Michael KeatingDecember 1, 2007

Women in Islam/Ottoman HistoryMon./Wed. 12:15-1:30; Thurs. 10:50-1:30

Dr. BlakeResearch Paper

Email Address: michaeltkeating@comcast.net

Feminine Roles in the Ottoman Empire: The Significance of Women during the Sultanate of

Women Period

Women and the roles they play in Islamic societies has always been a topic of

continuing discussion for historians. When considering women and their roles in Islamic

societies, many people view a sex that is oppressed, secluded, and considered inferior to

men. In addition to this, women are often viewed as having no voice in the political arena

and completely submissive to their husbands as well as to other men in their family. The

Sultanate of Women period in the Ottoman Empire sets the stage for a debate amongst

historians concerning women and what importance they had in this Islamic society.

The Sultanate of Women period, sometimes referred to as the Reign of Women

period, began in 1520 during the reign of Suleyman the Magnificent and continued on

until 1656, ending during the reign of Turhan Sultan as valide sultan and her son,

Mehmed IV, as sultan.1 What happened during these 136 years is what historians have

been debating for a long time: were the roles these women of the harem played, the

valide sultans in particular, a positive contribution to the Ottoman Empire or a negative

contribution? Contemporary historians tended to argue that the participation of women in

the decision making of the empire was a negative contribution and thus hurt the empire,

eventually leading to its decline.

Mustafa Ali, an Ottoman bureaucrat and historian, fits this description of the

contemporary historians and their beliefs. His career blossomed during the reign of

Suleyman the Magnificent and he went on to serve three other sultans. Author Cornell H.

Fleischer examines the views of Mustafa Ali in the book Bureaucrat and Intellectual in

the Ottoman Empire: The Historian Mustafa Ali. When analyzing his writings, it is not

hard to see Ali’s negative view towards the women of the harem. He criticizes the

decision made by Suleyman to execute his son Mustafa, who was in line for the throne.

1Nicole Pohl. Women, Space, Utopia, 1600-1800 (Burlington: Ashgate Publishing Company, 2006), 141.

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The blame for this execution is put on Suleyman’s wife Hurrem Sultan, also known as

Roxelana, and the grand vezir Rustem Pasa. These two individuals Ali notes as the ones

who plotted the execution.2 To put it another way, it was Hurrem Sultan’s influence over

Suleyman that made him follow through with the execution.

It is this exertion of power by Hurrem Sultan that bothered Ali and its

consequences were viewed by him as extremely negative to the Ottoman Empire. It is

this event that he marks as the beginning of the decline of the empire, believing that from

this point on that the empire was in disorder and that the moral character of the majority

of people was deteriorating. In addition, Ali believed that unworthy people were now

dominating the government.3 It is easy to make the assumption that these “unworthy”

people he refers to are the women of the harem – in particular, Hurrem Sultan. As stated,

Mustafa Ali was not alone in his criticism of women’s participation in affairs of the

empire. Many other historians also believed as he did; this consisted of both critics from

the Ottoman Empire as well as critics abroad who spoke in opposition to the “meddling”

of women in the politics of the empire.4

In much later times, this widely held view of women during the Sultanate of

Women period began to be contested by historians. One such historian is Leslie P. Peirce,

author of The Imperial Harem: Women and Sovereignty in the Ottoman Empire. Peirce

examines the lives of these harem women, in particular the valide sultans, and argues that

these women played a significant role in the Ottoman Empire that had many positive

aspects. Another modern historian, Lucienne Thys-Senocak, shows similar views in her

2 Cornell H. Fleischer. Bureaucrat and Intellectual in the Ottoman Empire: The Historian Mustafa Ali (Princeton: Princeton University Press, 1986), 258.3 Ibid. 4 Daniel Goffman. The Ottoman Empire and Early Modern Europe (New York: Cambridge University Press, 2002), 124.

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book Ottoman Women Builders: The Architectural Patronage of Hadice Turhan Sultan.

However, as the title suggests, she concentrates on the life and accomplishments of

Turhan Sultan, most notably through her architectural achievements.

