KANAGANAHALLI IN SATAVAHANA ART AND BUDDHISM: KING ASOKA IN FRONT OF Tiffi BODHI TREE

MONIKA ZIN

The uniformly-shaped slabs discovered at Kanaganahalli, each measuring approximately 3 meters high, were once located on the stilpa dome (fig. 1). When the monument was unearthed, the lower parts of some of these slabs were discovered in situ, affixed above the drum and held in position by the "collar stones." The slabs are composed of two panels, one above the other, separated by a frieze of geese. A railing is depicted below the panels, and the coping stones of this railing bear inscriptions which label the nar­rative contents of the representations located on the panels. My study, The

Kanaganahalli Stupa: An Analysis of the 60 Massive Slabs Covering the

Dome, presents a reconstruction of the original sequence of the slabs on the monument. 1 Establishing the order of the slabs was a painstaking task. The photographs taken during the excavations, providing documentation of the exact locations where each slab was discovered, did not include all of the slabs, and I did not have access to other documentary material that might have been more complete. The restoration of the reliefs was carried out by the Archaeological Survey of India (ASI). This was an enormous undertaking, and an achievement which cannot be valued highly enough. In order to accomplish this project, however, the reliefs were laid out on the ground near the stupa, in an area with enough space to permit the res­toration work to be done. The slabs therefore ended up at a considerable distance from the locations in which they were originally discovered.

Several of the slabs were placed in thematic groups at this stage. The reliefs depicting the events from the life of the Buddha, for example, were grouped on the ground according to the chronology of the narrative, not according to their original positions on the monument. In some instances,

1 Zin 2018: 7-20; the book should be consulted for further discussion of issues broached in the present paper.

Journal of the International Association of Buddhist Studies Volume 41 • 2018 • 537-568 • doi: 10.2143/JlABS.41.0.3285751

538 MONIKA ZIN

the position of the relief was marked by placing its number on the stones of the stupa drum, which remained in situ during the excavation process. Unfortunately, this occurred infrequently, perhaps because the excavators were unable to ascertain the original positions of the reliefs after they had been moved.

In the ASJ's official publication, Excavations at Kanaganahalli by K.P. Poonacha, the descriptions of the slabs are divided into thematic groups. The representations of the jatakas, the reliefs

. depicting the

. life

story of the Buddha, and the depictions of historical kings are descnbed in separate chapters. The book does not pay attention to the original posi­tion of the reliefs on the stupa dome or to the relationships between neigh­bouring slabs. Nakanishi, who visited the site during the excavations, also makes only a broad division between the areas on the stitpa dome where the jatakas were located, and those areas which featured depictions of the · events of the last life of the Buddha.2 In explaining the narrative content of a given panel, the content of neighbouring slabs can be of crucial impor­tance. In many cases, panels of successive slabs visibly compose a the­matic unit, and must be read in horizontal order. A very telling example is presented in the slab bearing the ASI number 05 (fig. 2).3 The lower panel of this slab presents Maya giving birth to the future Buddha, while in the upper panel, we see flying gods. If one were to perceive this slab as a distinct and self-contained unit, one could connect the flying gods in the panel above with the four gods standing located in the panel below. In fact, Poonacha (2011: 267) interpreted the panel in this manner, explaining that the deities in the panel above had carried Maya in a palanquin. When we reconstruct the sequence of the slabs, however, we arrive at a different explanation (fig. 3):4 the gods in the upper panel - who are not depicted as carrying a

z Nakanishi in Nakanishi/von HinUber 2014: 7--8; cf. also the earlier paper by Nakanishi in Japanese (Nakanishi 2013a). .

3 The numbers assigned by the ASI are underlined in this paper. ASI number 05, ill us.: Ararnaki/Dayalan/Nakanishi 2011: 70; Poonacha 2011: pl. 85; Zin 2011: fig.

_3 (lo�er panel);

Nakanishi 2012; Stone 2015: fig. 3 .8 (part of the lower panel); Qmntao11l� 20�7: fig. 17 (lower panel); in Zin 2018: 2 (17), pl. 10. Drawings of the �anaganah.alb rebefs in the present study by the author are based on the photographs m Aramaki/Dayalan/ Nakanishi 2011.

4 For the references to lhe left slab cf. the foregoing footnote; middle slab, ASI number 01, upper part: iUus.: Aramaki/Dayalan/Nakanishi 2011: 63; Poonacha 2011: pl. 81,

KANAGANAHALLI IN SATAVAHANA ART AND BUDDHISM 539

palanquin, but rather as arriving in a flying vimiina - correspond to the gods on the other side of the dhamza wheel, and these two depictions cer­tainly form a unit with each other. The composition of the upper panels follows the principle of axial symmetry, as the gods on both sides are figured as adoring the wheel that stands between them. The lower panels are ordered in chronological sequence from right to left, showing Maya asleep, with the Bodhisatva coming from Tu�ita heaven in the shape of an elephant, the interpretation of Maya's dream, and the birth of the future Buddha. It is important to note that these three slabs were located facing one of the four entrances to the fenced enclosure of the stupa, above the southern projection, known as the ayaka, i.e. the platform on which offer­ings could be placed. The centremost of the three slabs is unique when compared with its neighbours. Unlike the other slabs, it does not feature a pilaster, that is, an ornamental vertical stripe, on its side. As we can observe, the slab on the viewer's right has a pilaster on the left side, while the slab on the left has a pilaster on the right side. The slabs following in both directions were designed according to this principle: slabs are always separated by a single pilaster. The centre slab above the ayaka, featuring the dharma wheel, is consequently the "switching slab" between the slabs with the pilaster to the left and the slabs with the pilaster to the right. These "switching slabs" prevent two pilasters from appearing next to one another. There are four "switching slabs" in total. Two are devoid of pilasters completely, while two have two pilaster stripes each, one on each side. The dome of the Kanaganahalli stilpa was covered with 60 slabs. Each quadrant thus consisted of 15 slabs. There were three slabs above each iiyaka and twelve slabs between the iiyakas. The location of the slabs with certain positional features - e.g., a pilaster on the left or right - therefore followed a rather simple set of rules. These rules were made a bit more complicated by the fact that the "switching slabs" were not always located above the iiyakas. While the centre slabs above the southern and the northern iiyaka

projections are in fact "switching slabs," without decorative pilasters, the

N�anishi 2013b: fig. 9 (upper panel); Zin 2015: pl. 3 (upper panel, detail with the wheel); middle slab, lower part: Gulbarga Museum, illus. in Zin 2018: fig. 50; in Zin 2018: l (16), pl. 9; right slab: ASinumber 03, illus.: Aramaki/Dayalan/Nakanishi 2011: 63; Poonacha 2011: pl. 83; Zin 2015: fig. 10; Zin 2018: fig. 46; in Zin 2018: 15 (15), pl. 9.

540 MONIKA ZIN

centre slabs above the eastern and western iiyakas are not. Indeed, they could not have been, since there is an unequal number of slabs with the pilaster on the left and slabs with the pilaster on the right There are 19 of the fonner, and nearly double as many, 37 in total, of the latter. "Switching slabs" with decorative pilasters on both sides were placed irregularly in the areas between the eastern and southern iiyakas and between the western and northern iiyakas.

