fourth century
BC, when Alexander the Great met Darius III in 333 BC
at the eponymous battle. Kinet is situated on the plain ofIssos (Ozaner, ?ahk 1995), and Xenophon refers to the
settlement of Issos as a town with a harbour (Anabasis
1.4.1-2). As noted above, Kinet functioned as a harbour
site and remains the only elevated site on the plain. The
extensive fortification system of the late fourth century
suggests a city prepared for conflict around it (Gates
1999; 2003: 285-86).As for its earlier Iron Age name, one possibility is
that it may have been known as Siss?, associated
homophonically with Issos (Bing 1993). There are
toponymiereferences to a Siss? in the
earlyseventh
century, where it is reported in a text of Esarhaddon
(680-669 BC) that Sanduarri, king of Kundi and Siss?,
formed an unsuccessful alliance with the Phoenician
king of Sidon against the Neo-Assyrian ruler
(Luckenbill 1927: 206, nos 513-514). Although the
specific location of Siss? is not described in the
Esarhaddon text, it is usually identified with modern
Kozan, an inland site on the northern edge of the
Cilician plain (for references to this argument, see Bing1993: 101, 113, n. 17; Casabonne 1997: 40 notes that
Kundi and Siss? are described as citadels in steepmountains and argues that Kinet therefore cannot be
Siss?; while Kinet is clearly located on the plain, the
coast is extremely narrow at this point and the Amanus
foothills begin less than 6km away, where they rise very
quickly and are surprisingly steep). That Issos may be
Siss? rests upon an interpretation of the linguisticderivation of the Neo-Assyrian Siss? from the Hurro
Akkadian name Zisi, which was a coastal port during the
Late Bronze Age that is mentioned in a statue inscriptionof a local Hurrian ruler of Alalakh, Idrimi, as one of the
cities Idrimi destroyed during a campaign against the
Hittites (Bing 1993: 102-03). It is the description of the
campaign that places Zisi on the coast somewhere,
perhaps in eastern Cilicia, for which Kinet would fit the
geographic location, and fieldwork has demonstrated
that itwas a sizeable settlement during the Late Bronze
Age (although see Casabonne 1997: 40 for linguistic
arguments that Zisi may be located on Cyprus). If Zisi
is to be situated in Cilicia and its name developed
onomastically into Siss?, which in turn entered Greek as
Issos, then the Neo-Assyrian text of Esarhadden would
refer to the settlement now known as Kinet. An alliance
between Sidon and a strategic port town further alongthe coast would also make much sense for a Phoenician
king in need of an ally, especially one that functioned as
another port (Bing 1993: 104), although Phoenician
presence throughout Que is attested from a number of
inscriptions, especially the contemporary texts from
Karatepe, and there is no reason to assume that an inland
seat of power would not have been equally advanta
geous, albeit perhaps for different reasons.Winter has suggested that Sanduarri of Siss? may
also be the same person as the ruler of Karatepe who
calls himself Azitawatas in the famous Karatepe inscrip
tions, on the grounds that Sanduarri may be read as a
phonetic rendering of the name Azitawatas (Winter1979: 146, n. 138). It is impossible to determine how
probable this identification may be. The Karatepe
inscriptions state that Azitawatas was promoted by the
Adana king Awarikus, and that he extended the terri
torial control of Adana and prospered (for example,
Hawkins, MorpurgoDavies
1978;Hawkins
1999;but
see Casabonne 1997: 40-41, n. 28 for chronological
difficulties). The suggestion is compatible with the
geography of the region, but without additional
supporting evidence, this connection must remain only a
possibility. We know so little of the social circum
stances of individuals that there is little non-epigraphicevidence that may be called upon. Even notions of
ethnicity?
as a social construct? are not illuminating
during this time, for although Azitawatas is a Luwian
name, it is not necessarily the case that he identified
himself as distinctly ethnically Luwian. The Iron Agerulers of Sam'al have Anatolian/Neo-Hittite/Luwian
names (Panamuwa, Kilamuwa) as well as Aramaean
ones (Bar-rakib, BRSR), while Aramaic inscriptionswith Aramaean and Semitic names have been found at
Hama (Sam'al: Bunnens 2000; Hama: Otzen 1990). The
mixed cultural origins of this region, coupled with
evidence for the movement of populations by the Neo
Assyrians (and later the Neo-Babylonians), renders anystrict ethnic identifications impossible. Furthermore,ethnic identity may not have been as significant as
cultural unity, especially in opposition to the behemoth
that was the Neo-Assyrian empire.
The archaeology of Kinet's Middle Iron Age periodreflects this very cultural diversity. Although Kinet is
situated within the territory of Que, its material culture of
the Iron Age finds greatest compatability with that from
settlements in the territory of Unqi, whose capital at Tell
Tayinat on the Amuq plain of the lower Orontes valleywas the primary destination of imported Greek ceramics
from the eighth century BC. However, Kinet also
demonstrates close material ties with Tarsus as well.
Thus it can be argued that the material culture of north
Syria extended into Cilicia and certainly cut across the
political boundaries of the period. This position contrasts
with that of Winter, who sharply distinguishes the
cultural differences, especially the degree of 'aramaici
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sation', between Que and Sam'al (Winter 1979: 138).Rather than being divisions of culture and provinceenforced by mountains, these cultural distinctions are
blended, from Unqi to the coastal strip across the
Amanus mountains that Kinetinhabits,
into cultural
transitions across the region as a whole.
During the ninth and eighth centuries, the site
functioned as a large port town to which fine table wares
and storage vessels were imported from Greece, Cyprusand Phoenicia. An eclectic taste in fashion is suggested
by imported fibulas, which include a rare 'swollen bow'
example from Thessaly, a rare Near Eastern 'elbow' typeand a unique molded bow in the form of a nude woman
clutching her breasts. The cosmopolitan nature of Kinet
may be further demonstrated by a Phoenician onomastic
of a Luwian name, possibly dedicatory and provisionallyread as 'To Sarmakaddanis', on a large storage jarassociated with a monumental building on the western
side of the settlement (Gates 2004: 408; preliminary
reading by A. Lemaire). This structure looked down
upon the active harbour. Its walls, encasing large rooms,were built on lm wide foundations of riverstones with a
mud-brick superstructure coated in a thick layer of
plaster. A series of outdoor pebbled and gravelled court
yards surrounded the building. An equally monumental
building, with similarly substantial walls of comparableconstruction and a thickly plastered floor, was erected on
the other side of the settlement, overlooking the river.
Quantities of pottery from both buildings attest to the
site's own substantial ceramic output of cooking vessels
and table wares decorated in the Cypro-Cilician style
(Hodos 2000a; 2000b).Sometime during the second half of the eighth
century, a sudden change inmuch of the material culture
of the settlement occurred which has been attributed to a
period of Neo-Assyrian occupation. These alterations
can be seen most clearly in three particular aspects of the
material culture of the site: the architecture; the ceramic
assemblage; and faunal remains (arguably, these are three
aspects which have received closer post-excavation
scrutiny to date than the rest of the material excavated).The buildings of this stratum were reconstructed
along a different orientation from the previous (and
subsequent) period, in a somewhat haphazard manner.
