Doktorska radionica: Jugoslavija kao naučni problem na doktorskim studijama

Panel Ime i prezime Naziv disertacije Komentator

I 1 Jovo Miladinović (Berlin)

“Mobilization of Manpower at the End and during the Change of Empires in the Multi-Confessional Borderland "Sanjak" (1900-1929)”

Šerbo Rastoder

I 2 Oszkár Roginer (Graz)

Becoming a minority. Hungarian literary politics in Yugoslavia, Czechoslovakia and Romania in the 1920's

Šerbo Rastoder

I 3 Novak Adžić (Cetinje)

Crnogorska stranka 1925-1945 Šerbo Rastoder

I 4 Vladan Vukliš (Banja Luka)

Jugosloveni, Španski građanski rat i ratna emigracija (Yugoslavs, the Spanish Civil War and the war émigrés)

Šerbo Rastoder

II 5 Frederik Lange (Regensburg)

"The River under the bridge. The Drina as an ambivalent site of memory" / "Rijeka ispod ćuprije. Drina kao ambivalentno mjesto sjećanja"

Emily Greble

II 6 Davor Stipic (Beograd) Odnos prema Holokaustu u socijalistickoj Jugoslaviji (1945-1990).

Emily Greble

II 7 Dino Dupanović (Bihać)

Bihaćka krajina 1941-1942 u kulturi sjećanja Emily Greble

III 8 Ruža Fotiadis (Berlin)

"Tradicionalni prijatelji i pravoslavna braća" - stvaranje grčko-srpskog prijateljstva tokom 1990-ih godina

Ioannis Armakolas

III 9 Edin Omerčić (Zagreb - Sarajevo)

Politička djelatnost Srpske pravoslavne crkve u Bosni i Hercegovini od 1989. do 1996. godine

Ioannis Armakolas

III 10 Karin Hofmeisterová (Prag)

Pravoslavna Crkva posle 2000: Antimodernistički koncepti kao dominantno mišljenje u SPC ili put ka reformi ( Serbian Orthodox Church After 2000: Antimodern Concepts as a Dominant Thinking in Serbian Orthodox Church Versus Reforms)

Ioannis Armakolas

IV 11 Maja Vehar (Ljubljana)

Spolni odgoj u Sloveniji od promjene društveno-političkog sistema nakon drugog svetskog rata do kraja 60. godina (1945-1960)

Igor Duda

IV 12 Aida Ramić (Sarajevo) Urbanizacija Sarajeva (1971-1984) i njen utjecaj na društvene promjene

Igor Duda

IV 13 Monika Močnik (Ljubljana)

The Life of Photojournalist Marjan Ciglič and the Legacy of his Work at the National Museum of Contemporary History (Život fotoreportera Marjana Cigliča i njegovo nasljeđe u Muzeju novije povijesti Slovenije)

Igor Duda

IV 14 Anita Buhin (Pula - Firenca)

The Mediterranean in Yugoslav Popular Culture under Italian Influence in the 1950s and 1960s.

Igor Duda

V 15 Yuguang Zhou (Munchen)

"Sino-Yugoslav relations 1975-1990: How China viewed Yugoslavia differently from other Eastern European states“

Marie Janine Calic

V 16 Nemanja Radonjic (Beograd)

Slika Afrike u Jugoslaviji (1945-1991) Marie Janine Calic

v 17 Goran Korov (Zagreb)

Razvojna suradnja poduzeća SR Hrvatske sa zemljama u razvoju 1961.-1979 Marie Janine Calic

V 18 Arno Wilfied Trültzsch (Leipzig)

Jugoslavija i UN Marie Janine Calic

Contents Jovo Miladinović (Berlin), Mobilization of Manpower at the End and during the Change of Empires in the

Multi-Confessional Borderland "Sanjak" (1900-1929); ................................................................................... 5

Oszkár Roginer (Graz), Becoming a minority. Hungarian literary politics in Yugoslavia, Czechoslovakia

and Romania in the 1920's; ............................................................................................................................... 9

Novak Adžić (Cetinje), Crnogorska stranka 1925-1945; ............................................................................... 12

Vladan Vukliš (Banja Luka), Jugosloveni, Španski građanski rat i ratna emigracija (Yugoslavs, the Spanish

Civil War and the war émigrés). ..................................................................................................................... 13

Frederik Lange (Regensburg), The River under the bridge. The Drina as an ambivalent site of memory /

Rijeka ispod ćuprije. Drina kao ambivalentno mjesto sjećanja; ..................................................................... 15

Davor Stipić (Beograd), Odnos prema Holokaustu u socijalističkoj Jugoslaviji (1945-1990); ..................... 16

Dino Dupanović (Bihać), Bihaćka krajina 1941-1942 u kulturi sjećanja). .................................................... 19

Ruža Fotiadis (Berlin): "Tradicionalni prijatelji i pravoslavna braća" - stvaranje grčko-srpskog prijateljstva

tokom 1990-ih godina; .................................................................................................................................... 22

Edin Omerčić (Zagreb - Sarajevo), Politička djelatnost Srpske pravoslavne crkve u Bosni i Hercegovini od

1989. do 1996. godine; .................................................................................................................................... 30

Karin Hofmeisterová (Prag), Pravoslavna Crkva posle 2000: Antimodernistički koncepti kao dominantno

mišljenje u SPC ili put ka reformi ( Serbian Orthodox Church After 2000: Antimodern Concepts as a

Dominant Thinking in Serbian Orthodox Church Versus Reforms) .............................................................. 32

Maja Vehar (Ljubljana), Sex Education in Slovenia from the Post-World War II Change of the

Sociopolitical System to the End of the 1960s (1945–1969) - Spolni odgoj u Sloveniji od promjene

društveno-političkog sistema nakon drugog svetskog rata do kraja 60. godina (1945-1960); ...................... 34

Aida Ramić (Sarajevo), Urbanizacija Sarajeva (1971-1984) i njen utjecaj na društvene promjene .............. 40

Monika Močnik (Ljubljana), The Life of Photojournalist Marjan Ciglič and the Legacy of his Work at the

National Museum of Contemporary History (Život fotoreportera Marjana Cigliča i njegovo nasljeđe u

Muzeju novije povijesti Slovenije); ................................................................................................................ 43

Anita Buhin (Pula - Firenca), The Mediterranean in Yugoslav Popular Culture under Italian Influence in the

1950s and 1960s. ............................................................................................................................................. 47

Yuguang Zhou (Munchen), Sino-Yugoslav relations 1975-1990: How China viewed Yugoslavia differently

from other Eastern European states................................................................................................................. 51

Nemanja Radonjic (Beograd), Slika Afrike u Jugoslaviji (1945-1991), ........................................................ 54

Goran Korov (Zagreb), Razvojna suradnja poduzeća SR Hrvatske sa zemljama u razvoju 1961.-1979; ..... 56

Arno Trueltzsch (Lajpzig), Non-Alignment Revisited: Yugoslavia’s impact on International Law 1948-

1980 ................................................................................................................................................................. 58

Jovo Miladinović (Berlin), Mobilization of Manpower at the End and during the

Change of Empires in the Multi-Confessional Borderland "Sanjak" (1900-1929);

Jovo Miladinović is a doctoral fellow at the Berlin Graduate School Muslim Cultures and

Societies (BGSMCS) since 2016. He graduated from the University of Montenegro, with

bachelor’s degree in History in 2011. After graduation he lived in Turkey for five years, where

he obtained the MA degree at Istanbul University. He is currently working on the project titled

„Mobilization of Manpower at the End and during the Change of Empires in the Multi-

Confessional Borderland Sanjak (1900’s-1920’s)“.

„Mobilization of Manpower at the End and during the Change of Empires in the Multi-

Confessional Borderland: Sanjak (1900’s-1920’s)“

The main aim of this historiographical approach is to examine the military mobilization of the

local population from the Sanjak region, and to investigate the relationship between

state/military institutions and the local population in periods of peace and periods of

war/conflict. By looking at mobilization as a “continuing process”, I analyze this issue by

juxtaposing the military of various state systems, including, the Ottoman, Serbian,

Montenegrin, Austro-Hungarian, and Yugoslav armies. Even though the available literature

written in English, BCS, German, and Turkish gives us interesting examples about military-

civilian relations in the region, an in-depth investigation is necessary to avoid the shortcomings

of a methodological nationalism and to understand mobilization efforts and the social

dimensions of the military in the multi-confessional context. One of the deficiencies of a

methodological nationalism is that generally scholars examine the military within nation-state

borders and assume that countries are the natural units for comparative studies. I think that

studying one region in different state arrangements can help us to better understand military-

civilian relations. Moreover, the perception that the military is a closed category within the state

and society represents an old approach which should be revisited. The military relates to the

society as much as the society relates to the military.

But why Sanjak and not Sandžak? The reason why I am doing so is because I want to make

clear distinction what the Sadžak is today, and what the Sanjak was at the beginning of the 20th

century. It could be summed up that today the term Sadžak is generally used by the Bosniak-

Muslim community and represents in one way an imagined national territory of the Bosniaks.

At the same time, it is being used as an identifier for a regional identity. Contrary to this national

term, I argue that Sanjak at the beginning of the 20th century was a geographical region whose

boundaries were simultaneously more or less defined, that is, it was clear that the Sanjak was

located between Serbia, Montenegro and Austro-Hungary (Bosnia and Herzegovina); however,

its east boundary – the boundary towards Kosovo – was not clear because it seems that towns,

such as, Mitrovica (tur. Mitroviça) and Vučitrn (tur. Vılçıtırın) at one point was part of the

Sanjak. It must also be noted that the Sanjak doesn’t mean the same for every country (for

instance, according to Austro-Hungary Mitrovica and Vučitrn was part of the Sanjak, but for

Montenegro and Serbia those towns were not); yet, for a time being it is sufficient to say that

while reading Ottoman, Serbian, Montenegrin, Austro-Hungarian, German, and Yugoslav

archive sources and newspapers, it’s more than obvious that not only in the diplomatic

language, but also in the public the Sanjak was used before 1912, after the Balkan Wars, and

after the WWI. Due to these all reasons, I prefer to use the English neutral term the Sanjak than

Sandžak which as mentioned above nowadays represents an imagined national territory. Over

the course of my project I intend to analyze what the Sanjak means for each state as well as for

the local population.

Regarding the main questions of the project, I have decided to focus on three main points when

it comes to the mobilization and the military-civilian relations in the Sanjak: 1) mobilization of

manpower in peace and war time, 2) religion and the military, and 3) social dimension of the

military. Since I visited until now the archives in Belgrade, Novi Pazar, Cetinje, Istanbul and

Berlin, I would like here to give more space on what I am exactly going to write because I think

that in this way the reader can follow my thoughts on the major problems which I want to

address in this ongoing project. When it comes to the first point, I am looking comparatively at

the conscription laws of the states regarding the recruitment of regular and irregular units. Even

thought the state plans to recruit the population by following the conscription laws, it will be

obliged to introduce middleman or agents of the state who are going to help to achieve this.

Among the middlemen who are used by the state are, for instance, local muhtars/kmets (the

persons who oversaw administration of a village in the Ottoman and Serbian time respectively),

religious persons, teachers, beys and ağas. But a need to employ the middleman will not be the

only challenge; public order and security is also a key issue for the state in the region. If we

take the Ottoman State and Yugoslavia as an example, there is many similarities in these two

states: for me the main problem of the Ottoman State was not a modernization (I am using in

the project Eisenstadt’s notion on multiple modernities) or backwardness, which was an

essential argument of the neighboring states as a part of civilization/modernization narrative,

but the problem was an inability to obtain public order, security and disarmament of its subjects

in the region. The presence of bands and hajduks was a serious challenge for the Ottoman State

and especially because, some bands were organized by the former soldiers and recruits. The

similar problem can be noticed after 1918. However, the state will not recruit only the male

population into the regular army; it will recruit the locals into the irregular units too – be it

başıbozuks, ustasha, komitadjis or chetniks. In the case of the irregulars I argue that local

antagonism and conflicts were imbedded into the irregular military organization which will lead

to a misuse of the military as an institution. What I mean by this is that these conflicts in the

peace period had had a character of mini wars – problems were occurring not only because of

grassland, livestock, wells and woods, but also because of social-economic arrangements in the

region, for instance, çiftçi vs. ağa/bey – which didn’t vanish when this population became the

part of irregular troops during the war period; the locals will use a new situation during the war

for the revenge. Although the national historiography from the ex-Yu region qualifies these

conflicts as “a liberation movement against the Ottoman yoke” or explains these clashes in the

simple national dichotomies “Serbian/Montenegrin vs. Turks/Albanians/Bosniaks”, I am trying

to go beyond these qualifications. I don’t argue that a national ideology wasn’t there; the

question is, was the ideology so important like the historiography clams? Is the presence of the

ideology enough to explain all these conflicts at the local level? I don’t think it does. For me,

the social-economic arrangements, religion, family, and relations between the tribes are more

important. It will be a challenge to detect in which situation the social-economic arrangements

(çiftçi vs. ağa/bey or fight for the grassland) or the creed (Islam vs. Christianity) play a key role

in these conflicts, and how much relations between the tribes are important for this problem.

Additional to this point of the project, I intend to look at the position of the woman in the regular

and irregular units because based on the research that I have done until now, it is impossible to

separate the role of the woman, for example, from the Montenegrin (ir-)regular army. Did the

woman only oversee the baggage train, did the woman participate in the military actions, did

the woman have a role to encourage and inspire a man for the further fight are only some of the

questions which I want to address in the first part of the project.

The question on the religion and the military is pivotal for the project due to the three reasons:

A) I want to see how and in which way each state uses religion for motivating population to

become the part of the military, B) what the clergy’s role is during conscription process as well

as in the barracks, and the most importantly C) how the religion is used for shaping, for instance,

an Ottoman, Serbian or Yugoslav recruit. Furthermore, I will try to answer what the religion

means for a soldier and officer. What I have found until now during my research stays is, I think

that we should address this question individually because for some soldiers and even officers,

religion had not played a key role in their lives. I am saying this since the soldiers and officers

will change their faith in order not be sent back, for instance, to the place from which they had

fled before. Like I have mentioned before, the clergy was employed by the state for the

recruitment as a middleman. Its social habitus and capital is thus unquestionable. Besides that,

the clergy had an obligation to keep conscription lists. This was something in common for every

state system in the region. Because of all that the clergy was in close relationship to the military

institutions and vice versa. Furthermore, when it comes to the relation between religion and

ideology, I plan to investigate its impact on the military and its recruitment policies. For some

states WWI was viewed and perceived as a holy war. If we just take the example of the Ottoman

State, which as a matter of fact declared a holy war (tur. Cihad-ı Ekber), I would like to see its

impact, for example, on the Serbian army. Did this policy of Istanbul leave some marks on

behavior of the Serbian military elite towards the Serbian soldiers of Muslim origin? How did

the Serbian soldiers of Muslim origin react to this? How did Belgrade respond to this Ottoman

policy? Could we follow the results of the Ottoman policy after the Sanjak was occupied by the

Austro-Hungarian troops? These questions I intend to answer after my research visits in Ankara

and Wien.

The last point which I aim to investigate is the social dimension of the military, or better said

how the military is used for integrating and/or assimilating various elements in the multi-

confessional societies, on the one hand, and respond of the local population/soldiers towards

the state’s plan, on the other. I will try to explain what I mean by this by giving the example of

the Serbian army. As far back as at the end of 19th century, the military elite of the Serbian army

was using the military as a place for unifying different groups, mainly Bulgarians and

Romanians from the east parts of the country, who “didn’t speak proper Serbian language”.

Due to that fact, the military commanders will decide to send those recruits from the east to the

west parts of Serbia in order to learn the language. Similar think can be noticed after the Balkan

Wars. For the Serbian General Staff, the population in the newly-acquired areas was defined,

“it doesn’t have the same characteristics as the population in Old Serbia”. Thus, following the

Zeitgeist that was dominant in Europe in that time, the military in Serbia was perceived too as

a school of nation or an important tool for nation-building. That is the reason I have put

“integration and/or assimilation”. Even though I still need theoretically to work on this concept,

it seems so like for the same states integration means the same as an assimilation. However,

here is also important the inner look of the military; the look of the soldiers. Even though I

could not find until now the letters of recruited male population from the Sanjak, which could

give the necessary inner look of the military, I have decided to use what I have found until now.

Because of that I will probably use the letters of the Macedonian recruits who served in the

Serbian and Bulgarian armies in the peace and war period with the goal to see how they view

the military, the life in the barracks as well as how they feel to be the Others in the military.

Additionally, I will look at the strategies of the local population for not becoming the part of

the military. One of the strategies I have already mentioned, it is brigandage. Other policies can

be separated into two groups: 1) before 2) after the recruitment. Based on the ongoing research,

in the first group it can be added lying the age and attending religious schools, which in one

way is a universal strategy of the local population in the Ottoman, Serbian and Yugoslav period,

then becoming the citizens of other states, just to mention few. In the second group, it is self-

mutilation, especially in the war period, then deliberately becoming a prisoner of war.

Altogether, I still need time to analyze all the material, which I have collected until now, to

better conceptualize the project and to rewrite the tentative table of content. I assume that these

three main points will stay, but maybe the inner part of each problem is going to be changed

with the time. I hope, I have managed to give you some inputs on what I am doing right now,

and I am looking forward to hearing your thoughts, comments, critics etc. which will help me

to improve my project.

Oszkár Roginer (Graz), Becoming a minority. Hungarian literary politics in

Yugoslavia, Czechoslovakia and Romania in the 1920's;

Oskar Roginer was born in 1986 in Novi Sad, Yugoslavia. He earned his MA in Hungarian

Studies – Hungarian Language and Literature at the University of Novi Sad, Serbia in 2009,

and continued his studies at the University of Pécs, in the Doctoral School for Literary Studies,

at the Faculty of Humanities, where he defended his PhD thesis “Terrains of Hungarian

literature in Yugoslavia (Correlations of Hungarian literature in Yugoslavia and the spatial

identity in the period 1945-2010).” Between 2014 and 2016 he completed an International Joint

Degree MA in Cultural Sociology at the University of Zadar, Croatia and Karl Franzens

University in Graz, Austria. He is currently researching in Budapest for his second PhD thesis,

which he is pursuing in the Centre for Southeast European Studies, at the University of Graz.

The working title of the dissertation is Becoming a minority - The making of a minority literary

field: Debates in Hungarian minority press during the 1920’s in Czechoslovakia, Romania and

Yugoslavia. His main academic interests lie in 20th century Hungarian minority literature,

Hungarian press history of Yugoslavia, literary politics, sociology of literature, identification

with inhabited space and geopoetics.

Becoming a minority

The making of a minority literary field

Debates in Hungarian minority press during the 1920’s in Czechoslovakia, Romania and

Yugoslavia.

Through the dissolution of Austria-Hungary the Hungarians in Austria, Czechoslovakia,

Romania and Yugoslavia had to adapt to new conditions of collective existence. Becoming a

minority was however, also a practical task for the new regional elites to negotiate new ways

of political, cultural and economic agency. My thesis focuses on Hungarian political thought,

developing around these altered preconditions of literary production, published in the form of

feuilletons and debate-articles in Czechoslovakia, Romania and Yugoslavia. I am interested in

the similarities, divergences and convergences of these processes in case of these three regions.

It aims to deconstruct the ideas and arguments, which were introduced to the public sphere,

debated there and accepted or rejected. More precisely, the dissertation focuses on the

realisation and construction processes of meaning production, when the signifiers of minority

literary fields were defined. Since Hungarian cultural hegemony gradually disintegrated in these

regions during the 1920’s, I am interested how this process developed and how literary politics

adapted to a minority social landscape. Moreover, I am specifically interested in the individual

and collective agents in the field, the shift, alteration or maintenance of their positions of power,

furthermore, how they influenced the negotiating process in redefining the discourse.

The feuilleton, as a genre securing a way of perception, establishing norms, values, tastes and

lines of agency was often used to form an intellectual dialogue on political matters. It was a

tool to reconstruct the public sphere, and to deal with the newly emerged issues of the post-war

period. These longer, essayistic debate-articles, leaning on a distinguished tradition from urban

circles of the Habsburg Monarchy continued to be the polemic vehicle of negotiating political

thought during the interbellum. Minority journalism and daily news are not standing in the focus

of research, because they are a more dispersed creator of these discourses, leaving feuilletons –

as manifestos and commentaries – as carriers of potential change, while mirroring the voice of

opinions makers, and those who were in positions of power. Every text in these debates

contributed to canon-construction of works and events, to a hierarchy of ideas, norms and

values, furthermore to an official network of intra- and inter-regional coproduction possibilities.

Unlike previous, more descriptive scholarly work, usually failing to transgress the traditions

created by the same discourse whose manifestations they have set to analyze, I would focus

more on the language itself, these individual agents created. Furthermore, these debates were

usually peripheral parts of a larger analysis in the past century. They were mentioned when a

history of a movement or a journal has been described, or when a major historic event was

explained by an element of a debate – the debates themselves being rarely subject to deeper

inquiry or actual discourse analysis. The main research question: “What did it mean to construct

a Hungarian minority literary field in the 1920’s?” would thus be complemented with a number

of sub-questions focusing on the meaning production itself: Which signifiers should a

Hungarian minority literature convey? Which were the norms, values, traditions defining

literary production, the different groups in different countries promoted? Which meanings are

inserted into the representation concerning literary politics towards Budapest and the respective

capitals (Belgrade, Bucharest, and Prague) in these processes? Which tastes and traditions

should be represented, and which should be excluded from literature? The sub-questions should

however all have an explanatory force directed towards the minority discourse of the 1920’s

itself.

Without going into a detailed description of social and political realities in Czechoslovakia and

Romania, Hungarian literary production in Yugoslavia had to be redefined in the same way,

and in a very radical amount as well. Throughout the 1920’s regional interstate communication,

and a link to Budapest were hindered, moreover, censorship and discriminatory taxation

practices burdened local and individual initiatives as well. The result of these measures in

concert was that production, distribution and consumption of symbolic goods came to a

stalemate, making reconstruction and redefinition of preconditions and possibilities an

inevitable necessity of cultural politics. In Yugoslavia, the Hungarian population has been

comparably smaller, than in Czechoslovakia and Romania. Moreover, the collective output of

intellectual and financial capital was also disproportionately less, than in Czechoslovakia and

Romania as well, where the industrial and finance sector, the aristocracy and the traditional

churches could articulate and sustain a far differentiated minority literary field. Scholars dealing

with the interwar period, such as Miklós Hornyik, Csaba Utasi, Imre Bori, Enikő A. Sajti or

Ferenc Mák, all emphasize the lack of both initiative and investible capital. Through various

administrative reforms and overall censorship, education, publishing and cultural production

had been severely hindered for all minorities of Yugoslavia throughout the 1920’s.

Additionally, parliament was dissolved by a royal decree in 1929, all political parties and

organisations were banned, and an even stricter censoring practice was also introduced.

Opinions on cultural politics and possibilities of cultural production were thus far more

restricted than in Czechoslovakia or Romania. Therefore, due to the lack of individual input on

one side, and from administrative constraints on the other, these debate articles have a far

narrower scope. Furthermore, the values, norms and traditions these meanings signify are only

sporadically revealing what a minority cultural production should have looked like, as well as

what or who minority cultural politics should have represented. The unclear argumentation path

of being a minority, and the mobilisation of these meanings in order to shape the discourse

posed itself as a problem to several intellectuals. One of the most distinctive features was

however the influx of émigrés from Hungary after Miklós Horthy established the regency

government in Budapest. Before most of them were being expelled from Yugoslavia, and

returned to Hungary or settled abroad, these intellectuals represented progressive, western-

liberal and left-wing thought, often not hesitating to approach the readers in the public sphere

from these positions. They settled mostly in Subotica and Novi Sad, and were contributing to

the periodicals comprising this research.

The primary sources of my thesis are eleven minority Hungarian daily newspapers, three of

which are from Yugoslavia. These will help us understand how the cultural and political elites

of the time negotiated the hierarchies of values, truths and traditions which were to be followed.

Due to the intersections however, we will be able also to look into the intra- and

interconnectedness of these elites, within the respective regions and across borders as well.