When we compare the styles of the reliefs on the slabs, we notice cer­tain dissimilarities. Several slabs display rather archaic features, clearly seen for example in the shapes of the eyes, which in some reliefs appear as if glued onto the flat faces of the figures depicted (fig. 4).5 The depic­tions in other slabs display quite developed forms. There, the eyes are shown with lachrymal sacks and eyeballs in eye sockets are visible behind eyelids (fig. 5).6 It is quite obvious that the reliefs are not a product of the same period. This is supported by the inscriptions. Four of the slabs in the less-developed style (where it appears as if the eyes were glued onto the figures' faces) bear inscriptions from the is1 century BCE,7 while one slab from the group displaying the more developed form (with eyes depicted in eye sockets) has good reason to be dated no earlier than 120 CE (cf. supra, n. 27). The 60 slabs excavated at Kanaganahalli were the result of a pro­cess of creation and recreation which continued over several generations. The excavations clearly show that the stitpa was enlarged at least three times. The order of the slabs as discovered during the excavation is evi­dently the result of earlier and later slabs having been rearranged in a process which appears to be connected with the enlargement of the stupa and the construction of the iiyaka projections.

s ASI number 13, illus.: Indian Archaeology 1994-1995 -The Review, pl. 13 (upper panel); Das 2004: pl. 19 (upper panel); Aramaki/Dayalan/Na.kanishi 201 I: 69; Poonacha 201 l: pl. 93, Zin 2011: fig. 4 (lower panel); in Zin 2018: LO (25), pl. 14.

6 ASI number 39, illus.: Arama.ki/Dayalan/Nakanishi 20ll: 81; Poonacha 2011: pl. 61C (upper panel). 112; Zin 2011: fig. I; von Hiniiber 2014: fig. 3; in Zin 2018: 11 (41), pl. 22.

1 The slab of our Fig. 4 bears the end of the inscription stretching across four slabs (from left !O right nos. 20, I 9, � and lIJ which contains the date of the donation, according to von HinUber in Nakanishi/Yon Hiniiber 2014, L3: 28, pl. I: "rano siri chimu(ka)stitavaharuJSa savachare sorj.e JO 6 mtitiseka 'in the year sixleen 16 of King Siri Chimuka Slilaviihana; "' the date must be placed around the middle of the 1" century BCE.

KANAGANAHALLl lN SATAVAffANA ART AND BUDDHISM 541

We may assume that the inscription which recorded the donation of the covering "pa!(as" - probably the level stone plates covering the drum _ marks the point in time when the system was finalised. This inscription is dated to the 35m regnal year of Vas4;!:hlputra Sn Pu!umavi.s This is likely the date when the enlarged stupa, featuring 60 slabs (fixed behind the panas of the drum) and all four ayakas, was completed. The members of the T<>Qa family, evidently rich citizens of the area, played a crucial role in the decoration of the stupa over several generations. The Todas were also active during the final stage, when the stupa was enlarged

. and the

slab� �ere rea:ran�ed. This can be seen from the inscriptions recording the family s contnbuttons on the slabs at the ayakas, and on other "switching slabs. "9 The clusters of left-pilaster-slabs and right-pilaster-slabs were of primary importance in determining the sequence of the slabs. There were, however, other elements that aided in this process. The railing depicted in the low�r portions of the slabs is made up of upright elements (stambhas) and honzontal elements (sucis), and the ancient artists attempted to make these elements

. coherent across panels. If the slabs are placed in their origi­

nal order, and if they are well enough preserved, the portions of the railing connect across the slabs without any incongruities: tbe upright stambha on one slab joins the horizontal sucis on the other. Jn several locations, how­�ver - and usually in the vicinity of the iiyakas - incongruities do appear, m the sense that the stambhas or sucis of the neighbouring slabs collide with one another.

. The following information is available to us. (1) The original position­

mg of approximately a third of the slabs can be ascertained on the basis of photographs of their location in situ during the excavation. (2) Several slabs depict the same narrative and compose a chronological sequence among themselves. (3) Four slabs are connected with a common inscription, and

! Cf. vo.n Hinuber in Nakanishi/von Hiniiber 2014, l,8: 31-33, pl. 2. Cf. 1b1d., ill.l, 12: 89, pl. 31 (on slab no. 56, above the eastern tiyaka.); U.4 23: 67 pl. 19 (on slab no. 28 which is a "switching slab" with pilasters on both sides betwee� the ;vestem. �d northern tiyaka); inscription tO<j.asa deyadhama sava 'Toc,ta's pious gift AU, von Hinuber 2016 on the slab no. 01 (cf. n. 4); cf. also the inscription mentioned in our �· 7 placed. at the upper �dg� of four consecutive slabs, and lwo further inscriptions nanung the famil y, one (Nakanishi/von Hiniiber2014 Il.4,9: 63) on the upright of the railing and one (ibid. Il.5,l: 68) above a drum panel. '

542 MONIKA ZIN

(4) three slabs are repeated in a single relief appearing in Amaravati :"'hich

is dated later. We can observe (5) that adjoining slabs produce (as m our

fig. 2) a union ruled by means of symmetry, (6) that the order of the deco­

rative pilasters on the side of the slabs must have been followed, and

(7) that there was an attempt made to create a continuous railing using �e

elements (stambhas and sucis) in the lower portions of the slabs. By taking

all of these factors into consideration, I have been able to recreate the

sequence of these 60 slabs. Although the ordering of the slabs is presented

as hypothetical, it is in fact rather certain. The position of an� sla� whose

original position has not been photographically documented is said to be

"hypothetical" simply because it has been determined on the basis of other

factors. It is theoretically possible that slabs depicting consecutive events of

a particular jiitaka, for example, could have been located in separate places,

or were not originally placed in sequence. Nevertheless the sequence �at

has been reconstructed according to the aforementioned principles, which

is to say, a sequence wherein the logic and unity of the monument as a

whole is preserved to the highest degree possible, is, according to my

hypothesis, the "original" sequence, that is, the sequence in w�ch_ the slab�

stood at the time of the finalisation of the program under Vas1�tl:nputra Sn

Pulumavi. Thus, the positioning of many of the slabs is hypothetical, but

rather certain, in the sense that there is no other position in which they could

be placed while maintaining the system as a whole. The position of several

other slabs is quite certain in tenns of their general location, although un�er­

tain relative to other slabs in the immediate vicinity. By contrast, I consider

the location of only two slabs (ASI numbers 26 and n> to be uncertain.