Although still on a monumental scale, unusually for the
site, associated walls had jogs and shallow niches, and
the mud-brick sometimes had no stone foundations at all,which contrasts with the building technique both before
and after this phase, which always utilised fieldstones
and riverstones as foundations. Two cylinder seals ofNeo-Assyrian style have been recovered from the
complex on the western side of the settlement, one from
the first building phase and another from the later (Gates
2004: 407), while a third was found in the eastern side of
the settlement (Gates 2000: 197). The second building
phase of this period ended in a violent fire, after which
time there appears to have been a very brief break in
occupation (Gates2001:
208).In terms of the ceramic sequence from the site, new
types of pottery appear within this level that are
identified with Neo-Assyrian output. Neo-Assyrianceramic vessels are usually made of fine clay with evenly
ground and dispersed fine grit temper and were thrown
on fast wheels, creating symmetrical vessels that were
then well-fired. Production was highly regulated, which
created a limited number of size and shape categories
(Rice 1987: 180-91; Parker 2002: 338). At Kinet, Palace
Ware has been identified, the most telling of Assyrian
types.Chaff-tempered
vessels also appear at this time,
although chaff was not a common temper in previous
phases. Bowls with ribbed rims, fine white wares, and an
overwhelming abundance of plain wares characterise the
ceramic assemblage of this phase. Decorated CyproCilician wares decrease dramatically during this phase of
occupation to only 5% of the assemblage, in stark
contrast to the 30% painted wares represented in the
previous period (Hodos 2000a; 2000b).
Study of the faunal assemblage indicates that fish did
not form a significant part of the diet of the occupants of
the settlement during this time, in contrast to the prevalence of fish bones in the faunal assemblages from
preceding and subsequent phases (Gates 2004: 411). It is
possible, therefore, that the site was re-populated with
inland people (compare with Parker 2003: 547-48, for
example). Population relocation was a powerful means
of control in outlying regions, and this method was
certainly utilised by the Neo-Assyrians. Documents
from the reign of Tiglath-Pileser III, for instance, refer to
the forced resettlement of thousands in the Cizre plainand upper Tigris river valley (Tadmor 1994: 62-63).
Given the sudden architectural changes and ceramic
developments that are associated with Assyrian tradi
tions, it is possible that Kinet served as a regional
Assyrian post, perhaps as early as the reign of TiglathPileser III. The cylinder seals found in association with
the buildings ascribed to the Neo-Assyrians would
support this. Equidistant between Tarsus and Al Mina,and with good harbours and the protection of the Amanus
mountains, the site was ideal as a major base in the
western extent of the Assyrian empire towards the end of
the eighth century, with Tarsus then serving as the
Assyrians' westernmost outpost after Sennacherib
quelled the local rebellion in 696 BC. Although notextual sources refer specifically to Kinet, it is possiblethat new settlers were brought to the site to oversee its
Neo-Assyrian occupation.
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These changes indicate that the Assyrians, or those
under their control, came to stay for an extended period of
time, preferring to use styles of pottery similar to those
they were already acquainted with and eating a familiar
land-led diet rather thanone
that integrated the offeringsof the sea. How long they remained is not known, but
after several building phases a number of their structures
suffered intense conflagration. This was followed by a
brief break in occupation, as suggested by eroded surfaces
found across the site (Gates 2001: 208). Judging by the
subsequent occupation stratum, this hiatus ismost likelyto have occurred at the end of the eighth century, or
possibly the beginning of the seventh century. Itmay be
related to Sennacherib's 696 BC campaign against
Cilicia, which resulted in the destruction of Tarsus duringthat year
(Forsberg1995 argues
againstany such
associated destruction; but see Dalley 1999; Hodos 2006).The new structures subsequently erected heralded the
Late Iron Age phase of the site's occupational history.Areas were levelled, in some cases with a thick fill of
crushed murex shell, in preparation for rebuilding, which
was on a much more modest scale and seems to have
been more domestic and industrial in nature than
monumental. Iron tools next to hearths, cobbled areas
and ovens adjacent to multi-roomed structures charac
terise both sides of the settlement over the course of the
seventh century (Gates 1999; 2001), despite numerous
rebuildings and refurbishings, and suggest that the
residents were engaged with daily life rather than
imperial conquests.
The potteryThe ceramic trading connection between Cyprus and the
Levant during the Iron Age began shortly before the last
quarter of the 11th century, when early decorated CyproGeometric wares appeared sporadically along the coast
from southern Phoenicia to Philistia. While many of
these are closed vessels, implying that their contents were
the item of trade rather than the container, the fact that anumber were decorated open vessels suggests that some
were a popular commodity in their own right, although
they may have been the private belongings of merchants
and thus secondary objects of the exchange (Gilboa1989: 217). Nevertheless, this import had a profound
impact on subsequent local production, with the
decorated ceramic output of coastal sites such as Tarsus
and Kinet blossoming during the ninth and eighthcenturies into mass production of styles that find
comparison with contemporary Cypriot shapes and
motifs (Hodos 2000a; 2000b: figs 3, 5-7). This contrastssharply with contemporary sites further inland, such as
Tille H?y?k, which had little painted pottery during the
Middle Iron Age (Blaylock 1999).
During the course of the seventh century, striking
developments occur in local ceramic assemblages. For
instance, Lehmann has observed that around 650 BC
differences between the assemblages of coastal Syria
(and Lebanon) and inland settlements diminish, witha
greater homogeneity of ware types and vessel shapesfound across the region. This may be attributed to the
impact of Neo-Assyrian territorial organisation in the
eastern Mediterranean, which had facilitated the
movement of craftsmen and traders. The observable
increased development of unified measurement units
and presumed improvements in goods trafficking mayhave formed the background for greater ceramic
standardisation (Lehmann 1998: 30).At the same time, this Neo-Assyrian domination
also had aprofound impact
on thestylistic output
of
local potters who were used to producing shapes and
motifs of Cypro-Cilician style, which had always
closely paralleled the output of Cyprus. As the Neo
Assyrians expanded their control of Cyprus' nearest and
most prolific trading destinations along the Levantine
coast during the eighth century, a sharp decrease in
Cypriot imports at sites along this littoral can be
observed (for example, black-on-red: Schreiber 2003).Trade with Greece of the same wares continued well
into the seventh century, however, which implies that
the cessation came from the mainland rather than
Cyprus. This change may therefore be attributed to
Neo-Assyrian activity (this suggestion is borne out in a
comparison between Rough and Smooth Cilicia:
Fourrier 2003). This is not the forum in which to
engage with the socio-political speculations
surrounding this development (rather, this will be
discussed in the final publication of the Iron Ageceramics from Kinet). However, it must be noted that
by the time of the advent of the Persian period duringthe sixth century, the new pottery styles that developedin local output are often attributed to influence from the
east Greek world, particularly the so-called east Greekbanded wares, although Lehmann notes that their distri
bution is confined to the eastern Levant, and they are
hardly ever found in Greece (Lehmann 1998: 15). Their
imitation, however, was much more widespread.
The ceramic assemblage from Kinet exemplifiesthis shift in style. During the Early Iron Age, Kinet
began to produce painted vessels that find decorative
parallels in the output of contemporary Cyprus. This
continued into the Middle Iron Age, with the
manufacture of a large number of Cypro-Cilician
vessels decorated with motifs from the CyproGeometric III repertoire (including Bichrome). The
Neo-Assyrian period of occupation saw a dramatic dropin the absolute and relative number of painted vessels.