Moreover, this will also help us to outline a trans-regional chronologic order, and even to

compare phases of argumentation paths during the 1920’s. They have been carefully selected

according to the longevity of their appearance, geographic distribution and overall role in and

impact on the public sphere, representing political frameworks, regions and cultural traditions

accordingly.

This research is relevant, because most literature on the interwar Hungarian literary field

focuses only on one of the regions, rarely comparing them with one another. Moreover, research

is not just unconnected regionally, but barely reaches into transdisciplinary methods and

findings. Interpretations or data thus often remain within the disciplines of political or literary

science, art history, linguistics, geography, although general trends and tendencies converge.

Furthermore, the dynamics of regional knowledge production in the past decades was mostly

done by scholars coming from the given region, often not extending the research abroad, and

not perceiving the similarities and differences with neighbouring regions, thus essentialising

phenomena from Czechoslovakia, Romania or Yugoslavia. Moreover, research which was done

during the decades of socialism firstly bear the hallmark of academic discourse and interests of

the time, making parts of this knowledge inapplicable for current academic purposes. Secondly,

the hindering of academic mobility, especially in Czechoslovakia, Hungary and Romania

during socialism, inaccessibility of other than regional primary sources and critical scholarly

input had reinforced insular regional research even more. Knowledge production was thus made

almost exclusively in Hungarian, and regionally detached from one another without almost any

possibility of comparison or defining of parallels. The thesis should thus, not just deconstruct

these debates, but fill in the blanks between the huge clusters of research already conducted in

various disciplines on Romania, Czechoslovakia and Yugoslavia during the past decades.

Novak Adžić (Cetinje), Crnogorska stranka 1925-1945;

Novak Adžić je rođen 5. januara 1975. godine na Cetinju, gdje je završio osnovnu školu i

gimnaziju. Diplomirao je na Pravnom fakultetu Univerziteta Crne Gore u Podgorici 20. aprila

2001. godine. Magistrirao je 16. novembra 2012. godine iz oblasti istorijskih nauka na

Filozofskom fakultetu u Nikšiću, odbranivši magistarski rad pod naslovom Sudstvo i politika -

pravni i politički osnov sudskih procesa u Crnoj Gori (1920-1940).

Pripravnički staž obavio je u Ministarstvu inostranih poslova Crne Gore, u kojemu je potom u

savjetničkom zvanju službovao od juna 2002. do kraja septembra 2003. godine. Od 2. oktobra

2003. godine do juna 2007. godine radio je kao savjetnik potpredsjednika Vlade Crne Gore. Od

1. juna 2007. godine do 28. jula 2009. godine bio je pomoćnik ministra kulture, sporta i medija

u Vladi Crne Gore - rukovodilac sektora za evropske integracije i međunarodnu saradnju. Od

1. oktobra 2009. godine do 20. juna 2017. godine bio je direktor Zavoda za intelektualnu svojinu

Crne Gore. Bio je (2012-2014) saradnik u nastavi na Fakultetu političkih nauka Univerziteta

Crne Gore u Podgorici na predmetu „Savremena politička istorija“. Od 2013. godine

neprekidno do danas, honorarni (ugovorni) je saradnik u nastavi na grupi za istoriju

Filozofskom fakultetu u Nikšiću, na predmetima „Uvod u istoriju i istorija istoriografije“ i

„Istorija Jugoslavije“ ( I i II), koje predaje prof. dr Šerbo Rastoder. Doktorand je istorijskih

nauka na Filozofskom fakultetu Univerziteta Crne Gore u Nikšiću sa temom doktorske teze

Crnogorska stranka 1925-1945.

Autor je većeg broja knjiga (rasprava/studija i monografija), članaka, priloga, referata i ogleda

iz istorije Crne Gore.

Vladan Vukliš (Banja Luka), Jugosloveni, Španski građanski rat i ratna

emigracija (Yugoslavs, the Spanish Civil War and the war émigrés).

Vladan Vukliš (Banjaluka, 1984), historian and an archivist, with research interests in the history of

social movements, working classes, Yugoslav Revolution and socialist selfmanagement.

Graduated in 2009 at the Department of History of the Faculty of Philosophy, University of

Banjaluka. He defended his MA thesis in 2013, titled “Spanish Civil War in Yugoslav

Historiography and Memors, 1945–1991”. Since January 2013 he is employed by the Archives

of the Republic of Srpska in Banjaluka, where he works in processing, research, publising,

acquisitions etc. He published numerous texts in the fields of history and information studies,

including a monograph “Remembering Spain”, which is based on his MA thesis.

Yugoslavs, the Spanish Civil War and the war émigrés

The Spanish Civil War, lasting from 1936 to 1939, which captured the attention of millions

through several generations, and inspired thousands upon thousands of books, articles, poems,

songs and artistic representations, also captured the attention of Yugoslav youth of the 1930s.

This generation, composed of workers, left-wing activists and students, pressed by the rise of

fascism and an imminence of global war and societal collapse, felt the need to “move”. In the

words of a young surrealist author Konstantin Koča Popović, they felt there was no choice:

“We have to fight”. The rebellion of Spanish reactionary generals inspired a momentous

resistance that gave a needed force d'esprit to this generation, which was looking for a way to

avoid the destiny of a new “lost generation”, like their fellow men and women who were trapped

in a carnage of the First World War barely two decades prior to the critical Summer of 1936.

Yugoslavs, primarily youth – a median age of 28 – in a response to the call for international

solidarity with the Spanish Republic, flocked to the trenches of Madrid, Jarama, Brunete,

Saragossa, Teruel and Ebro.

So far there have been no detailed histories of the Yugoslav participation in the Spanish Civil

War. A concise history of this issue would set groundwork and guidance for further in depth

research. To begin with a number, an estimate of 1.700 volunteers may even be expanded by

additional hundred volunteers. Hundreds of them came from Yugoslavia, France and Belgium,

more than 80 from the Soviet Union – as cadres of the Communist Party and the Communist

International (Comintern) – and additional dozens from Canada, United States and many small

groups from a series of different countries. After the formation of the International Committee

in Paris set up to coordinate the assistance to the Spanish Republic, Yugoslavs formed their

own National Committee that established and organized the routes for Yugoslav volunteers on

their way to Spain. Vast majority of the Yugoslav volunteers joined the ranks of the

International Brigades (IBs), established in Albacete in October 1936. Their importance for the

ranks of the IBs is best demonstrated by numbers. According to Risto Miljković, among 1.575

volunteers, there were 156 officers, 135 NCOs and 48 political commissars. According to the

original statistical analysis conducted by the Communist Party of Spain, among 148 officers,

there were 2 vice colonels, 8 majors, 35 captains and 103 lieutenants. Two highest ranking

Yugoslavs were Blagoje Parović, political commissar of the 13th International Brigade, and

Vladimir Ćopić, the commander of the 15th International Brigade, the one that gathered the most

Yugoslav volunteers, especially in the ranks of the “Dimitrov” battalion. Other Yugoslavs also

held high ranking positions, for example, Karel Hatc, Roman Filipčev and Vlajko Begović were

the chiefs of the intelligence office of the IBs, Dragotin Gustinčić was the head of the censorship

and post office, Milan Ćopić was the prison warden, Nikola Kovačević was the supplies

superintendent, Veljko Ribar was the chief of the Historical Commission and Blagoje Nešković

was the chair for the IBs Central Medical Commission. Yugoslav volunteers took part in almost

all of the battles of the Spanish Republic against the Nationalists. Almost half of them lost their

lives. Apart from the tumultuous destinies in the midst of this violent war, Yugoslav volunteers

– especially the communist activists and officials – were a part of a turbulent political history

that was marked by the constant crisis, reflected from the dynamics of the policy changes in the

Comintern and the Soviet Union in times of Stalin's consolidation of power.

Spanish Civil War turned out to be not only a recruitment field, but a crucial training ground

for the cadres of the Communist Party of Yugoslavia. After most of them went through

internment in the French prison camps after the fall of the Spanish Republic, about 250

Yugoslav “Spaniards” used various escape routes and reached Yugoslavia, where, after the

Summer of 1941, they took part in the communist-led People's National Liberation Army. Half

of them died in the battles all across occupied Yugoslavia. A quarter of them were elevated to

a “national hero” status, while 30 became generals. At the end of the war, the commanders of

all four Yugoslav army corps were “Spaniards”: Koča Popović, Peko Dapčević, Petar Drapšin

and Kosta Nađ. Additionally, at least fifty “Spaniards” died during the War in camps and on

battlefields all across Europe. After the war, many Yugoslav veterans from the Spanish War

held important positions in the Communist Party (later the League of Communists) and other

political organizations, government, diplomacy, economy, science and culture. Their

Association of Yugoslav Veterans of the Spanish Civil War kept the memory alive.

The proposed thesis will cover a wide array of interconnected subjects. The research deals not

only with the Yugoslav participation in the Spanish Civil War in the most expanded way

possible, but also with the events in Yugoslavia in the context of that war, the fates of the

volunteers in camps and resistance movements in occupied Europe and elsewhere during the

Second World War, their role in the construction of Socialist Yugoslavia and its political life

until its final demise, and the relations of the Yugoslav Party and the State not only with the

Spanish Republican emigration and the antifascist underground, but also with the Francoist

Spain until its transition to democracy in late 1970.

The current research is based on both library and archival research. In terms of literature, it

covers all of the books, journal papers and memoirs published in (former) Yugoslavia on the

subject of Spanish Civil War. In terms of archives, so far, I have completed my research in

Sarajevo and Banjaluka, where I have browsed through the records of Monarchy's police

structures and a personal collection of Čedo Kapor, the last surviving volunteer from Bosnia

and Herzegovina. I have also completed my research in the Historical Archives of Belgrade,

where I have browsed through the personal fonds of Koča Popović and Vlajko Begović. I have

also used the records from the personal collection of Vladimir Dedijer held by the Archives of

Slovenia in Ljubljana. From then on, I have shifted my attention to the Archives of Yugoslavia

in Belgrade, which holds the largest collection of records on the given subject. There, I have

researched the following fonds and collections: Yugoslav Volunteers in the Spanish Civil War,

Ministry of Internal Affairs, Ministry of Foreign Affairs, fonds of diplomatic missions to

Madrid, Lisbon, Brussels and Marseilles, records of the Government Press Bureau, Ministry of

Trade and Industry and the Council of Ministers – which only leaves the memoirs collection

yet uncovered. I have also conducted my research in the Diplomatic Archives in Belgrade,

where I have browsed through all of the records pertaining to Yugo-Spanish relations until the

early 1980s. For a completion of this research, there are several other venues in need of visit.

Besides other ex-Yugoslav archives holding local police records from the 1930s, the major

record group currently out of proximal reach is the fonds of the IBs held by the Russain State

Archives of Social and Economic History in Moscow.

Frederik Lange (Regensburg), The River under the bridge. The Drina as an

ambivalent site of memory / Rijeka ispod ćuprije. Drina kao ambivalentno

mjesto sjećanja;

After his High School degree, Frederik Lange (*1987) studied History, History of Arts and

Southeast European Studies in Goettingen and Jena (both Germany). In 2015 he finished his

Master studies with a thesis about the representation of the Second World War in Yugoslav

and post-Yugoslav history textbooks. 2016-2017 he worked as an editorial assistant for the

journal “Suedost-Forschungen” at the Leibniz Institute for East and Southeast European

Studies (IOS) in Regensburg and as a research assistant for the administrative office of the

Graduate School for East and Southeast European Studies, also in Regensburg. Furthermore,

he assisted in the project “Corridors for Dialogue through Cooperation – Research and

Dialogue Project” of the Junior Research Group “Frozen and Unfrozen Conflicts” at the IOS.

Since November 2017 Frederik Lange is a scholarship holder of the Graduate School for East

and Southeast European Studies in Regensburg and is working on his dissertation about the

Drina as a site of memory.

The River under the bridge. The Drina as an ambivalent site of memory / Rijeka ispod

ćuprije. Drina kao ambivalentno mjesto sjećanja

This dissertation project takes as its focus the Bosnian-Serbian border river Drina as a contested

and ambivalent site of remembrance. The aim is to find out how constructed and remembered

spaces help to form divergent commemorative site constructions and how they compete with

each other. The project is based on the hypothesis that the Drina as an overdetermined space of

remembrance can be divided into three main narratives of boundary, site of violence, and

connecting element, in which the struggle for interpretive sovereignty takes place. Within a

comprehensive period (1878-2014), in a geographically narrow space, the continuity lines and

breaks of the changing, competing patterns of memory, the accompanying changing actors and

their use of the place of remembrance, spatial imaginations and interdependencies, discourses

on identity as well as the (de- and re-)construction of myths are represented. With which

vehicles and measures of memory is the river ascribed with symbolic meaning? How is the

Drina as a site of remembrance contested between the ethnic groups or political systems? How

is the Drina ascribed in the collective memories through practices of remembrance,

commemoration, forgetting, building identity, and demarcation?

Davor Stipić (Beograd), Odnos prema Holokaustu u socijalističkoj Jugoslaviji

(1945-1990);

Давор Стипић је рођен 21.09.1989. године у Ужицу. Основну школу и гимназију завршио

је у родном месту, а 2013. године дипломирао је на одељењу за историју Филозофског

факултета у Београду. У септембру 2014. године, на истом факултету одбранио је и

мастер рад на тему Сукоб са Информбироом у југословенској кинематографији. Наредне

године уписао је докторске студије, а у јануару 2017. одбранио је предлог докторске

дисертације Однос према Холокаусту у Југославији 1945-1991. Од априла 2015. као

стипендиста Министарства просвете, науке и технолошког развоја Републике Србије,

укључен је на пројекат Традиција и трансформација-историјско наслеђе и национални

идентитет у Србији у 20. веку на Институту за новију историју Србије у Београду.

Професионална интересовања усмерена су му ка областима културе сећања, Холокауста,

историје Јевреја на простору Балкана. Служи се енглеским, немачким и италијанским

језиком.

Odnos prema Holokaustu u Jugoslaviji 1945-1991

I Tematika, hipoteze, značaj

Proučavanje kulture sećanja na Holokaust u Jugoslaviji predstavlja jedan od mogućih okvira za

analizu percepciji Drugog svetskog rata u periodu socijalizma kao i antifašističke borbe, na

čijem nasleđu je, između ostalog, građen identitet i legitimitet nove Jugoslavije. Osim toga,

istraživanje ove teme otvara i neka druga važna pitanja poput položaja i uloge religije u

socijalizmu, promene identiteta jugoslovenskih Jevreja nakon rata, uloge sećanja na Holokaust

i Drugi svetski rat u oživljavanju nacionalizma krajem osamdesetih godina itd. Kroz analizu

načina na koji se država trudila da oblikuje sliku Holokausta i civilnog stradanja u javnosti,

njenog odnosa prema jevrejskoj zajednici i državi Izrael i poređenja dobijenih zaključaka sa

stanjem u ostalim zemljama narodne demokratije, disertacija doprinosi kompletiranju slike o

jedinstvenom spoljnopolitickom položaju Jugoslavije i njenom autentičnom putu u izgradnju

socijalizma.

Kako bi se, što sveobuhvatnije, sagledala data problematika, odnos prema Holokaustu u

socijalističkoj Jugoslaviji, posmatran је u okviru nekoliko različitih tematskih oblasti: podizanja

spomenika, umetničkih reprezentacija (film, knjizevnost, vajarstvo) i različitih društveni

aspekata percepcije fenomena (udžbenici, memoari preživelih, muzejske reprezentacije). U tom

smislu, istraživanje je fokusirano na nekoliko ključnih pitanja, od kojih su najvažnija: Koja je

razlika u formi i simbolici među spomenicima koje podiže država i onih koje podiže jevrejska

zajednica? Kolika je uloga partije i drustvenih organizacija u komemoracijama žrtava

Holokausta? Da li su, nakon rata, preziveli logoraši u očima društva bili izjednačeni sa borcima-

veteranima? Na koje načine jevrejska zajednica vrši autoreprezentaciju kroz spomenike svojim

žrtvama? Da li je u Jugoslaviji postojao dan sećanja na žrtve Holokausta? Kada i u kom

kontekstu u Jugoslaviji počinje da se koristi izraz Holokaust? Kada se u odnosu na svetske

tokove tema Holokausta javlja u jugoslovenskom filmu i književnosti? Kakav je položaj sećanja

na Holokaust u odnosu na dominantne ideološke narative o Narodnooslobodilačkoj borbi i

bratstvu i jedinstvu? Da li se u udžbenicima za osnovnu i srednju školu govori o stradanju

Jevreja i da li se ono razdvaja od stradanja ostalih civila?

Na početku istraživanja postavljene su izvesne hipoteze:

1. Sećanje na Holokaust i civilno stradanje uopšte, bilo je uklopljeno u dominantne

narative o NOR-u i bratstvu i jedinstvu

2. Kult civilne žrtve bio je sekundaran u odnosu na kult borbe i ratnika

3. Tokom perioda 1945-1991 u Jugoslaviji Holokaust je postepeno, ali sporo,

prepoznavan kao autentičan fenomen, dok se jevrejsko stradanje, vrlo često, nije odvajalo od

stradanja ostalog civilnog stanovništva

4. Jugoslovenska kultura sećanja na Holokaust, oblikovana pod uticajem politike

bratstva i jedinstva, razlikovala se od percepcije Holokausta i u Istočnoj i u Zapadnoj Evropi

5. Odnos Jugoslavije prema Holokaustu i jevrejskoj zajednici nije zavisio od odnosa

prema državi Izrael i situacije na Bliskom istoku

6. Jevrejska zajednica je bila aktivnija u komemorativnoj praksi žrtava nacizma u

odnosu na sve ostale nacionalne i verske grupe u Jugoslaviji

7. Povećano interesovanje za logore kao mesta sećanja hronološki se podudara sa

sličnim tendencijama u ostatku Evrope

8. Primat jevrejske zajednice u memorijalizaciji bio je vidljiv na lokalnom nivou, dok

je na republičkom i federalnom nivou rastao uticaj partije, SUBNOR-a, i SSRNJ.

Dosadašnja istraživanja ove tematike u okviru domaće i strane istoriografije bila su usmerena,

najčešće, na izolovane teme, potencirajući pojedinačna mesta sećanja poput Jasenovca (Heike

Karge) i Starog Sajmišta (Đorđe Bajford) ili pak dela pojedinačnih umetnika poput Đorđa

Lebovića (Stijn Vervaet), Danila Kiša (Milivoje Pavlović) ili Nandora Glida (Irina Subotić)

tako da ova disertacija predstavlja tematsku dopunu dosadašnjih istrazivanja, ali i njihovu

sublimaciju na jednom mestu. Takođe, dosadašnja istraživanja jugoslovenske kulture sećanja

na Holokaust uglavnom su marginalizovala izvore jevrejske provenijencije, uključujući, pre

svega, štampu koju su izdavali kako Jevreji u Jugoslaviji tako i jugoslovenski Jevreji koji su se

odselili u Izrael i SAD, ali i dokumenta nastala radom jevrejskih opština, Saveza opština i

drugih jevrejskih organizacija. Zbog toga, naše istraživanje je, kao jedan od ciljeva, postavilo i

osvetljavanje perspektive jevrejske zajednice i njihovog pogleda na sopstvenu prošlost, ali i

sadašnjost u jednom sasvim novom, sekularnom društvenom okruženju.

II Generlni pregled razvoja kulture sećanja na Holokaust u socijalističkoj Jugoslaviji

U okviru analize jugoslovenske kulture sećanja na Holokaust kao najvažniji oblik javne

manifestacije sećanja, izdvaja se pitanje memorijalizacije, odnosno podizanja spomenika

žrtvama Holokausta, pri čemu, posebnu pažnju pridajemo komparaciji onih aktivnosti koje na

ovom polju sprovodi, sa jedne strane, država i sa druge, jevrejska zajednica. Analizom prakse

komemorativnih rituala i izgleda samih spomenika, primetno je da je, naročito u neposrednom

posleratnom periodu, jevrejska zajednica težila da sećanjem na Holokaust održi svoj kulturni i

verski, a pojedinim slucajevima i nacionalni identitet, ali bez tendencije da svoje stradale

izdvaja iz opšteg korpusa jugoslovenskih žrtava fašizma. Međutim, primetno je da se u

narednim decenijama, a naročito intenzivno tokom osamdesetih godina, sve više razvija svest

o Holokaustu kao pojavi koja je imala autenticne uzroke i jedinstven istorijski kontekst. U toku

prve posleratne decenije, glavni nosioci sećanja na Holokaust bili su preživeli Jevreji, a

spomenici su najčešće podizani na jevrejskim grobljima. Počevši od ranih šezdesetih godina,

primetne su izvesne promene: država, partija i nejevrejske društvene organizacije postaju sve

aktivniji učesnik memorijalizacije žrtava Holokausta, a takođe, sve su brojniji i spomenici

jevrejskim žrtvama koji se podižu na javnim gradskim površinama (Bitolj, Osijek, Štip...).

Takođe, u istom ovom periodu, slično kao što spomenici žrtvama Holokausta postaju deo

javnog prostora, i tema stradanja u logorima postaje sve prisutnija društvena tematika. Između

ostalog to se može videti u jugoslovenskoj umetnosti-u drugoj polovini šeste i početkom sedme

decenije 20. veka pojavljuju se prvi malobrojni, ali po uticaju značajni filmovi, koji obradjuju

temu Holokausta: kao što su Deveti krug (r. France Štiglic, 1960.) i Gorke trave (r. Žika

Mitrović, 1966.), ali i prva književna dela koja svojom tematikom aktuelizuju pitanje

nacistickog terora nad Jevrejima (Ivan Ivanji, Čoveka nisu ubili; Danilao Kiš, Psalam 44 ).

Novi trendovi u kulturi sećanja, kako Jevreja, tako i čitavog jugoslovenskog društva, mogu se

primetiti, ako uopšteno, posmatramo teme kojima se, počevši od 60-ih, pa u toku naredne dve

decenije, bavi Jugoslovenska štampa. Vesti o podizanju spomenika postaju sve ređe, dok se

pojavljuje, primetno sve više tekstova koji donose priče o pojedincima i njihovim ličnim

sudbinama iz perioda rata. Na taj način fokus kulture sećanja skreće sa manifestacija

kolektivnog sećanja prema svemu onome što je izražavalo lična sećanja žrtava. Zbog toga u

umetnosti, štampi, televiziji sve više mesta zauzimaju sećanja preživelih jugoslovenskih

jevreja, ali, takođe, u javnosti vidno raste i zanimanje za priče o sudbinama pojedinih Jevreja

iz različitih delova Evrope, a naročito dece koja su postala simboli stradanja i patnje poput Ane

Frank i Davida Ruboviča. Ovakva transformacija centralnih motiva istorijske svesti o

Holokaustu, u potpunosti odgovaralo svetskim trendovima koji su, u velikoj meri, bili pokrenuti

kao posledica jerusalimskog suđenja Adolfu Ajhmanu iz 1961. godine, koje je po prvi put dalo

širok publicitet samim žrtvama omogućivši im da javno progovore o onome što su preživeli.

Ovaj proces dobio je na intenzitetu pojavom američkih igranih TV serija poput Vetrovi rata i

pre svega serije Holokaust koja je, na neposredan način, priču o genocidu nad Jevrejima

predstavila milionskom auditorijumu u Zapadnoj Nemačkoj, Francuskoj, Italiji, Jugoslaviji, ali

i u rečnike običnih ljudi, naučnika, političara, publicista donela jednu novu reč-Holokaust. Od

tada sve češće o jevrejskom stradanju počinje da se govori kao o izdvojenom i autentičnom

fenomenu sa svešću o tome da su jevreji bili žrtve posebne genocidne politike tzv. Trećeg rajha.