I hope that the sequence of slabs as I have proposed it will be questioned

and corrected by future research. For the time being, the order of the slabs

as it now stands according to my work is presented in following diagram

(fig. 6).10 In this paper I will present a group of nine slabs. Three of these

slabs were once located above the northern iiyaka. Four of the slabs were

located to the (viewer's) right of the iiyaka. The remaining two were located

to the left. A visitor to the site would have viewed the slabs from right to

left when pacing around the stupa in pradak$irµi (keeping the monument

10 In Zin 2018, facing page 20.

KANAGANAHALLI IN SATAVAHANA ART AND BUDDHISM 543

to the right-h�d si�e), �nd I will therefore discuss the sequence from right to le�. We will begin WJth the four slabs that the viewer encountered before reachmg the iiyaka. The first two slabs portrayed kings of the Satavahana dynasty (fig. 7), JI J>ulumavi (no. 39, cf. n. 27) and Sundara Satakan:ri (no. 30, cf. ": 29). Both of the slabs featuring kings were certainly present in this location, although it is uncertain whether slab no. 39 or no. 30 would have come �st for the viewer. The subsequent two slabs featured symbolic rep­resentallons (fig. 8), 12 the first of a stupa and a building with relics (no. JJ) and the sec�nd of the bodhi tree and the lion pillar (no. 21). Of these four slabs, there is photographic evidence from the excavation of the position of no. 33.

As for slab no. 34, which features the bodhi tree and the lion we can �nly say for cei:iain that the slab was in close proximity to the �orthem a�aka, �d that 1t was certainly on this side of the tiyaka, as its decorative pilaster IS on the left side. It is uncertain whether slab no. 34 did, in fact, precede

_th� slab we are about to discuss next, or whether it came after it

10 the ongmal sequence. The next slab is very well known (fig. 9). 13 It has no ASI n�mber; here i t -:vm

. be referred to as no. 00. In the upper panel,

we _see King ASoka, while 10 the lower panel, Bodhisatva Somarata is depicted. One of these two slabs, featuring Afoka and Bodhisatva Somarata (no. QQ) ?� the bodhi tree and the lion pillar (no. 21), occupied the right­most position of the three slabs over the northern iiyaka. We can be certain of the position of the following two slabs above the ayaka (fig. I0).14 The

• 11 Slab wi� the ASI number 39, for refere nces cf. fn. 6; slab with the ASI number 30 rUus.:_ �aki/Dayalan/Nalcanishi 2011: 77; Poonacha 2011: pls. 618 (lower panel>

'

111; m Zm 2018: 12 (42), pl. 22. ' '

12 Slab with the ASI number ;n, illus.: Meister 2004: fig. 4; ArdlTlaki/Dayalan/Nak.anishi 2011: 78; Poonacha 2�11: pl. 115; in Zin 2018: 13 (43), pl. 23; slab with the ASI num­ber 34, illus.: Aramaki/Dayalan/Nakanishi 2011: 79· Poonacha 2011 · pl 116· · z· 2018: 14 (44), pl. 23.

' · · • m m

13 Slab wilhout an ASI number (in Zi n 2018: no. QQ), illus. among others in· Indian Arch��ology 1997-1998-The Review, pl. 72 (upper panel); Das 2004: pl. 20 (uppe; panel)· DeheJta 2007: fig. 13.13 (part of the upper pane l); Thapar 2008; Aramaki/Dayalan/NakanishJ 20�!: 91; Poonacha 2011: pl. 104; in Zin 2018: 15 (45), pl. 24.

Slab Wtth ASI number 37, illus.: Aramaki/Dayalan/Nakanishi 201.1: 80· Poonacha �011: pl. 57B (�ower panel), 118; in Zin 2018: 1 (46), pl. 24; slab with the ASI �umber 35 1Uus.: Aramaki/Dayalan/Nakanishi 2011: 79; Poonacha 2011 · pi 117· in Zin 2018: 2 (47), pl. 25.

. . ' .

544 MONIKA ZIN

centre slab was no. 37, a "switching slab" without pilasters, which depicts

a stupa in the panel above and a niiga in the panel below. The inscription

refers to the naga as Pru:ic,laraka.15 The slab on the left above the iiya� :vas

slab no. 35, which depicted the pillar with the dharmacakra and a building.

This leftmost slab and the slabs that follow have decorative pilasters on the

right side. The following two slabs (fig. 11) once again display �lers o� the Satavlihana dynasty.16 One of these is Vasi�\:hiputra SrI Satakan.u

donating to monks (no. 59, cf. n. 28) and the other is �atalaka (no .. 1Q).

We must refer to the position of these slabs as hypothel:lcal, as there is no

photographical documentation of their discovery, at least as far as is �?wn

to me. There is, however, hardly any other location among the 60 positions

on the stilpa where the slabs could have been located. The slabs with the

decorative pilasters on the right side belong to the clusters beginning at the

northern and southern ayaka and continuing to the left (cf. fig. 6). There

is no space for additional slabs in the cluster beginning at the south�rn

ayaka. Theoretically, the slabs could have been located in the cluster begin­

ning at the northern iiyaka, further to the left, but the established order

of the subsequent slabs depicting the representation of the jiitakas - the

Sa<fdantajiitaka in three consecutive slabs (nos.11, 42, �17 and slab no. 44, 18

showing the rii�asa in the pond - makes it highly improbable. F�om the

9th slab of the quadrant onwards, the original location of the slabs is unde­

niably ascertained. These slabs therefore must have been located next to

the northern ayaka. What remains uncertain is which of these two sl�bs

- no. 59, which depicts Satakan:ll donating to the monks, or no. 40, which

depicts Matalaka - would have come first for the viewer circum�bulating

the stupa. Let us take a closer look at depictions featured on the nme slabs

(figs. 7-11). Five are figurative, and their upper panels contain depictions

u Cf. von Hiniiber in Nakanishi/voo Hiniiber 2014, ll.8,1: 82, pl. 28: "ruigarayii padarako 'The Nagariija Paqaraka (Par:iqaraka).'" . . "16 Slab with the ASI number 59, illus.: Anu:naki/DayaJan/Nakarush1 2011: �l; Poonacba 20ll: pls. 60B (upper panel), 109; Quintani_lla 2017: fig. �6 (upper panel)'. m Zin 2?18� 3 (48), pl. 25; slab with the ASI number 40, il!us.:_ Ararnaki/DayaJan/Nakarushi 2011. 81, Poonacha 2011: pl. 61A (upper panel), 110; m Zm 2018: 4 (49), pl. 26.

17 Kauaganahalli, in situ, illus. in: Ararnaki/Dayalan/Nakanishi 201 l: 82-83; Poonacha 2011: pls. 6�8; in Zin 2018 : 6-8 (51-53), pls. 27-28. . .

is Kanaganahalli, in situ, illus.: Aramaki/DayaJan/Nakarush1 2011: 83; Poonacha 2011: pl. 69; in Zin 2018: 5 (5 0), pl. 26.