A close examination of the lives of these women reveals the numerous

accomplishments of the harem women and the decisions they made as well as the

influence they possessed. The period known as the Sultanate of Women produced

numerous women who, in their own way, gained and exerted power which significantly

influenced decisions of the sultan and events in the Ottoman Empire. This significance of

the women can be shown in issues such as diplomacy, advisement to the sultan,

architecture, charity, and other issues as well.

It is a fact that Westerners often misinterpret the harem. When Westerners hear

the word “harem,” many will immediately connect the word with those such as “veil” and

“polygamy,” thus showing that they equate the harem with the oppression and seclusion

of women.5 While the harem does seclude women to a degree, it is also the institution

that provided women the opportunity to gain power and influence. The harem itself was

very precisely organized and was structured in a hierarchy of women. The lowest class

was the servants (cariyeler) and the highest class was the privileged ones (gedikiler). The

women were further broken down into sub-groups according to their skills; this system

allowed the women to climb up the harem social ladder to a higher position.6 Despite all

of the misinterpretations of the harem by outsiders, one commonly held view does hold

true. This is the belief that the harem is basically like its own little world, which is

accurately shown by the hierarchy of women in the harem and the manner in which 5 Leila Ahmed. “Western Ethnocentrism and Perceptions of the Harem,” Feminist Studies 8, no. 3 (1982), http://www.jstor.org/ (accessed October 13, 2007), 522-523.6 John Freely. Inside the Seraglio: Private Lives of the Sultans in Istanbul ( London: Penguin Books Ltd., 1999), 72.

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affairs are managed there by the harem women, excluding non-related men from access

to the harem.7

At the top of the harem ranks were the haseki and the valide sultan. The haseki

was the favorite concubine of the sultan and had considerable power and influence, as

with the case of Hurrem Sultan. However, the most powerful and influential woman of

the harem was not usually the sultan’s favorite concubine but rather the sultan’s mother,

the valide sultan (“royal mother” or “queen mother”).8 In some cases, the valide sultan

held extreme power and can be said to have ruled the empire indirectly through being a

regent for her son, the sultan. This was often the case when the new sultan coming to

power was either too young to rule alone or mentally incapable of ruling. It is important

to note, however, that some of the greatest valide sultans were first hasekis. This was the

case with Nurbanu, Safiye, and Kosem.9

Hurrem Sultan, also known as Roxelana to the Europeans, is the woman credited

with being the driving force that began the Sultanate of Women period. Unlike the other

major important women of the Sultanate of Women period, Hurrem Sultan exercised her

power and influence as haseki, not as valide sultan; she was not alive long enough to gain

the status of valide sultan. Perhaps one of her most important accomplishments had

actually occurred before her involvement with major political issues and matters of the

empire. This accomplishment is her successful cross-over from Suleyman the

Magnificent’s favorite concubine, the haseki, to becoming his wife. What makes this so

7 Fredrick Millingen. “The Circassian Slaves and the Sultan’s Harem,” Journal of the Anthropological Society of London 8, (1870), http://www.jstor.org/ (accessed October 13, 2007), cxvii.8 Leslie P. Peirce. The Imperial Harem: Women and Sovereignty in the Ottoman Empire (New York: Oxford University Press, 1993), 188.9 Ibid, 248.

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amazing is the fact that this union is completely contrary to the practices of traditional

Ottoman sultans: the sultans did not ever marry their concubines.10

Once established as the sultan’s wife, Hurrem Sultan went on to exert her power

through various ways. One such way is through charity. Waqf (in Turkish: Vakif) is a

charitable endowment of some kind, be it money or property. These endowments have

been an important part of cities in the Ottoman Empire and after receiving the permission

of Suleyman, Hurrem founded her own waqf in Jerusalem in 1552. This newly built

complex catered to the needs of the poor Muslim population and included a dwelling

house for Muslim pilgrims, a mosque, and a soup kitchen.11 In addition, the complex also

had rooms available for students as well as a caravanserai. It is stated that the properties

used for the complex were “modest,” however the act of constructing this facility shows

Hurrem taking action and becoming involved to help out the Muslim population of the

empire.12

Hurrem Sultan was involved in many other activities that positively affected the

Ottoman Empire. Engaging in diplomatic relations is an important duty that she fulfilled.