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Subsequently, over the course of the seventh century,the Cypro-Cilician styles were replaced by vessels
decorated initially just with bands and then wave lines,motifs attributed to east Greece that came to dominate
the decoratedassemblage during
the sixthcentury
(Hodos 2000a; 2000b: figs 10, 11, 14).More significant is the identification of kilns from
the periods preceding and subsequent to the phase of
Neo-Assyrian presence at the site, from the firingchambers of which material of the predominant stylesof the respective periods was recovered. The kilns were
situated in the most northeastern quarter of the site. As
the prevailing winds rise over the mound from the
southwest, smoke and heat from the kilns would have
been carried away from the settlement. The earlier kiln
underlies structures associated with the Neo-Assyrian
occupation and probably dates to the first half of the
eighth century, while the later can be dated byassociated material to the very end of the seventh
century (ca. 600 BC). These kilns and their associated
material provide us with an important opportunity to
examine any long-standing impact of Neo-Assyrian
occupation on the technologies of pottery production at
the site.
The kilns
The earlier kiln consisted of a single large circular firingchamber made of yellow clay (figs 2a, 2b). Oriented
east-west, it sat within a mud-brick faced enclosure,
supported by a stone wall along the north side. The
complex as a whole measured 4.5m by 5.5m. The kiln
was of a double chamber updraft type, in which the
combustion chamber and firing chamber were separated
by a platform (Killebrew 1996: 137, figs 2d, 2e). The
diameter of the firing platform measured 3m, althoughthe central area of the firing chamber beneath remained
exposed rather than covered entirely by the platform. A
stoking tunnel on the eastern side provided access into
the kiln interior. Both the stoking tunnel and chamberfloors were approximately 50-70cm below the workingsurface of the manufacturing area adjacent to the kiln.
The superstructure of the kiln was presumablyconstructed in the pis? technique. A lime pit embedded
within the firing platform suggests a diversity of use of
the kiln, for pottery firing and perhaps also for lime
production. Field notes indicate that several sherds of
thick-walled storage vessels found inside the chamber
and on top of the firing platform showed traces of lime
coating on the interior and exterior, presumably as a
secondary taphonomic process. Material associated withthis kiln is comparable with Cypro-Geometric III, and
thus suggests its period of use as being the ninth and
eighth centuries BC.
To the southwest, several metres away, a smaller kiln
(2.5m by at least 2m) with two adjoining chambers
separated bya central mud-brick support, or wall, was
partly excavated. Only a stone wall in herringbone
masonrythat sat on
topof the
firing platformat the back
remained of the chambers' superstructure. Both kilns
were well preserved by a lm layer of sterile soil,
suggesting that the kilns had been filled in and covered
over during a single episode in preparation for a new use
of this sector of the settlement. Indeed, a monumental
building, the exact function of which remains undeter
mined at present, was constructed in this quarter, and the
outdoor areas surrounding it do not reflect industrial
activity on a household or larger scale.
However, kilns were reconstructed at a later date in
the same area, although only one can be clearly identified
(figs 3a, 3b), as another presumed kiln, located at the
present edge of the mound, was badly eroded. Itmust be
noted that the preserved kiln was not as easily articulated
in excavation as the kilns discussed above, as its state of
preservation, although better than its contemporary, was
much worse in comparison with the eighth century kiln
complex. The firing chamber of the preserved kiln was
of a more oval shape, but, like its predecessor, itwas of
double chamber updraft type constructed of mud-brick
and pis?, although embedded less deeply within the
working surface of the time (sunken only by 20-30cm).Orientated northeast-southwest, it was supported bystone walls to the southwest and northwest, giving the
kiln overall dimensions of approximately 2.5m by 3m.
The entrance to the chamber, which was flanked by
stones, was situated on the northeast side of the kiln. The
firing floor was supported by three large mud-bricks in
the middle of the chamber. Several fired clay bins filled
with crushed murex shell in varying degrees of fineness
were found adjacent to the kiln and at the same absolute
level as the base of the chamber, implying that the kiln
may not have been of a true sunken construction. The
bins themselves imply that shell may have been used forlime, perhaps as a re-use after the manufacture of purple
dye, and also that the kiln may have been used for firingmore than just pottery (for example, Aliara 1992: 111).Material from contexts associated with this kiln suggest
it should be dated to the end of the seventh century BC.
The contents of the firing chamber floor were
removed as a single lot, which included a number of
near-complete vessels (unpublished end of season
report). Within this lot were found two pieces of a verymicaceous fabric. Mica does not occur in local clays
and is rarely found at the site. Even within the contextof the kiln or any other associated deposits and assem
blages, mica was not found (although mica dust
contaminated the surface of a number of sherds,
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t A "~^^!
Fig. 2a. Eighth century kiln complex
suggesting at the time of excavation that mica might bemore prevalent than previously thought; subsequentexamination of the associated material does not support
this). The logical conclusion is that these pieces are
part of an imported vessel. As they were found within
the firing chamber itself, the implication is that the kiln
may have been filled with debris from elsewhere, and
hence with material that may have included importedwares. The degree of erosion of this kiln suggests that
there may have been a period of time when the kiln was
no longer in use and allowed to decay before it was
Fig. 2b. Eighth century kiln complex
finally filled in and levelled off for rebuilding. Thefloor lot assemblage, therefore, may not represent a
discrete collection of locally-manufactured products.The implications of this for the present study will be
discussed below.
Kilns of the Iron Age are few and far between in
Anatolia. The best known are those from Tarsus
(although overlooked by Delcroix and Huot in their 1972
study of kilns from the Near East from 5000 to 500 BC).
Pottery finds from within these suggest that the complexwas active throughout the Iron Age, and that individual
chambers werecontinually repaired
and altered
(Hanfmann 1963: 14-17). The pottery kiln complexconsisted of a series of long and narrow firing chambers
underneath clay platforms perforated by short flues. The
individual chambers were deeply sunken constructions of
clay-dressed stone or clay-dressed mud-brick. At least
one had a double firing chamber. As no trace of any
permanent superstructure was found, it is presumed that
a temporary roof was built for each firing. The chambers
themselves varied in size considerably. Most were recti
linear and varied in dimension from 3.75m by 1.3m
(narrowing to 0.8m) to 6m by 1.25m. One was more
elliptical in shape, enclosing an area of 1.72m by 0.85m.
The outlines of these kilns alone are dissimilar from the
Kinet examples, although the pottery styles produced at
both sites are comparable.
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1/?m&
WB&&1
Fig. 3a. Late seventh century kiln complex
Recent excavations at Kilise Tepe have also
uncovered contemporary kilns. These examples were
rectangular in plan (the larger one being 2m by lm) and
stone lined, each with a sunken combustion chamber
(Hansen, Postgate 1999: 112-13; Postgate 1998: 131
32). The interior surface of the larger of the two was
deeply burnt and contained white concretions. While
these concretions have not been analysed, white concre
tions that withstand high temperature firing are usually a
lime-based substance, and thus these recall the processedshell used for lime associated with the Kinet kilns of the
seventh century. The material retrieved from the Kilise
Tepe kilns is similar in date, as it formed a discrete
assemblage of local manufacture in Cypro-Archaic I
style (750-650 BC).A kiln of the Middle Phrygian period (seventh tomid
sixth century BC) was excavated in the 1950s at Gordion
but has never been published (it is discussed in
Johnston's unpublished PhD dissertation from 1970,
which we have not been able to consult; see Henrickson
1994: 112).Iron Age kilns have been identified in the Levant at
Sarepta, Tell Miqne-Ekron, Jemmeh, Ashdod, Megiddo,and Tell en-Nasbeh (Killebrew 1996: table 1, with refer
ences;for Tell
en-Nasbeh,see also Zorn
1998). Duringthe Early Iron Age at Miqne-Ekron and Jemmeh, squaredouble chamber types were in use, while square singlechamber types were used at Ashdod during the Middle
Iron Age. Circular double chamber types from the EarlyIron Age were found at Sarepta, and at Megiddo and Tell
en-Nasbeh from the Middle Iron Age. This variation of
shape and type over the Iron Age implies that more social
(cultural or familial) or geographically circumscribed
traditions of manufacturing techniques and technologiesinfluenced kiln style; the diversity does not convey a
sense of evolutionary or linear development (Killebrew1996: 156).