KANAGANAHALLI IN SATAVA.HANA ART AND BUDDHISM 545

of kings. There are two Satavahana kings on each side. The depiction of A�oka is located among the four other slabs, which have a rather unique character. These slabs depict important Buddhist symbols: the cakra, the stupas, the tree, and the lion pillar, as well as a specific cobra deity, the niigariiyii parjarako. The placement of this niiga at the entrance may not be a coincidence, for the story of Pai;ic,laraka is also depicted on the entrance wall in a painting in Cave IX at Ajanta.19 Pru:i4araka, however, could also simply be a stand-in. representing a mighty cobra deity who guards the stilpa. There are also buildings depicted on the slabs, which accord with the Buddhist symbols. One buiJding, shown beneath the depiction of the stupa (no. 33, cf. n. 12), is labelled in an inscription as the "strong house" (da/hagharo) and should therefore represent a storage house for relics.20 Another building, underneath the cakm (no. 35, cf. n. 14), might represent architecturally the same pilgrimage site that the upper panel represents symbolically, namely, r#patana, the park near Varfu:tasI. The cakra on the pillar is flanked by antelopes. These are a clear allusion to the park that provided the setting of the Buddha's first sermon. We can see, therefore, that the slabs are simultaneously of a semi-narrative and semi.-symbolical character. Among the slabs with Buddhist symbols designating the pres­ence of the Buddha or perhaps sites of pilgrimage, the figurative slab with Afoka (no. 00, cf. n. 13) appears incongruous. It is incongruous not only in terms of the motifs depicted, but also in terms of its formal integration into the sculptural program. The order of the sucis and stambhas in the railing in the lower part of the slab, with the upright on the left and the horizontal elements on the right, causes a visual conflict with the sucis and stambhas of the railings on the neighbouring slabs of the ensemble, in whichever position the slab is placed. These conflicts appear on both sides, a circumstance which, to the best of my knowledge, does not appear anywhere else at the site. If the A§oka slab is removed from the grouping, such conflicts do not appear at all.

There are actually only two possible placements for the figurative slab among the slabs with Buddhist symbols, partially secured by means of the

19 Cf. Schlingloff 2000/2013: no. 1; identification of the left part of the painting in Zin 2000.

20 Cf. von Hiniibcr in: Nakanishi/von Hiniiber 2014, IV.4: 105, pl. 36: "da!hagharo •Solid house."'

546 MONIKA ZIN

photographs from the excavations. The Asoka slab was located either to

the right or to the left of the slab showing the bodhi tree and the lion pillar

(no. 34, cf. n. 12). It is impossible to ascertain exactly where the slab was

located. If we look, however, at the upper panels of the slabs, we see one

relief showing the bodhi tree and another showing the king. If we consider

the content of the panels, the only arrangement of the panels that yields a

meaning is the one in which the king faces the tree: the two panels thus

depict ASoka's visit to the bodhi tree in Bodhgaya (fig. 12).21 The narrative

of Asoka's pilgrimage to the bodhi tree was familiar to the artists who

created the Kanaganahalli stupa, as well as to its visitors. This is made

clear by slab no. 36 (fig. 13) which depicts the king in front of the tree,

with footprints serving as symbols of the presence of the Buddha. It is

inscribed with the words raya asoko.n Note that the location of this slab

above the western iiyaka is certain. Let us return to Afoka in front of the

tree above the northern ayaka (fig. 12), and to the inscription raya asoko.23

This slab bears the only label inscription discovered at the site which was

placed on the strip above the panels. Slab no. 00 (fig. 9) also bears another

inscription. This one is placed in the usual location, underneath the fig­

urative panels. It reads: ... dhisato somariito, apparently for Bodhisatva

Somariita, so far unknown from textual sources.24 It is important to note

here that there was space enough to the right of this inscription to have

included an explanation of what was represented above. Inscriptions below

the bottom panels referring to the upper panels, using the word upari

(above), have been found in Kanaganahalli.2.5 Yet such an inscription was

11 Upper panels of slabs without the ASI number (cf. n. 13) and with number 34 (cf.

n. 12). 22 Slab with the ASI number 36, illus.: Aramaki/Dayalan/Nakanishi 201 I: 91; Poonacha

2011: pl. 105; in Zin 2018: 1500). pl. 16. Cf. von Hiniiber in: Nakanishi/voo Hiniiber 2014, 1.2: 27-22, pl. 1: "rifyii asokc 'King Asoka. "'

n Cf. ibid., I.J : 27, pl. I : "riiyii asokc 'King Asoka. "' 2A Cf. ibid., II.7, 11: 81-82, pl. 28: "[bo]dhisato somariito 'The Bodhisatva Somariita.'"

Schlingloff (privale communication) takes the depicted king for Mlira and reads the inscription: (bo)dhi-sa(rfl)toso mariito, "das Sich-Zufriedengeben (mit der) Erleuchtung (des Buddha) seitens Mara" ["The satisfaction with the (Buddha's) enlightewnent on Mara's part").

25 Cf. ibid., ill.l,16 and ill.1,17: 90, pl. 31: "sukajataka 'Suka-jataka."' And "hasaja-raka upari 'Above: Hamsa-jataka;'" ID.1,1: 86, pl. 30: "j&akari1 senakiyam upari 'Above: Senaka-jiitaka (Sattubhasta-ji!taka); "' ID.2,31: 101. pl. 35: "riimagtimilo athabluiga thuvo

KANAGANAHALLI lN SATAVA.HANA A.Rf AND BUDDHISM 547

not added on this slab. Had the slab indeed intended to represent King Afoka from the beginning, the label would probably have been supplied along the bottom. Instead, it seems that a recontextualization of the slab, such that the king in the upper panel was made to face the bodhi tree, changed both the identity of the king - necessitating a new label inscrip­tion - and the meaning of the relief. As noted previously, the sequence of the slabs cannot be definitively reconstructed here, but given that some rearrangement seems to have occurred - as evidenced by the inescapable visual conflicts in the lower railing - the sequence with slab 00 to the left of slab 34, creating an interpretable image of Asoka honoring the bodhi tree, makes more sense than the alternative, where slab 00 is placed to the right of slab 34. It is, however, clear that the resulting sequence - which represents our reconstruction of the sequence at the time of the finalisation of the program in the early 2"d century CE - is secondary. The king was not originally intended to be placed in front of the tree, because the women in the panel, too, would have faced the tree if the relief were originally designed with this representation in mind.

With this, we are provided with a very important piece of information. Kanaganahalli tells us that the narrative of A§oka's pilgrimage to Bodhgaya was familiar to the visitors of the site. The visible rearrangement of the slabs provides further evidence of th� importance given to the story. The figure labelled as riiya asoko, however, was probably not intended to represent Asoka in the first place. The accompanying label inscription, uniquely placed above the narrative panel, appears to have been added only after the slabs were rearranged.

The slab featuring Asoka was located above the northern iiyaka.26 When positioned to create the representation of "Asoka and the bodhi tree," the slab forms the centre of the axial-symmetrical group with two slabs of both semi-narrative and semi-symbolical character on each side. It appears that this axial-symmetrical arrangement was continued outward on both sides of the group. Earlier, I indicated that there were four slabs depicting Satavlibana kings, two on each side of the ayaka projection (figs. 7 and 11).

. upari 'Above: The Stiipa of Rfilnagiima (enclosing) the eighth part (of the relics distributed after the Nirvfu:la)."'