Hurrem had contact with the Safivids as well as Poland. The peace maintained between

King Sigismund I of Poland and the Ottoman Empire is said to be greatly due to the

influence of Hurrem. She was responsible for making sure the sultan’s peaceful

intentions were known as well as the exchange of gifts.13 To some, these diplomatic

relations of Hurrem Sultan may not seem revolutionary or of particular importance;

10 Ibid, 63. 11 Oded Peri. “Waqf and Ottoman Welfare Policy: The Poor Kitchen of Hasseki Sultan in Eighteenth Century Jerusalem,” Journal of the Economic and Social History of the Orient 35, no. 2 (1992), http://www.jstor.org/ (accessed November 24, 2007), 169-170.12 Amy Singer. “The Mulknames of Hurrem Sultan’s Waqf in Jerusalem,” Muqarnas 14, (1997), http://www.jstor.org/ (accessed October 13, 2007)97.13 Peirce, 221.

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however, Hurrem’s participation in diplomacy helped to pave the way for the valide

sultans diplomatic relations in later years, such as with Safiye Sultan and her relations

with Elizabeth I.14

Another area in which Hurrem Sultan exerted her power and influence was in her

advisement of the sultan. While Suleyman was out on campaign, Hurrem performed two

important tasks: one, she was the communications link, informing him on such matters

as, for example, the status of an illness in the city. Secondly, Hurrem was left to manage

affairs in Istanbul while the grand vezir and other important officials were absent as

well.15 This is obviously a very important and powerful position to be in, and only a

powerful woman possessing strength, authority, and intelligence could handle managing

matters of the empire for the sultan. These qualities Hurrem showed she had and

Suleyman must have noticed, considering he left her with such important responsibilities.

Hurrem Sultan’s influence and advisement of the sultan has even been credited

with saving a life. The prince Bayezit was ordered to be executed by the sultan; however,

once again Hurrem’s influence proved to change the course of events. She stepped in and

used her savvy ways of influence to convince Suleyman to spare him. As a result, Bayezit

was indeed spared his life and was appointed as governor of Kutahya.16 Incidents such as

this show the enormous amount of influence Hurrem had over the sultan which in turn

affected the empire. To further show the power women had in the empire and the sway

they held with the sultan, it is interesting to note that Hurrem’s influence was “passed

down” in a sense. Her daughter, Mihrimah, became the new advisor to Suleyman upon

the death of Hurrem, thus furthering the increasingly powerful female voice in the 14 Pohl, 141. 15 Peirce, 63-65. 16 Stanford Shaw. History of the Ottoman Empire and Modern Turkey (New York: Cambridge University Press, 1976), 109.

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Ottoman Empire.17 This fact is also intriguing because Mihrimah was neither a haseki nor

a valide sultan. It is obvious to see how Mihrimah could not obtain one of these titles

considering she was the daughter of the sultan, however despite not having either one of

these high ranking and important positions, she still was able to have her voice heard and

express her views on issues regarding the empire.

In 1574, the next powerful woman in the “Sultanate of Women” period came into

office. This woman is Nurbanu Sultan, the mother of Murad III. She is the first to act

politically as valide sultan and was very involved with bringing Murad III to the throne –

considered her first duty.18 Nurbanu went to great lengths to assure that her son would

become sultan. In what can be considered a rather odd yet clever idea, Nurbanu hid the

death of Selim the Sot by packing his body in ice. By doing so, this allowed Murad

plenty of time to come from Manisa to be named sultan.19 This act shows that Nurbanu

was a determined woman, even before becoming valide sultan. She knew what she

wanted accomplished and she made it happen – she took action and executed a plan that

gained the throne for her son.

Murad III surely recognized his mother’s great leadership abilities. In fact, Murad

relied on his mother for advice more than anyone else in the empire. Nurbanu’s advice to

Murad was the basis on which he made many of his decisions, believing that he could

have “no other advice as loving and loyal as hers. . .”20 The authoritative nature and

strength of Nurbanu was not only recognized but also admired by her son and this was

the reason why he held his mother in such high regard.