No kilns of Iron Age date have been recorded in
Cyprus (Fourrier 2003: 80).
Fig. 3b. Late seventh century kiln complex
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The similarity of plan and construction technique of
the two excavated Kinet kilns suggests a continuity of
firing tradition, despite the intervening Neo-Assyrian
occupation and the stylistic changes in output between
the two phases of attested ceramic production. Thedesign of the kilns and their similarities to other contem
porary examples from across a broad geographical area
suggest certain shared practices in production technology
during the Iron Age alongside local variation. It should
therefore not be surprising that the Kinet kilns do not
resemble their nearest examples, those from Tarsus.
Furthermore, the scale of operation at each site mayaccount for the different forms of firing complexes. With
such a small area of the potters' quarter at Kinet
excavated (the earlier kiln complex is known to extend
south into anadjacent trench,
where excavation halted
just at this level), it is impossible to quantify output, or to
discuss beyond generalisations the social mechanics of
pottery production at Kinet during the Middle Iron Age.
The wares
On site, initial classification of material is undertaken as
part of the annual field season. The ceramics are visuallyidentified and quantitatively recorded; diagnostic
examples are saved. The descriptive ware categorieswere loosely derived from the classification at Tarsus, as
the only regional site whose local pottery has been
comprehensively studied and published. While Al
Mina's local wares might form a better basis, since du
Plat Taylor's initial assessment in 1959 these wares have
remained woefully understudied from a fabric
perspective. The very recent study of the Syrian and
Phoenician pottery by Lehmann, for instance, takes
shape as the starting point for classification, with ware
differences as the secondary distinguishing feature
(Lehmann 2005).The Tarsian model identified four primary groups for
its Middle Iron Age assemblage: (1) local painted; (2)
local burnished; (3) local plain; (4) imported. For studyof the decorated output from Kinet, the first two Tarsian
categories are of greatest interest. The Tarsian local
painted group has been further divided on the basis of
surface decoration into: buff painted (which is, in fact,
slipped); white painted (which is also slipped); black-on
red; bichrome, which in turn was subdivided; and red
banded. The burnished group includes: red slip; a two
tone technique; and other minor categories based uponsurface colour variation including orange, yellow, brown,
and bucchero.
One of the difficulties with this classification is that
slip and motif styles are used inconsistently as means of
classification at this level (white painted or buff painted,both of which are slipped, versus bichrome, which
generally has black and red colours on a slipped surface,which is often buff, Hanfmann 1963: 49, 51). This is a
problem particularly with the black-on-red group,because it is, in fact, a decorated version of the red slip
ware produced at the site: 'The Cilician black-on-redware [produced at Tarsus] is technically identical with
[the Tarsus] red slip ware except that decoration in black
paint was added. A modest number of fragments [of red
slip] were found in the kilns, where black-on-red was
also made' (Hanfmann 1963: 61).Such mis-classifications have contributed to the
confusions surrounding red slip and black-on-red wares
as scholars have endeavoured to link these with particularculture groups. Red slip pottery, for instance, is often
viewed as the hallmark ware of the Phoenicians, and in
thepast,
thepresence
of redslip
at a site has been taken
as firm evidence of Phoenician activity (see, for instance,Mazzoni 2000: 42). Yet red slipped pottery has often
been described only by its surface treatment (quality,thickness and colour of the slip; relative matt-ness of the
paint; the execution of the motifs themselves) and vessel
shapes, with little consideration of the paste of the
vessels themselves. Scientific studies of red slip wares
from various sites in the Levant are beginning to indicate
that red slip ware was, in fact, quite widely produced,
and, therefore, may not necessarily be indicative of
Phoenicians themselves (Winter 1995: 265, n. 9).Results of an unpublished NAA (neutron activation
analysis) report on red slip dishes from Hama, Tell
Rifa'at and the Amuq (Catalh?y?k, Tell al-Duayda, Tell
Tayinat), demonstrates that the fabric varies considerablyfrom site to site, and concludes that they were locally
produced and hardly travelled (Hughes, cited in Lehmann
2005: 88, n. 98). Analysis of red slip wares from Tell
Ajjul and Tell Fara in Palestine similarly demonstrates
they are locally produced (Liddy 1996), while red slip
examples from Al Mina are also not identical to those
from Samaria (du Plat Taylor 1959: 79; Liddy 1996).
The situation with black-on-red is even more compli
cated, since the term is used by different scholars to refer
to different wares. Some use the term to refer to the
general style of red slipped fine and medium walled openand closed shapes decorated with bands, concentric
circles and other geometric motifs executed in black
paint (as Bikai observed, 1983: 400, n. 32, 'The class
Black-on-Red is far too cluttered already with Cypriote,Phoenician and Syro-Palestinian Black-on-Red'). Others
prefer to keep it reserved for a specific Cypriot product
(for a detailed discussion see Schreiber 2003: xxii-xxix;
true black-on-red is described by Gjerstad 1948: 68-73;see also Brodie, Steel 1996; Bikai notes that she has
always been mystified by its Phoenician attribution,
Coldstream, Bikai 1988: 37). This has given rise to some
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generalisations and misinterpretations. For instance, the
black-on-red examples from Al Mina have been
described as Cypriot imports, possibly even from Kition
itself (Boardman 1999b: 149, who also based his
conclusion upon Matthers et al. 1983; unfortunately, thisparticular study has been discredited for using unprovenanced samples and analysing only certain elements,which resulted in two fabric groups going unrecognisedand possibly obscuring other variations, see Brodie, Steel
1996: 271). Schreiber's 2003 study of black-on-red
concludes that the black-on-red style was widely imitated
in local production in north Syria and Cilicia, and even
possibly as far south as Israel, but supports that the name
black-on-red be reserved for a very specific productmanufactured on Cyprus.
AtKinet,
sherds wereinitially grouped
intopainted
and plain. Within the painted categories, there are
many examples that conform to the decorated descriptions of the Tarsian groups. Yet, unlike Tarsus, which
has a homogeneous clay, two colours of paste?
pinkand cream ? occur with regularity at Kinet. Therefore,the painted wares have been sub-divided according to
paste first and slip second, irrespective at this stage of
any additional decorative schemes, such as burnishingor black-on-red style. Seven distinctive types have
been visually identified, some in direct association
with the earlier kiln, and analysed in the present study.None of these are particularly fine fabrics, as small and
medium sized inclusions are clearly visible with the
naked eye, and there are variations in the degree of
coarseness in different examples. The wares were used
for medium walled vessels. The two most common
categories are (1) cream paste with a cream slip, and
(2) pink paste with a cream slip. Less common are (3)
pink paste with a decidedly buff slip, (4) buff pastewith a buff slip, and, occasionally, (5) green paste with
a green slip, which has long been suspected of being an
over-fired version of one of the more prominent fabrics.
In addition, (6) pink paste is sometimes slipped in
white, as opposed to cream. Finally, (7) red paste with
red slip has also been found, for which the majority of
our black-on-red has been considered so far a sub
category. Within these groups, painted decoration is
predominantly in black, brown, red or purple (although
purple may be a decayed black reacting to its
deposition context, as suggested by co-joining piecesrecovered from different areas of excavation), with all
appearing as monochrome decoration on various wares,
or with red complementing black or brown in bichrome
motifs. Variations within these wares, including
examples with different decorative schemes, such as
bichrome, burnish and black-on-red imitations, were
also analysed.
