KeithCalix_Writing

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    TABLE OF CONTENTS

    ACKNOWLEDGEMENTS 1

    CHAPTER 1: INTRODUCTION 2

    CAPE TOWN AND THE CONTEMPORARY YOUTH EXPERIENCE 3

    PROJECT DESCRIPTION 6

    LAVENDER HILL,CAPE TOWN,WESTERN CAPE MAP 9

    FRAMEWORK,DEFINITIONS, AND HISTORICAL CONTEXT 10

    CHAPTER 2: LITERATURE REVIEW 11

    CRIMINALITY AND GANG ACTIVITY:AN ECONOMICS BASED APPROACH 12

    CRIMINALITY AND GANG ACTIVITY:ASOCIO-PSYCHOLOGICAL PERSPECTIVE 15

    THE SCHOOL-GANG NEXUS:AHYBRID APPROACH TO CRIMINALITY 20

    METHODOLOGY 25

    CHAPTER 3: ILLICIT ENTERPRISE IN THE COLOURED COMMUNITY 30

    ABRIEF HISTORY OF THE COLOURED EXPERIENCE 32

    COLOURED STEREOTYPING AND THE EMERGENCE OF AN ILLICIT ECONOMY 39

    THE RISE OF THE STREET GANG 44

    CHAPTER 4: URBAN GEOGRAPHY AND SPATIAL OWNERSHIP ON THE CAPE FLATS 46

    AHISTORY OF URBAN SPATIAL PLANNING AND APARTHEID SEPARATENESS 47

    SOCIAL ENGINEERING AND URBAN DISASTER 51

    NAVIGATING THE CAPE FLATS:THE DESTRUCTION OF THE COLOURED COMMUNITY 58

    SOCIO-SPATIAL PLANNING AND THE BREAKDOWN OF SOCIAL CAPITAL 61

    CHAPTER 5: THE SCHOOL-GANG NEXUS: THE EMERGENT ROLE OF THE SCHOOL 74

    SCHOOLING IN SOUTH AFRICA AND THE PERSISTENCE OF FAILURE 75

    THE EMERGENT ROLE OF THE SCHOOL:EXPLORATION AND INQUIRY 83

    LAVENDER HILL AND THE SCHOOLING CRISIS 85

    THE FAILING SCHOOL IN CONTEXT 88

    SCHOOLING DEMOCRACY AND A CONTESTED HISTORY 95

    CHAPTER 6: CONCLUSION 102

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    As my grade seven learners entered the library and tooktheir seats, I began Alright

    everyone. Today, we will be working on community maps. Whats a community map, Uncle

    Keith? Moustaquim shouted out. Thats a good question I replied. We will each draw a

    map of where we live. Here, I brought in an example. This is my community map of where I

    live, inAstoria. Its in Queens,New York. Let me see...I want to see it! the learners shouted

    as they stood on tipped toes to catch a glimpse of where I was from. Alright, I interrupted. I

    will pass my community map around so everyone can get a look. What is important is that when

    drawing your community map you include important places, like where you live and where you

    go to schoolIf you notice the check mark next to a place means that is a safe place and the X

    means that is a dangerous placeUncle Keith, I think the school is the only check mark in

    Lavender Hill, Moustaquim retorted, signaling an eruption of giggles from his classmates.

    As the students passed around my map they became enchanted by the large community

    park, the public library, the subway that affords the citys inhabitants quick and easy access to

    the hustle and bustle of Manhattan. As the learners gazed in awe and giggled in delight, a

    learner named Jade called out for my attention. Uncle Keith, is this a picture of Astoria? Its

    beautiful. As I turned around to see what Jade and the crowd of students around my desk were

    looking at, I was startled at the image before me. This is my folder from the University of Cape

    Town. This is a picture of Table Mountain. Itsonly 30 minutes away from here by car! Are

    you sure Uncle Keith? Jade dubiously replied as the learners again burst into laughter. Yes I

    am sure, Jade.How many of you have been to Table Mountain? I asked. As I surveyed the

    room, astonishingly, not one of the twenty-seven learners in the room raised a hand. Well, I

    continued, how many of you have been outside of Lavender Hill? At this only a handful of

    students proudly darted their hands high into the air, suggesting the great power in this

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    seemingly insignificant feat. Well I promise this is a picture of Table Mountain. Here, I will

    prove it to you I signaled.Everyone up, please. Now we need to be quiet, but lets go. Hurry

    up! The learners arranged themselves in a neat line, excited by the challenge Jade laid out

    before me. Now everyone, look out over there, I directed, as I pointed beyond the neatly

    scattered project style-buildings called courts that most of my students call home. That is just

    the courts, Uncle Keith Jade replied. No Jade. Look out further behindthe courts. What do

    you see now? Is that the mountain? she asked. Yes that is Table Mountain! I exclaimed.