Porast nacionalizma u Jugoslaviji tokom osamdesetih godina, kao i uvođenje političkog

pluralizma neposredno pred raspad države, doveli su do pojave novih nosilaca i tumača sećanja

na Holokaust, ali i do različitih pokušaja zloupotreba sećanja na Drugi svetski rat. Jedna od

najilustrativnijih primera revizionističkih tendencija bila je knjiga Franje Tuđmana, Bespuća

povjesne zbiljnosti kojom se želelo, ne samo umanjiti broj žrtava ustaškog genocida, a

Jasenovac prikazati kao radni logor, već i Jevreji označiti kao počinioci zločina. Sa druge strane,

primetno je da se i unutar srpskog nacionalnog korpusa budi zanimanje za Holokaust, ali

uglavnom u kontekstu njegovog povezivanja sa stradanjem Srba u tzv. NDH. U tom smislu, na

polju promovisanju sećanja na nacističke zločine, postaju aktivne i neki drugi ,,agenti’’ sećanja

poput Srpske pravoslavne crkve, čija je kultura sećanja usmerena uglavnom na Jasenovac, ali i

pojedine novosnovane organizacije i instutucije, kao što su Društvo srpsko-jevrejskog

prijateljstva i Muzej genocida iz Beograda koji preuzimaju aktivnu ulogu, ne samo u očuvanju

sećanja, već i u narastajućim političkim konfrontacijama u zemlji.

Dino Dupanović (Bihać), Bihaćka krajina 1941-1942 u kulturi sjećanja).

Dino Dupanović, magistar historije. Studij historije na Odsjeku za historiju Filozofskog

fakulteta Univerziteta u Sarajevu upisao je 2009. godine, a okončao 2015. odbranom završnog

diplomskog rada Posljedice zemljotresa u Bosanskoj Krajini 1969. godine. Trenutno pohađa

doktorski studij iz Historije Bosne i Hercegovine u XIX i XX stoljeću na Filozofskom fakultetu

Univerziteta u Sarajevu. Kao student iskazivao je interes za istraživanje lokalne historije u

Bosni i Hercegovini XX stoljeća, s naglaskom na pojedina pitanja iz historije Bosanske krajine

iz II svjetskog rata i druge polovine XX stoljeća. Jedan je od koautora Zbornika radova

Poplava, zemljotres, smog: Prilozi ekohistoriji Bosne i Hercegovine u 20. stoljeću u izdanju

UMHIS/Sarajevo. Pored toga je i jedan od osnivača Kluba studenata historije ISHA Sarajevo,

čiji je i potpredsjednik. Učestvovao na nekoliko međunarodnih seminara u organizaciji ISHA-

e u Zadru, Zagrebu i Sarajevu, te doktorskoj radionici u Ljubljani. Radio je kao profesor

historije u JU Gimnazija Bihać, a trenutno radi u JU Umjetnička škola Bihać i Katolički Školski

centar Ivan Pavao II u Bihaću.

Bihaćka krajina 1941-1942. u kulturi sjećanja

Doktorska disertacija Bihaćka krajina 1941 - 1942. u kulturi sjećanja, obuhvata okvirni

vremenski period od početka II svjetskog rata do stvaranja Bihaćke republike 4. novembra

1942. godine na oslobođenom partizanskom teritoriju. Unutar doktorske disertacije bit će

obrađena pojedina pitanja, specifičnosti, koje su se dešavale na malom teritoriju koje je tokom

rata u veoma kratkom vremenskom periodu izmijenilo više različitih uprava kako okupatorskih

i domaćih kvislinških organizacija, pa naposljetku i pod okriljem NOP-a. Tema će biti obrađena

kroz prizmu kulture sjećanja pojedinih događaja, što je u bosanskohercegovačkoj historiografiji

svojevrsna novina sagledavanja prošlosti, s obzirom na to da se interpretacija prošlosti na ovaj

način počela izučavati tek u prethodnih nekoliko godina. Iz tog razloga će većina događaja biti

sagledavana kroz nužne historijske izvore, prikupljene u arhivima iz postjugoslavenskih

zemalja, ali i interpretacija istih kroz literaturu nastalu u okvirima socijalističke historiografije

i novije bosanskohercegovačke historiografije, medijima i političkoj praksi.

Jedna od teza koja će biti obrađena u doktorskoj disertaciji jeste pitanje odnosa domaćeg

stanovništva naspram okupatorskih vlasti (njemačke vojske, talijanske uprave, ustaške uprave)

i partizanskih jedinica. Povod obrade ovog pitanja, jeste specifična pojava nakon završetka II

svjetskog rata u socijalističkoj historiografiji u kojoj se na Bihać gledalo sa različitih gledišta.

U pojedinoj literaturi, grad, odnosno stanovništvo ovog kraja bilo je okarakterizirano kao

izrazito proustaški orijentirano tokom II svjetskog rata. Ova pojava može se sagledati kroz

nekoliko naslova koji se dotiču ratnih sukoba u Bosanskoj Krajini kao npr. u knjizi Branka

Bokana - Dani Bihaćke republike izdane 1976. godine. Ova knjiga štampana je u tiražu od 5.000

primjeraka, ali u suštini ona nikada nije objavljena. Razlog tome leži u činjenici da se urednička

redakcija i izdavač ove knjige, većinom muslimani, nisu složili sa nekim od iznesenih teza.

Međutim, teza koja je bila sporna u ovoj knjizi glasi: Skoro u svakom selu na ovoj teritoriji (

misli se isključivo na područje Bihaćke krajine), gdje je živjelo muslimansko i hrvatsko

stanovništvo, postojao je i ustaški roj s rojnikom, koji je obuhvatao ustaše jednog sela. Iz

ovakvog Bokanovog zaključka proizilazi da je s obzirom na broj sela na području Bihaćkog sreza, moglo biti preko 5.000 ustaša, s obzirom na to da je jedan roj sadržavao oko 10 rojnika.

Osim toga u knjizi je naglašeno da je ideja NOP-a, prihvaćena isključivo van grada gdje je

živjelo isključivo stanovništvo srpske nacionalnosti, dok je u gradu gdje je živjelo pretežno

muslimansko stanovništvo, kao takva jedva bila prisutna. Pri tom je zaboravljena činjenica da

je ideja komunističkog pokreta potekla na ovom području upravo od muslimanske građanske

inteligencije koja će do odlaska u zarobljeništvo biti glavni nosioc svih ideja. S ovakvom idejom

složio se i Dušan Lukač u svojoj knjizi Ustanak u Bosanskoj Krajini izdanoj 1967. godine. S

druge strane imamo autore koji dolaze do potpuno drugačijih zaključaka, tako se unutar

Zbornika radova: Bihaćka republika tom I, navodi da su Bišćani odbili ideju ustaštva, o čemu

svjedoči i Vladimir Dedijer u svojim Dnevnicima, navodeći da su ustaše iz ovog kraja uglavnom

bile tzv. uvezene ustaše, iz Hercegovine, što dobrim dijelom i odgovara pravoj istini s obzirom

na to da se na osnovu historijske građe može zaključiti da je većina upravnika i počinioca

zločina bila sa područja Hercegovine, kao što je slučaj sa Enverom Kapetanovićem. Ovakva

pisanja unutar historiografije predstavljaju samo predmet oslikavanja političke slike unutar SK

SK Bihać (čiji je predsjednik bio autor Branko Bokan), na čijim sjednicama je često

raspravljano o ograničavanju broja članova na području Bihaćkog sreza, kao i nacionalnom

sastavu istog. Historiografija nudi širok spektar literature na osnovu koje je moguće

interpretirati ovaj problem, pa su s toga navedeni samo od nekih primjera.

Druga teza koja će biti obrađena unutar doktorske disertacije jeste pitanje svećenstva i njihovog

djelovanja u Bihaćkoj krajini tokom činjenja ustaških zločina na području Bihaćke krajine nad

stanovništvom srpske nacionalnosti. Posebna pažnja bit će posvećena pitanju djelovanja fra

Bosiljka Ljevara i njegovog odnosa prema srpskom stanovništvu, ustaškoj vlasti i partizanskom

pokretu. Fra Ljevar je u vrijeme najvećih zločina pomagao domaćem srpskom stanovništvu tzv.

pokrštavanjem Srba, iako je tokom cijelog rata imao bliske odnose s ustaškom upravom. Na

osnovu arhivske građe može se utvrditi njegov istinski rad na terenu i pomaganju srpskom

stanovništvu, iako u zapisnicima svjedočenja ispred Okružnog komunističkog suda u Bihaću

postoje brojni iskazi svjedoka u kojima se navodi da je isti često sastančio sa ustašama, pa i

svoje odaje popunjavao predmetima ukradenim od srpskog stanovništva. Osim toga važna su i

autobiografske zabilješke fra Ljevara, u kojima on otvoreno iskazuje sklonost prema uspostavi

ustaškog režima, u jednom neformalnom razgovoru sa Nurijom Pozdercom, a da opet nakon

završetka rata nije krivično osuđen, iako je prošao kroz brojne torture OZN-e/UDB-e. Na ovom

slučaju potrebno je obraditi pitanje ličnih uvjerenja pojedinca u društvu, odnosno razlučiti

njegove državne od humanih ideja i napraviti procjenu koja od njih je donijela više štete ili

koristi novoosnovanoj državi. U radu će biti razrađena pitanja djelovanja i drugih svećenika u

Bihaćkoj krajini.

Jedna od najvažnijih teza koja će biti obrađena u doktorskoj disertaciji jeste i pitanje

interpretacije zločina u Bihaćkoj krajini tokom 1941/42. godine i prezentiranje ovih događaja

u socijalističkoj historiografiji, medijima i zvaničnoj politici. Ove događaje moguće je pratiti

kroz nekoliko različitih diskursa, a naročito kroz prizmu domaćih lokalnih medija u svojim

pojavnim oblicima od 1950-ih godina do 1986. godine, zatim u predratnom periodu kada

imamo iskorištavanje ovog pitanja u političke svrhe, i naposljetku u poslijeratnom periodu kada

dolazi do potpunog zaokreta barem kada je u pitanju jedan sloj stanovništva. Ovo pitanje, ne

samo da je bilo aktualno (radi se isključivo o brojanju žrtava i počiniocima) tokom postojanja

SFR Jugoslavije, nego i danas izaziva brojne kontroverze kako među domaćim stanovništvom,

tako i u političkim saopćenjima. Primarni cilj autora jeste otkrivanje kako su nastajali pojedini

mitovi o zločinima, kako su oni inkorporirani među stanovništvom tokom socijalističkog

perioda, koliko je takva politika uhvatila korijena u percepciji ovih zločina kod stanovništva,

kao i sagledavanje ovog problema danas, koje je često na političkoj tapeti od 1991. godine pa

do danas.

Vrijedno je napomenuti da će se autor dotaći i pitanja odnosa običnog stanovništva naspram

različitih ideologija u Bihaćkoj krajini i njihovog shvaćanja u društvu tokom 1941/42. godine,

ali i odnosom ideologija (vojnih i civilnih vlasti) naspram stanovništva prilikom uspostavljanja

vlasti, ali i u vrijeme opštenarodnog ustanka (partizanskih i ustaničkih zločina nad

muslimanima, partizanskih zločina nad ustašama, i iskorištavanjem ovih zločina u svrhe

propagande tokom 1941/42. godine) i reflektiranja ovih pojava na društvena dešavanja u

Bihaćkoj krajini. Kao i odnos pojedinih narodnih prvaka i vojnih autohtonih formacija ovog

kraja naspram okupatorskih i kvislinških režima, ali i NOP-a. Ova teza je od iznimne važnosti

s obzirom na tradicionalnih pobunjeničkih karakter stanovništva Bihaćke krajine kroz historiju

(Cazinska buna, posljednjih rat, pa i Afera Agrokomerc koja je iscenirana upravo u ovom kraju

s obzirom na historijski, socijalni i društveni položaj stanovništva), koje se često priklanjalo

različitim režimima zbog očuvanja socio-ekonomskog razloga (npr. u gradu Bihaću ustaškom

režimu se uglavnom priklanjaju ugledni trgovci, dok obično stanovništvo ostaje po strani),

pojedinci se priklanjaju prvenstveno radi humanih/ljudskih razloga (npr. Nurija Pozderac,

Abdulah Ibrahimpašić, koji se priklanjaju politici NOP-a, iako nikada nisu bili njeni članovi iz

vjerskih uvjerenja. Pozderac je primjera radi odbio ustaške predstavnike koje je poslao Ante

Pavelić, a nakon toga postao i potpredsjednik Izvršnog odbora AVNOJ-a.) a ne radi shvaćanja

same ideologije. Teza od odnosima na relaciji vlast/ideologija/stanovništvo bit će praćene kroz

prizmu brojnih sudskih svjedočenja nastalih odmah nakon rata, kao prvoj oficijelnoj historiji na

jugoslavenskim prostorima.

Ruža Fotiadis (Berlin): "Tradicionalni prijatelji i pravoslavna braća" - stvaranje

grčko-srpskog prijateljstva tokom 1990-ih godina;

Ruža Fotiadis (rođ. Tokić) je doktorantica na Katedri za povijest jugoistočne Europe Sveučilišta

Humboldt u Berlinu. U svojoj disertaciji istražuje stvaranje takozvanog „grčko-srpskog

prijateljstva“ tokom 1990-ih godina iz perspektive povijesti emocija, međunarodnih odnosa i

studija nacionalizma. Studirala je povijest istočne i jugoistočne Europe te serbistiku/kroatistiku

na Slobodnom i na Humboldtovom Sveučilištu u Berlinu. U sklopu akademske razmjene

ostvarila je studijske boravke na Sveučilištu u Zagrebu i Aristotelovom Univerzitetu u Solunu.

Magisterij je stekla 2008. godine obranivši rad o grčkom nacionalnom pokretu u osmanskoj

Makedoniji. Bila je znanstveni suradnik na Katedri za južnoslavenske jezike i na Katedri za

povijest jugoistočne Europe Sveučilišta Humboldt u Berlinu, istraživač na Leibniz Institutu za

povijest i kulturu istočne Europe (GWZO) u Leipzigu te koordinator Interdisciplinarnog centra

za istraživanje granica (IZ Crossing borders) na Humboldtovom Sveučilištu. Nagrađena je

između ostalog stipendijama Njemačke službe za razmjenu studenata i znanstvenika (DAAD),

Njemačke nacionalne zaklade za stipendiranje (Studienstiftung des deutschen Volkes),

Njemačke istraživačke zajednice (DFG), Zaklade Gerda Henkel, Aristotelovog Univerziteta i

Ministarstva obrazovanja i znanosti Republike Makedonije. Član je međunarodnih

istraživačkih mreža i znanstvenih projekata „EastBordNet: Remaking Eastern Borders in

Europe“ (European Science Foundation, 2009.-2013.), „La figure du consommateur immigré

en Europe: regards croisés franco-allemands“ (CIERA, Centre Marc Bloch, Sveučilište Leipzig,

2016.-2017.) te multilateralne suradnje o povijesti socijalističke Jugoslavije (DAAD, od 2013.

godine do danas). Sudjelovala je na brojnim znanstvenim skupovima i objavila radove u

Njemačkoj i inozemstvu.

Znanstveni interes: povijest jugoistočne Europe u komparativnoj perspektivi,

prijateljstvo/neprijateljstvo u međunarodnim odnosima, povijest emocija, kultura ishrane,

istraživanje granica.

“Traditional Friends and Orthodox Brothers”

The Making of the Greek-Serbian Friendship in the 1990s

Abstract: During the Yugoslav Wars of the 1990s, the notion of a Greek-Serbian friendship as a traditional bond

between the two nations dominated the public discourse in both countries. Against the background of the changes

in Southeast Europe and the crisis in Greece at the end of the 1980s, the discourse of Greek-Serbian friendship

evolved as a broad social phenomenon encompassing diplomatic initiatives as well as activities of individuals and

civil groups. Based on alleged common historical experiences, accelerated feelings of insecurity and foreign policy

considerations, it facilitated a far-reaching emotionalisation and mobilisation, especially of the Greek public. As a

prism that refracts the multiple socio-political processes of the 1990s, the Greek-Serbian friendship allows to make

a contribution to the study of historical imaginations, political representations and concepts of belonging, as well

as to debates about the reading of the past and present and the interrelation between politics and public sentiment.

”The Serbs are just like us, they are tough, they fight with knives and don’t forget what you

have done to them. “

A Kalymnian shepherd in his seventies, early1990s

(Sutton 1998: 162)

Introduction

The end of the Cold War and the outbreak of the Yugoslav wars initiated tremendous changes

in the whole region of Southeast Europe. The 1990s marked a period of transition not only in

the former Socialist states, but also in Greece, being the only Western democracy at this time

in the Balkans, member of the NATO and the EC, as well as the most prosperous economy. As

a majority of Greek political analysts had suggested, Greece should have used this opportunity

in the 1990s to establish itself as the leader in the region, the promoter of stability and

integration into the Western structures, but the contrary took place: Greece became, as Sotiris

Wallden stated, “part of the Balkan problem, and not part of the solution” (Βαλντέν 2003: 408;

Βερέμης 1994; Ροζάκης 1994; Anastasakis 2009).

The break-up of the Yugoslav federation posed multiple challenges to Greece: first of all, the

independence of a state under the name of Macedonia and as a result the dominance of the name

dispute in the foreign and domestic politics of Greece. The outcome was a strong emotional

mobilisation of the Greek public and diaspora on the one hand. On the other, the position in the

name dispute contributed to the isolation of Greece in the international community, especially

after the declaration of embargo against the Northern neighbour in February 1994 (e.g.

Tziampiris 2000). Second, the Yugoslav break-up facilitated the emergence of the so-called

Greek-Serbian friendship, the notion of a traditional bond between the two nations. Within this

discourse, the shared Orthodox faith and Byzantine heritage, the pioneering task in the “national

uprisings” against the Ottomans as well as the co-belligerence in different wars were defined

as determining factors that constitute a “traditional and historical friendship”, or as the president

of the Society of Serbian-Greek friendship puts it: “The Serbs and the Greeks are the only two

nations on the Balkans, which have not fought against each other in centuries, while they have

always been on the same side during the 20th century.” (Vesti 2009).

This idea of solidarity and proximity gained wide support in both countries during the 1990s,

but especially among the Greek public, as is apparent in the huge amount of humanitarian aid

that was collected almost exclusively for Serbian war victims and the media coverage of the

war in Bosnia that overwhelmingly portrayed Bosnian Muslims and Croats as the main

perpetrators in the conflict. Moreover, it can be seen in the politics of the Greek officials for

whom it became increasingly difficult to fulfill their obligations towards their Western allies

with regard to the international isolation of the Milošević regime and to take care of the

demands of a “Serb-friendly“Greek public (Κοντόνης 2003; Βαλντέν 2004 ). The popularity of

Radovan Karadžić strikingly epitomises this rift between Greece and its Western partners. At

this time an outcast in Western Europe, the leader of the Bosnian Serbs was warmly welcomed

in the Piraeus “Stadium of Peace and Friendship” in June 1993 where he stated that “Everybody

is telling us to lay down our arms because we are alone. We say no, we are not alone. We have

with us God and the Greeks!” (Michas 2002: 22ff.; Karčić 2008; Τζίμας 2014).

As a result, by the mid-1990s, Greece had manoeuvred itself into an offside position in the

international community, because of its tough stance in the name dispute with the Northern

neighbour and the strong sympathies of the Greek public with the Serbian side in the Yugoslav

conflict. The question remains: Why? Why did the Greek public largely support the Serbs

during the Yugoslav wars? How could the idea of a traditional Greek-Serbian friendship

mobilise the Greek society to such a great extent and what does this discourse imply? Or in lay

language: Why did the “Greeks” love the “Serbs”? And since we are dealing with “love”,

another question arises immediately: What about the “Serbs”? Did they “love” the “Greeks”,

too?

The subject of the Greek-Serbian friendship in the 1990s is a contested one. While some just

take it for granted as the “natural” outcome of common historical experiences and cultural

traditions, others criticise it vehemently as “noisy rhetorics” of nationalists and a “hollow

discourse” without real content. Yet, the analysis of this phenomenon offers new perspectives

for exploring socio-political change, concepts of belonging and the role of emotions in

processes of identity formation (Frevert 2009; Demertzis 2013). The Greek-Serbian friendship

in the 1990s is not only a valuable case study of how selective images of history are created

through rhetorical strategies based on the “emotional” in order to construct a historical

continuity that is interpreted as “traditional“. Moreover, it derives a system of values that is

rooted in the master-narratives of both nations. While simultaneously interweaving perceptions

of the past and the present, the Greek-Serbian friendship thus contributes to a special sense of

identity and groupness (Brubaker 2004).

The emotionalisation of the Greek-Serbian friendship

The notion of friendship between Greece and Serbia has been accompanying Greek-Serbian

relations at least from the 1860s onwards, when it evolved in the Greek public as the idea of an

alliance against the Ottomans (Gounaris 2004; Livanios 2003). As a top-down-discourse

following the political upswings and downswings, it was stressed in times of co-belligerence,

i.e. in the Balkan and World Wars, and neglected in times of conflict as it was the case during

and after the Greek Civil War. But although historical examples of positive stereotyping of the

other existed in the past, it was not until the Yugoslav wars in the 1990s that the idea of a

traditional friendship gained wide support in the Greek and Serbian public. As Leonidas

Karakatsanis has argued in his analysis of the discourse of Greek-Turkish friendship, the dry

diplomatic language lacked an important feature – “passion”, “it did not reach the hearts of the

people” (Karakatsanis 2013; Karakatsanis 2014). This is what changed with the outbreak of the

Yugoslav wars in the 1990s. The Greek-Serbian friendship became a reality through friendship

associations, humanitarian aid initiatives, town twinning projects, solidarity concerts and other

performances on the ground (Σκλίας, Π., και Αστέρης Χ., 2002). It emerged as a bottom-up

process of individuals and groups that was supported by a top-down discourse of Greek officials

who tried to capitalise on the good relations with the Milošević regime to prevent border

changes, to gain support in the dispute with Macedonia and to foster internationally the image

of Greece as an “honest broker” in the Balkans. The Greek-Serbian friendship contributed as

an everyday practice to the feeling of “cultural intimacy” (Herzfeld 2005) between Greeks and

Serbs. Thus, they became in-group members of an “imagined community of underdogs”

(Anderson 1991, Diamandouros 1994).

What lies at the core of the Greek-Serbian friendship are emotions: first of all, fear, the feeling

that the nation is in danger. This was triggered by threat scenarios, most prominent the idea of

an Islamic arch in the Balkans, endangering the Orthodox countries Serbia and Greece; then,

the feeling of inferiority towards the West, of being a pawn in the hands of foreign powers

accompanied by the popular reading of the past as a plot in which the Greek and Serbian people

were victims of foreign conspiracies. This materialised in a strong anti-American/anti-Western

sentiment. As David Sutton has shown in his ethnographical study on the island of Kalymnos,

Greeks identified with Serbs through perceived similarities and historical parallels - according

to this reading, it was Western power politics that were both in Cyprus and Yugoslavia

responsible for the violent separation of the countries (Sutton 1998). Both Greece and Serbia

were underdogs, having the world community against them. This anti-Western sentiment or

underdog discourse gained dominance especially during the Kosovo war and the NATO

intervention in 1999 (e.g. Stefanidis 2007; Tsakona 2005; Katsiouls 2002; Tsatsanis 2011). The

Greek public, reaching from right-wing Orthodox nationalists to far-left communists, strongly

opposed the bombing that was interpreted, as a war between the whole world against the Serbian

people – the initial conflict between the Kosovo Liberation Army and the central government

in Belgrade was mostly overlooked.

In order to examine “the receptive dispositions that have been quietly laid down in those to

whom the rhetorics of nationalists appeal” (Verdery 1996: 229), we have to place emphasis on

the “populist decade” of PASOK in power from 1981-89, in which the antagonistic discourse

of the non-privileged people fostered a defensive, ethnocentric and anti-Western version of

Greek nationalism (Clogg 1993). Moreover, the social, economic and political crisis in Greece

in 1989, in combination with the regional turmoil, the break-up of Yugoslavia, the influx of

thousands of Albanian immigrants, accelerated feelings of insecurity and made the Greek public

more prone to populist discourses and interpretations.