17 Peirce, 65. 18 Ibid, 261. 19 Freely, 79.20 Ibid, 82.

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Like Hurrem before her, Nurbanu Sultan was active in diplomatic matters. She

had contact with the regent for France’s King Henry III, Catherine de’ Medici. Through

establishing correspondence such as these, Nurbanu helped to maintain good relations

with France, an obvious goal for someone with influence in the government.21 In addition

to France, Nurbanu also had diplomatic relations with Venice. She greatly supported the

Republic of Venice; part of this reason may be because she came from a Venetian

background. Whatever the reason, she had interests with Venice and her particular

attention to them was awarded with a two thousand sequins gift to her for “her good

services to the republic.”22

Perhaps Nurbanu’s most significant contribution to Venice came towards the end

of her time as valide sultan. Given the fact that Crete was a possession of Venice,

Nurbanu was alarmed when she was informed of a planned invasion of Crete by Admiral

Kilic Ali Pasa. Desiring the safety of her homeland and seeking to maintain peace, she

sprung into action and sent a message to the admiral warning that the invasion should not

be carried out and stated that such actions would be harmful to the sultan. It is stated that

Kilic Ali Pasa tore up the proposal, stating that “. . . it was no longer of any use since the

valide sultan opposed its contents.”23 The fact that a military officer abandoned all plans

for an invasion because of the demands of Nurbanu is an excellent example of the power

the valide sultan now possessed.

As will be shown in greater frequency with later valide sultans, Nurbanu Sultan

was also involved with charity and architecture. She was responsible for the construction

of the Atik Valide mosque. Built in Uskudar, this was a large mosque complex and was

21 Ibid, 76-77. 22 Peirce, 222. 23 Ibid, 223.

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described as being an impressive sight to see. A portal inscription is a testament to her

great work: “Nurbanu, that person full of purity, resolved to perform charitable works.

She built this charming place of worship . . . this peerless work of charity is an imperial

foundation.”24 Nurbanu took the beginning steps for later valide sultans to take on even

more architectural activities.

After the death of Nurbanu, Safiye Sultan came into office as the next valide

sultan in 1595. She was the mother of Mehmed III and was said to have dominated his

reign. Safiye must truly have been an authoritative woman because it is said that Mehmed

most often times would give in to his mother.25 This is supported by the account of an

Englishman who once said that Safiye Sultan “was ever in favor and wholly ruled her son

. . .”26

Safiye Sultan continued to participate in architectural projects for charity and for

the betterment of the empire. She was first a haseki and during this time she had

waterworks constructed along the pilgrimage route to Mecca. In her later years as a

valide sultan, she began work on the Yeni Valide mosque complex (later finished by

Turhan Sultan). Like the other valide sultans, Safiye accomplished the major

architectural feats – the construction of the mosque complexes – once she became a

valide sultan. Such incredible projects could not be undertaken until the highest position

of the harem was obtained. Once the position of valide sultan was gained, she had the

financial means to go about these massive building projects.27 These structures stand as a

great tribute to the influence and power of the valide sultans.

24 Lucienne Thys-Senocak. Ottoman Women Builders: The Architectural Patronage of Hadice Turhan Sultan ( Burlington: Ashgate Publishing Company, 2006), 85.25 Peirce, 242. 26 Goffman, 124. 27 Thys-Senocak, 85-87.

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Safiye was also involved with diplomatic matters. She had relations with Queen

Elizabeth I and letters as well as gifts were exchanged between the two women, many

being extravagant offerings of jewels and other luxury items that seemed to increase in

value as the correspondence continued. What is surprising is the amount of freedom

exercised here by Safiye; such open and frequent relations with foreign powers were

pretty much unthinkable in earlier times. Maintaining good relations was a main goal

here, and Safiye wrote to Queen Elizabeth “I constantly admonish my son . . . to act

according to the treaty. I do not neglect to speak to him in this manner.”28 Here, Safiye

shows her strong influence over her son and in doing so has helped to promote good

relations between the two powers.

Like Nurbanu, Safiye had strong diplomatic relations with Venice. On several

occasions she had helped in matters regarding the Venetians, which ambassador Bernardo

realized and appreciated. He once stated “I always consider it wise to retain her good will

by presenting her on occasion with some pretty thing that might invite her gratitude.”29

Others have commented on Safiye’s importance and support and the statement by

Bernardo shows that he recognized Safiye as an important woman in the Ottoman Empire

with significant power and influence – a woman that he should treat well and attempt to

stay on good terms with.