26 Slab no. 36 (fig. 13) is the rightmost slab above the western iiyaka.

548 MONIKA ZIN

All four are among the best-executed reliefs to have been found at Kana­

ganahalli. They belong to the later style, and clearly show the efforts made

by the artists to represent the hands, feet, and eyes in an anatomically

correct way (fig. 5). The faces are shown in semi-profile. The eye further

towards the back of the image is shown smaller, in perspective (this is not

found in reliefs done in the early style), and display eyeballs which are

indicated behind the eyelids in a manner that recalls faces of the 2°" century

Mathura One of the slabs on the right side (no. J2, fig. 7), labelled with the

inscription riiya pufumiivi ajayatasa ujeni deti,n appears to illustrate a his­

torical event. In this relief, the Sataviihana King Vasi�µilputra Sri �umavi

had to give territory, including the city of UjjayinI, to the K�atrapas. The

figure referred to in the inscription as the "non-victorious one" (ajayant-)

must be the Western K�atrapa C��ana. The incident occurred at the begin­

ning of the 2nd century CE, which indicates that this relief must be dated

later. This provides us with additional information on the dating of the slab,

which corroborates our stylistic analysis. The slabs on the left side (fig. 11)

are no. 59, depicting Satakan:ll donating to monks and no. 40, which depicts

Matalaka.28 The slabs on the right (fig. 7) are no. 39, Pu!umavi donating

Ujjayini and no. 30, Sundara Satakan;ri.29 All of the kings featured here are

historical personalities. From the perspective of Kanaganahalli, the most

important was Vas�µtlputra Sn SatakarQi (the successor to Pujumavi), who

is depicted donating to the monks. He reigned during the first quarter of the

2ud CE. This was the time during which the final stage of the work towards

the completion of the stupa took place, and when the slabs were fixed to

the dome.30 Much less is known about Matalaka and Sunclara Satakan;ll.

They certainly were less important rulers and are dated earlier, to the first

n Cf. voo Hiniiber in: Nakanishi/von Hintiber 2014, 1.9: 33-34, pl. 2: "raya pu�umavi ajayatasa 11jeni deli 'King Pu!umavi bands over Ujain to Ajaya(rr)ta ('the non-victorious');"' cf. also von Hintiber 2014.

2s For no. 59, cf. von Hiniiber in: Nakanishi/von Hiniiber 2014, I.7: 30-31, pl. l: "rayci scitaka;fi mahace](1)[1lyasa r(u)pamayani paywnani 07.1(o)ye1i 'King Satakan)..i donates silver lotus flowers to the Great Caitya. "' For no. 40, cf. ibid., 1.5: 29-30, pl. 1: "rciya matalako 'King Mantalaka.'"

29 Cf. ibid., 1.6: 30, pl. .1: "riiyci sudara stilakani 'K ing Sundara Satakan.J.i."' JO Cf. n. 8; for the analysis of 1he inscriptions which led to this conclusion cf. ibid.,

llff., esp. 31-33.

KANAGANAHALU IN SATAVAHANA ART AND BUDDHISM 549

third of the first century of the Common Era.31 These four slabs are executed with remarkable stylistic uniformity. The reliefs appear not only to be the product of the same epoch, but also of the same workshop. Besides being alike in style and composition, the reliefs are also composed according to principles of axial symmetry. All of the slabs depict royal mounts - ele­phants and horses - in the lower panels. In the slabs on the right, the mounts are oriented towards the right, and in the slabs on the left, they are oriented towards the left. Given the fact that depictions oriented to the right are rare at this site, and considering that they clearly comprise counterparts in axial symmetry matching representations on the left (cf. figs. 2-3), these panels with mirroring royal mounts clearly create a visual ensemble.

The royal mounts are not the only elements designed according to this principle of symmetry. On both sides of the cluster we see one panel with a king standing, and one panel with a king seated. The standing kings, VasiWuputra Sn Sataka.TI).i donating to the monks on the left, and Vasi�µilpu­tra Sn Pujumiivi donating to the "non-victorious one" on the right, show the kings turned towards the outside of the composition, each holding a water pitcher (bh[ngiira) in his hands. The pouring of water from a pitcher serves as a seal in donation.32 The recipients of the donation stand to the right on the right slab and to the left on the left slab. The panels with Lhe sitting kings are also designed in symmetry. The slab on the right featuring Sundara Siitakarni has been badly destroyed, 'yet enough remains to see that the king was sea� on the outer side, and his spouse was seated on the inner side. The architectural frame above has been lost. The royal couple was certainly shown in front of the palace. We can see this in the panel on the left. Matalaka sits with his lady in front of a building which appears to be the palace. In symmetry with Sundara, the king sits on the outer side, and the queen on tbe inner. The elements of these four stylistically identical slabs that match each other per­fectly and recall the symmetry of the entire composition, are so numerous that it is impossible to ignore them. In the art of Andhra, we often see friezes shaped and arranged according to the principles of axial symmetry.33 Such

31 For the list of the Siitavahana kings with references to the previous research cf. von Hiniiber in Nakanishi/von Hinilbcr 2014 : 22-23.

32 Cf. Wezler 1987: 12ff. with references to primary sources and Lilders' Varww (1951) for e�planation of the custom.

33 Cf. Zin 2016: 53-57; Zin (forthcoming a).

550 MONlKA ZIN

compositions highlight the significance of the central register and lead the viewer to consider the friezes as a unity. Although the position of the slabs depicting the Satavahana kings to the left and right of the north­ern ayaka pillar is quite certain, the position of one slab relative to the other on each side remains uncertain, i.e., it is not clear whether P�umavi (no. 22) preceded Sundara (no. J.Q), and whether Satakan:ti (no. 22) preceded Matalaka (no. 1.Q). Nevertheless it would seem that the symmetry of the composition should have been maintained: whichever king was located closer to the centre of the composition, whether standing or seated, bis coun­terpart - also standing or seated - was certainly placed in the corresponding position on the other side.

If we look now at the entire cluster of nine slabs (fig. 14) a rather coher­ent composition emerges. "A§oka" is in the centre, flanked on both sides by slabs with symbolic representations of Buddha's life story, or perhaps places connected with his life. (The quotes indicate the llkelihood that the depiction was not originally of Moka, but of another king.) The Satavahana kings on both sides compose a sub-group among themselves due to their symmetrical arrangement. They also compose a group with "A§oka," which might have been the overall plan underlying the execution and placement of this set of nine slabs.

According to the present state of research, the representations of the Sataviihana kings at Kanaganahalli are the only secure representations of historical rulers on Buddhist monuments. They are by no means easy to explain. The donative inscriptions at the site refer to the regnal years of the Satavahana kings (cf. nn. 7 and 8), but none of them record donations by the kings themselves. As far as the site of Kanaganahalli is concerned, there is no proof that the royal family was involved in benefactions made to the Buddhist order. As I have stated elsewhere (Zin 2012), the representations of the kings might have had a similar meaning to the visitors of the site as the extremely popular depictions of King Mandhatar did to visitors in And.bra. That king was seen as the cakravartin bestowing peace and pros­perity to the earth. "Peace and prosperity" is certainly the message which the cluster in Kanaganahalli suggests, with Vasi�\hlputra Sri Pulumavi giving away bis territory without bloodshed, and Vasi�thiputra Sri Satakan,U donating to the monks. Placing the kings around "Afoka," and the Buddhist symbols at his side, accords the Satavahanas not only the prestige of being

KANAGANAHALLI CN SATAVAHANA ART AND BUDDHlSM 551

depicted with Asoka in a prominent position of the smpa, but also implic­itly represents them, like Asoka himself, as Buddhist rulers.