The war in Bosnia played a crucial role in the emotionalisation of the Greek-Serbian friendship,

since the discourse changed from being friends to becoming brothers. The Bosnian Serbs were

overwhelmingly portrayed as victims of the war, a conspiracy of Croats and Muslims supported

by the US. There was barely any space left for the victims of Srebrenica in this reading, since

the Greek public was occupied almost completely with the fate of the Serbian refugees from

Krajina in the summer of 1995. The case of the Greek volunteers that were fighting on the side

of the Bosnian Serbs was popularised intensively, thus spreading the notion that Greek interests

were defended in the war in Bosnia (Michas 2002: 17ff.; Καθάριος 2007; Mitrofanova 2005).

Another important feature which facilitated the strong emotional reaction to the conflict were

programmes of hosting (almost exclusively) Serbian children from Bosnia and Krajina in Greek

families (Blagojević 2010). The personal ties that developed between the children and the Greek

host families were often translated into empathy and enmity on the national and international

level.

A mutual friendship?

In her study on stereotype of Serbian intellectuals in the 19th and 20th century, Milosavljević

states that “In contrast to the terms Majka Rusija [Mother Russia] and Braća Rusi [Brothers

Russians], which are known for the last 100 years, Braća Grci [Brothers Greeks] is a completely

new product of the current media without any basis in the past. In fact, the Greeks had a very

bad standing in the ’characterology’ of Serbian intellectuals, sometimes even worse than the

Bulgarians, and the fact that they were Orthodox as well did not change anything.“

(Milosavljević 2002: 279). Due to the negative image of the Greek dominated Orthodox clergy

as corrupt and greedy, Greeks were primarly characterised as “friends of the Turks“, “haters of

the Slavs“ and ”racketeers“ in the Serbian public discourse and literature of the 19th century

(Ristić 2006), whereas articulations of friendship can be traced historically more often in the

Greek discourse about the Serbs. Indeed, negative stereotypes about the southern neighbour

were common in the Serbian public at the end of the 1980s due to politicised conflicts, regarding

the “Macedonian question” and transborder cooperation (Borba 1988; Ekspres Politika 1988),

as well as the bad standing of Greek students who made up the majority of foreign students in

Yugoslavia (Pavićević 2004). But in the course of the war, the notion of Greek-Serbian

friendship began to gain support in the Serbian society as well: first, due to structural similarities

in the national narratives, the existence of a left-wing populist discourse, as well as anti-Western

and anti-Muslim sentiments (Keridis 1998; Ramet, Sabrina P. and Vjeran P. 2005). Second, it

was the experience of being isolated in the international community and vindicated by virtually

the whole world, while at the same time experiencing on an everyday basis Greek humanitarian

aid, support, delegations from Greek official as well as NGOs.

But in contrast to the Greek public, the Greek-Serbian friendship did not achieve such a

widespread impact and appeal on the Serbian society. It served primarily the political discourse

of Milošević and Karadžić and the strengthening of their power position. Since Greece was

more or less the only European country that maintained relations with the Milošević regime and

the Bosnian Serbs, the visits of Greek officials were used to legitimise the regime in the Serbian

media. However, it was not only the domestic public that was addressed by this discourse, but

also the Greek. Milošević and Karadžić visited Greece on different occasions. Well known is

the visit of Milošević to Greece in 1992, when he proposed a Greek-Serbian confederation

(Eleftherotypia 1992; Borba 1992), thus picking up the popular rallying cry on mass

demonstrations in Greece “There is only one solution to the Macedonian question – common

borders with Serbia!” (Michas 2002; Skordos 2012). Less known is Karadžić`s decision to

introduce Greek as the first foreign language in the Republika Srpska (Ethnos 1994).

Ambivalences and limits of the Greek-Serbian friendship

The proposition of a Greek-Serbian confederation in 1992 did not deter Milošević to recognise

the independence of the Republic of Macedonia under its constitutional name in April 1996,

which caused enraged reactions and feelings of “betrayal” in the Greek press (Eleftherotypia

1996). These ruptures and cleavages that result from the clash of the postulated friendship and

the actual everyday praxis are especially important, as they offer insights into the ambivalences

and the functioning of the Greek-Serbian discourse of friendship. In this regard, sport

competitions prove to be valuable case studies. For instance, the final match of the European

Basketball championship in July 1995 in Athens between Yugoslavia and Lithuania was

followed by violent incidents. The Greek audience cheered against the Yugoslavs, who had

eliminated the Greek team in the tournament, booed them after their victory against Lithuania

and several spectators threw objects on the court. This triggered violent attacks on the Greek

embassy in Belgrade with demonstrators carrying banners that stated “Cyprus is Turkish”, and

Greek students being beaten up in the streets of the Yugoslav capital. The Greek media and

officials reacted in the following days by printing apologies in Serbian on front pages of Greek

newspapers (Ethnos 1995), whereas the Serbian press classified these incidents as a proof for

the artificial nature of the Greek-Serbian friendship or ironised them (NIN 1995).

In conclusion, to dismiss the Greek-Serbian friendship in the 1990s as an “empty discourse“ or

a “propagandistic tool“ that was fostered by the media and political elites, would be a

shortsighted assessment that would ignore the impact and broad appeal of the phenomenon on

both societies. As a prism that refracts the multiple socio-political processes of the 1990s, the

Greek-Serbian friendship rather allows to make a contribution to the study of historical

imaginations, political representations, social cleavages and concepts of belonging – in short,

the social, political and cultural climate in Greece and Serbia during the 1990s – as well as to

larger debates about the logic of friendship and enmity, the reading of the past and present and

the interrelation between politics and public sentiment.

Bibliography

Anastasakis, O. et al., eds. (2009). Greece in the Balkans. Memory, Conflict and Exchange.

Newcastle upon Tyne: Cambridge Scholars Publishing.

Anderson, B. (1991). Imagined communities: reflections on the origin and spread of

nationalism. Revised and extended. ed. London: Verso.

Blagojević, Gordana: Institucionalizovane humanitarne akcije i etnička distanca na primeru

Grka i Srba danas, in: Glasnik Etnografskog instituta SANU 58, 1 (2010), S. 101-111.

Borba (1988), 'Kampanja bez razloga', 5 August.

Borba (1992), 'Grčko-jugoslovenska konfederacija! ', 26 June.

Brubaker, R. (2004). 'Ethnicity without groups', in R. Brubaker, Ethnicity without groups,

Cambridge, Mass.: Harvard University Press, 7-27.

Clogg, R., ed. (1993). Greece 1981-1989. The Populist Decade. London: Macmillan.

Demertzis, N., ed. (2013). Emotions in Politics. The Affect Dimension in Political Tension.

Basingstoke: Palgrave Macmillan.

Diamandouros, Nikiforos P. (1994), 'Cultural Dualism and Political Change in Post-

Authoritarian Greece', Working Paper 50, Madrid: Instituto Juan March de Estudios e

Investigaciones, available at: http://digital.march.es/ceacs-

ir/en/fedora/repository/ir%3A3835.

Ekspres Politika (1988), 'Naši ljudi vraćeni s granice', 16 October.

Eleftherotypia (1992), 'Συνομοσπονδία Ελλάδας-Σερβίας', 26 June.

Eleftherotypia (1996), 'Μας χόρεψαν σέρβικο. Ενέργεια καθόλου φιλική', 9 April.

Ethnos (1994), 'Υποχρεωτικά τα Ελληνικά στη Βοσνία', 14 December.

Ethnos (1995), 'Προς Σέρβους “IZVNITE“ επισήμως ζητεί η Ελλάδα', 5 July.

Frevert, U. (2009). 'Was haben Gefühle in der Geschichte zu suchen?', Geschichte und

Gesellschaft, 35: 2, 183–208.

Gounaris, B. C. (2004). '“A Mysterious Bond forged by History”: The Making of the Greek-

Serbian Traditional Friendship in 19th Century Greece', Balkan Studies, 45:1, 5-22.

Herzfeld, M. (2005). Cultural Intimacy. Social Poetics in the Nation-State. 2nd ed. New

York/London: Routledge.

Karakatsanis, L. (2014). Turkish-Greek Relations. Rapprochement, Civil Society and the

Politics of Friendship. London: Routledge.

Karakatsanis, L. (2013). “Does it really exist?” Turkish-Greek Friendship and the Politics of

Rapprochement: A genealogical approach, available at

https://www.youtube.com/watch?v=6ZcFHAmKhds.

Karčić, H. (2008). '“Fear Not, For You Have Brothers in Greece”: A Research Note',

Genocide Studies and Prevention, 3:1, 147-152.

Katsioulis, Ch. (2002). Die griechische außenpolitische Identität im Namenskonflikt mit

Mazedonien und im Kosovo Krieg. Trier: Lehrstuhl Internationale

Beziehungen/Außenpolitik, available at http://www.deutsche-

aussenpolitik.de/resources/monographies/katsioulis.pdf.

Keridis, D. (1998). The Foreign Policy of Nationalism. The Case of Serbia (1986-1995) and

Greece (1991-1995). Dissertation, Fletcher School, Tufts University, available at

http://users.uom.gr/~keridis/files/public/public2.pdf.

Livanios, D. (2003). 'Christians, Heroes, Barbarians: Serbs and Bulgarians in the Modern

Greek Historical Imagination (1602-1950) ', in D. Tziovas (ed.), Greece and the Balkans.

Identities, Perceptions and Cultural Encounters since the Enlightment. Aldershot: Ashgate,

68-83.

Michas, T. (2002). Unholy Alliance. Greece and Milošević’s Serbia. College Station: Texas

A&M University Press.

Milosavljević, O. (2002). U tradiciji nacionalizma ili stereotipi srpskih intelektualaca XX

veka o „nama“ i „drugima“. Beograd: Helsinški odbor za ljudska prava u Srbiji.

Mitrofanova, A. (2005). The Politicization of Russian Orthodoxy. Actors and Ideas.

Stuttgart: Ibidem-Verlag.

NIN (1995), 'Srbi i Grci. Bratstvo u košu', 14 July.

Pavićević, A. (2004): 'Ambiguity of Integration Processes: The Serbs in Greece. National

Identity of the New Immigrants', Ethnologia Balkanica 8, 103-114.

Ramet, Sabrina P. and Vjeran P., eds. (2005). Serbia since 1989. Politics and society under

Milošević and after. Seattle: University of Washington Press.

Ristić, S. (2006). 'Stereotipi o Grcima u srpskom jeziku', Glasnik Etnografskog instituta

SANU, 54, 47-55.

Skordos, A. (2012). Griechenlands Makedonische Frage. Bürgerkrieg und Geschichtspolitik

im Südosten Europas 1945-1992. Göttingen: Wallstein-Verlag.

Stefanidis, I. (2007). Stirring the Greek Nation: Political Culture, Irredentism and Anti-

Americanism in Post-war Greece, 1945-1967, Aldershot: Ashgate.

Sutton, D. E. (1998). Memories Cast in Stone. The Relevance of the Past in Everyday Life.

Oxford: Berg.

Tsakona, A. (2005). Anti-Americanism in Greece: the case of Kosovo, 2nd LSE PhD

Symposium on Modern Greece, available at

http://www.lse.ac.uk/europeanInstitute/research/hellenicObservatory/pdf/2nd_Symposium/An

naliza_Tsakona_paper.pdf.

Tsatsanis, E. (2011). 'Hellenism under siege: the national-populist logic of antiglobalization

rhetoric in Greece', Journal of Political Ideologies, 16:1, 11-31.

Tziampiris, A. (2000). Greece, European Political Cooperation and the Macedonian

Question. Aldershot: Ashgate.

Verdery, K. (1996). 'Whither ‘Nation’ and ‘Nationalism’? ', in G. Balakrishnan (ed.),

Mapping the Nation. London/New York: Verso, 226-234.

Vesti (2009), ‘Društvo srpsko-grčkog prijateljstva, 19 April.

Βαλντέν, Σ. (2003). 'Η βαλκανική πολιτική της Ελλάδας. Κριτικός απολογισμός της

μεταπολεμικής περιόδου και προοπτικές', σε Π. Τσάκωνας (επιμ.), Σύγχρονη ελληνική

εξωτερική πολιτική. Μια συνολική προσέγγηση. Τόμος Β΄. Αθήνα: Ι. Σιδέρης, 391-464.

Βαλντέν, Σ. (2004). Η Ελλάδα στα Βαλκάνια και τον κόσμο 1995-2003. Ο δύσκολος

εκσυγχρονισμός της εξωτερικής πολιτικής. Αθήνα: Θεμέλιο.

Βερέμης, Θ., επιμ. (1994). Βαλκάνια. Από τον διπολισμό στη νέα εποχή. Αθήνα: Γνώση.

Καθάριος, Κ. (2007). Το ταξίδι του εθελοντή. Μυθιστόρημα. Β΄έδοση. Αθήνα: Εκδόσεις

Πελάσγος.

Κοντόνης, Χ. (2003). Σχέσεις Ελλάδας-Γιουγκοσλαβίας στο μεταψυχροπολεμικό

περιβάλλον. Παραδόσιακες συμμαχίες, νέες ρεαλιστικές προοπτικές, σε Π. Τσάκωνας (επιμ.),

Σύγχρονη ελληνική εξωτερική πολιτική. Μια συνολική προσέγγηση. Τόμος Β΄. Αθήνα: Ι.

Σιδέρης, 489-534.

Ροζάκης, Χ. (1994). 'Η κρίση στη Γιουγκοσλαβία. Ένας αποκαλυπτικός διάλογος ανάμεσα

στην ελληνική εξωτερική πολιτική και στην πολιτική της ευροπαϊκής κοινότητας', in Θ.

Βερέμης (επιμ.), Βερέμης, Θ., επιμ. (1994). Βαλκάνια. Από τον διπολισμό στη νέα εποχή.

Αθήνα: Γνώση, 27-71.

Σκλίας, Π., και Αστέρης Χ., επιμ. (2002). Η διπλοματία της κοινονίας των πολίτων Οι Μη

Κιβερνητικές Οργανώσεις και η Διεθνείς Αναπτυξιακή Συνεργασία. Αθήνα: Εκδόσεις

Παπαζήση.

Τζίμας, Σ. (2014): Η κατάρρευση της Γιουγκοσλαβίας και οι ελληνικές φαντασιώσεις. Ελλάς-

Σερβία-Ορθοδοξία. Θεσσαλονίκη: Επίκεντρο.

Edin Omerčić (Zagreb - Sarajevo), Politička djelatnost Srpske pravoslavne crkve

u Bosni i Hercegovini od 1989. do 1996. godine;

Edin Omerčić je rođen 1981. godine u Puli. Osnovno i srednje obrazovanje je stekao u Rovinju,

a diplomu profesora historije na Filozofskom fakultetu u Sarajevu 2007. godine. Područje

njegova znanstvenog interesovanja se odnosi na postsocijalističko razdoblje

bosanskohercegovačke povijesti. Od dolaska na Institut za istoriju u Sarajevu 2008. godine, u

suradnji s mentorom prof. Kamberovićem odabrao je temu istraživanja te 2013. odbranio

magistarski rad pod naslovom Bosna i Hercegovina u političkoj projekciji intelektualnih

krugova u razdoblju 1991. - 1996. Doktorske studije pohađa na Filozofskom fakultetu u

Zagrebu, a tema doktorske disertacije koju piše pod mentorstvom prof. Jakovine je vezana za

političko djelovanje Srpske pravoslavne crkve u Bosni i Hercegovini od 1989 do 1995. godine.

Politička djelatnost SPC u Bosni i Hercegovini od 1989 do 1996. godine

U disertaciji se tretira političko djelovanje Srpske pravoslavne crkve na prostoru Bosne i

Hercegovine u razdoblju od 1989. do 1996. godine i odnosi Srpske pravoslavne crkve i njenih

predstavnika prema BiH kao pravnom subjektu i predmetu međunarodnog prava. Namjeravam

ispitati jesu li i kakav su utjecaj institucije i predstavnici ove Crkve imali na ratna dešavanja i

donošenje političkih odluka vezanih za mirovne pregovore i prijedloge ustavno-pravnog

uređenja Bosne i Hercegovine u ovom periodu. Kao vremenski okvir se uzima razdoblje od

1989. godine do poslijeratnih izbora u Bosni i Hercegovini 1996. godine.

Srpska pravoslavna crkva je od 1989. do 1996. godine, uz ostale dvije glavne vjerske zajednice

u Bosni i Hercegovini, imala značajnu političku ulogu i postala pronositelj nacionalizma i

politički mobilizator među bosanskohercegovačkim stanovništvom. Od kraja osamdesetih

godina dvadesetog stoljeća moguće je pratiti proces ''povratka religije'', naglašene religioznosti

i uspostavljanje ''tradicionalnih'' vrijednosti u svakodnevnom životu bosanskohercegovačkog

stanovništva, a naročito nakon ponovne uspostave višestranačja u Bosni i Hercegovini. Tokom

analize će biti potrebno pokušati utvrditi da li su, i ako jesu na koji su način i u kojoj mjeri

vjerski lideri utjecali i kakvu su ulogu imali na kreiranje i donošenje određenih političkih

odluka. Tokom analize pažnja bi se trebala posvetiti i pitanju odnosa Srpske pravoslavne crkve

s vlastitom nacionalnom političkom elitom i vojnim vrhom. Isto će tako biti nužno utvrditi način

i vrstu utjecaja institucija Srpske pravoslavne crkve i njenih predstavnika na javno mnijenje kao

i političke te društveno-socijalne posljedice takve politike u navedenom razdoblju.

Cilj istraživanja je da se na osnovu dostupne arhivske građe, štampe i vjerskih glasila razmotri

odnos Srpske pravoslavne crkve prema državi Bosni i Hercegovini, njen utjecaj na ratna

dešavanja i ukupne političko-društvene prilike u Bosni i Hercegovini u razdoblju od 1989. do

1996. godine. Vjerske zajednice u Bosni i Hercegovini su od kraja osamdesetih godina

dvadesetog stoljeća, s ciljem stjecanja političke moći i povoljnijeg položaja u društvu vjersko

poslanje stavljale u drugi plan. Srpska pravoslavna crkva je u procesu homogenizacije i

pokretanja srpskog naroda u ostvarivanju političkih ciljeva u Bosni i Hercegovini imala naročitu

ulogu i značaj koji nastojim ispitati i analizirati.

Materijal na kojem će se zasnivati rad je dokumentacija Arhiva Bosne i Hercegovine, fondovi

Komisije za odnose sa vjerskim zajednicama Izvršnog vijeća SR BiH i Koordinacionog odbora

za pitanje religije i djelatnost vjerskih zajednica Socijalističkog saveza radnog naroda BiH,

potom dokaznih predmeta Međunarodnog krivičnog suda za bivšu Jugoslaviju, stenograma

sjednica Predsjedništva Bosne i Hercegovine, stenograma i zapisnika sjednica Predsjedništva

Socijalističke federativne republike Jugoslavije iz 1992. godine, stenograma sa proširenih

sjednica Saveta za usaglašavanje stavova o državnoj politici, stenograma sa sastanaka

predsjednika Republika vođenih u nekoliko navrata tokom 1991. godine i stenogramskih

bilješki sa zasjedanja Narodne skupštine Republike Srpske. Uz objavljenu građu u radu koristim

i neobjavljene stenograme magnetofonskih snimaka sjednica Skupštine Bosne i Hercegovine

koji su dostupni. Pored navedene građe u radu koristim službena glasila i publikaciju Srpske

pravoslave crkve koja je izlazila i bila štampana u Bosni i Hercegovini te Srbiji, odnosno

Saveznoj Republici Jugoslaviji: Glas Crkve, Pravoslavlje, Službeni glasnik Srpske Pravoslavne

Crkve, Svetigora, Sveti knez Lazar. Kroz ovaj materijal je, pored službene dokumentacije i

programa uređivačkih politika svakog pojedinog glasila, moguće pratiti stavove, peticije i javne

apele vjerskih djelatnika. Koristim dnevnu i sedmičnu štampu: Dani, Front slobode, Javnost,

Novi prelom, Oslobođenje, Oslobođenje (srpsko), Radikalska reč, Republika, Velika Srbija,

Vreme, Zapadna Srbija

Karin Hofmeisterová (Prag), Pravoslavna Crkva posle 2000: Antimodernistički

koncepti kao dominantno mišljenje u SPC ili put ka reformi ( Serbian Orthodox

Church After 2000: Antimodern Concepts as a Dominant Thinking in Serbian

Orthodox Church Versus Reforms)

Karin Hofmeisterová is a PhD candidate and teaching assistant at the Institute of International

Studies, Faculty of Social Sciences, Charles University in Prague. She graduated from Balkan,

Euroasian and Central European Studies, also studied at University College London and

University of Belgrade. In her research she is focusing mainly on religion in Southeast Europe

with a special emphasis on the Serbian Orthodox Church and its role in contemporary Serbia.

In 2015 she succeeded in Charles University Grant Agency’s competition and gained funding

for the research project Orthodox Churches on the Threshold of the 21st Century. The Case of

Russia, Serbia and Greece. She participates in various other research projects as for example

PRIMUS research programme of the Charles University Beyond Hegemonic Narratives and

Myths. Troubled Pasts in the History and Memory of East-Central & South-East Europe or

international project with partner universities HU Berlin and Universität Wien Vienn

CENTRAL Post-Conflict Constellations: Institutionalization of Knowledge and Memory in

Central and Southeastern Europe. She takes part at international conferences and also publishes

her research in Czech, Greek and German. In 2017, her article “The Concept of Symphony

Between the Church and State in the Serbian Orthodox Milieu and Its Influence on the Serbian

Orthodox Church’s Attitude to the Crisis in Yugoslavia” was published in Czech peer-reviewed

journal Slovanský přehled. She also published the article “The Picture of Jews in Serbian

Orthodox Church’s Narrative of the Holocaust” in peer-reviewed collective book from the

conference Populizam, izbeglička kriza, religija i mediji. Recently she obtained the first price

for her chapters in the book MinderheitenimsozialistischenJugoslawien. Brüderlichkeit und

Eigenheit in the contest for the best scientific work in the area of integrated social

science announced by the Endowment fund of Anna and Jaroslav Krejčí.

Serbian Orthodox Church After 2000: (Antimodern Concepts as a Dominant Thinking

in Serbian Orthodox Church Versus Reforms)

The process of democratic transitions after the fall of communism in Eastern and Southeastern

Europe enabled churches to comeback into the public sphere and led to the de-secularisation of

societies. The Serbian Orthodox Church (SOC) became one of the most powerful actors in post-

Milošević Serbia in a spiritual/cultural, political and economic sense. The SOC has been

considered to be the most credible institution in Serbia by a majority of Serbs. In such a position,

the SOC influences the hegemonic narratives of many issues in contemporary Serbia. Due to

the conservative nature of Orthodox churches together with specific historical interconnections

between Orthodoxy, national identity and political power in the Balkans, the SOC’s narratives

often clash with the Eurocentric teleological narratives of change and proclaimed “Western”

values. This ambivalence became one of the characteristic patterns of the Serbian development

after 2000. Therefore, I claim that in obtaining an in-depth understanding of post-Milošević

Serbia, exploring which topics are reflected by the SOC and how they are interpreted and

presented to the public is a necessary step.

In the dissertation, I identify the socio-politically relevant topics that the SOC publicly

articulates via its means of communication and the statements of its high representatives in

other media outlets during the period from the fall of Slobodan Milošević’s regime until 2016.

I follow the SOC’s narratives of those topics in time to examine their transformation in relation

to external and internal factors and a possible shift towards reforms in conservative, often anti-

modern concepts. I also aim to explore of which topics the SOC’s narratives lead or follow

public discussion and, contrarily, to which topics the SOC creates counter/alternative

narratives. In this way, I can assess the relevance of the concept of the triad of church-nation-

state, highly popular in SOC’s discourse since the late 1980s, and the dynamics between the

particular actors of the triad.

As I am dealing with a very topical issue, the dissertation has an interdisciplinary character

containing various patterns from historiography, sociology of religion, political theology and

politics of memory. In this manner, the dissertation provides comparative potential with other,

mostly Orthodox countries, and it may contribute to discussions among social scientists as well

as theologians about the compatibility of Orthodox Christianity with a “Western” value

framework.