It has long been suspected that the vast majority of
the pottery found at Kinet was locally produced, in
clear imitation of Cypriot and east Greek styles over
the course of the Iron Age. This was first concluded in
a 1997 study of the Late Iron Age wave line table waresfrom the site, for which of the 100 or so exampleslooked at, most were of the same fabric as the majorityof pottery from all periods at the site, while only two
appeared to be different, suggesting that Kinet potterswere manufacturing the ware (in contrast, Al Mina
seems to have imported a greater proportion of its wave
line wares, Ashton, Hughes 2005). The subsequent
discovery of wave line wasters in the later kiln
confirmed this conclusion. During the 1997 season,
when the kiln was excavated, a number of sherds from
thefiring
chamber lot were removed from their context
collection bag for neutron activation analysis as part of
a separate study (Gates 1999: 263). The results ofthat
study are not yet available. That the chamber contents
may have included material swept in and, therefore,that the contents found within may not be purely local
was not recognised during the field season. Never
theless, the presence of wave line wasters strongly
implies that the majority of wave line wares at the site
are Kinet products. It was therefore decided to proceedin the present study with an analysis of the remaining
material from the kiln chamber, but to limit this
analysis to microscopic study, in anticipation of the
results of the previous NAA study for eventual
comparison.
The Middle Iron Age has a much wider range of
decorated vessels, and variations in the surface and
biscuit colours have made it difficult to arrive at
conclusions regarding local manufacture or importwith similar ease as for the wave line wares and
contemporary output. In anticipation of the classifi
cation work that will be necessary for the final publi
cation, questions were also raised as to whether the two
primary groups, pink paste with a cream slip and cream
paste with a cream slip,were two distinct wares,
perhaps reserved for specific shapes, or if their
diversity reflects differences in clay preparation and/or
firing conditions. Their relationship to the less
common wares was also queried. Were the pronounced
differences in colour between, for example, cream
paste-cream slip and red paste-red slip due to the use of
separate clays, or was it simply down to firing
variation, deliberate or otherwise? Were all the
samples in fact local, or could some wares be identified
as imports? Given the stylistic similarities in CyproPhoenician wares across a wide area (for example,
contemporary Kilise Tepe), this is by no means a
straightforward objective.
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Thus the decision was made to supplement macro
scopic study of the pottery with both p?trographie exami
nation and neutron activation analysis (NAA). The keyto this approach is that it must be 'bottom up', beginning
with'low-tech'
methods(i.e. macroscopic examination)
and only building up with caution to more 'hi-tech'
methods (i.e. NAA), as and when the research questionsdemand (Knappett 2005). Without this kind of approachit is difficult to achieve an effective integration of
typological, technological and compositional data.
Indeed, the recent elemental study of Al Mina material byAshton and Hughes is a case in point (Ashton, Hughes
2005). This work seeks to distinguish local from
imported pottery at Al Mina, focussing particularly on
material from the later occupation levels (539-301 BC).
However, it is difficult to have full confidence in the
results, given the methodology of going straight from
macroscopic assessment to elemental analysis (usingNAA and ICP-AES), without an intermediary stage of
p?trographie examination. This means that the chemical
variation cannot be properly related either to textural
features in the pottery or the background geology of the
Al Mina area. This is further exacerbated by the fact that
no local clays are included in this analysis for
comparison.
The different techniques employed in the present
study have their own particular strengths. The p?tro
graphie examination of ceramic thin sections is well
suited to the study not only of the aplastic inclusions in
pottery fabrics, but also of the textural features in the
paste. It has the advantage of maintaining a visual link
with the sherd, such that the macroscopic and micro
scopic observations can be readily connected. However,
the technique is of limited utility when the fabric is very
fine, without any aplastics. This is where a chemical
technique such as NAA comes into its own, because it
can assess the elemental composition of the clay matrix,
regardless of the presence or not of inclusions. It can
provide parts per million measurements of around 20elements. However, this information does not mean a
great deal in and of itself? it is a technique that relies
on comparison betweena number of samples, and the
formation of chemical groups among those samples. It
thus relies heavily on the sample size, and on the statis
tical methods used to determine groupings (for example,
principal components analysis), much more so than does
p?trographie examination. Another difference between
NAA and petrography is that the preparation of samplesfor NAA requires the sample to be ground into a powder,
thus losing any textural information. This methodologyhas been developed to particular effect in work on
Bronze Age Aegean pottery (for example, Jones 1986;
Day et al. 1999).
Crucially, a combination of the two techniques allows
for a process of cross-checking. Often the petrographyand the NAA can tell exactly the same story, but in some
cases they might point to some interesting patterns. For
example,a
fabric group that seems coherent and tight inp?trographie terms might actually be revealed to have
chemical variation within it; this could arise from the
consistent use of a certain kind of temper, but in combi
nation with an inconsistent process of clay selection.
Conversely, a tight chemical group might actuallyinclude quite a range of aplastics as identified petro
graphically. Such patterns can tell us more about the
status of particular ceramic categories and the productiondecisions underlying them than if a single analytical
technique had been used.
Ceramic petrography and chemistryCeramic samples were selected for analysis in two
batches, the first in 2001 and the second in 2003. The
first group of 38 samples was selected by Carl Knappett
(CK) on site together with Tamar Hodos (TH), with a
view to understanding the kinds of fabric variation that
might be underlying perceived visual differences in
pastes and slips. The p?trographie analysis was
conducted by CK, while a programme of chemical
analysis using NAA was carried out by Vassilis
Kilikoglou (VK) at the 'Demokritos' National Centre for
Scientific Research in Athens, following a proceduredescribed in detail elsewhere (Kilikoglou, Grimanis
1993; Hein et al. 2002).The second group of samples (34) was selected by TH
on site in 2003. This batch included two local clay
samples, and sherds from kiln contexts from both the
earlier and later kilns, thereby strengthening the chances
of successfully characterising local fabrics. Only p?tro
graphie analysis, and not NAA, was used in examiningthis second batch of samples.
The analyses have allowed for the separation of ten
fabric groups; some of these, however, are very minor,
represented only by one or two samples, therefore
making it difficult to know how significant they are. The
majority of samples actually fall into one of two main
fabrics, group A and group B, with 15 (including the two
clay samples) and 31 samples respectively. These two
groups thus make up nearly two thirds of the total
sample. Group A is clearly local, given the close
similarity of the archaeological samples to the two clay
samples, not to mention the frequent association of this
fabric with kiln contexts. There are no clay samples to
establish the links between group B and the local area,although its common occurrence in kiln contexts is
telling. Furthermore, both fabrics are consistent with
what we know of the local geology (see fig. 4).
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Ceyhan
Quaternary alluvial deposits
Miocene marls and clays
Oph?olit?c complex with serpent?n?te
/>,-:] Basalt
Limestone
Limestone
0 I ZU 25 km
Fig. 4. Simplified geological map of the area (after 1:500,000 geological map of Turkey, 1962, Adana and Hatay sheets)
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Anatolian Studies 2005
We shall now present each fabric group in turn,
providing the typological, p?trographie and chemical
evidence. A discussion will follow concerning the
conclusions that can be drawn with regard to patterns of
productionand
exchangeat Kinet
H?y?kand in the east
Mediterranean Iron Age more generally.