Kanaganahalli, although unique in several ways, still belongs fully to the architectural and pictorial tradition of Andhra. As recent research demon­strates, the site was associated with the Mahavina.Sailas,34 a school that is also associated with the elaborately-decorated monuments at Nagarju­nakonda (Zin forthcoming b). Both the selection of subjects, and the man­ner of their representation, have close parallels with examples from Andhra. As an example, we can look at the panel on the slab bearing the ASI num­ber 07. This panel depicts the yak�a Sfilcyavardhana (sakiyava<j.hana in the inscription).35 Representations of the ya�a emerging from the tree to wor­ship the new-born Bodhisatva are typical for Andhra. What is important here is that the narrative of Sfilcyavardhana is very rare in literature - it is not recorded in Pali - and was transmitted in the tradition of the Mfilasarvas­tivadins. The episode is also depicted in Ajanta XVI and in Kizil. 36 Two representations of the Miiravijaya, on slabs no. l.l and 50, are also very telling.37 One of the slabs (no. ID depicts Mara scratching the earth after his defeat. This storyline is recorded only in the northern tradition, and is preserved today in Chinese translations only (although it has been depicted in the pictorial tradition dating back as far as Bharhut).38 The presence of Mara 's four daughters is also characteristic of Andhra. At Kanaganaballi (cf. n. 37), the presence of the fourth woman actually destroys the symmetry

34 Cf. Tawnier (forthcoming) with the reading of the inscription (no. II.5.9 in Nakanishi/ von Hiniiber): mahiivinaseli///(yana).

35 Slab no. Q7., illus. in Aramaki/Dayalan/Nakanishi 2011: 66; Poonacha 201 1 : pl. 87; Quintanilla 2017: figs. 19-20; in Zin 2018: 13 (13), pl. 8. Cf. von HinUber in Nakanishi/ von Hiniiber 2014, IIl.2,4: 92-93, pl. 32: "siikiyawujhana(f!I) ce{ra}tiya('!') 'The Caitya Siikyavardhana.'"

36 On the Ajanra representation, see Schlingloff 2000/2013, no. 64 (13); copy by Griffiths 16B, Indian Section of the Victoria & Albert Museum, no. 50-1885, photograph in India Office, vol. 72, no. 6020, drawing in Schlingloff, vol. 1 : 338; for the literary sources and their analysis cf. ibid.: 338-39. At Kizil, it is in Cave 110 (Treppenhohle), two pictures on the left wall; .reading of the inscription by Schmidt 2010: 844: "Hier wird der Bodhisattva zu Siikyavardhana in den Tempel gebracht."

37 Slab no. 11 (illus. in Aramaki/Dayalan/Nakanishi 2011: 68; Poonacha 2011: pl. 91) and slab no. 50 (Aramaki/Dayalan/Nakanishi 2011: 86; Poonacha 201 1 : pl. 73); in Zin 2018: 5 (20), pl. 11 and 13 (58), pl. 30.

38 For literary sources and pictorial representations and their analysis cf. Schlingloff 2000/2013, vol. 1 : 456-70.

552 MONIKA ZIN

of the composition, and was clearly only included in order to remain true to the local version of the story. This is of great significance because ver­sions in which Mara has four daughters are so rare: the only textual source for it known to us today is a Chinese translation of an early version of the Lalitavistara, made by Dharmar�a in the year 308 CE.39 Of course, it was not this particular text which was illustrated, but it appears that a comparable version must have been in circulation in the area, and likely belonged to the tradition of the Mahavina§ailas. . .

All of this leads us to the conclusion that the art of Kanaganahalh, like the Buddhist art of Andhra, appears to have been based on a literary tradition which has since been Jost. This fact is of utmost importance in attempting to explain the narrative content of Bud�st art from K�agana­halli. We must accept the fact that some of the re hefs may remam unex­plained for a long time to come.

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Aramaki Noritoshi Duraiswamy Dayalan, and Maiko Nakanishi. 2011. A New Ap;roach to the Origin of Mahiiyiinasiara M�v�ment on the Basis of Art �is­

torical and Archaeological Evidence. A Prelmunary R�port on the Res�(JJ eh.

Grant-in-Aid for Scientific Research, The Japan Society for Promonon of

Science, Project (C) no. 20520050.

Das Jitendra. 2004. "Spread of Buddhism in northern Karnataka." In Aloka '

Parasher-Sen, ed., Kevala-Bodhi: Buddhist and Jaina History of the Deccan

(the BSL [Bhattiprolu Sri Laksluni) Hanumantha Rao Commemorative Volume).

Vol. 1. Delhi: Bharatiya Kala Prakashan: 139-47. . .

Dehejia, Vidya. 2007. "Questioning Narrativity and Inscnbed Labels: Buddhist

Bharhut, Sannati, and Borobudur." In Himanshu P. Ray, ed., _Sacr�d Land­

scapes in Asia: Shared Traditions, Multiple Histories. New Delhi: Ind.1an Inter­national Centre/Manohar: 286-307.

Hiniiber von, Oskar. 2014. "Mitteilungen aus einer vergangenen Welt, Friihe indi­sche Buddhisten und ihre Inschriften." "leitschrift der Deutschen Morgen­liindischen Gesellschaft 164(1): 13-32.

-. 2016. "Buddhist Texts and Buddhist Images: New Evidence from Kanag:ma­halli (Kamataka/Ind.ia)." Annual Report of the International Research Institute for Advanced Buddhology at Soka University 19: 7-20.

39 Taisho no. 186, ed. vol. 3: 519a25-29; four daughters are repeated only in two later sources: T 2040, ed. vol. 50, p. 8a3-5 and T 397, ed. vol. 13, p . J42c5-6.

KANAGANAHALLI IN SATAVA.HANA ART AND BUDDHISM 553

Indian Archaeology 1994-1995 - The Review. New Delhi, 2001, Sannati/Kana­ganahalli: 37-40, pls. 12-13.

Indian Archaeology 1997-98 - The Review. New Delhi, 2003, Sannati/Kanagana­halli: 93-97, pls. 70-72.

Liiders, Heinrich. 1951. Varu�a. Aus dem NachlajJ herausgegeben von Ludwig Alsdorf. J Varu�1a und die Wasser. Gl:ittingen: Vandenhoeck & Ruprecht.

Meister, Michael W. 2004. "Notes toward the Study of Representations of Early Indian Architecture, Kanganhalli." In S.S. Ramachandra Murthy, et al., eds., Priisadam: Recent Researches on Archaeology, Art, Architecture and Cul­ture, B. Rajendra Prasad Festschrift. New Delhi: Harman Publishing House: 120-24.