The death of Safiye’s son Mehmed III led to her removal from office in 1603,

being replaced by Handan Sultan as the new valide sultan. Despite her retirement from

office, it can be argued that her power continued on, at least for a period of time. This is

because of the stipend that she received. The new valide sultan, Handan, received a 1,000

28 Ibid, 59. 29 Peirce, 223.

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asper stipend daily. This figure looks extremely low and insufficient when compared to

Safiye’s stipend, which remained at 3,000 aspers – even after she had officially left

office. Handan’s low stipend reflects her lack of accomplishments in office and shows

how more powerful and dominate valide sultans, such as Safiye, were arguably better

treated and more respected.30

Handan Sultan seems to get a reputation as a lame valide sultan by many

historians. However, she must be given some credit due to the circumstances she was

faced with. She died by being poisoned less than two years after her son Ahmet I became

sultan, a death that some have attributed to his doing. Ahmet did not care for his mother,

but many historians believe he did not order Handan’s murder but rather someone in the

harem conducted the deed. Interestingly, Ahmet’s dislike of his mother shows the power

that the valide sultans had. This is because Ahmet saw the power and influence that

Safiye had and he did not want to be controlled in the same manner by Handan. His fear

of her power displays the fact that the valide sultans indeed have some real authority,

given that in some cases such as this, the sultan feared what the valide sultan could be

capable of accomplishing.31

Arguably the most well known valide sultan, Kosem Sultan, came into power in

1623. As Hurrem Sultan is most known by Westerners, Kosem Sultan is most known

with the Turks. She has been described to be extremely politically savvy, and such

intelligence shows in her case. She did not have the longest time in office (she is beaten

by Turhan Sultan who was in office for thirty two years) but she was the power behind

five sultans. Kosem’s time in office under not only her sons such as Murad IV but also

30 Ibid, 126-127. 31 Godfrey Goodwin. The Private World of Ottoman Women (London: Saqi Books, 1997), 133.

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under her grandson Mehmed IV shows she was an authoritative and powerful figure in

the Ottoman Empire. Her politically savvy nature and intelligence makes some historians

to refer to Kosem as the “. . . central figure and dominating personality of the Women’s

Sultanate . . .”32

Murad IV was only twelve when he became sultan. It is obvious to see from his

age that he was much too young to rule alone, which this is why Kosem Sultan served as

regent for the young sultan. This power was shared with the grand vezir, who Kosem

aided in providing supplies for the military. Due to Kosem possessing such power, many

historians have viewed Murad IV as simply a puppet of his mother, for the most part

being only a figure head while Kosem was calling the shots.33

After the reign of Murad IV, Kosem’s extreme power and influence continued on

with the next sultan, Ibrahim (Ibrahim the Mad). He was twenty four when he came to the

throne, sufficiently old enough to be the sole ruler, however this was not possible. It is

said that Ibrahim was mentally ill and in addition to that, he spent many years in the

gilded cages, furthering his mental incapability. The combination of these two factors

made him an inadequate ruler by himself.34 Once again, Kosem saw the ability to assert

her authority over this incompetent sultan as well, and again she had indirect rule over the

empire through acting as regent to Ibrahim, just as she had done with Murad IV before

him.

The power that Kosem possessed can be seen in the amount of wealth she

acquired. Just as with the previous valide sultans, Kosem put these funds to good use

through charity work. Orphaned girls who could not marry due to insufficient or non-

32 Lewis V Thomas. A Study of Naima (New York: New York University Press, 1972), 15.33 Ibid. 34 Freely, 145-146.

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existent dowries were aided by Kosem, which in turn allowed these girls to get married.