Group A : serpentinite fabricSome of the samples in this group come from amphoraefound in kiln contexts (notably 37 and 38). Other shapes
represented are craters, all of which are described as 'red
paste, red slip' (samples 13,14,16), although a black-on
red closed vessel (31) has a gritty red fabric, and a
bichrome plate is semi-fine orange (18).In thin section (figs 6, 7), the fabric is very
distinctive, as nearly all the inclusions are serpentinite,from silt size up to 2mm. Other inclusions are quartz,
calcite, phyllite, rare volcanic and plutonic rock
fragments, clinozoisite, feldspar, chert and textural
concentration features. Note that there do not appear to
be many microfossils (foraminifera), and there is little
optical activity.In sample 13, for example, it is difficult to distinguish
a fine from a coarse fraction. Serpentinite is frequent to
dominant, mostly in the 0.1-0.25mm range, but silt size
to 0.5mm overall. Micritic carbonate inclusions are
frequent, mostly 10% calcium. One further
feature that sets group A apart is cobalt, with an averagevalue of 88ppm, much more than the average of 29ppmfor group B.
Samples
Kl, K2 (both clay samples), 13,14,16,18 (fig. 6), 31, 37
(fig. 7), 38, 7403g, 7403h, 7403k, 10841a, 10957f,
10957g, 11069a, 11069b,11069d.
KHY03/26KHY03/27
KHY03/13
KHY03/14KHY03/16
KHY03/18KHY03/37?
KHY03/31
KHY03/38KHY03/35KHY03/36
KHY03/08KHY03/11
KHY03/01
KHY03/04KHY03/02
KHY03/07KHY03/24 ih
KHY03/03KHY03/20
KHY03/12KHY03/17
KHY03/21KHY03/22
KHY03/19
KHY03/28
KHY03/29
KHY03/23KHY03/25P
KHY03/05
KHY03/10KHY03/34
KHY03/15KHY03/06KHY03/09
Fig. 5. Dendrogram of NAA results
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Hodos, Knappett and Kilikoglou
Fig. 6. Thin section photomicrograph
of fabric group A, sample 18 (width
of field ca. 4mm; same for all subse
quent photomicrographs)
Fig. 7. Thin section photomicrograph
of fabric group A, sample 37Fig. 8. Thin section photomicrograph
of fabric group B, sample 2
GroupB:
foraminifera fabricThis is the most common fabric group, consisting of 31
samples. The fabric ranges from fine through semi
coarse to coarse (in thin section, finer versions have
c:f:v of 5:90:5; the coarser examples 30:65:5). There is
also considerable variation in firing colour, which
makes visual groupings difficult. This is perfectlyillustrated by sample 7, a fragment from a barrel jug,the inner half of which has fired orange and the outer
half pale buff. This variation is seen throughout the
fabric group, albeit not quite as starkly. Hence the
group cross-cuts some of the ware groups that have
been formed through visual examination, such as pink
paste-cream slip, and red paste-red slip. It is also
common in pastes described as fine orange, semi-fine
pink-buff and semi-fine pink-orange. Another diffi
culty in pinning down this fabric group is the variation
in surface treatments ? it is used tomanufacture black
on-red, bichrome and white painted wares. One
positive attribution that one might make is that 'pink
paste-cream slip' would appear to be largely associated
with fabric B.
In thin section (figs 8-10) it is clear that this is a
calcareous fabric, and its most striking feature is the
presence of foraminifera, often quite frequent.
However, although the fabric is partly biogenic in
character, it also contains inclusions which link it to the
ophiolites in the surrounding area, namely serpentinite,
amphibole, both of which are common, and smaller
quantities of epidote group minerals (i.e. epidote,zoisite and clinozoisite), and rare igneous rock
fragments. These features, particularly the serpentinite,
suggest a general connection with fabric group A.
Whereas fabric group A would appear to be formed
froma
reddish clay containing much serpentinite, groupB ismore calcareous, perhaps from a Neogene clay bed.
The NAA results reflect the variability in this fabric,which can have varying quantities of serpentinite,
carbonates, foraminifera, quartz, epidote group minerals,etc. While on the dendrogram (flg. 5) group B is quite
evidently separate from group A, the former does not
display a great deal of internal consistency. There are
quite high standard deviations in the average elemental
ppm: calcium, for example, although consistently higherthan in group A, nevertheless ranges from 9-16%,
creating a high percentage standard deviation (18%). A
similar scenario occurs for other elements, such as
chromium and scandium.
While the NAA effectively separates groups A and B,the results are more ambiguous when it comes to certain
members included in group D. This will be discussed
below in the section on group D.
Fine
Sample 15 (fig. 9), for example, has common micro
fossils in the fine fraction, especially planktonic
foraminifera, such as globigerina, but also some
bivalves. Also common is micrite, quartz, few to
common serpentinite, few textural concentration features
(tcfs) and plagioclase, rare epidote group minerals. In the
coarse fraction: few to common chert and quartz, a-sa,
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Coarse
Sample 10957e has a fine fraction with frequent to
dominant microfossils (planktonic foraminifera), few to
common quartz, few textural concentration features and
veryfew
serpentinite.In the coarse fraction one finds
dominant micritic carbonates and microfossils; the
largest planktonic foraminifera is 1mm, with sparite verywell preserved. Also few serpentinite, sr-r, up to 0.5mm,
few quartz, a-sr, 0.1-0.5mm, few clinozoisite, mostly sa,
0.1-0.5mm, rare amphibole, and plutonic rock fragments
(composed partly of epidote group minerals) and veryrare volcanic rock fragments (amphibole and feldspar),sa, 1mm. C:f:v = 25:65:10.
Samples
7, 8, 9, 10, 11, 12, 24, 7403J, 74031, 7403n, 7403o,
10957a, 10957d (fig. 10), 10957e, 10493b, 10493f.
Group C: overfired green buff
Samples
1, 4 (fig. 11), 5, 6, 7403e.
There are relatively few samples in this group, but all
are described macroscopically as 'cream paste-cream
slip'. The fabric is a pale greenish buff that appears to
have been high-fired? there are signs in thin section
that the clay did contain foraminifera and other calcitic
material, which was lost during firing (fig. 11). This
effect is also seen in fabric group B, particularly sample7 ? the orange part of the sherd still contains many
foraminifera, whereas in the more highly fired (external)buff part these same inclusions are missing, leaving onlyvoids. Thus group C may be associated with group B but
for its higher firing temperature. This is further
suggested by the other inclusion types present, such as
quartz, serpentinite, amphibole, volcanic and plutonicrock fragments, chert, feldspar, phyllite, epidote group
minerals and textural concentration features.
In terms of the chemistry, samples 1 and 4 do indeed
group well within the range of group B, a further clue to
the degree of overlap between groups B and C. However,
samples 5 and 6 fall further away, towards the bottom of
the dendrogram (fig 5). There do not appear to be anyconsistent differences between samples 1 and 4 on the
one hand and 5 and 6 on the other, further indication that
group B is a very large and fluid chemical grouping.
Group D: igneous fabric
Samples26 (fig. 12), 27 (fig. 13), and possibly 29 (fig. 14), 32,
23, 25.
In terms of ware groups, this fabric does not seem toshow any clear-cut co-variation: it occurs as semi-fine
red with grey core, semi-fine orange with yellow core,
semi-fine buff orange, gritty orange and pink paste
cream slip. Thus it is difficult to isolate this microscop
ically as a coherent group. We would note, however, that
in some samples a pale grey or dark grey core does seem
to be a feature. Another aspect that might be worth
notingis that the
samplesin this
fabric groupare
mostlyfrom black-on-red open vessels.