Nakanishi, Maiko. 2012. "Kanganhalli isek:i kara shutsudoshita 'Buddha no tanjou' zu ni tsuite [The Birth of the Buddha: On the Interpretation of the Kanganhalli Relief]." Shinshu Bunka: Bulletin of the Institute of Shin Buddhist Culture 21: 1-19.

-. 2013a. "Kanganhalli iseki Chosahokoku - Jyodan Relief Sekiban ni egakareta Bukkyosetsuwa no hairetsu wo megutte (A Report on the Research on the Great Stiipa at Kanganhalli for the arrangement of the upper large slabs]." The Bukkyo University Graduate School Review 41: 73-87.

-. 2013b. "Kanganhalli no 'Shotenhorin' zu ni tsuite [A Iconographic Study of the First Sennon in the Kanganhalli Relief]." Shinshu Bunka: Shinsyu Bunka: Bulletin of the institute of Shin Buddhist Culture 22: 1-25.

Nakanishi, Maiko and Oskar von Hiniiber. 2014. Kanaganahalli Inscriptions = Annual Report of the International Research Institute for Advanced Buddhology at Soka University for the Academic Year 2013. Vol. 17, Supplement, Tokyo.

Poonacha, K.P. 201 l. Excavations at Kanaganahalli (Sannati), Dist. Gulbarga, Kar­nataka. Memoirs of the Archaeological Survey of India 106. Delhi: Director General, Archaeological Survey of India.

Quintanilla, Sonya Rhie. 2017. "Transformation of Identity and the Buddha's Infancy Narratives at Kanaganahalli." Archives of Asian Art 67(1): 1 1 1-42.

Schlingloff, Dieter. 2000. Ajanta - Handbuch der Malereien/Handbook of the Paintings I. Eniihlende Wandmalereien/Narrative Wall-paintings. Wiesbaden: Harrassowitz.

-. 2013. Ajanta - Handbook of the Paintings I. Narrative Wall-paintings. New Delhi: Indira Gandhi National Cenlre for the Arts.

Schmidt, Klaus T. 2010. "Die Entzifferung der westtocharischen Oberscbriften zu einem Bilderzyklus des Buddhalebens in der 'TreppenMhle' (Hl:ihle 110) in Quizil/Interd.isciplinary research on Central Asia: The decipherment of the West Tocharian captions of a cycle of mural paintings of the life of the Buddha in cave l l O in Quizil." ln Eli Franco and Monika Zin, eds., From Turfan to Ajanta, Festschrifi for Dieter Schlingloff on the Occasion of his Eightieth Birthday. Lurnbini: Lumbini International Research Institute: 835-66.

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Stone, Elizabeth R. 2015. "Kanganballi (Sannati) and the Amaravati School: Some Observations." In Anila Verghese and Anna Libera Dallapiccola, eds., Art, Icon, and Architecture in South Asia: Essays in Honour of Devangana Desai. New Delhi: Aryan Books International: 23-42.

Thapar, Romila. 2008. "Rayo Asoka from Kaoganhalli: Some Thoughts. " In R. Kalaikovan, et al., eds., Airdvati, Felicitation Volume in Honour of /ra­vatham Mahadevan. Chennai: Varalaaru.com: 249-62.

Toumier, Vincent. Forthcoming. "Buddhist Nikiiyas in Andhra and Beyond: A Sur­vey of the Epigraphic Evidence." In A. Griffiths, A. Kirichenko, A. Shimada, and V. Toumier, eds., From Vijayapuri to Srik�etra? The Beginnings of Buddhist Exchange across the Bay of Bengal. Paris: Ecole Fran\!aise d'Extreme-Orient.

Wezler, Albrecht 1987. Bhrflgdra in Sanskrit Literature. Aligarh Oriental Series 8. Aligarh: Viveka Publications.

Zin, Monika. 2000. "Two Naga-Stories in the Oldest Paintings of Ajanta IX." In Maurizio Taddei and Giuseppe De Marco, eds., South Asian Archaeology 1997, Proceedings of the J4'h International Conference o.f the European Asso­ciation of South Asian Archaeologists in Rome. Rome: lstituto italiano per !'Africa e l'Oriente: 1171-99.

-. 201 1. "Narrative Reliefs in Kanaganahalli - A Short OutJine of Their Impor­tance for Buddhist Sturues." Marg 63{1): 12-21.

-. 2012. "Mfuldbiitar, the universal monarch, and the meaning of representations of the cakravartin in the Amaravati School, and of the Icings on the Kangan­halli stupa." In Peter Skilling and Justin McDaniel, eds., Buddhist Narrative in Asia and Beyond. In Honour of HRH Princess Maha Chakri Siringhorn on Her Fifty-Fifth Birth Anniversary. Vol. I. Bangkok: Institute of Thai Studies, Chulalongkom University: 149-64.

-. 2015. "Nur Gandbara? Zu Motiven der kJassischen Antik:e in Andhra (incl. Kanaganahalli)." Tribus, Jahrbuch des Linde11-Muse1uns, Stuttgart 64: 178--205.

-. 2016. "Buddhist Narratives and Amaravati." In Akira Shimada and Michael Willis, eds., Amaravati: The Art of an Early Buddhist MonumenJ in Context. London: The British Museum: 46-58.

-. 2018. The Kanaganahalli Stupa: An Analysis of the 60 Massive Slabs Cover­ing the Dome. New Delhi: Aryan Books International.

-. Forthcoming a. "Heavenly Relics - The Bodhisatva's Turban and Bowl in the Reliefs of Gandhara and Andhra (including Kanaganahalli)." In Corinna Wessels-Mevissen, Gerd J.R. Mevissen, with the assistance of Arundbati Banerji, and Vinay K. Gupta, eds., lndology's Pulse: Arts in Context. Essays Presented to Doris Meth Srinivasan in Admiration of Her Scholarly Research. New Delhi: Aryan Books International: 365-78.

-. Forthcoming b. "Nagarjunakonda - its Monasteries and their School Affilia­tions." In Tansen Sen, ed., Buddhism across Asia: Networks of Material, Intel­lectual and Cultural Interchange. Vol. 2. Singapore: Institute of Southeast Asian Studies.

KANAGANAHALLI IN SATAVAfIANA ART AND BUDDHJSM 555

ABSTRACT

I� has been pos�ible to establish the sequence of the 60 massive slabs once posi­�oned on the stupa dome at Kanaganah'.11Ji with great certainty. This sequence is of mportance for every atte�pt to ascertam the narrative content of these slabs since lhe� often fonn a thematic entity with neighbouring slabs and have to be read · honzontal order. m The slabs were produced over a period of at least 120 years· they were rear­:an�ed, probably when the stupa was enlarged and equipped with four iiyaka pro­Jec�o�. That the s!�bs �ere �located can be deduced from the incongruities in the d�p1ction_ �f the radmg •? theIT lo�er portions. The largest number of "conflicts" :-- 1.e. collis10� of the u�nght o: horizontal elements of the railing of two neighbour­mg slabs �at mterrupt us continuous representation - appear in the vicinity of the north�m ayaka where one of

.the slabs even displays "conflicts" on both sides. Th.is slab, the only figuranve among symbolical depictions, is the most famous among the K'.1°aganahalli reliefs as it represents King Moka. The slab was appar­�ntly placed_ m this

_ position only after rearrangements of the slabs during which tt was combme� with the depiction of the bodhi tree on the neighbouring slab to create the narr�t1ve of Afoka's pilgrimage to Bodhgaya. The slab showing Afoka furthennore ism the centre of a cluster of nine slabs· on both ends of thi I d

· . . • s c uster - comp?se m a certainly deltberate symmetry - appear stylistically later rep­resentations of the Siitavahana kings.