In the first chapter of the dissertation, I explain the conservative and anti-modern concepts

developed mainly by two Serbian theologians of the 20th century, Nikolaj Velimirović and

Justin Popović, which influenced the SOC’s narratives, especially since the late 1980s. Then, I

structure the dissertation according to the thematic blocs that the SOC has emphasized in the

given period. By collecting primary sources, namely the SOC’s journal Pravoslavlje, Glasnik

SPC, Svetigora, etc., and by analyzing their content, I decided to focus on the SOC’s narratives

of four the most frequently addressed themes: 1) socio-political issues in Serbia – including

domestic development and the orientation of the foreign relations of Serbia; 2) socio-political

issues beyond Serbian borders – i. e in areas significant for the SOC - Republika Srpska,

FYROM, Montenegro, Croatia and, last but not least, de facto independent Kosovo; 3) the

interpretation of the past; and finally, 4) inter-religious relations. Taking those topics as an

example, the development of the SOC’s narratives as well as dynamics between the church,

state and nation can be observed.

First observations

I claim that while the SOC’s interconnection with the nation (mostly in an ethnic sense) is

perceived as ultimate, a “symphony” with the state is highly desirable yet not always

achievable. The SOC thus clashes with the hegemonic political narratives only in cases when

backed by a majority in public opinion. Although Serbia began the democratic transition and

Europeanization after 2000, the majority of the Serbian population did not widely accept the

Eurocentric teleological narratives of change and proclaimed them to be “Western” values. The

SOC was not forced to significantly re-consider its conservative concepts, which were mostly

preserved and still influence the SOC’s hegemonic narratives on most socio-political issues.

Maja Vehar (Ljubljana), Sex Education in Slovenia from the Post-World War II

Change of the Sociopolitical System to the End of the 1960s (1945–1969) -

Spolni odgoj u Sloveniji od promjene društveno-političkog sistema nakon

drugog svetskog rata do kraja 60. godina (1945-1960);

Maja Vehar se je rodila 13. julija 1992 v Ljubljani, po opravljeni zlati maturi na Gimnaziji

Škofja Loka se je oktobra 2011 vpisala na dvopredmetni študij zgodovine in slovenistike na

Filozofski fakulteti Univerze v Ljubljani. Dodiplomski študij je zaključila leta 2014; na

slovenistiki z diplomsko nalogo Bibliografija leposlovja v časopisu Slovenski narod (1921–

1926), na zgodovini pa z naslovom Posledice druge svetovne vojne v Žireh. Leta 2015 je v

Muzeju Žiri v sklopu DEDK pripravila predavanje O prelomnicah v življenju posameznika na

Žirovskem ter istoimensko razstavo v Galeriji v zvoniku. Prispevke objavlja tudi na portalu

Zgodovina.si, kjer deluje v uredništvu od začetka osnovanja portala. Leta 2016 je v soavtorstvu

z dr. Petrom Mikšo izdala znanstveno monografijo Kredar'ca: ob 120-letnici postavitve prve

koče pod Triglavom. Istega leta je zaključila magistrski študij, na slovenistiki z naslovom

Bibliografija leposlovja v časopisu Domoljub (1934–1944), na zgodovini pa z naslovom

Življenje na Žirovskem v 20. stoletju.

Od oktobra 2016 je kot mlada raziskovalka zaposlena na Oddelku za zgodovino Filozofske

fakultete Univerze v Ljubljani. V okviru oddelka je decembra 2017 kot sourednica in

soorganizatorica sodelovala pri mednarodnem doktorskem seminarju Arhivsko gradivo in moja

doktorska disertacija. V letu 2017 je bila somentorica pri osmih diplomskih nalogah, ki so se

dotikale sodobne slovenske zgodovine. Pri svojem raziskovalnem delu se ukvarja s

preučevanjem spolne vzgoje na Slovenskem od nastopa novega družbenopolitičnega sistema

ob koncu druge svetovne vojne do konca 60. let.

Maja Vehar was born on 13 July 1992 in Ljubljana; after passing the matura examination with

honours from Gimnazija Škofja Loka/Škofja Loka General Secondary School, she enrolled in

a joint honours programme in History and Slovenian Studies at the Faculty of Arts of the

University of Ljubljana in October 2011. She completed her undergraduate studies in 2014; in

Slovenian Studies with the diploma thesis “Bibliografija leposlovja v časopisu Slovenski narod

(1921–1926)/Bibliography of Belles-Lettres in the Newspaper Slovenski narod (1921–1926)”,

and in History with a thesis entitled “Posledice druge svetovne vojne v Žireh/Aftermath of

World War II in Žiri”. In 2015, she prepared a lecture entitled “O prelomnicah v življenju

posameznika na Žirovskem/On Milestones in a Person’s Life in the Žiri Region” at Muzej

Žiri/Žiri Museum under the European Heritage Days, and an exhibition of the same name at the

gallery Galerija v zvoniku. She also publishes papers on the portal Zgodovina.si, where she has

been active on the editorial board since the portal was founded. In 2016, she co-authored the

scientific monograph Kredar'ca: ob 120-letnici postavitve prve koče pod Triglavom/Kredar'ca:

On the 120th Anniversary of Erecting the First Hut beneath Mount Triglav with Peter Mikša,

PhD. In that year she also completed her master's studies; in Slovenian Studies with a master's

thesis entitled “Bibliografija leposlovja v časopisu Domoljub (1934–1944)/Bibliography of

Belles-Lettres in the Newspaper Domoljub (1934–1944)”, and in History with a master's thesis

entitled “Življenje na Žirovskem v 20. stoletju/Life in the Žiri Region in the 20th Century.”

Since October 2016 she has been employed by the Department of History at the Faculty of Arts

of the University of Ljubljana as an early-stage researcher. Within the scope of the department,

she collaborated on the international doctoral seminar “Arhivsko gradivo in moja doktorska

disertacija/Archive Material and My Doctoral Dissertation” in December 2017 as co-editor and

co-organiser. In 2017, she co-mentored eight bachelor’s theses, which touched upon

contemporary Slovenian history. Her research work involves the study of sex education in

Slovenia from the emergence of a new sociopolitical system at the end of World War II until

the end of the 1960s.

Sex Education in Slovenia from the Post-World War II Change of the Sociopolitical

System to the End of the 1960s (1945–1969)

Tema doktorske dizertacije spada na področje socialne zgodovine, žarišče raziskovanja pa bodo

odnosi med spoloma. Spolna vzgoja je namreč ena od pomembnih determinant, ki prenaša oz.

spreminja vzorce ženskosti in moškosti ter posledično tudi družbeno strukturo. Pri tem igrajo

pomembno vlogo dejavniki, kot so družina, religija, šolski sistem, politična ureditev, mediji itd.

V 19. stoletju ter prvi polovici 20. stoletja so le-ti gradili na občutku sramu, ki je omogočal

(samo)nadzor nad telesom ter zadovoljevanjem spolnih potreb. Premiki, ki so omogočali

strukturne spremembe, so se v Sloveniji pojavili po koncu druge svetovne vojne, ko je bil kot

politični sistem uveden socializem. Prinašal je koncept sodobne državne blaginje oz.

liberalizacijo določenih področij. Gre za čas, ko so ženske dobile pasivno ter aktivno volilno

pravico in tako stopile na politični oder družbe, ki pa je bila v svojih temeljih še vedno

androcentrična.

Predvojne pobude za spremembo spolne hierarhije, ki so vidne v delih Angele Vode, je bilo

potrebno šele udejanjiti. Pri tem so pomembno vlogo odigrale oblasti (vlada, ministrstva ter

različni sveti) oziroma njene množične organizacije (Zveza mladine Slovenije, Antifašistična

fronta ženska, Zveza ženskih društev, Konferenca za družbeno aktivnost žensk itd.) ter

strokovnjaki na področju prosvete, zdravstva in sociale. V spolni vzgoji so videli rešitev

problematičnega naraščanja števila splavov. Politbiro Centralnega komiteja Komunistične

partije Jugoslavije je zato sprejel sklep o uvedbi novega šolskega predmeta – socialistična

morala – ki je po besedah Edvarda Kardelja vključeval tudi spolno vzgojo. Ta je bila z zakonom

o osnovnem šolstvu opredeljena kot ena od nalog šole. Del le-te je bilo tudi informiranje o

kontracepciji, za njeno proizvodnjo v domačih podjetjih pa se je npr. dr. med. Franc Novak leta

1955 zavzemal pri Svetu za zdravstvo in socialno politiko Ljudske republike Slovenije. O

sodobni kontracepciji so predavali na ljudskih univerzah, šolah za starše, šolah za življenje,

internatih, podjetjih ter na terenu, kjer jih je npr. prirejal Rdeči križ. Franc Novak je leta 1955

predlagal Svetu za zdravstvo in socialno politiko Ljudske republike Slovenije sistematično

poučevanje spolne vzgoje ter razvoj domačih kontracepcijskih sredstev, decembra istega leta

pa je bila v Ljubljani odprta prva kontracepcijska ordinacija ter posvetovalnica na področju

Federativne ljudske republike Jugoslavije. Tri leta kasneje je bila kontracepcijska služba

uvedena kot splošen del zdravstvene službe. Oblast je izdajala uradne priročnike, v 60. letih 20.

stoletja pa so pričeli s snemanjem vzgojnega filma Šta da se radi.

Bolj sproščeno spolnost sta omogočala uveljavitev socialnih indikacij pri odobritvi splava leta

1960 ter široka dostopnost zanesljive kontracepcije. Leta 1964 so npr. v Sloveniji vstavili prvi

maternični vložek, vedno bolj dostopne pa so bile tudi kontracepcijske tabletke. To je pomenilo

radikalno spremembo v doživljanju spolnosti – užitek, svoboda, sproščenost. Zaradi možnosti

zanesljivega načrtovanja nosečnosti so ženske dobile več možnosti na družbenem, političnem

in kariernem področju. Obravnavano obdobje zaključujeta Resolucija o planiranju družine ter

Splošni zakon o prekinitvi nosečnosti, ki jih je jugoslovanska zvezna skupščina sprejela leta

1969.

Odnosi med spoloma v različnih obdobjih so že bili predmet zgodovinskih ter tudi

interdisciplinarnih raziskav, prav tako so bila v tujini narejene zgodovinske študije spolne

vzgoje. Le-ta v Sloveniji v prvih dveh desetletjih po drugi svetovni vojni ostaja neraziskano

področje, saj se tematike zgodovinske študije dotikajo zgolj v okviru širših raziskav o spolnosti

oz. odnosov med spoloma. Sporadično se tema pojavlja tudi v drugih vedah, predvsem

sociologiji, filozofiji itd., ki pa zgodovinopisju nudijo teoretsko oporo pri raziskovanju

konkretnih obdobij in dogodkov. Umestitev v širši kontekst pa omogočajo dela strokovnjakov,

ki se ukvarjajo z bivšim jugoslovanskim prostorom. Ker tematika še ni bila poglobljeno

obravnavana, bom obstoječo literaturo kritično pregledala ter uporabila za prikaz dogajanja v

obravnavanjem obdobju ter umestitev tematike v širši okvir. Na raziskovalna vprašanja pa bom

odgovorila s sistematično študijo arhivskega gradiva (Arhiv Republike Slovenije, Arhivu

Jugoslavije). K večplastnosti raziskave bo pripomogla analiza objavljenih virov, takratne

literature, zakonov ter pregled dnevnega, ženskega in mladinskega tiska, ki npr. preko pisem

bralcev omogoča vživljanje v osebno izkušnjo posameznika.

V doktorski disertaciji bom tako raziskala in predstavila, kakšna je bila spolna vzgoja v obdobju

1945–1969, kar predstavlja glavni namen oz. raziskovalno vprašanje. Le-to se razveja na večje

število podvprašanj, saj spolna vzgoja vključuje širok nabor področij. Orisala bom videnje

spolov ter odnosov med njima v luči zakonodaje ter norm in vrednot socialistične družbe.

Zanimali me bodo tudi problemi ter vzroki, zaradi katerih je oblast vzpostavila organizirano oz.

sistematično spolno vzgojo. V okviru tega podvprašanja bom izpostavila glavne akterje, ki so s

svojim delovanjem pripomogli k spremembam, ter zglede znotraj Jugoslavije in tudi iz tujine

(npr. Sovjetska zveza, Združene države Amerike, Poljska, IPPF). Podrobneje bo razjasnjeno

vprašanje umestitve spolne vzgoje v šolski sistem, predstavila bom, na kakšen način so se

(mladi) odrasli seznanili s problematiko v okviru delavnih brigad, predvojaške vzgoje, šol za

življenje ter tudi konkretno na delavnem mestu. Spolna vzgoja je bila tudi ena od nalog

zdravstvenih ustanov ter delavcev. Pojasnila bom, katera kontracepcijska sredstva so bila v

obravnavanem obdobju na voljo v Sloveniji, kako je javnost sprejela novosti na tem področju

ter na kakšen način sta jih oblast oz. zdravstvo propagirala. Pri slednjem bom v uvid vzela tudi

problematiko splava ter spolno prenosljivih bolezni.

V okviru navedenega bom raziskala predvsem odnos oblasti (Ministrstvo za socialno

politiko/skrbstvo, Ministrstvo za narodno zdravje, Ministrstvo za prosveto, Svet za zdravstvo

in socialno politiko LRS), zdravstvenih in socialnih ustanov, društev, organizacij

(Antifašistična zveza žensk, Zveza ženskih društev, Konferenca za družbeno aktivnost žensk)

ter posameznikov, ki so s svojim delovanjem pripomogli k izvajanju spolne vzgoje (Vida

Tomšič, Lidija Andolšek Jeras, Franc Novak itd.). Preučila bom, na kakšen način je bila

spolnost oz. spolna vzgoja predstavljena v tiskanih publikacijah (knjige, priročniki, revije,

časopisi) ter kako so se tematike lotili na radijskem in filmskem področju. Tu bo pomembna

tudi umestitev dogajanja v Sloveniji v okvir celotne Jugoslavije, saj me bo zanimalo, kakšne so

bile razmere v Sloveniji v primerjavi z ostalimi republikami, kako je prišlo do sprejemanja

odločitev, v kolikšni meri je bila Slovenija pobudnica ter koliko ji je odločitve narekoval center

v Beogradu.

Doktorska disertacija odpira tematiko, ki se dotika intimne plati posameznikove biti in ostaja

aktualna tudi danes. V povezavi s tem Pierre Bourdieu ugotavlja, da se spolne strukture

spreminjajo počasneje kot npr. ekonomske. Spolna vzgoja pa omogoča ohranjanje ali

spreminjanje uveljavljene spolne hierarhije. Na podlagi do sedaj pregledanega gradiva

pričakujem, da se je pomen spolne vzgoje skozi obravnavano obdobje postopoma stopnjeval

ter da so bili v njeno načrtovanje vključeni različni organi oblasti, posamezniki ter društva. Prav

tako so se na tem področju pojavile novosti, ki so olajševale vsakdanjik (dostopnost zanesljive

kontracepcije, posvetovalnic ter informacij o spolni vzgoji). Ker pa je spreminjanje vrednot v

družbi dolgotrajnejše, menim, da je bila patriarhalnost odnosov še vedno prisotna v veliki meri,

kljub temu da so bila prizadevanja za predrugačenje le-teh glasna. Prav tako menim, da bodo

rezultati raziskav pokazali, da je bila liberalizacija politike splava zapleten proces, ki je prinesel

povečanje števila legalnih splavov – kljub dostopnosti zanesljive kontracepcije. Posledično bo

doktorska disertacija prinesla pomemben uvid ter ozadje sodobnega dogajanja na področju

urejanja odnosa do spolnosti ter med spoloma, npr. pojav zahtev po omejitvi pravice do splava,

ki se v Sloveniji pojavijo ob osamosvojitvi ter tudi kasneje.

Sex Education in Slovenia from the Post-World War II Change of the Sociopolitical

System to the End of the 1960s (1945–1969)

The topic of this doctoral dissertation pertains to the field of social history; the research will

focus on gender relations. Namely, sex education is an important determinant that passes on or

changes the patterns of femininity and masculinity and, consequently, social structure. In this

process, factors such as family, religion, education system, political regime, the media, etc. play

an important role. In the 19th century and in the first half of the 20th century, these factors were

founded on a sense of shame, which enabled (self-)control over the body and over the

satisfaction of sexual needs. Shifts that enabled structural changes occurred in Slovenia after

the end of World War II, when socialism was introduced as the political system. It brought with

it the concept of modern welfare of the state or the liberalisation of certain spheres. It was a

time when women were given a passive and active voting right, thus stepping onto the political

stage of a society whose foundations were still androcentric.

The pre-war initiatives to change the gender hierarchy, as seen in the works of Angela Vode,

had yet to be realised. In this process, an important role was played by authorities (the

government, ministries and various councils) or their mass organisations (Zveza mladine

Slovenije/Slovenian Association of Youth, Antifašistična fronta žensk/Antifascist Women’s

Front, Zveza ženskih društev/Association of Women’s Societies, Konferenca za družbeno

aktivnost žensk/Conference for Social Activity of Women, etc.), and experts in the field of

education, health care and social services. They saw sex education as the solution to the

problematic rise in abortion rates. Hence, Politbiro Centralnega komiteja Komunistične partije

Jugoslavije/Political Bureau of the Central Committee of the Communist Party of Yugoslavia

adopted a decision on the introduction of a new school subject – Socialist Morality – which,

according to Edvard Kardelj, also included sex education. The latter was defined as a task of

schools by the Elementary School Act. Sex education also entailed informing students about

contraception; in 1955, Dr Franc Novak advocated the production of contraceptives in domestic

companies before the Council for Health Care and Social Policy of the People’s Republic of

Slovenia/Svet za zdravstvo in socialno politiko Ljudske republike Slovenije. Lectures about

modern birth control were being held at adult education centres, parent education classes,

schools for life, boarding schools, companies, and in the field, where they were held by e.g. the

Red Cross. In 1955, Franc Novak proposed to the Council for Health Care and Social Policy of

the People’s Republic of Slovenia to introduce systematic teaching of sex education and

develop domestic contraceptives; in December of that year, the first contraception and

counselling clinic in the territory of the Federal People’s Republic of Yugoslavia was opened

in Ljubljana. Three years later, contraception services were introduced as a part of general

health services. The authorities issued official handbooks and in the 1960s began making the

educational film Šta da se radi/What to Do.

The enforcement of social indications for abortion in 1960 and broad access to reliable

contraceptives resulted in a more relaxed sex life. For example, in 1960, the first intrauterine

contraceptive device was inserted in Slovenia, whereas birth control pills were becoming more

and more accessible. This signified a radical change in how sex was perceived – pleasure,

freedom, casualness. Owing to the possibility of planning pregnancy reliably, women were

given more opportunities in the social, political and career field. The period in question ended

with Resolucija o planiranju družine/Resolution on Family Planning and Splošni zakon o

prekinitvi nosečnosti/General Act on Termination of Pregnancy, which were adopted by the

Yugoslav Federal Assembly in 1969.

Gender relations in various periods have already been the subjects of historical and

interdisciplinary research; moreover, historical studies on sex education have been conducted

abroad. Sex education in Slovenia in the first two decades after World War II remains an under-

researched area, as historical studies touch upon this topic only within the context of broader

research into sex or gender relations. This topic appears sporadically in other sciences as well,

mostly in sociology, philosophy, etc., which provide theoretical support to historiography in

researching specific periods and events. Its placement in a wider context is enabled by the works

of experts studying the former area of Yugoslavia. Considering that this topic has not yet been

discussed in depth, I will critically review the existing literature and use it to present the events

in the aforementioned period, and place the topic in a wider context. I will answer the research

questions by means of a systematic study of archive material (Arhiv Republike

Slovenije/Archives of the Republic of Slovenia, Arhiv Jugoslavije/Archives of Yugoslavia).

Multi-layered research will be achieved by analysing published sources and the literature and

acts of that time, and by reviewing the daily, women’s and youth press, which, for example,

enabled readers to empathise with other people’s personal experiences through readers’ letters.

Thus, my doctoral dissertation will research and present what sex education was like in the

1945–1969 period, which denotes its main purpose or research question. The latter will branch

out into a greater number of sub-questions, because sex education covers a wide range of areas.

I will outline how genders were perceived and the relations between them in the light of

legislation and the norms and values of a socialist society. I will also be interested in the

problems and causes which made authorities establish organised or systematic sex education.

Under this sub-question, I will point out the main actors whose activities aided in bringing about

change, and examples from within Yugoslavia and from foreign countries (e.g. the Soviet

Union, the United States of America, Poland, IPPF). This dissertation will more thoroughly

clarify the issue of incorporating sex education into the education system; it will show how

(young) adults were informed of this issue at work brigades, pre-military training, schools for

life, and, concretely, at the workplace. Sex education was also a task of medical institutions and

personnel. It will be explained which contraceptives were available in Slovenia in the period in

question; how the public received innovations in this field; and in what way they were

propagated by the authorities or health care. In the case of the latter, I will also take a look at

the issue of abortion and sexually transmitted diseases.

Within the mentioned context, I will primarily be researching the attitude of the authorities

(Ministrstvo za socialno politiko/skrbstvo/Ministry of Social Policy/Welfare, Ministrstvo za

narodno zdravje/Ministry of National Health, Ministrstvo za prosveto/Ministry of Education,

Svet za zdravstvo in socialno politiko LRS/Council for Health Care and Social Policy of the

People’s Republic of Slovenia); medical and social institutions; societies; organisations

(Antifašistična zveza žensk/Antifascist Women’s League, Zveza ženskih društev/Association

of Women’s Societies, Konferenca za družbeno aktivnost žensk/Conference for Social Activity

of Women); and individuals whose activities contributed to the implementation of sex education

(Vida Tomšič, Lidija Andolšek Jeras, Franc Novak, etc.). I will examine how sex or sex

education was presented in printed publications (books, handbooks, magazines, newspapers)

and how this topic was handled on radio and film. In this regard, it will also be important to

place events in Slovenia in the context of Yugoslavia; I will be interested in how the

circumstances in Slovenia compare to those in the other republics; how decisions were made;

to what extent Slovenia acted as an initiator; and to what extent Slovenia’s decision were

dictated by the centre in Belgrade.

This doctoral dissertation opens up a topic which touches upon the intimate aspect of an

individual’s essence and which has remained topical to this day. In connection with this, Pierre

Bourdieu has ascertained that gender structures change more slowly than e.g. economic ones.

Whereas sex education enables the preservation or modification of the established gender

hierarchy. Based on the material reviewed so far, it is presumed that the importance of sex

education gradually increased throughout the period in question and that its planning involved

various government bodies, individuals and societies. Furthermore, innovations appeared in

this field which made daily life easier (access to reliable contraceptives, counselling services,

and information about sex education). Considering that the changing of societal values is a

lengthier process, it is my opinion that patriarchal relations were still present to a large extent,

despite loud efforts to reform them. It is also my opinion that the research results will show that

the liberalisation of the abortion policy was a complicated process which resulted in a higher

number of legal abortions – despite access to reliable contraceptives. Consequently, this

doctoral dissertation will provide important insight and the background behind contemporary

events connected with the regulation of the attitude towards sex and of gender relations, e.g.

demands to limit the right to abortion, which emerged when Slovenia attained independence

and later on.

Aida Ramić (Sarajevo), Urbanizacija Sarajeva (1971-1984) i njen utjecaj na

društvene promjene

Aida Ramić je rođena u Sarajevu, gdje je završila osnovno i srednjoškolsko obrazovanje. Na

Filozofski fakultet, odsjek za historiju u Sarajevu upisala se 2003/2004. školske godine, a

diplomirala 2007. godine, te na istom studiju odbranila magistarski rad 2008. godine. Trenutno

pohađa doktorski studij, bolonjski proces pod mentorstvom prof. dr. Husnije Kamberovića a

tema doktorske disertacije je Urbanizacija Sarajeva (1971-1984) i njen utjecaj na društvene

promjene. Od 2008. godine radi kao viši stručni saradnik za modernu historiju na Institutu za

historiju Univerziteta u Sarajevu. Objavljuje radove i prikaze u raznim naučnim časopisima.

Učestvovala na više naučnih skupova i radionica. Radila kao sekretar časopisa Instituta za

historiju Historijskih traganja od 2008 do 2015. godine. Redovna članica Udruženja za

modernu historiju od njegovog osnivanja.