As with the fabrics above, this group can contain
serpentinite, carbonates (including foraminifera) etc, but
tends to differ slightly in having mica laths and feldspar
laths, as well as a higher proportion of igneous rock
fragments (figs 12-14). The micromass also appears to
be less calcareous. One feature that may turn out to be
key in differentiating these from local fabrics is the
presence of epidotisation in some of the rock fragments, a
kind of over-print effect linked to greenschist faci?s. This
has not been noted in any of thesamples
in groups A to C.
The p?trographie analysis is not entirely conclusive in
terms of establishing whether this group is local or not.
While there are some identifiable differences, these need
not be indicative of a non-local source. Many of the
inclusions represented are indeed broadly compatiblewith the local petrology, notably the ophiolite complexesin the region. However, the possibility of a non-local
source, for at least some of the group, is raised by the
results from NAA. As can be seen on the dendrogram
(fig. 5), samples 26 and 27 form a distinct sub-group veryfar removed from any of the local fabrics. There are
significant differences across a range of elements,
including chromium (ca. 150ppm), lanthanum (ca.
35ppm, higher than any local samples) and calcium (withthe lowest percentages, ca. 3%, of all the samples).
If samples 26 (fig. 12) and 27 (fig. 13) are non-local,then where should we look for the source? The obvious
candidate is Cyprus, which was producing these kinds of
shapes and wares at this period; furthermore, it has
ophiolite complexes in the Troodos mountain range not
dissimilar to those from the Kinet area. The difficulties of
distinguishing between the two areas petrologically have
already been noted in another context, in the analysis oflate Roman amphorae imports in Jordan (Peacock,
Williams 1986: fabric class 44; Joyner, Politis 2000).The possibility of a Cypriot origin for 26 and 27
would seem quite strong. However, the situation is far
less clear for 25, 29 (fig. 14), 32 and 33, which though
looking quite similar to 26 and 27 in thin section, do not
group with them at all chemically, and actually fall more
within the local range (see dendrogram, fig. 5). .Even
with further work in the future it may remain difficult in
some cases to differentiate securely between local and
imported Cypriot wares on the basis of petrography andchemistry alone; more work integrating these data with
details of shape, ware, decoration and technology mightbe the key.
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Fig. 9. Thin section photomicrograph
of fabric group B, sample 15
Fig. 12. Thin section photomicro
graph of fabric group D, sample 26
Fig. 15. Thin section photomicro
graph of fabric group E, sample 36
Fig. 18. Thin section photomicro
graph of fabric group Hy sample7403?
Hodos, Knappett and Kilikoglou
Fig. 10. Thin section photomicro
graph of fabric group B, sample10957d
Fig. 13. Thin section photomicro
graph of fabric group D, sample 27
Fig. 16. Thin section photomicro
graph of fabric group F, sample
7403c
11
Fig. 11. Thin section photomicro
graph of fabric group C, sample 4
Fig. 14. Thin section photomicro
graph of fabric group D, sample 29
Fig. 17. Thin section photomicro
graph of fabric group G, sample
10493c
Fig. 20. Thin section photomicro
graph of fabric group J, sample7403a
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Group E: very fine calcareous
Samples36 (fig. 15), 7403d, 10957b.
This is a fine calcareous fabric that might be related to
groupB. In thin
section, sample 36,for
example,is
veryfine with numerous small indistinct micrite inclusions, silt
and sub-silt size, with occasional larger ones, but no
microfossils (fig. 15). Very small serpentinite is also
present, as are some mica laths, but relatively little quartz.Coarse fraction has very few inclusions at all, just micrite,
quartz, quartzite, plagioclase and chert, 0.1-0.3mm. Very
rare textural concentration features.
NAA places sample 36 (the only one of group E to be
chemically analysed) well within the range of fabric
group B, suggesting, but certainly not proving, that this
may indeed be a local fabric.
Group F: overfired fine calcareous
Samples7403c (fig. 16), 7403f, 10841b.
This is a fine fabric (c:f:v= 5:90:5 to 10:85:5), with
signs of having been a little overfired? in thin section,
there is no optical activity, and some of the inclusions in
the coarse fraction have been affected (for example, voids
formed inmicritic carbonates). In the fine fraction there is
some quartz, micrite zones and voids, and few micas.
Coarse fraction composed almost solely of micritic
carbonates, up to 1mm. Some quartz and quartz sandstone
too, but rarely >0.25mm. Dark brown to dark grey in XP.
This group could be related to the other fine fabric
group?
group E? but there is little sign of any of the
small serpentinite inclusions seen in some samples of
that group. None of these was selected for chemical
analysis so, given the limited conclusions that can be
drawn from the petrography, it is hard to say whether or
not this group is local.
Group G: silty phyllite fabric
Samples10493c (fig. 17) and 10493e.
This is a minor fabric that could well be an import to
the site, judging by its lack of correspondence with either
the main fabric groups or the local petrology. Its main
constituents are low-grade metamorphic rocks?
phyllites?
notably absent in most other samples. The
micromass is optically active, suggesting a low to
moderate firing temperature, and there are common
planar voids. It is a coarse fabric (c:f:v=
35:55:10), and
seems non-calcareous, with quartz and mica dominant in
the fine fraction. A continuous distribution of inclusionsmakes it hard to distinguish between fine and coarse
fractions. Coarse fraction has frequent phyllites, elongateand up to 2.5mm, but taking up full size range, with many
0.25-0.5mm; also frequent quartz, mostly monomin
eralic, sa-sr, largest 0.5mm. Few large siltstones and
sandstones, sr,
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Discussion
Cilician painted wares (ninth-eighth centuries)It is unsurprising that the majority of wares can be inter
preted from the microscopic and chemical studies as
being of local manufacture, as those selected for studywere either from the kiln or of similar types that were
not clearly imported fabrics. Almost all of the examplesof pink paste with a cream slip, and cream paste with a
cream slip fall within group B (pink paste: 3, 8-12, 17,
10493a, 10957a, 10957c, 10957d; only 10957f belongsto group A; cream paste: 2; dual pink and cream paste:
7) and its close relative group C (cream paste: 1, 4-6).Minor variations, such as buff ware-buff paste (10957e,
10493b) and pink ware-buff paste (10493d, 10493f)also fall into group B. Sample 7 provided an interestingtest for the difference between
pinkand cream
pastes,for the paste of this vessel was partly fired pink-orangeand partly fired to cream-pale buff. This raises the
question of the difference between group B and groupC. The chemistry and microscopic analysis indicate that
they are separate (but related) groups, well correlated
with the macroscopic distinction between pink and
cream pastes, suggesting that the differences may be
accounted for by firing conditions or other steps in the
manufacturing process after clay preparation. It
remains to be seen whether these deliberate differences
can be correlated in the typological study with
particular vessel shapes.
As noted above, examples in group A are most likelyto be local, given the similarity between examples from
kiln contexts and the local clay samples. Yet a far greatervisible variability occurs within this group, with firing
pastes ranging in colour from red (13, 14, 16 and the
more coarse and gritty looking 31) to orange (10957g,
10841a, 11069b) to pink (18, 37, 38, 11069a, 11069d).Most importantly for one aspect of the study is that groupA also includes the wave line pieces from the later kiln,with the same inclusions. This suggests that basic clay
processing techniques continued throughout the Iron
Age, despite the importation of vessels that were
manufactured differently (for example, Neo-Assyrianwares and Greek vessels).