Kosem was not to be left out of the architectural arena, either; she established Cinili

Camii, a mosque located in Uskudar. In addition to the mosque she also constructed

Valide Hani, a caravanserai in Istanbul.35

Forming alliances with organizations that would support you is a key component

to a successful term in office. This Kosem must have realized, for she established a firm

ally with the Janissary Corps as well as others of importance in the empire. Trouble was

rising, however, with Turhan Sultan’s son Mehmed IV taking the throne. Kosem had

been a powerful figure for decades now, and the young Turhan resented all of the power

possessed by Kosem. To further her envy of Kosem, Turhan was given a stipend that was

1,000 aspers less than Kosem, a fact that Turhan was obviously very dissatisfied with.36

Turhan Sultan’s assertion of power exploded with the permanent ousting of

Kosem. This she accomplished by assassination. Turhan was obviously infuriated when

she was informed by Meleki Khatun that Kosem was planning to displace her son

Mehmed IV and have another eligible prince appointed to take his place. With the news

of this plot, Turhan decided it was time to assert her authority as Mehmed IV’s mother

and have Kosem killed. Suleyman Agha, Turhan’s chief black eunuch, carried out the

execution in a palace coup on September 2, 1651.37 This shows a very surprising display

of power: often times in history it is the men of an empire or country that use violence

and sanction coups to retain power and eliminate the competition. With the assassination

of Kosem, Turhan shockingly proved that she was a woman of power who would do

anything, even commit murder, to obtain power in the empire.

35 Ibid. 36 Thys-Senocak, 27. 37 Peirce, 252.

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Kosem’s life may have ended, but the display of her power and influence

continued in the aftermath of her assassination. Upon hearing of Kosem’s death, the city

of Istanbul reacted with an intense feeling of sadness. Markets, mosques, and other public

buildings closed for three days to observe the passing of the valide sultan.38 Turhan

succeeded of ridding herself of Kosem; however the reaction of the people of the city

shows that eradicating the memory and influence of her would not be such an easy task to

accomplish.

Turhan Sultan carried on what Kosem had done for Mehmed IV – that is, act as

his regent. During meetings of the imperial assembly, Turhan would sit behind a curtain

next to young Mehmed and whisper advice to him from behind her covering.39 This

example shows the symbolism in the power of the valide sultan: it can be argued that the

valide sultan had almost complete power over the empire, but in an indirect way. At these

meetings of the imperial assembly, Turhan was invisible – physically, that is. However

her power and her authoritative voice echoed loudly over any of the men present in the

room, including the sultan. As stated before, Mehmed IV was merely a puppet of his

mother, a puppet in which Turhan pulled the strings of from behind the curtain, bending

the young sultan to her wishes.

The reign of Turhan Sultan was marked by many accomplishments and displays

of power, but arguably her most important achievement came in the form of architecture.

She was responsible for the construction of the New Valide Mosque, also called the Yeni

Valide Mosque. This mosque was located in Eminonu and was the first imperial mosque

that was built by a woman. The origins of this building actually date back to Safiye;

38 Ibid. 39 Ibid, 253.

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however she was unable to complete the project. What had been started on the mosque

laid abandoned for nearly six decades, eventually being started again under Turhan. The

Yeni Valide Mosque included a water distribution building, a school, market, a tomb, and

a royal pavilion. The location of the complex, Eminonu, had commercial advantages, and

therefore this is one of the reasons that this site was chosen; both Safiye and Turhan

realized the site’s importance.40

Another architectural feat of Turhan was her construction of the Seddulbahir and

Kumkale fortresses. These two forts stood at the entrance to the Dardanelles and in

addition to building these two fortresses, Turhan also made repairs to two other fortresses

constructed by Mehmed the Conqueror – Kilitbahir and Kale-I Sultaniye.41 Most often

times the construction of fortresses and other projects related to defense and war are

associated with powerful men of an empire. Here, Turhan shows that women can be a

powerful figure in government and can manage affairs concerning the military and

defense of the empire. The building of Turhan Sultan, in particular the two fortresses of

Seddulbahir and Kumkale, are a stunning tribute to her and are symbolic of the power,

authority, and control of the valide sultan.

Despite the stunning and impressive feats of architecture of Turhan and her

violent assertion of power, her reign also marks an unfortunate event: the end of the

Sultanate of Women period. Historians claim 1656 as the official end to the Sultanate of

Women and the ushering in of the new period known as the Koprulu Era.42 During this

time, the men start to regain power as the chief authority in the empire – in particular, the

40 Lucienne Thys-Senocak,. “The Yeni Valide Mosque Complex at Eminonu,” Muqarnas 15, (1998), http://www.jstor.org/ (accessed October 29, 2007), 58-59. 41 Lucienne Thys-Senocak. Ottoman Women Builders: The Architectural Patronage of Hadice Turhan Sultan, 107-109. 42 Pohl, 141.