Urbanizacija Sarajeva (1971-1984) i njen utjecaj na društvene promjene

Pojave i procesi vezani uz nastanak i razvoj gradova bilježe se od najstarijih vremena u

različitim oblicima. Termin urbanizacija potječe od latinske riječi urbs ili urbis koja je

označavala ograde tj zidine oko srednjovjekovnih gradova, a poslije i sam grad. Kao termin

urbanization, ovu riječ, prvi put je upotrijebio španski arhitekta Ildefonso Cerde (Serde) 1867.

godine u svojoj knjizi Teoria de l'urbanizacion kako bi označio novu disciplinu, nauku o

prostornoj organizaciji gradova, ''procese koji se vezuju za gradska naselja''.1

Najrasprostranjenija definicija ovog pojma je da urbanizacije predstavlja širenje gradova i

gradskog načina života. Obzirom na složenost našeg naučnoistraživačkog pitanja, koje ne

podrazumijeva samo puko praćenje fizičkog širenja grada već i utjecaja urbanizacije na

promjene u društvu opredijelili smo se za definiciju koja urbanizaciju posmatra kao

višedimenzionalni proces koji se ogleda ne samo kroz kroz urbanizaciju prostora, već i

urbanizaciju društvene strukture i urbanizaciju kulture ili načina života. Ova definicija je

utjecala i na pravac naših istraživanja ali i izgled i strukturu samog rada.

Urbanizacija Sarajeva predstavlja istraživački izazov jer je u socijalističkom periodu ovaj grad

doživio preobražaj koji se nije ogledao samo u njegovom fizičkom širenju ili u povećanju broja

stanovnika, već u potpunoj društvenoj, ekonomskoj i kulturnoj transformaciji grada. Dodatan

podsticaj ali ujedno i otežavajuča okolnost za ovo istraživanje, je činjenica da je razdoblje

kasnog socijalizma slabo istraženo.

Vremenski okvir ovog istraživanja odredili smo na osnovu nekoliko faktora. Kao početak

istraživačkog perioda utvrđena je 1971. godina koja je obilježena brojnim dešavanjima na

društveno-političkoj sceni cijele države. Sedamdesete godine predstavljale su prekretnicu kada

je upitanju organizacija i uređenje gradova uopće jer do tada planiranje je bilo svedeno na

regionalne i lokalne nivoe, dok na nivou Jugoslavije nije postojao prostorni plan za cijelu

državu. Savezna skupština je tek 1971. godine donijela dokument Osnove politike urbanizma i

prostornog uređenja, a tek 1974. godine i na partijskom kongresu SKJ po prvi put se

raspravljalo o značaju ''prostornog razmještaja proizvodnih snaga''. U Sarajevu je iste godine

donijet i Prijedloga programa izgradnje i prostornog razvoja grada Sarajeva za period 1971-

1985. godine koji je predstavljao svojevrsnu reviziju Generalnog urbanističkog plana grada iz

1965. godine koji se nije pokazao uspješnim. Vremenski okvir smo zaokružili sa 1984. godinom

1 Vujović, Sreten. Ljudi i gradovi. Budva: Mediteran, 1990. 23.

jer su te godine održane Zimske olimpijske igre u Sarajevu a pored toga što su predstavljale

svjetski i jugoslavenski događaj, simbolički su označile završnu tačku modernizacijskih

promjena u gradu u tom vremenskom periodu, premda, posmatrajući iz šire perspektive, proces

urbanizacije koji je započeo početkom 1970-ih nije prekidan do konca 1980-ih. Zimske

olimpijske igre ostavile su snažan pečat ne samo na fizički izgled grada, već i na društvene

prilike u njemu.

U posmatranom razdoblju Sarajevo je u teritorijalno-administrativnom pogledu pretrpjelo

izvjesne promjene. Početkom 1970-ih godina grad su činile četiri općine, a koncem 1980-ih,

uslijed proširenja grada na četiri općine koje su mu gravitirale kao i podjelom postoječih

gradskih općina, ukupan broj općina popeo se na deset.

U socijalističkom periodu prostorno širenje Sarajeva se realizovalo kroz intenzivnu izgradnju

stambenih jedinica ali i drugih objekata raznih namjena. Početkom 1970-ih godina čak 2/3

ukupnog stambenog fonda u gradu nastalao je poslije 1945. godine, što govori u prilog

navedenoj tezi o snažnom razvoju grada u socijalizmu. Ova izgradnja nastavila se i u kasnijem

razdoblju a svoj vrhunac doživjela je pred Olimpijske igre 1983. godine kada je u Sarajevu

izgrađeno skoro polovica ukupne društvene izgradnje stanova u cijeloj Republici Bosni i

Hercegovini (4.667). Uslijed intenzivne urbanizacije grada koja je najvećim dijelom

urbanizacija prostora, ali ne i ostalih segmenata važnih za formiranje gradskog načina života,

javljale su se brojne negativne posljedice. Najizraženija je svakako bila bespravna stambena

izgradnja. Ova pojava bila je uzrokovana brojnim činiocima od kojih je neefikasnost zvanične

stambene politike najviše dolazila do izražaja posebno ako se ima u vidu da je stambena politika

oblikovana prema ideološkim principima gdje se stan smatrao društvenim dobrom te je država

trebala svima osigurati stan. Uslijed nemogućnosti rješavanja ovog pitanja, a zbog sve snažnijeg

naviranja ogromnog broja stanovnika u grad, mnogi su svoje stambeno pitanje rješavali

bespravnom stambenom izgradnjom na padinama ili periferiji grada. Borba protiv bespravne

izgradnje uz nekoliko sporadičnih akcija rušenja i uklanjanja bespravnih objekata uglavnom se

svodila na administrativne mjere i akcije u cilju suzbijanja ove pojave. Na koncu, većina

objekata je kroz različite planove sanacije prostora građevinskog zemljišta legalizirana što ne

samo da nije rješilo postoječi problem već je podstaklo i daljnje širenje ove pojave. Sarajevo je

do sredine 1980-ih godina u odnosu na sve ostale republičke i pokrajinske centre u Jugoslaviji

bilo u najlošijoj poziciji. Broj bespravno izgrađenih objekata prevazilazio je i broj društveno

izgrađenih stanova što je ukazivalo na alarmantnost cijele situacije.

Broj stanovnika se u dvije decenije poslije rata skoro utrostručio. Od popisa 1948. godine, kada

je u Sarajevu zabilježeno 179.701 stanovnik, do popisa 1981. godine, kada je taj broj iznosio

448.519 stanovnika.1 Naime, ovakav porast stanovništva nije nastupio prirodnim priraštajem

već zahvaljujući mehaničkom prilivu stanovništva, odnosno migracijama. U periodu 1960-

1980. godine u Sarajevo se doselilo 124.935 stanovnika. Sarajevo je imalo najveću prosječnu

stopu porasta stanovnika u odnosu na sve pokrajinske i republičke centre u Jugoslaviji.

Dominantno se doseljavalo mlađe, radnosposobno stanovništvo, a od ukupno doseljenog

stanovništva preko 50% činila je grupa do 24 godine starosti. Proces povećanja stanovnika u

gradu tekao je paralelno s drugim procesima koji su utjecali na postepenu promjenu društvene

struktre stanovništva a to su proces deagrarizacije, promjene položaja žena, opismenjavanje

stanovništva (1971. godine 11.1% stanovništva je nepismeno u gradu Sarajevu), promjene

obrazovne strukture i slično.

1 U obzir je uzeto svih dest općina koje će činiti grad Sarajevu 1970-im godinama: Stari Grad, Centar, Novo

Sarajevo, Novi Grad, Ilidža, Hadžići, Vogošća, Ilijaš, Trnovo i Pale. Stanovništvo Bosne i Hercegovine.

Narodnosni sastav po naseljima. Zagreb: Državni zavod za statistiku Republike Hrvatske, 1995. 10.

Svi pomenuti procesi i pojave nisu se odvijali zasebno već su tekli paralelno te potpuno utjecali

na opći urbanitet odnosno urbanizaciju načina života stanovnika grada. Veliki broj pridošlog

stanovništva u grad uglavnom je dolazilo iz manje urbanih prostora ili seoskih zajednica te se

teško prilagođavalo novom načinu života, uslovima i prilikama u gradu. Dok je gradska kultura

i način života u znatnoj mjeri utjecala da se i životi novopridošlog stanovništva promjeni, ovaj

proces je tekao i u suprotnom pravcu pa je novopridošlo stanovništvo utjecalo i na

''poseljačenje'' gradskog života. Svakodnevni život stanovnika se paralelno s tim mijenjao

zahvaljujuči drugim procesima na primjer tehnološkim naprecima i infrastrukturnim zahvatima

u gradu. Kvaliteta življenja je znatno poboljšana zahvaljujuči brojnim kućanskim aparatima

koji su olakšavali poslove ali i pružali mogućnosti za razonodu i kvalitetnije korištenje slobodno

vremena. Grad je pružao sadržaje za ''trošenje'' slobodnog vremena kroz brojne kulturne i

zabavne aktivnosti: kino, pozorište, diskoteke, putovanja i slično. Opća kvaliteta života u gradu

je bila znatno bolja uz kvalitetniju ishranu, bolju zdravstvenu zaštitu ali i niz drugih pogodnosti

koje je nudila ova sredina. Uz brojne pozitivne tu je i niz negativnih pojava vezanih uz gradski

način života: brojne bolesti uzrokovane stresom i brzim načinom života ali i uslijed loših

ekoloških prilika pogađale su gradsko stanovništvo, maloljetnička delikvencija, alkoholizam,

prostitucija i slično. Evidentan sukobi selo-grad najbolje se očitovao kroz kulturu stanovanja u

gradu. Novopridošlo stanovništvo u grad koje se najčešće naseljavalo u zgradama kolektivnog

stanovanja, koje su masovno građene, suočavalo se s novim načinom života i pravilima

življenja pri čemu su se javljali brojni problemi i diskrepancije. Ilustrativan prikaz takvih

situacija je svakako isječak iz Sarajevskih večernjih novina u kojem se prilikom rasprave o

niskim stanarinama opisuje i kultura stanovanja u zgradama: ''Treba otvoreno reći da je

stanarina u našem gradu dosta jeftina. U prosjeku ona iznosi 170 dinara, onoliko koliko

prosječan pušač potroši na srednje jeftine cigarete. Naš čovjek sve čini i na sve je spreman samo

da dobije stan. Kada ga dobije, onda se ponaša po logici: ovo i nije moje - to je državno. Zato

nije rijedak slučaj da mnogi novi stanovi nisu omalovani i po dvadeset godina, da su

kanalizacione cijevi začepljene korama od lubenice, da su stakla polomljena , i td. Ili, u prevodu:

stambena kultura nam je na niskom nivou''.1

Koristeči brojne objavljene i neobjavljene izvore kao i literaturu pokušali smo odgovoriti na

pitanja koja su se nametnula u istraživanju i pisanju ovog rada. Modernizacijski i urbanizacijski

tokovi u Sarajevu ostavili su snažan pečat na razvoj grada Sarajeva. Prilike i dešavanja u

Sarajevu kao republičkom centru važno je pratiti i kontekstualizirati s dešavanjima na nivou

Jugoslavije. U pojedinim slučajevima bilo je potrebno napraviti paralele, utvrditi sličnosti i

razlike, između dešavanja u drugim republičkim i pokrajinskim centrima u Juguoslaviji s ciljem

utvrđivanja posebnosti procesa koji se odvijaju u Sarajevu. Cilj ovog rada je utvrditi nivo

društvenih promjena u gradu nastalih uslijed urbanizacijskih procesa ali sagledati značaj svih

drugih pojava i procesa koju su (in)direktno utjecali na ovu pojavu.

1 ''Do kada traje kada?'', Sarajevske večernje novine15. septembar 1977, 5.

Monika Močnik (Ljubljana), The Life of Photojournalist Marjan Ciglič and the

Legacy of his Work at the National Museum of Contemporary History (Život

fotoreportera Marjana Cigliča i njegovo nasljeđe u Muzeju novije povijesti

Slovenije);

Monika Močnik je dodiplomski študij na Oddelku za zgodovino zaključila leta 2014 z

diplomskim delom Ogenjca – Tragedija v kraški jami, umetniško prikazovanje in druge

dejavnosti, povezane z dogodkom pod mentorstvom red. prof. dr. Boža Repeta. Na doktorski

študij se je vpisala leta 2016. Zaposlena je v Fototeki Muzeja novejše zgodovine Slovenije in

je med drugim skrbnica fotografskega fonda Marjana Cigliča, o katerem bo pisala doktorsko

disertacijo. Sicer pa se kot vodja za Slovenijo ukvarja tudi z mednarodnimi projekti, pri katerih,

skupaj s partnerji Anne Frank House, Anne Frank Verein Österreich in Stiftung

WannseeForum, dela predvsem z mladimi iz Slovenije in tujine; Od leta 2014 vodi projekt Ana

Frank – zgodba za sedanjost, med leti 2016 in 2017 je s partnerjem iz Avstrije izvajala projekt

Crossingborders2, ki je potekal v Gradcu in Ljubljani, od leta 2017 pa sodeluje še v projektu

Memory Walk: Engaging Young People in Active Commemoration to Combat Discrimination,

ki poteka v Berlinu, Amsterdamu in Ljubljani. Več o omenjenih projektih na:

http://anafrankslo.eu/. Od marca 2015 do septembra 2016 je sodelovala tudi v evropskem

projektu, imenovanem Historija, Istorija, Povijest – Lessons for Today, v katerem so sodelovali

predstavniki bivših Republik Jugoslavije. Udeležila se je tudi različnih mednarodnih konferenc,

seminarjev in izobraževanj doma in v tujini, in sicer v Ljubljani, Amsterdamu, Zagrebu in

Beogradu.

Življenje fotoreporterja Marjana Cigliča in njegova zapuščina v Muzeju novejše

zgodovine Slovenije / The Life of Photojournalist Marjan Ciglič and the Legacy of his

Work at the National Museum of Contemporary History

»Marjan Ciglič je bil zaščitna znamka Dnevnika skoraj do zadnjega, dokler je le zmogel na pot in med ljudi.

Povsod so ga prepoznavali in radi sprejemali kot moža, ki s starim in stolčenim Nikonom in s prstom nenehno na

sprožilcu išče zanimive motive. /…/ Tako smo ob njem zvedeli, da se svet ne dogaja le v političnih palačah in

javnih uradih, ampak predvsem drugje. Kako lahko je bilo, če si se moral na težavno nalogo odpraviti v

Marjanom Cigličem.«1

Monika Močnik bo v svoji doktorski disertaciji raziskala in predstavila življenje in delo

Marjana Cigliča ter njegovo bogato fotografsko zapuščino, ki jo hrani Muzej novejše zgodovine

Slovenije. V disertaciji bo zagovarjala tezo, da je bil Ciglič eden od najpomembnejših

fotoreporterjev na Slovenskem v 2. polovici 20. stoletja in da je njegova fotografska zapuščina

izredno pomemben zgodovinski vir ter predstavlja nezamenljivo nacionalno kulturno

dediščino.

Doktorska disertacija bo sestavljena iz dveh delov. V prvem delu bo naprej raziskala in

predstavila razvoj fotoreporterske službe na Slovenskem v 20. stoletju ter Časopisno hišo

Dnevnik. Pri slednji bo posebej raziskala fotoreportersko delo in analizirala posamezne izdaje

časopisa. Tako bo Cigliča umestila v čas in prostor. Osrednji del pa bo posvečen njegovi

biografiji, ki bo temeljila na ustnih virih ob kritičnem pretresu primarnih in sekundarnih

dokumentarnih virov. Glavna tehnika zbiranja podatkov bo kombinacija biografskega in

raziskovalnega intervjuja. Pri svojem raziskovanju bo izvajala individualne nestandardizirane

1 Brošura ob razstavi Marjan Ciglič 1924-1998 in 50. obletnici Dnevnika, Tone Janežič, urednik Dnevnika d.d.,

Ljubljana, 2001

intervjuje. Poleg ustnih virov bo uporabila tudi arhivsko gradivo, ki vsebuje podatke o njegovi

aretaciji in vzrokih za pregon na Goli otok, hkrati pa ponuja informacije o Cigličevi vlogi v

družbi v tistem času. Uporabila bo tudi strokovno literaturo in razne časopisne članke, vse vire

pa bo kritično pregledala in analizirala.

Marjan Ciglič se je rodil 3. septembra 1924. Svoje otroštvo je preživel v Kranju v Sloveniji,

kjer se je kot 14-letni fant prvič srečal z delom fotografa pri Francu Jugu. Med 2. svetovno

vojno je bil prisilno mobiliziran v nemško vojsko, po dvanajstih mesecih pa se je vrnil v

domovino in se pridružil partizanskim enotam. Leta 1949 so ga proglasili za informbirojevca

in ga za dvanajst mesecev zaprli na Goli otok. Po vrnitvi v Ljubljano je še naprej delal v

fotografskih studiih, potem pa so ga povabili v Časopisno hišo Dnevnik. Leta 1980 mu je

Društvo novinarjev Slovenije podelilo Tomšičevo nagrado. Umrl je 8. julija 1998, njegova

zapuščina pa živi še danes.

Fotoreporter Marjan Ciglič

Foto: Tone Stojko, hrani: MNZS

V drugem delu bo najprej na kratko predstavila največji nacionalni fotografski arhiv - Fototeko

Muzeja novejše zgodovine Slovenije, osrednja poglavja pa bodo namenjena fotografskemu

fondu Marjana Cigliča, pri katerem ji bodo v pomoč njegovi dragoceni dnevniški zapisi ter

izvodi časopisa Dnevnik. Pri raziskovanju bo uporabila kvalitativno metodologijo z

deskriptivno in eksplikativno metodo, hermenevtiko in intervju, fotografski fond pa omogoča

tudi uporabo kvantitativne metode raziskovanja. Namen doktorske disertacije je

zgodovinopisno ovrednotenje Cigličevega dela in njegovega fotografskega opusa.

»Marjan Ciglič je bil dolga leta isto kot Dnevnik, kajti njegove fotografije so za vselej

zaznamovale ta časnik in njegovega veliko večjega otroka – Nedeljca. Vsi, ki so imeli možnost

z njim sodelovati, tudi zaradi Marjana Cigliča vedo, kaj je Dnevnik …«1. » /…/Ob njem,

predvsem pa z njim smo živeli med seboj in vsi skupaj z Dnevnikom kot družina.«2

Marjan Ciglič se je pri časopisni hiši Dnevnik zaposlil leta 1958 in mu ostal zvest vse do leta

1997, ko je bil že uradno upokojen. Leta 2001, ko je Dnevnik praznoval svojo 50. obletnico

obstoja, je časopisna hiša takrat Muzeju novejše zgodovine podarila celoten fond, Muzej pa še

1 Prav tam 2 50 let Dnevnika, Edo Glavič, Tito je prišel inkognito, Znani fotoreporter Marjan Ciglič je bil tudi glavni junak

večine anekdot, Časopisna družba Dnevnik d.d., Ljubljana, 2000, str. 64

danes redno sodeluje s Časopisno hišo Dnevnik, saj so Cigličeve fotografije tedensko

objavljene v časopisu Dnevnik pod rubriko Porumenela fotografija.

Fotografski fond predstavlja neprecenljivo zapuščino in se dotika v grobem vseh aspektov

življenja; od preprostih, na videz nepomembnih dogodkov do tistih najbolj odmevnih. Ciglič

pa ni fotografiral samo po službeni dolžnosti. Kamorkoli je šel, je s seboj vedno vzel svoj

fotoaparat in ves čas beležil dogajanje okoli sebe. Tematika njegovih fotografij je izredno pestra

in v grobem zajema politiko, kulturo, šport, gospodarstvo, pomembne dogodke in obiske,

kmetijsko, promet, šolstvo, mednarodne odnose, NOB, izseljence, trgovino, Cerkev, zdravstvo,

etnologijo, proslave, turizem in gostinstvo, črno kroniko, življenjski utrip v mestih in na

podeželju, portrete ter razne akcije časopisa Dnevnik in Nedeljski dnevnik. Vsakoletno je

fotografiral dogodke, kot npr. Kmečka ohcet, dedek Mraz, rojstvo prvega otroka na prvi dan v

letu, ni pa manjkal niti na modnih revijah, pogrebih, žalnih sejah … Njegova zbirka je izjemna

po količini in kakovosti, posebno vrednost pa predstavljajo fotografije preprostega človeka in

na videz nepomembnih dogodkov vsakdanjika, ki jih politična zgodovina ni zabeležila, zato

imajo neprecenljivo vrednost za presojo in vrednotenje tega časa.

Fond Marjana Cigliča je ocenjen na okoli 300.000 originalnih, predvsem črno-belih negativov

v formatu Leica, vsebuje pa tudi barvne posnetke in druge formate, kot so 6x6 in 6x9. Skupaj s

fotografskim gradivom pa je Muzej prejel tudi Cigličeve dnevnike, v katere je dnevno zapisoval

osnovne podatke (datum, dogodek, idr.) vseh sklopov fotografij, ki jih je naredil. Njegov

najstarejši dnevnik je iz leta 1958, najmlajši iz leta 1997, poleg tega pa je njegov rokopis izredno

lepo berljiv, kar raziskovalcu olajša dokumentiranje in urejanje celotnega fonda. Njegovi

dnevniki so tako pri preučevanju in raziskovanju izjemno pomemben in verodostojen vir.

Cigličev fond se je izkazal za enega najbogatejših in nepogrešljivih virov fotografij, ki jih tako

muzej kot širša javnost uporabljata za raziskovanje, prikazovanje in razumevanje življenja in

dela posameznikov in družbe. Fond pa ni pomemben samo za raziskovanje slovenske

zgodovine, ampak se v širšem kontekstu navezuje tudi na Jugoslavijo, saj je bila Slovenija

večino časa, ko je nastajal Cigličev fotografski opus, del Jugoslavije. Tako se različni dogodki,

ki jih je v svoj objektiv ujel Ciglič, posredno ali pa neposredno navezujejo na celotno

Jugoslavijo.

Tekma med Jugoslavijo in ZDA za svetovno prvenstvo v košarki, maj 1970

Foto: Marjan Ciglič, hrani: MNZS

Ameriški predsednik Nixon in Josip Broz Tito v Kumrovcu, oktober 1970

Foto: Marjan Ciglič, hrani: MNZS

Monika bo v doktorski disertaciji prvič predstavila celovit biografski prikaz fotoreporterja

Marjana Cigliča ter njegov fotografski fond umestila v nacionalno kulturno dediščino. Ker

Cigličev fond predstavlja eno izmed najbolj obširnih fotografskih zapuščin na Slovenskem, ki

beleži vse vidike življenja ljudi v 2. polovici 20. stoletja, bo zgodovinopisna analiza izvirni

prispevek k znanosti, posledično pa bo celotna disertacija kot temelj služila za nadaljnja

proučevanja na različnih področjih humanistike in družboslovja. Odkar je časopisna hiša

Dnevnik podarila Muzeju fotografski opus Marjana Cigliča, se njegove fotografije pojavljajo v

knjigah, časopisih, revijah, ter drugih publikacijah, v znanstvenih in strokovnih člankih, na

razstavah, pa tudi na dobrodelnih akcijah idr.

Anita Buhin (Pula - Firenca), The Mediterranean in Yugoslav Popular Culture

under Italian Influence in the 1950s and 1960s. doktorantica je povijesti na Europskom sveučilišnom institutu (European University Institute)

u Firenci te suradnica-volonterka u Centru za kulturološka i povijesna istraživanja socijalizma.

U ljetnom semestru 2016/2017. boravila je kao visiting fellow u Centru za jugoistočnoeuropske

studije Sveučilišta u Grazu. U središtu njezinoga interesa je kulturna povijest 20. stoljeća s

naglaskom na popularnu kulturu i nogomet u socijalizmu i Mediteranu. Objavila je nekoliko

članaka iz svojega područja te suuredila zbornik radova Radionica za suvremenu povijest.

Istraživanja diplomanata pulskog Sveučilišta 2011-2013.