There is a number of examples found at Kinet in
which the slip appears to be particularly white, strongly
recalling white painted ware, a product associated with
Cyprus (Liddy 1996: 486; Boardman 1999b: 149).Indeed, Gjerstad has argued that the better quality
Cypriot style wares at Al Mina (white painted and
bichrome) were manufactured by Cypriots at the site, as
the clay seems more local than Cypriot and thedecorative motifs atypical of Cypriot products, yet the
overall appearance is of higher quality than other
examples from the site (Gjerstad 1974: 115). At Tarsus,
a Cilician white painted category was identified, distin
guished from Cypriot white painted and bichrome
examples partly on the basis of the quality of the slip (aswell as the precision of the artist's hand, decorative
motifs and vessel shape, and in some cases miner
alogical differences, Hanfmann 1963: 49-50). Two
examples from Kinet with a very white slip, in contrast
to the normal cream colour of Kinet wares, were
analysed in the present study in an effort to distinguishthem from the cream slipped examples. Both samples
were of a fine red clay with a very white slip (33 and 34)and belong to group B.
Red slip wares (ninth-eighth centuries)The results of our study on the red slip wares support the
broad conclusion that redslip
waswidely produced
in
the eastern Mediterranean. Macroscopically, two
different types of red slip have been identified. One
relates to the Tarsus group of red slip and burnish, and
includes our examples of black-on-red. The other is not
only not burnished, but also often does not have a slip;the samples selected for the present study were slipless.
All of the examples analysed belong to categories A and
B and are therefore probably local: three of four plainware pieces (13, 14, 16) belong to group A, and one falls
into the spectrum of group B (15), while two red slippedand burnished (not black-on-red) examples (19 and 20)fall comfortably into group B. How these might relate
to other red slip outputs from the region remains unclear.
The recent NAA study by Ashton and Hughes of the
later red slip from Al Mina unfortunately does not
contribute sufficiently to our understanding of regionalred slip production for methodological reasons. The
NAA results presented in their table 2 reveal an aston
ishing level of variation within what are meant to be
coherent groups. Group 2, 'local red slip', for example,has wildly varying levels of chromium from sample to
sample, in a range from 73ppm to 553ppm. Other
elements also show considerable variation. One can
only imagine that the samples are considered to form a
group on the basis of ware, i.e. that they all belong to
'local red slip', rather than on the basis of the chemical
characteristics of the clay paste. This is hardly a satis
factory situation methodologically, as itmerely ends up
affirming the categories provided by the archaeologists,rather than challenging them.
Of the Kinet black-on-red examples, which
included a variety of open and closed shapes, the
results of our analyses support the notion that the style
was locally produced (21, 22, 24, 30 and 35 are groupB; 31 is group A), although local production was
supplemented by imports of black-on-red from
elsewhere (23, 26, 27, 32 and possibly 25 and 29, all in
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group D; possibly 28, in group J). Geologically, the
most likely source of these imports is Cyprus, as
suggested in the discussion of group D, above. This is
despite the presence of dark grey cores, a sign of
incomplete oxidation,on two
of the importedexamples, 26 and 27, which it might be tempting to
view as a regional custom. At Tarsus, this was viewed
as a deliberate workshop habit, and Hanfmann
contrasted it particularly with contemporary Cypriotwares, where homogeneous oxidation of the biscuit was
much more often the rule (Hanfmann 1963: 27-28).
Geology, petrography and chemistry, however, suggestthat the Kinet examples may very well be two cases of
incompletely oxidised Cypriot ware.
Several thin walled sherds may indicate more
localised trade. There is little evidence at Kinet itself to
suggest that fine wares were frequently manufactured.
Fine wares are not particularly common at the site, and
little from the kiln contexts implies that they were
manufactured here. Three examples were analysed.
One example is of the red ware type without slip
(although not particularly fine), while the other two
examples are beige in colour but otherwise similar in
shape, surface treatment and decorative motifs to the
fine walled black-on-red examples. Both beige
examples fall within the category of local products and
group together within group E (36 and 10957b). These
also compare with a black glaze cup from the later kiln
(7403d). Chemical assessment of sample 36 suggeststhat it is related to group B, one of our local groups.
Given that group B is a rather loose group, it could
easily contain material that is broadly local without
necessarily having been made at Kinet.
The red sample, 11069c, is unique in group I. This
juglet was recovered from the western firing chamber of
the smaller kiln. Given that the kiln context is
considered secure, this may be an example of a less
common ware, although one that may not necessarily be
non-local. Indeed, a body sherd of a black slipped cup
(10841b; black slip is often miscalled black glaze: see
below), which was found in association with a largevessel recovered from the firing platform of the largerkiln chamber, belongs to group F, whose provenance is
also inconclusive (but see below). Black slipped wares
in Middle Iron Age contexts are rare; this sample's
relationship to contemporary and subsequent black
slipped wares (for example, Assyrian-style Grey Ware;
Greek-style black glaze wares) needs to be exploredfurther.
Cooking ware (ninth-eighth centuries)Two pieces of what may be cooking ware, samples10493c and 10493e, were analysed microscopically.
Both pieces belong to group G, which is unrelated to the
groups of local origin and, therefore, they may be
imports. The presence of imported cooking ware has
been used as a strong argument to equate pottery with
people in the Near East; specifically, arguments for thepresence of Greek mercenaries at Me?ad Hashavyahu,Tel Kabri and Al Mina have been put forward based on
the presence of Greek cooking ware at these sites
(although exclusively for this reason, see Hodos 2006:
chapter 2). The import of cooking wares has modern
parallels. In Turkey today cooking pots are produced in
a few areas but are widely distributed. Further study of
this group is required before any more substantial conclu
sions may be drawn about the significance of this identi
fication.
Wave line ware (late seventh century)As mentioned above, the presence of wasters strongly
indicates that this style of pottery was manufactured at
Kinet at the end of the seventh century. Despite the
possibility that fill retrieved from the kiln may include
material not associated with what the kiln was used to
fire, samples from the kiln chamber were analysed. Five
samples of wave line ware fall comfortably within groupsA and B (A: 7403g, 7403h, 7403k; B: 7403j, 74031,
7403o; and 7403e within group C, our cream paste-cream
slip of the Middle Iron Age; 7403f, of group F, is incon
clusive). This suggests that the pastes are no longer as
exclusive to wares as they initially appear to be duringthe Middle Iron Age.
Black glaze ware (late seventh century)So-called black glaze wares of the Late Iron Age find
their stylistic prototype in the east Greek cup of the late
seventh century; the shape was widely imitated
throughout the Greek world and identified as the
Rhodian black glazed cup at Tocra in Cyrenaica (Hayes
1966), the type Bl skyphos at Megara Hyblaea in Sicily
(Villard, Vallet 1955) and the type E (Isler 1978) or
Schalengruppe 6 (Furtw?ngler 1980) skyphos at
Samos. Although they are called black glaze because
of the lustrous nature of the east Greek prototypes, the
surface finish is only slipped. One such cup, 7403d,
belongs to group E; as noted above, the chemical
analysis of another member of group E suggests that the
group may be related to group B, one of our firm local
groups. Yet another example from the same context,
7403c, belongs to group F. Although this group is of
inconclusive provenance, the black slip piece from the
earlier kiln, 10841b, also belongs to group F. This maysuggest that a specific clay was used for the occasional
production of black slipped wares over the course of the
Iron Age.
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Micaceous ware (late seventh century)Two micaceous pieces, (7403i and 7403m) most likelyfrom the same vessel, belong in a unique group (H) that
is utterly different macroscopically and microscopicallyfrom
anyof the other
groupsidentified. This
stronglysuggests that they represent an imported vessel. As
discussed above, its presence in the firing chamber of the