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grand vezirs. In 1656, Koprulu Mehmed Pasha was awarded more significant power,

almost unlimited power, a decision that Turhan Sultan voluntarily agreed upon.43 It is

important to note that the end of the Sultanate of Women did not mark the end of the

reign of Turhan Sultan; she remained in office until 1683. Her power may have been

changed, but it did not disappear. After all, Turhan was responsible for the success of

Koprulu Mehmed Pasha; without Turhan, he would not have acquired the position that he

did and if Turhan or the sultan saw fit, either one could have relieved him from his

position.44

As noted before, traditional historians like to criticize the women of the Sultanate

of Women period and blame them for the decline of the Ottoman Empire. However, these

historians do not take into consideration the circumstances that these women faced;

taking on the responsibilities of an entire empire is a complicated ordeal, and these

women proved that they possessed the skills and political know-how to manage affairs of

the government.

What these traditional historians really need to take into consideration is the

alternative: what would have happened if the women during the Sultanate of Women

period had not taken control? How would a seven year old or twelve year old sultan have

managed an empire on his own? Furthermore, in Ibrahim’s case, how would a mentally

ill and incompetent sultan have fared in the handling of political affairs? Considering

these alternatives, it can be argued that the women did an incredible job keeping the

empire together as well as contributing in many various ways to the betterment of the

empire.

43 Freely, 191. 44 Peirce, 256-257.

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In examining works of other historians, they seem to place the blame on the

sultans themselves – a seemingly more appropriate group to blame. The first ten sultans

of the Ottoman Empire were exceptional rulers, and the sultans during the Sultanate of

Women period could not even come close in comparison, with many historians referring

to them as an “. . . . astonishing series of incompetents, degenerates, and misfits.”45 The

names of the sultans during this period seem to sum up the lack of good leadership and

inferiority present in these sultans: Selim the Sot, Ibrahim the Mad, and Mehmed the

Hunter, to mention a few – certainly these names do not hold the positive notion of

sultan’s names from the past, such as Suleyman the Magnificent and Selim the

Determined.46

Some other reflections on Ottoman decline do not even mention the Sultanate of

Women period as a factor as well. An example would be some historians’ view on the

Ottoman military and conquests. During the times of the earlier sultans, many great

victories had been won, expanding the empire significantly. However, with the

emergence of the sixteenth century, some historians suggest that the Ottoman Empire has

expanded as much as it could possibly do so and the new barriers it encountered were

basically impassable. Some of these same historians also note the change of warfare

techniques – gone were the days of the great importance of the sipahis and now

professional armies were needed. These new professional armies were paid with money,

were extremely large, and they became an absolute necessity in these times of greater

45 Bernard Lewis. “Some Reflections on the Decline of the Ottoman Empire,” Studia Islamica no. 9 (1958), http://www.jstor.org/ (accessed December 1, 2007), 113.46 Rhodes Murphy. “Continuity and Discontinuity in Ottoman Administrative Theory and Practice during the Late Seventeenth Century,” Poetics Today 14, no. 2, (1993), http://www.jstor.org/ (accessed November 24, 2007), 420-421.

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need for artillery as well as firearms.47 Factors such as these proved too much for the

Ottoman Empire to endure and thus it was these issues that led to decline.

Taking into consideration the circumstances that the hasekis and valide sultans

had to face, it can be argued that these women did a good job in handling the affairs of

the empire to make up for the lack of leadership from a succession of poor sultans.

Certainly the incompetent sultans were not politically savvy like Kosem, have the

diplomatic intelligence of Hurrem, Nurbanu, and Safiye or the architectural know-how of

Turhan. Each of these women during the Sultanate of Women period had their own

unique intelligence to contribute to the empire. By using their intelligence, asserting their

authority and taking command to manage affairs, these women managed to maintain a

stable government in a time of difficulty in the Ottoman Empire.

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