Sun, Sea and Socialism: Mediterranization of Yugoslav Popular Culture under Italian

Influences in the 1950s and 1960s

The starting hypothesis of my project is that socialist Yugoslavia appropriated throughout the

1950s and 1960s a Mediterranean identity in popular and everyday practices, ideologically

supported by the politics of the “third way” of the non-alignment movement, and under the

direct influence of Italy. I am arguing that the Yugoslav prioritisation of the Mediterranean

identity and cooperation with neighbouring Mediterranean countries became evident through

different socio-political and geo-cultural strategies, and not only as the result of “the more and

more universal life of people in the more and more united global community” as Stipe Šuvar

stated in 1973, and repeated a decade later in the “red book” of Yugoslav cultural policy. This

is why my research focuses on three main case studies: popular music, television and fashion.

The existence of several – Balkan, Central-European and Mediterranean - cultural spheres in

socialist Yugoslavia was the result of affiliation to different powers throughout centuries, mixed

with the more recent, late-19th and 20th century Pan-Slavism and Pan-Yugoslavism. However,

these specific concepts derived from ethnologic understanding of the Balkan Peninsula, starting

from the beginning of the 20th century in the works of prominent researchers like Jovan Cvijić

or Milovan Gavazzi. In practice, different cultural, socio-geographical and political meanings

could, and had been, ascribed to all of cultural spheres in different time period. I argue that

during the 1950s and 1960s Mediterraneanism was appropriated as a symbol of civilised and

modern cultural identity, while also serving to demonstrate the multiculturality and openness

of Yugoslav regime. Although recent ethnological and anthropological studies are rejecting

“the Mediterranean as central to Yugoslav identity”, the examples of different popular culture

practices in formative years of socialist Yugoslavia, the 1950s and 1960s, demonstrate “a

common cultural discovery of the sea.”

The transformation of Yugoslavia was possible after the 1948 events, although it is more correct

to start from the mid-1950s, since a transition period of few years was necessary for

consolidation of politics and economy, along with the creation of new ideological approach.

The newly recreated ideology, manifested in the ideas of self-management, non-alignment and

democratization, however was closely connected with global movements, in that way forming

an amalgam that would be recognized as Yugoslav “third way”. However, with the rise of the

living standard and the spread of consumer culture, Yugoslavia, by the late 1960s, approached

capitalist society the most that one socialist country could. Similarly to the rest of the Western

world, Yugoslavia experienced profound modernization, which brought to the creation of

practices of the mass consumer society. Everyday life was changing in the line with all these

changes. Among them leisure, as the time meant for consumption and enjoyment in the fruits

of one’s own work, as well as in the results of the state policy, had an important place. The

basis for all coming changes was the renowned final program of the League of Communists of

Yugoslavia in 1958 in which development of the consumer culture and better living conditions

were propounded. For the first time the focus was on “the comfortable life”, the ownership “of

different consumer goods”, the achievement of “better service of goods to consumers” and care

for their “everyday needs and supplies, for their leisure and entertainment”. Alongside the

satisfaction of consumption needs, which had previously been considered as bourgeois luxuries,

the other result of the new course of Yugoslav politics was the development of the organized,

and later non-organized, holidays, mainly on the Adriatic coast. As with the popularization of

entertainment industry and the spread of mass media, tourism served as an instrument for the

accomplishment of Yugoslav socialist program, this time with a purpose to build a vision of

Yugoslav federation as a common homeland. Through the success of Dalmatian Mediterranean

style of popular music, and the spread of maritime motifs through television and other mass

media, the images of the sunny Adriatic soon became the commonplace for the creation of the

shared Yugoslav identity. Although not everyone could enjoy in the fruits of Yugoslav

economic and cultural progress, majority of Yugoslav citizens could at least participate in the

Yugoslav success by sharing the common pride of the “Yugoslav exceptionalism” with the

Mediterranean flavour.

Hence, there exists a need for united concept of what was specific of Yugoslav modernization

and Westernization in light of the non-bloc politics. Questions that are opened, and that are

addressed in the project can be followed on several levels. The first problem is the establishing

the field of the contemporary Mediterranean studies and methodological approach to the

contemporary history of the Mediterranean: Can the Mediterranean be seen as a unique space

after the World War II, and in the Cold War perspective? What are the main uniting

characteristics of the contemporary Mediterranean, and what do they tell us about more global

processes and impacts? Secondly, the question of Italian influence has to be solved: What was

the level of distribution and adoption of Italian influence in different parts (republics) of

Yugoslavia? What was Yugoslav official response to differentiate itself from its Western

capitalistic neighbor? And, finally, the internal problematization of socialist Yugoslavia

requests the most intense analysis - starting from the problem of cultural spheres and building

of the supranational identity, through different application of third-way politics, such as non-

alignment movement, self-management, democratization of culture, and similar, to finally

Yugoslav position in global scale and impact on the world happenings through the promotion

of the Mediteraneaness. Can we recognize the pattern of Westernization / Mediterranization /

Italianization in all spheres of Yugoslav society?

According to the historian John Urry, the post-WWII reconstruction of Europe can be

symbolized in the rapid development of the Mediterranean. Nevertheless, non-existence of

history, or theoretical or methodological concepts, of the post-war Mediterranean as a single

space, directs a researcher towards appropriation of older concepts which, however, must be

adapted to modern conditions. As Horden and Purcell summarized, the major change of the

Mediterranean world in the 20th century “lies in the dimensions of change itself”. Therefore,

because of intensive modern communication, speedy transfer of capital and information it is

impossible to view the Mediterranean world in old terms. On the other hand, researchers agree

that the Mediterranean has still stayed a challenging model for all main socio-political

transformations of the contemporary world – “processes of decolonization, organized

antifascist struggle and the changes of social nature”, as well as “border and territorial disputes,

conflicts, subregional hegemonisms, ideological differences”. Finally, it seems that the only

unifying elements of the post-war Mediterranean world could be popular practices that were

products of modernization or globalization. Alongside sport events, like the Mediterranean

games, the development of the mass tourism can be, thus, seen as the crucial element of the

unification of the Mediterranean spaces, which contributed to the continuation of the popular

image of the Mediterranean in the Western world. The motifs of this “new” Mediterranean

could maybe best be found in the practices of popular culture. However, even these practices

are to certain extent attached only to the Northern (i.e. European) Mediterranean, thus creating

the Euro-Mediterranean identity which would prevail in the collective imaginarium of the 1960s

and 1970s. Through Yugoslav case, I am trying to offer new and challenging ideas for the

conceptualization of the post-war Mediterranean as the unique cultural space in Europe.

Italy served as a perfect role model for contemporary Mediterranean identity. As Stephen

Gundle demonstrated in his work, the success of the Mediterranization of Italian identity in the

global scale was however the result of the adoption of Americanized popular practices,

manifested in Hollywoodization of cultural sphere, and fostering the representations of Italian

traditional values. However, Italy served as a perfect role model for Yugoslav Mediterranean

identity not only because of its closeness and historical connections, but also because it

undergone similar experiences of state-building despite the challenges of north-south economic

and cultural disparities, the modernisation of predominantly rural societies and wartime

divisions. While the West had to get impressed by Italian rediscovered, but modern and

Westernized Mediterraneanity in the after-war period, for their eastern neighbours Italian

“Western character” was never questioned. The images of the Italian success, manifested in

popular stars like Gina Lollobrigida or Domenico Modugno, easily found its way to Yugoslav

citizens through radio and TV signals transmitted from the other shore of the Adriatic sea, press

and magazines which were increasingly orientated to light topics, as well as direct contacts with

Italians, either through shopping to Trieste, or through hosting them during the tourist season.

So, from (imperialistic) enemy of the people, Italians became the role model of transformation

from “poor and despised South to happy and prosperous West”. However, the opening to the

West, and imitation of certain Italian practices had some unwanted or unexpected

consequences. The spread of consumer goods, commercialized culture and the creation of

socialist version of glamour and popular star system were direct consequences of

Westernization of Yugoslav space.

The motives of the Mediterranean could maybe best be found in the practices of popular culture.

This would be proved in the foreign politics of Yugoslavia from the mid-1960s when the

performers of popular music became a part of the official ideological program of Yugoslavia’s

self-promotion as a liberal socialist regime both in the East and in the West. Furthermore, the

popularity of music festivals in Split, and even more important, in Opatija, reflected a common

cultural discovery of the sea. The spread of the images through mass media, mainly television

broadcasting, finally contributed to the diffusion of the Mediteraneaness throughout the whole

country. Therefore, compositions created for those festivals can represent “the soundtrack of a

period” which “reflected major cultural, economic and social developments in Yugoslavia that

took place in the early postwar decades along its coastline”. According to Dean Vuletic, “the

symbolism of the Adriatic was so pervasive that the sea, summer and other maritime motifs

were staples of Yugoslav popular music: in the first years of the Opatija Festival, many of the

songs performed tapped into Yugoslavia’s discovery of the Adriatic as its new cultural and

leisure centre by focussing on the themes of the sun, sea and summer—all essentially

accompanied, of course, by love”. For most Yugoslav citizens, the Dalmatian style of popular

music echoed memories of summer holidays at the Adriatic Sea, while for the rest, who could

not afford them, it was a long-sought-after dream that was nourished with images or sounds

from the media.

To conclude, as my research argues, Mediteraneaneness of Yugoslavia was never tried to be

aggressively administered from above as a new unifying supranational Yugoslav identity, but

it derived from different political, ideological, economic, social and cultural practices. Thus, it

is expected to prove the starting hypothesis of all-conquering fields of the Mediterranization of

Yugoslav cultural sphere as a sign of liberalization and socialist modernization of the country

and projection of soft power in international relations.

Yuguang Zhou (Munchen), Sino-Yugoslav relations 1975-1990: How China

viewed Yugoslavia differently from other Eastern European states

Born in Hegang (China). In 2013 he received Bachelor’s Degree in International Politics and

Sociology from Peking University (China). During the bachelor studies, in 2010, he was an

exchange student at Uppsala University (Sweden). In 2017 he received (with Merit)

International Masters in Economy, State and Society from University College London (UK)

and University of Belgrade (Serbia). Since October 2017, he is a PhD candidate at Ludwig-

Maximilians-Universität München, having been awarded a stipend from China Scholarship

Council.

Sino-Yugoslav relations 1975-1990:

How China viewed Yugoslavia differently from other Eastern European states

In 1978, the People’s Republic of China started an extensive reform programme known as

‘reform and opening-up’, which transformed the communist country into a ‘socialist market

economy’. The beginning of the ‘New Era’ (a conventional shorthand for the post-1978 period)

also saw China drastically changing its diplomatic policy, abandoning the so-called ‘ultra-left

diplomacy’ and the programme of ‘aiding revolutions of the peoples of the world’, adopting

‘an independent foreign policy of peace’ in 1982.

Around the same period, starting from the mid-1970s, China and the Socialist Federal Republic

of Yugoslavia rapidly improved their diplomatic relations. The visit of Yugoslav Premier

Džemal Bijedić to China in 1975 started a wave of frequent high-level visits between the leaders

of the two countries. The visit of Yugoslav president Tito to China in 1977 and the return visit

of Chinese leader Hua Guofeng in the next year were the highlights of this diplomatic warming-

up. The significance of this development lies in the fact that the League of Communists of

Yugoslavia became the first ‘revisionist’ communist party that restored the relations with the

Chinese Communist Party in 1978.

Therefore, the diplomatic relations between China and Yugoslavia from 1975 to the dissolution

of the socialist Yugoslavia deserves attention from historians of both China’s and Yugoslavia’s

foreign relations. The existing work by Chinese scholars of diplomatic history tends to

categorize Yugoslavia along with the Soviet satellite states in central and eastern Europe,

despite that Yugoslavia was not part of the Soviet bloc. This approach treats the relations

between China and Eastern European communist countries as whole, focusing on the origin,

development, and ending of the Sino-Soviet split. In this context, (the League of Communists

of) Yugoslavia is most extensively studied as a factor in alienating the Chinese and Soviet

Parties between 1953 and 1960, while the gradual improvement of Sino-Yugoslav relations in

the early 1970s tends to be analysed from the angle of 1969 Sino-Soviet deterioration.

Despite the convenience of the above-mentioned Soviet-centred approach, it would be

analytically insightful for the field of Sino-Yugoslav relations if Yugoslavia is not merely

categorised as an Eastern European state but seen as a country with distinct characteristics.

After all, Yugoslavia was the first communist state to carry out reforms away from the stiff

Soviet system. This deviance from the Stalinist orthodoxy resulted in the breakdown of the

mutual relations between China and Yugoslavia in 1958, and contributed greatly to the Sino-

Soviet split. Ironically, by the time the two countries were re-establishing normal relations in

the late 1970s, the apparent success of the Yugoslav reforms attracted great interest in China.

Besides the political visits of leadership, the Chinese government also sent delegations to

Yugoslavia to study the economic and political system, seeing it as a proof of the diversity of

models of socialism. These delegations produced reports for Chinese government, in order to

help forming China’s own reform policy. The interest in the ‘Yugoslav way’ later ebbed in the

1980s and was superseded by growing Chinese interest in the Hungarian reforms. Nevertheless,

as late as 1987, a major survey of on other socialist countries’ reform attempts by a Chinese

government related thinktank still regarded Yugoslavia as one of the two models for

observation.

Yugoslavia also stood out from the rest of the Eastern European communist states in terms of

diplomatic orientation and bloc affiliation. After its isolation from the Soviet camp, it became

one of the most important countries in the establishment of the Non-Aligned Movement (NAM)

and played a key role. China’s ‘independent foreign policy’ also claims that it pursues a ‘truly

non-aligned policy’. However, largely due to Sino-Soviet split, China had a difficult

relationship with the NAM in the 1960s and 70s, as research of scholars including Jeremy

Friedman and Jovan Čavoški has shown. Since the late 1970s, especially after the Cuba Summit

and the Soviet invasion of Afghanistan, Yugoslavia also often found itself isolated in the

movement. This common interest in the non-alignedness and the ambivalent attitude towards

the NAM connected China and Yugoslavia.

This PhD project will study the Sino-Yugoslav relations between 1975 and 1990 with this as

the central question: How China viewed Yugoslavia differently from Eastern European

countries of the Soviet bloc, such as Hungary and Poland? The research will be based on

ministry archives, official and semi-official institutes’ reports, theoretical works on socialist

reforms, then-semi-classified ‘internal’ and publications, and newspapers in China. The

structure of the project revolves around the following questions:

1. In general, what was the image of Yugoslavia like, as appeared in Chinese context?

1.1. What kind of Yugoslav socialism appeared in the observations by the Chinese

delegations?

1.2. Following the observations, which aspects of the Yugoslav system impressed Chinese

scholars and politicians? Is it possible to trace some of Chinese policies back to

influence of Yugoslav practices? Was there, for example, any policy debate among the

Chinese political elite that was inspired or shaped by the findings from studying

Yugoslavia?

2. Which aspects of Yugoslav socialist system were deemed unsuitable for the Chinese

political environment?

2.1. A closely related question is: was the gradual decline of Yugoslavia in the 1980s

noticed by Chinese scholars and journalists?

3. Besides seeing Yugoslavia as a fellow socialist country and a reference for reform policy-

making, how much attention did Chinese scholars and journalists pay to its non-aligned

position? Is it helpful in some cases to see Chinese diplomatic actions towards Yugoslavia

as diplomacy towards a non-aligned country rather than an Eastern European socialist state?

Bibliography

A major difficulty in carrying out the research on the diplomatic history is the limit of Chinese

archival sources. The accessibility of China's Foreign Ministry Archive (CFMA) has been

greatly limited since 2012, with great amount of previously available documents now

reclassified. The archives used to follow a ‘30-year rule’ regarding the schedule of releasing

non-classified documents of the ministry, but the rule is apparently not in force at the moment.

However, the archive of the former Ministry of Foreign Trade / Ministry of Foreign Economic

Relations and Trade (reorganized into the current Ministry of Commerce) has published

document collections related to the period. Primary sources from China also existed in the form

of newspapers and journals, ‘internally published references’, scholarly publications on the

Yugoslav system, and memoirs of diplomats and journalists. A publication that is particularly

relevant to the project is Arduous explorations – observation of the reforms in Hungary and

Yugoslavia, a report published by the Chinese Institute for Restructuring the Economic System,

which compiled the observations of the various Chinese delegations to Yugoslavia.

Archives

Chinese Foreign Ministry Archive, Beijing

Archives of Yugoslavia, Belgrade

Diplomatic Archives of the Serbian Ministry of Foreign Affairs, Belgrade

Other document collections

Xinhua News Agency. Neibu Cankao [Internal Reference]. University Service Center for China

Studies, Chinese University of Hong Kong

Newspapers and magazines

Chinese language

Renmin Ribao [People's Daily]

Shijie Zhishi [World Affairs]

Cankao Xiaoxi [Reference News]

various newspapers at provincial and municipal level

Serbian/Croatian language

Borba

Politika

Međunarodna politika

Nemanja Radonjic (Beograd), Slika Afrike u Jugoslaviji (1945-1991),

Nemanja Radonjić (1989) doktorant na Katedri za Opštu savremenu istoriju Filozofskog

fakulteta u Beogradu. Završio osnovne i master studije na istom fakultetu. Dobitnik „Andrej

Mitrović“ nagrade za najbolji master rad iz oblasti opšte savremene istorije za 2014. godinu.

Trenutno saradnik u nastavi na matičnom fakultetu na predmetima Američki 20. vek i

Propaganda u 20. veku . Objavio više članaka te poglavlja u domaćim i stranim časopisima i

zbornicima. Učestvuje na dva međunarodna projekta (Repräsentationen des sozialistischen

Jugoslawien im Umbruch 2014-2018 i Socialism Goes Global 2016-2018). Trenutno na četvrtoj

godini izrade disertacije pod nazivom „Slika Afrike u Jugoslaviji (1945-1991)“ pod

mentorstvom vanredog profesora dr Radine Vučetić. Glavna oblast njegovog interesovanja jesu

odnosi socijalističke Jugoslavije i Trećeg sveta u Hladnom ratu.

Slika Afrike u Jugoslaviji (1945-1991)

Džon Luis Gedis svoju znamenitu Istoriju Hladnog rata započeo je suprotsavljanjem naracije

sovjetskog i američkog vojnika; njihovim suprotstavljenim deskripcijama bipolarnog sveta i

viđenja „Drugog“. U istoriografiji o Hladnom ratu sukobi i veze na „glavnoj“ osovini Zapad-

Istok već su decenijama predmet intenzivnog istraživanja. U slučaju (post)jugoslovenske

istoriografije Jugoslavija je pozicionirana u odnosu na Istok i Zapad, a ređe u odnosu na Jug.

Tek u najskorije vreme, od c.2010. nastaje period revalorizacije jugoslovenske uloge i položaja

u sklopu „nove“ osovine istraživanja Sever-Jug. U sklopu ovog novog istoriografskog

fenomena započeli smo izradu disertacije 2015. koja za temu ima sliku Afrike u socijalističkoj

Jugoslaviji tokom čitavog perioda postojanja potonje.

Istorijski fenomen neslućenog povezivanja Jugoslavije i (post)kolonijalnog afričkog prostora,

a naročito pogleda iz jugoslovenskog prostora na Afriku; jesu širi spektar odnosno konkretna

tema ove disertacije. Istraživanje slike Afrike u različitim kontekstima preduzimali su istoričari

i drugi društveni naučnici još od ranih 1970-ih. Kontekst takvih istraživanja proizveo je

mogućnost da istoričari poput Filipa Kurtena za Britansku imperiju, odnosno Maksim

Matuševič za SSSR, Kvin Slobodian za Istočnu Nemačku i Filipa Muelbeka za Čehoslovačku

uvedu još jednu „koordinatu“ još jedno „ogledalo“ u kome su mogli okušati svoje hipoteze,

odnosno pozicionirati svoj predmet istraživanja u svetu Hladnog rata.

Nailazeći na samo jednocifren broj stručnih radova koji se bave odnosima Afrike i Jugoslavije

na političkom, ekonomskom i kulturalnom nivou; preduzimanje ovakvog istraživanja u

kontekstu (post)jugoslovenske istoriografije delovalo je na trenutke kao ogroman poduhvat, ali

je sa vremenom provedenim u empirijskom istraživanju, odnosno predstavljanju toga

istraživanja na međunarodnim skupovima sve više uviđavana potreba upravo ovakvog, širokog

pristupa. Naime, pitanja koja u Jugoslaviji nisu postavljana, u prvo vreme zbog političkog

monopola nad savremenim temama, grupisanim u politikološka izučavanja nesvrsanosti,

odnosno kasnije upravo zbog „demonizacije“ i „egzotizacije“ tog dela jugoslovenske istorije;

ta pitanja su upravo pitanja na koja pokušavamo da odgovorimo. To su pitanja jugoslovenskog

odnosa prema kolonijalizmu, antikolonijalizmu, postkolonijalizmu, neokolonijalizmu, rasizmu,

antirasizmu, imperijalizmu, ekonomskom razvoju nerazvijenih, saradnji unutar pokreta nesvrstanih zemalja, oslobodilačkim pokretima na svetskom Jugu, socijalizmu u Trećem svetu,

transferu znanja, ekspertize, usvajanju odnosno odbacivanju kulturnih obrazaca reprezentacije

itd. Uopšte, cilj je utvrditi kakva su sliku (eng. image, representation) o Africi imale, razvijale

i gajile generacije Jugoslovena za potrebe ovog rada provizorno podeljene u grupe politička

elita, stručnjaci, kulturna elita, obični ljudi. Krajnji rezultat bi odgovarao istoriografskom

lociranju toposa „Afrika“ u „mrežama kulturnih pretpostavki“ na način na koji su to uradili

Leri Vulf sa Istočnom Evropom, Marija Todorova sa Balkanom, odnosno Edvard Said sa

Orijentom.

Rad je postavio sledeće hipoteze:

Poseban jugoslovenski položaj u ideološkom, ali i u kulturno-geografskom

smislu oblikovao je specifičnu sliku Afrike

Afrika je predstavljala idealan poligon za reklamiranje „jugoslovenskog modela“. Ovo reklamiranje nikada nije bilo spregnuto sa zahtevima za promenu

u bilo kom smislu u većini afričkih država, a Jugoslavija je posebno izbegavala

optužbe za 1. eksploataciju/neokolonijalizam 2.nametanje socijalizma/ideološki

kolonijalizam

Najvažniju ulogu u izgradnji slike „Drugog“ nije igralo istorijsko iskustvo susreta sa kontinentom već posredno preuzimanje delova slike pa i mitova iz

zapadne kulture/nauke tj. radikalno suprotstavljanje tim mitovima.

Jugoslovenska slika Afrike potpom je građena na razbijanju ili perpetuiranju tih

mitova u novom ruhu

Razlikovala se slika tzv. Severne i tzv. „crne“ Afrike

Slika Afrike na četiri nivoa – političke elite, stručnjaka, kulturne elite i običnih

ljudi razlikovala se u dostupnim informacijama i poimanju kontinenta

Slika Afrike građena je najviše na dihotomiji potlačeni-tlačitelji u različitim epohama i u različitom smislu (vojnom, kulturnom, ekonomskom). Jugoslavija

se uvek diskurzivno stavljala na stranu potlačenih Afrikanaca

Najvažnija imaginarna veza Jugoslavije i Afrike postala je privrženost nesvrstanosti, a potom diskurs potlačenosti

Budući da povezivanje sa Afrikom inicira poltiička elita, rečnik , terminologija

i fraze ove elite ponavljaju se u nauci i kulturi kao i kod običnih ljudi

Obični Jugosloveni gradili su sliku Afrike nekritički preuzimajući reprezentacije najviše iz političkog diskursa, odnosno kombinujući ih sa postojećim

stereotipima

Goran Korov (Zagreb), Razvojna suradnja poduzeća SR Hrvatske sa zemljama u

razvoju 1961.-1979;

Goran Korov (Našice, 1988.) završio je 2013. godine diplomski studij povijesti na Filozofskom

fakultetu Sveučilišta u Zagrebu, tema rada Jugoslavensko-bugarski odnosi u kontekstu

Makedonskog pitanja (1944.-1948.). Od 2013. do 2014. bio je na stručnom osposobljavanju

bez zasnivanja radnog odnosa na Institutu za povijest umjetnosti u Zagrebu. Akademske godine

2015./2016. upisao je Poslijediplomski studij moderne i suvremene hrvatske povijesti u

europskom i svjetskom kontekstu na Filozofskom fakultetu Sveučilišta u Zagrebu. Na

poslijediplomskom studiju bavi se temama kulturne, ekonomske i tehničke suradnje

socijalističke Jugoslavije u međunarodnom kontekstu. Također se bavi i odabranim temama u

sferi historije sjećanja i pamćenja na području Balkana i prostora bivše Jugoslavije tijekom 19.

i 20. stoljeća. Do sada je bio urednik (samostalno i u suradnji) dvije knjige te voditelj jednog

projekta i suradnik na brojnim projektima. Suradnik je nekoliko znanstvenih i stručnih časopisa,

gdje objavljuje članke, prikaze i recenzije. Sudjelovao je kao referent na više znanstvenih

skupova, simpozija i okruglih stolova. Bio je tajnik Pripremnog odbora Susreta Vladana

Desnice 2016. godine.