    That is the one that is on my folder! Wow she replied, I never noticed that there before.

    Alright, everyone, lets go back inside, I advised. As the learners filed inside Jade stood

    firmly in her place staring out into the distance at the mountain that peers over the entirety of the

    city. Lets go, Jade. Come inside. One more second, UncleKeith, she replied as she fully

    took in her surroundings and the isolation of her community; the mountain acting as a physical

    buffer between Lavender Hill and the greater city of Cape Town, a physical representation of the

    legacies of apartheid separateness that reinforce her perceived victimhood and seclusion in the

    present. Ok, I am ready to come inside, she sighed. A tear visibly rolled down her cheek.

    A History of Urban Spatial Planning and Apartheid Separateness

    In the chapter that follows I contextualize the rise of the contemporary street gang and a

    thriving illicit economy in relation to urban spatial planning under apartheid. In alignment with

    the hybrid approach to understanding criminality and gang participation, this chapter links racial

    division and separateness under apartheid with the persistence of poverty and widespread gang

    activity on the Cape Flats in the present. Today, just as in the past, urban geography on the Cape

    Flats limits economic opportunity as inhabitants are separated from the city center of Cape Town

    and simultaneously fosters isolation and inhibits the development of social capital necessary to

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    establish a strong sense of community. Within this setting, the gang emerges as a viable means

    to generate social inclusion among socially excluded members.

    Although apartheid is often construed as a largely political construct, architecture and

    spatial planning were critical to the implementation of white minority hegemony. Prior to the

    Group Areas Act, the boundaries dividing black and white, rich and poor, were porous and

    haphazard. Tens of thousands of the citys coloured and black-African populations lived at the

    foot of Table Mountain, crammed into dense pockets of the inner city and the suburbs. There

    was the old neighborhood of District Sixwhich is of particular importance to this paper

    inland from the harbor, and the Malay district of Bo Kaap, on the slopes of Signal Hill. The

    bands of suburbs stretching south of Cape Town were largely white, but pockets of coloured

    peopleboth middle class and poorwere scattered throughout the city. Particularly in

    suburban areas, it was not unusual to find a white middle class street, neatly lined with homes

    with pretty gardens and primed hedges, adjacent to a densely packed coloured working-class

    block (Steinberg, 2004).i

    At the heart of the apartheid policy, however, was consolidating the spatial separation of

    races. This project, perhaps above all others, represented the cruelest policy towards the

    coloured population, one that still invokes condemnation today. The Group Areas Act, however,

    was not a policy that apartheid urban city planners imagined in 1948. Plans to reconfigure Cape

    Town so that inner-city slums could make way for bourgeoisie real estate had been considered

    for many years prior to apartheid.

    Planners of South African cities drew inspiration from the radical modernism of Le

    Corbusiers Surgical Method in their attempts to radically reconfigure the urban landscape to

    preserve white sacred space (Bekker & Leilde, 2006).ii They shared in Le Corbusiers faith in

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    rationally conceived master plans and urban designs intended to create social order through the

    proper zoning of land use and the segregation of different social groups. For the architects of

    apartheid, upholding the perceived sacredness of white inner city space required the distancing of

    non-whites from whites, for the Coloureds especially remind[ed] the Whites of what some of

    the Whites irrationally fear[ed] they might become, if distance and separation are not maintained

    by institutionalizationthus all non-white and mixed space near the city centre must be

    expunged (Western, 1981).iii

    In the name of social order and racial separateness, South African

    urbanplanners appropriated Le Corbusiers notion of planning as a rational, technical process

    that could be divorced from politics. At the 1938 Town Planning Congress in Johannesburg,

    urban planner Norman Hansons remarked,

    It is possible to achieve this radical reorganization by drastic methods only, by a

    fresh start on cleared ground. This ruthless eradication [presumably of non-white

    peoples from the city center] directed towards a revitalizing process we have, following

    Le Corbusiers lead, named the Surgical Methodthrough surgery we must create order,

    through organization we must make manifest the spirit of a new age (Hanson, 1936)iv

    This utopian faith in the capacity to dramatically transform disorderly urban

    environments reflects the thinking of influential planners and architects dating back to Baron

    Haussmanns mid-ninete