556 MONIKAZlN

Fig. 1: Reconstructing drawing of the Kanaganahalli stupa by Dominik Oczkowski.

KANAGANAHALLI lN SATAVAHANA ART AND BUDDHISM 557

Fig. 2: Kanaganahalli, in situ, slab no. 05.

558 MONIKA ZIN KANAGANAHALLI IN SATAVAHANA ART AND BUDDHISM 559

Fig. 4: Kanaganahalli, in situ, part of the upper panel of s lab no. lJ..

No. 05 No. 01 No. 03

Fig. 3: Kanaganahalli, in situ, slabs nos. 05, 01, 03.

Fig. 5: Kanaganahalli, in situ, part of the upper panel of slab no. ~·

560 MONIKA ZIN KANAGANAHALLI IN SATAVAHANA ART AND BUDDHISM 561

Fig. 6: Diagram by Dominik Oczkowsld.

No. 39 No . .lQ

Fig. 7: Kanaganahalli, in situ, slabs nos. 39, 30.

562 MONIKA ZIN KANAGANAHALLI IN SATAVAHANA ART AND BUDDHISM 563

No. 34 No. 33

Fig. 8: Kanaganahall i, in situ, slabs nos. 34, 33. Fig. 9: Kanaganahalli, in situ, slab no. 00.

564 MONIKA ZIN KANAGANAHALLI IN SATAVAHANA ART AND BUDDHISM 565

No. 35 No. 37 No. 40 No. 59

Fig. 10: Kanaganahalli, in situ, slabs number 35, 37. Fig. 11: Kanaganahalli, in situ, slabs nos. 40, 59.

566 MONil<AZIN KANAGANAHALLJ IN SATAVAHANA A.Rf AND BUDDHISM 567

No. 00 No. 34

Fig. 12: Kanaganahalli, ill situ, upper panels of slabs nos. 00, 34.

Fig. 13; Kanaganahalli, in situ, slab no. 36.

l J

g1 ~I ~l ~I 81 ~I ~I ~ ~I ~ c "' .0 ~ "' tl' ·o; -~

1 1 '1

I ~ ci> u::

NOTES ON THE CONTRIBUTORS

Lauren BAUSCH received her PhD in Sanskrit from the Department of South and Southeast Asian Studies at the University of California, Berkeley in 2015. She teaches Sanskrit, Buddhism, and other Indian philosophy and literature at Dharma Realm Buddhist University in Ukiah, California. Her research focuses on the intersection of Vedic and early Buddhist philosophy, with special attention to middle Vedic texts.

Lauren Bausch• Dharma Realm Buddhist University• 4951 Bodhi Way• Ukiah, CA 95482 • USA E-mail: lbausch@drbu.edu

Alice COLLETI received her MA in Buddhist Studies from the University of Bristol, and her PhD from Cardiff University. Post-doctorally, her research has focused on women in early Indian Buddhism and she has published several books, articles and book chapters on the topic. In 2013, her edited volume was published as part of the South Asia Research series (OUP, NY), which is entitled Women in Early Indian Buddhism: Comparative Textual Studies, and in 2016 her monograph lives of Early Buddhist Nuns: Biographies as History (OUP, India). Since her PhD, Dr Collett has worked in several universities in the UK, NortJ1 America and Asia. She has received several grants to support her research and is currently working on a funded project on women in early historic India.

Alice Collett • School of Buddhist Studies, Philosophy and Comparative Religion • Nii.landli University • Rajgir • BThar 803116 • India E-mail: alicecollett@gmail.com

Olaf CZAJA obtained his doctoral degree at Leipzig University with a dissertation on a Tibetan noble house, entitled: "Medieval Rule in Tibet: The Rlangs Clan and the Political and Religious History of the Ruling House of Phag mo gru pa." Having studied history of art, Indian, Tibetan and Mongolian studies at Leipzig, Bonn, and Kathmandu, his main research interests are Tibetan history, art and medicine. He is currently writing a monograph on Tibetan pharmacology and is doing research on colossal statues in Tibet.

Olaf Czaja • E-mail: oczaja@yahoo.de

David EFURD is Associate Professor of Art History at Wofford College. His research centers upon developments in early Buddhist architecture and how presupposi­tions during the era of British lnlperialism continue to shape the understanding of ancient Buddhist material culture. He received his doctorate from the Ohio State

Journal of the International Associatio11 of Buddhist Studies Volume 41•2018 • 569-573 • doi: 10.2143/JIABS.41.0.3285752

Journal of the International Association of Buddhist Studies JIABS Volume 41 2018

Presidential Address

Richard Salomon What Happened to Buddhism in India? (Presidential address, JABS XVIII,

Toronto, August 20, 2017)

Articles

Lauren M. Bausch The Kii1;va Briihma1:zas and Buddhists in Kosa/a

Olaf Czaja The Maitreya Prayer Festival at Bkra shis lhun po: A Historical and Art

Historical Study

Paul Harrison, Timothy Lenz, and Richard Salomon Fragments of a Giindhiirl manuscript of the

Pratyutpannabuddhasarrimukhiivasthitasamiidhisutra (Studies in Giindhiirl Manuscripts 1)

Jeffrey Kotyk Astrological Determinism in Indian Buddhism

Cuilan Liu Merit-Making or Financial Fraud? Litigating Buddhist Nuns in Early J01h_

Century Dunhuang

Alison Melnick Dyer Female Authority and Privileged Lives: The Hagiography of Mingyur Peldron

Karnmie Takahashi Like Birds Soaring and Fish Gliding: View and Method in the Mahiiyoga Texts of

Buddhaguhya

Trent Walker Sarrivega and Pasiida: Dharma Songs in Contemporary Cambodia

Panel Buddhism in the Siitaviihana Empire

Guest editor: Andrew Ollett

Alice Collett Reimagining the Sataviihana Queen Niigmp;ikii

David Efurd Buddhist Sites of Western India in the Aftermath of the Sataviihana-K~ahariita War:

Dynastic Geographies and Patterns of Patronage, Renewal, and Abandonment

Andrew Ollett Siitaviihana and Niigiirjuna: Religion and the Siitavahana State

Akira Shimada Royal and Non-Royal Buddhist Patronage in the Early Deccan

Meera Visvanathan U~avadiita's Akhayanivi: The Eternal Endowment in the Early Historic Deccan

Monika Zin Kanaganahalli in Siitaviihana Art and Buddhism: King Afoka in Front of

the bodhi Tree

Notes on the Contributors

Peeters Publishers, Leuven

JIABS Journal of the International

Association of Buddhist Studies .

Volume 41 2018

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