„Razvojna suradnja poduzeća SR Hrvatske sa zemljama u razvoju 1961.-1979.“

U Jugoslaviji se do 1945. godine za vlast izborila Narodnooslobodilačka fronta Jugoslavije

odnosno Komunistička partija Jugoslavije kao najutjecajniji subjekt u borbi protiv okupacijskih

snaga i njihovih suradnika. Josip Broz Tito, vođa nove Jugoslavije, isprva se pokazao kao jedan

od najodanijih Staljinovih saveznika. Zbog Titovog vođenja poprilično neovisne politike od

diktata Sovjetskog Saveza, Staljin je 1948. godine gurnuo Jugoslaviju u izolaciju, uvjeren da

će njezino vodstvo popustiti i vratiti se u sovjetsku sferu kontrole. Jugoslavija je neko vrijeme

provela u političkom „vakuumu“, koji je od ljeta 1949. nastojala ispuniti približavanjem

Zapadu. Nakon Staljinove smrti 1953. i posjeta Nikite Hruščova Beogradu 1955. godine,

jugoslavensko rukovodstvo pokrenulo je proces distanciranja od Zapada. Gušenje pobune u

Mađarskoj i Sueska kriza 1956. godine definitivno su uvjerili Josipa Broza Tita da ne veže

Jugoslaviju uz političke blokove. U isto vrijeme, u Aziji i Africi započeo je proces

dekolonizacije. Tito je već u srpnju 1956. godine, zajedno s Gamalom Abdelom Naserom i

Jawaharlalom Nehruom, potpisao Brijunsku deklaraciju, koja se smatra jednom od ključnih

inicijativa na putu do osnutka pokreta nesvrstanih zemalja 1961. godine. Jugoslaviji se pružala

prilika da predstavi svoj političko–ekonomski sustav i kulturu tek neovisnim državama Afrike.

Budući da su nove afričke države zazirale od bivših kolonizatora, a SSSR smatrale hegemonom

svoje vrste, jugoslavensko rukovodstvo ovdje je vidjelo prije svega priliku za sudjelovanje u

razvojnim projektima i proširenje trgovine na jedno sasvim novo tržište.

Suradnja sa zemljama u razvoju odvijala se u svim mogućim segmentima, od razvojne suradnje,

zdravstva, obrazovanja, kulture, ekonomije, građevinskog sektora te ostalih grana ljudskih

djelatnosti. Mnogi vodeći jugoslavenski ekonomski stručnjaci smatrali su da je trgovina s tim

zemljama od vitalne važnosti za plasman jugoslavenskih proizvoda i daljnji razvoj domaćeg

gospodarstva. Jugoslavenski stručnjaci, koji su bili angažirani na radu i osvajanju novih tržišta

zemalja u razvoju, često su imali pred sobom težak zadatak pun izazova. Jedan od ciljeva ovog

doktorskog rada biti će da se na određenom uzorku prezentiraju rad, suradnja i problemi s

kojima su se stručnjaci iz Jugoslavije, s naglaskom na stručnjake i poduzeća iz SR Hrvatske,

susretali i na koji su ih način rješavali. Kroz komparativnu analizu određenog broja zemalja u

razvoju, određeni uzorak slučajeva pokazati će koliko su ti stručnjaci bili uspješni u nošenju s

izazovima koji su im se nametali i koliko su se institucije u Jugoslaviji angažirale da im

pomognu u svladavanju raznih prepreka. Jugoslavenski arhivski dokumenti upućuju na složenu

mješavinu pregovaračkih vještina, korištenje obavještajnih informacija iz pozadine i brzog

političkog djelovanja baziranog na pažljivo prikupljenim podacima o gotovo svakom aspektu

svakodnevice, kulture i tradicije određenog društva. Neistraženi su brojni primjeri transfera

znanja i primjene istog u praksi, koji zapravo otvaraju brojna istraživačka pitanja i mogućnosti

interpretacije u svrhu boljeg razumijevanja procesa koji su obilježili jugoslavensku/hrvatsku

povijest i vanjsku politiku u novije doba. Ekonomska povijest Hrvatske u hrvatskoj

historiografiji obrađena je tek u tragovima. Vanjska suradnja Hrvatske s ostalim zemljama u

svijetu uglavnom je prezentirana u kontekstu vanjskih odnosa Jugoslavije, što je u principu

tema koja se ni ne može izdvojiti i promatrati partikularno, ali se na nju može staviti naglasak

i, uz komparativnu analizu s ostalim federativnim republikama Jugoslavije, dobiti cjelovita

slika o određenim segmentima vanjske suradnje. Ova suradnja je vrijedna proučavanja budući

da su preko pokreta nesvrstanih razna poduzeća imala mogućnost da plasiraju svoje proizvode

zemljama u razvoju. Iako je Jugoslavija u Europi tada bila jedna od srednje razvijenih zemalja,

ona je u očima zemalja Trećeg svijeta bila jedna progresivna europska zemlja, koja je prošla

kroz vlastitu borbu za oslobođenje protiv okupacije u Drugom svjetskom ratu. Zbog takve su

reputacije jugoslavenska poduzeća među zemljama u razvoju u pojedinim slučajevima imala

poseban tretman i prednost čak i pred boljim ponudama za neke investicijske projekte. Te

zemlje su danas dijelom multipolarne međunarodne ekonomije i, prema tvrdnji povjesničara

Tvrtka Jakovine, teme i zbivanja koje se naslanjaju na njih danas je važnije obrađivati nego

ikad prije.

Zanimljivi i intrigantni izvještaji, stenografski zapisi i ostala dokumentacija vezana uz tehničku

i gospodarsku suradnju poduzeća i institucija (INGRA, Geotehnika, INA, Industrogradnja,

Viadukt, Rade Končar, Tekstil, Pliva, Privredna komora Hrvatske,...) s pojedinim zemljama u

razvoju, pružaju reprezentativan narativ koji će primarno biti prezentiran metodom

komparativne analize.

Arno Trueltzsch (Lajpzig), Non-Alignment Revisited: Yugoslavia’s impact on

International Law 1948-1980

Ja sam historičar jugoistočne te srednjoistočne Evrope. Trenutno pišem disertaciju koja se bavi

globalnom savremenom historijom, historijom realnog socijalizma i njegovog uticaj na razvoj

savremenog međunarodnog prava (sa primjerom spoljne politike i pravne doktrine

socijalističke Jugoslavije). Doktoriram na Global and European Studies Institute Leipziškog

univerziteta, a istovremeno sam udruženi saradnik na Leibniz Institut für Geschichte und

Kultur des östlichen Europas (GWZO) [Institut „Leibniz“ za historiju i kulturu istočne Evrope].

Završio sam kulturologiju (Britanske i jugoistočnoevropske studije / anglistiku i južnu

slavistiku) na Univerzitetu u Halleu (B.A. u 2010.). Nastavio sam u M.A. programu za Evropske

studije u Leipzigu (smijer savremena historija istočne i jugoistočne Evrope / EU-integracija),

magistrirajući u 2013. Proveo sam istraživački semestar u Skoplju (Makedonija) u 2009. i

ERASMUS semestar u Zagrebu (Hrvatska) u 2011./12.

I am a historian specializing in South Eastern and East Central Europe, with a research focus

on both global contemporary history and the history of Real Socialism and its connection to the

making of modern international law (with non-aligned Yugoslavia as example). I am a PhD

student at the Global and European Studies Institute at Leipzig University and an associated

researcher at GWZO Leipzig. I have completed cultural studies (British and Southeast

European Studies/ English and South Slavic languages) with a B.A. in 2010 at Halle University.

I continued with a M.A. in European Studies (focusing on East- and Southeast European

contemporary history and EU integration processes), graduating in 2013. Additionally, I have

completed research and study semesters in Skopje (Macedonia) in 2009 and in Zagreb (Croatia)

in 2011/12.

Neue Aspekte der Blockfreiheit: der Beitrag Jugoslawiens zum Völkerrecht 1948-1980

[Non-Alignment Revisited: Yugoslavia’s impact on International Law 1948-1980]

1. Einordnung und Grundlagen des Themas

In meinem Vorhaben Neue Aspekte der Blockfreiheit: der Beitrag Jugoslawiens zum

Völkerrecht 1948-1980 beschäftige ich mich mit dem Zusammenwirken von Ideologie,

Außenpolitik und deren Einfluss auf die Entwicklung des Völkerrechts am Beispiel des

sozialistischen Jugoslawiens und seiner Aktivität in den Vereinten Nationen. Damit betrete ich

in mehreren Forschungsfeldern Neuland, sowohl in der zeithistorischen Forschung zu

Südosteuropa, in der Geschichte der internationalen Beziehungen, als auch in der Geschichte

des Völkerrechts nach 1945. Die Verknüpfung der Themenkomplexe unter dem Schlagwort

Verrechtlichung/jurifidication erlaubt mir neue Einsichten und Erkenntnisse, die den Horizont

der Forschungen in allen benannten Gebieten erweitern sollen.

• Kernthema: Verrechtlichung (juridification) als Regelungsziel von Außenpolitik und

internationaler Kooperation

• innovative Promotionsarbeit aus Vorarbeit am GWZO-Projekt Verrechtlichungsprozesse der

internationalen Beziehungen in Ostmittel- und Südosteuropa

2. Forschungsfragen und –Ziele

Die Rolle Jugoslawiens als eine der treibenden Kräfte der Blockfreien-Bewegung (im

folgenden BFB bzw. NAM für Non-Aligned Movement) ist nur peripher bzw. punktuell

erforscht, da der Fokus von bisherigen Untersuchungen hier stark auf postkolonialen Ansätzen

und dem Paradigma einer „Dritten Welt“ liegt. Viele Publikationen behandeln

globalgeschichtliche Fragestellungen bzw. setzen sich mit den wirtschaftspolitischen und

postkolonialen Komplexen auseinander, die im Fokus der BFB lagen In den Vorüberlegungen

zu diesem Thema, im Rahmen meiner Tätigkeit als Mitarbeiter des GWZO wurde mir jedoch

bewusst, dass es einen Nexus zwischen dem außenpolitischen Wirken und der eigenen

Konflikt- und Staatsgeschichte unter Tito gibt. Im Zusammenhang mit den Prinzipien und

(völkerrechtlich relevanten) Vorstößen der Blockfreien im Laufe des Kalten Krieges ergibt sich

hier eine interessante Verbindung, die im Kern einen Zusammenhang zwischen Tito-

Jugoslawiens Etablierung, seinem staatlichen Selbstverständnis, dem Engagement in der

Blockfreien- Bewegung, und dem Konfliktgeschehen im Nachgang erkennen lässt. Diesen

Nexus gilt es nicht nur im Rahmen der allgemeinen Außenpolitik Jugoslawiens zu untersuchen.

Dabei muss auch bedacht werden, dass es so etwas wie eine „absolute Blockfreiheit“, also eine

Art „aktive Neutralität“, wie sie Tito und Nehru als Initiatoren der BFB verstanden, angesichts

der ökonomischen und sonstigen strategischen Interessen der Teilnehmerstaaten nie gegeben

hat.

Seien es die Abhängigkeit von Entwicklungshilfe, die Rüstungsexporte oder regionale Pakte

und Verträge – das alles hatte Einfluss auf die jeweilige außenpolitische Ausrichtung, gerade

was Jugoslawien betrifft. Hier setzt ein wichtiger Forschungsstrang an, der die Möglichkeit

einer vollständig „unabhängigen“ Existenz in der Blockkonfrontation nach dem zweiten

Weltkrieg hinterfragen soll, gerade am Beispiel der jugoslawischen Diplomatie und Politik in

den Vereinten Nationen.

Um den weltpolitischen Einfluss der BFB und gerade des jugoslawischen Engagements neu zu

bewerten und auf konkrete Ziele einzugrenzen bzw. abzubilden, muss man das internationale

Regelungssystem nach 1945 in diese Überlegungen mit einbeziehen. Die Kodifizierung

internationaler Regelungen und Normen war eines dieser Instrumente, mit denen die

sogenannten bündnisfreien Staaten jenseits der Machtpolitik und globalen Hegemonie der

Blöcke das Weltgeschehen zumindest punktuell beeinflussen konnten. Gerade die

jugoslawischen Akteure, in der Troika aus Diplomaten, Politikern und Experten, wollten das

Völkerrecht progressiv weiterentwickeln, indem man auf die normativen Grundlagen des

Systems der Vereinten Nationen (i. F. UN für United Nations) zurückgriff und eigene Interessen

damit abzusichern gedachte. Dafür stehen konkret wichtige internationale Regelungskomplexe

wie z. B. das Gewalt- und Interventionsverbot, die Verfügungsgewalt über natürliche

Ressourcen und die Dekolonialisierung, sowie Abrüstung und die friedliche Koexistenz aller

Staaten und Völker. […] Außerdem zählten dazu eine friedliche Nutzung von Kernenergie und

Wissenschaft, das Verbot von Nuklear-, Chemie- und Biowaffen sowie eine kontrollierte

Totalabrüstungsstrategie im Rahmen der UN. Ein generelles Anliegen war darüber hinaus die

allgemeine Kodifizierung des Völkerrechts i. S. seiner universellen Anwendbarkeit und

Gültigkeit. Damit sollten konkrete außenpolitische Ziele in Rechtsnormen überführt und damit

verbindlich gemacht werden. Eine genaue Analyse über die Genese dieser jugoslawischen

Innovationen und Vorstöße fehlt bisher, gerade in einem rechtshistorischen bzw.

globalgeschichtlichen Zusammenhang. […] Dabei möchte ich die Völkerrechtswissenschaft

und -praxis in Jugoslawien bzw. durch jugoslawische Akteure einbeziehen, um eine

abgrenzbare Völkerrechtsdoktrin in den Außenbeziehungen nachzuweisen.

Bei diesem Zugang bilden auch die Grenzen und Schwächen der jugoslawischen Diplomatie

sowie die Fehlstellen ihrer Völkerrechtsdoktrin einen wichtigen Teil des Vorhabens, die sich

sehr anschaulich bei Menschenrechtsfragen darstellen lassen: Einer außenpolitischen und

völkerrechtspraktischen Offenheit stand die Einschränkung und Beschneidung von

Menschenrechten im innerstaatlichen Kontext gegenüber.

3. Theoretischer und methodischer Zugang

In meinem Vorhaben, in dem ich an konkreten Beispielen die Völkerrechtsentwicklung in einen

größeren global- als auch regionalhistorischen Zusammenhang stellen möchte, nähere ich mich

kritisch dem in der klassischen Völkerrechtswissenschaft gängigen Modus einer linearen und

telelogisch gefassten Normengenese an. Diese Normen sind nicht absolut, sie unterliegen dem

sozialen, politischen und kulturellen Wandel bzw. sind aus ihm hervorgegangen – was

allgemein für jede Rechtsordnung gilt. Im internationalen System verändern sie sich jedoch mit

einer großen Dynamik durch die Vielzahl an Interessen, Akteuren und Verflechtungen sowie

durch die vergleichsweise flachen Rechtssetzungshierarchien. Völkerrecht ist historisch in

Raum und Zeit zu verorten; es ist historisch konstruiert und z. T. auch so legitimiert. Seine

Haltbarkeit ist damit viel stärker von politischem Handeln abhängig als im innerstaatlichen

Recht. Wenn wir dem Völkerrecht das Potential zur Innovation und Verrechtlichung der

internationalen Sphäre zusprechen, so schwingt dabei immer etwas Positives und grundsätzlich

Fortschrittliches mit. Die historischen Umstände zeigen jedoch, dass man angesichts der

komplexen Beziehung zwischen Akteuren, Interessen und Institutionen im internationalen

Geschehen aus der Sicht der Historiographie eben kein lineares Narrativ der

Völkerrechtsentwicklung etablieren kann. Das Staatensystem hat sich keineswegs in einer Linie

von einer interessengeleiteten, sozusagen „rechtsarmen“ Situation der Imperien und jungen

Nationalstaaten zu einem Regime der zunehmenden Verrechtlichung und festen Normierung

von Staatsverhalten entwickelt. Die Teleologie einer solchen unterkomplexen Sichtweise ist

augenfällig. Allein der Blick auf das Weltgeschehen im 20. Jahrhundert zeigt deutlich, dass die

einschneidenden völkerrechtlichen Vertragssysteme nach dem ersten und zweiten Weltkrieg

die Hoffnung nicht erfüllen konnten, dass die darin vereinbarten Mechanismen in jedem Fall z.

B. nationale Minderheiten schützen oder Grenzkonflikte dauerhaft lösen würden.

Bei der Analyse völkerrechtlicher Normen und ihrer Entstehung setze ich daher voraus, dass

die Grenzen und auch das Scheitern völkerrechtlicher Entwicklungsansätze, wie z. B. die

Initiativen einzelner Staaten zwingend einen Teil einer solchen Entwicklungsgeschichte bilden

müssen. Das ändert nichts an der nachweislichen Existenz des Wissens- und Regelungsregimes

„Völkerrecht“, trotz seiner engen Verflechtung mit den Arenen der internationalen Politik und

Ökonomie, und trotz seiner teilweise fehlenden Regelungspräzision und Tragweite. Mein

Untersuchungsansatz versucht daher nicht, das Völkerrecht als obsolet oder marginal

darzustellen. […] Mitnichten soll eine solche historisch-kritische Analyse am Beispiel der

jugoslawischen UN-Initiativen auf einen defätistischen und zynischen Verriss aller

Bemühungen für eine klarere völkerrechtliche

Verantwortung und Wirksamkeit abheben. Damit würde einer normenhierarchischen

Teleologie, die politische und soziale Einflüsse auf die Normengenese weitgehend ausblendet,

schlicht die Kontingenz und Unberechenbarkeit politischen Handelns und politischer Macht auf

globaler Ebene als historisches Leitmuster entgegengesetzt.

In meiner Herangehensweise an die politisch motivierten Regelungsvorschläge der

jugoslawischen Akteure ist mir bewusst, dass die Machtbeziehungen zwar zentral für die

Epoche des sogenannten Kalten Krieges gewesen sind, das Völkerrecht jedoch in der jeweiligen

Auslegung weit über rein politische Interessen hinaus ging – es diente zur Beschreibung und

Legitimation der globalen Ist-Situation, als auch einem moralischen Impuls. Der

Universalitätsanspruch der jeweiligen Völkerrechtsauffassungen in Ost und West trugen zur

Konfliktdynamik bei bzw. erklärten und legitimierten diese durch den Rückgriff auf

entsprechende rechtsdogmatische Argumente – entweder durch ein zumeist liberal-

demokratisches Dogma oder jenes des dialektischen Materialismus. Die jugoslawische

Völkerrechtslehre und die von ihr beeinflusste außenpolitische Haltung brachten im Rahmen

der BFB hier völlig neue, z. T. synthetische Ansätze zur Beschreibung und Überwindung dieses

Gegensatzes ein. Diese sollen in der Untersuchung konkret durch eine kombinierte Analyse von

Archivquellen und historisch relevanter völkerrechtlicher und politikwissenschaftlicher

Literatur aus dem ehemaligen Jugoslawien aufgezeigt und beschrieben werden. Die Frage des

Kontextes der Normengenese und der Anwendung des so begründeten Völkerrechts ist damit

zentraler Bestandteil meiner Herangehensweise. […] Weil die Debatten und Argumente zum

Rechtscharakter der internationalen Beziehungen dem kontextspezifischen und

kulturgebundenen Vokabular und damit einem bestimmten sozialen Diskurs unterliegen,

entwickeln die Akteure (Juristen und Politiker) eine zeit- und ortspezifische Rechtsideologie,

die ebenso geistesgeschichtlich in einer bestimmten Tradition steht bzw. sich verschiedener

zugänglicher Traditionen bedient. Um die jugoslawischen Regelungsinitiativen und ihren

Kontext im kalten Krieg und in den Dynamiken der BFB im Sinne dieser theoretischen

Überlegungen zu bewerten, sind detaillierte Archivforschungen nötig, die z. T. schon erfolgt

sind. Mit ihnen sollen die konkreten Regelungsinitiativen und Verrechtlichungsvorhaben

nachgewiesen werden. Einerseits möchte ich diese daraufhin in den Forschungsstand zur

Entwicklung des UN-Systems und der BFB einordnen. Andererseits werde ich zur Analyse der

außenpolitischen Originaldokumente, wie bereits erwähnt, eine größere Menge

zeitgenössischer völkerrechtlicher und politikwissenschaftlich-ideologischer Literatur aus dem

ehemaligen Jugoslawien hinzuziehen, welche die geistesgeschichtlichen Generallinien und

Ordnungsvorstellungen der jugoslawischen Juristen und politischen Akteure belegen soll. Die

Kombination beider Dokumentarten soll mir helfen, die konkreten Regelungsinitiativen und

deren Folgen zu rekonstruieren und darüber hinaus den soziopolitischen Diskurs zur Rolle des

Völkerrechts in der jugoslawischen Außenpolitik im Untersuchungszeitraum von 1948 bis ca.

1980 nachzuvollziehen, mit kurzen Ausblicken auf die Folgejahre bis 1991.

English Abstract / short description of the PhD project:

Non-Alignment Revisited: Yugoslavia’s impact on International Law 1948-1980

After its dismissal from the Socialist camp in 1948, Yugoslavia became one of the instigators,

main drivers and pioneers of the so-called Non-Aligned Movement [NAM]. In this context,

Yugoslavia looked for new allies, which it found among a large number of former colonies or

mandate territories that had just gained their independence.

In order to secure its delicate position in a divided Europe and globe, it sought to strengthen the

system of the United Nations (UN) for solving international conflicts, particularly through

binding norms of international law. The external pressure, triggered by repositioning the

country between “East” and “West” amidst the Cold War, contributed to a new understanding

of “active peaceful coexistence” and peace-keeping. In this vein, Yugoslav protagonists

initiated an increasing number of draft resolutions within the organs of the UN, together with

their new non-aligned partners (esp. India and Egypt). Although many of these draft resolutions

were connected with the complexities of Yugoslav foreign policy, they deserve thorough

analysis and reassessment.

I want to explore and question whether these initiatives contributed to an increasing legal

certainty in international affairs or if they were but a side-effect of Yugoslav foreign policy

interests, especially in the controversial field of human rights. In this vein I would like to

examine and evaluate specific Yugoslav approaches to and interpretations of international law,

focusing on the triad of political actors, legal experts and diplomacy. I combine this actor-based

approach with the analysis of foreign policy documents (especially diplomatic correspondence

and political reports between Belgrade and the UN delegations) and the critical examination of

Yugoslav publications on international law. Thus I try to highlight the connection between

Yugoslav Socialist ideology, legal expertise and foreign policy initiatives in the UN. Being

aware that most of these initiatives for a stricter adherence to rules of international law, i. e.

pushes for a further juridification of international relations, did not necessarily result in so-

called “hard”, i. e. codified international law, I will try to argue how these ideas still had a wider

impact on both Yugoslavia’s international and self-image, especially in legitimating the

authoritarian rule of her leader Josip Broz Tito and his League of Communists, and the inner

dynamics of the Non-Aligned Movement until the early 1980s.