JOURNAL FÜNF KONTINENTE · at the end of the first century CE by stūpa-shaped containers that...

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Weltoffen seit 1862 JOURNAL FÜNF KONTINENTE FORUM FÜR ETHNOLOGISCHE FORSCHUNG BAND 1 · 2014/2015

Transcript of JOURNAL FÜNF KONTINENTE · at the end of the first century CE by stūpa-shaped containers that...

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Weltoffen seit 1862

JOURNAL FÜNF KONTINENTEFORUM FÜR ETHNOLOGISCHE FORSCHUNGBAND 1 · 2014/2015

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Weltoffen seit 1862

FORSCHUNGSBERICHTEAFRIKA ∙ AMERIKA ∙ ASIEN ∙OZEANIEN ∙ AUSTRALIEN

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Abb. 1: Schurz (Detail) für Frauen mitgeometrischer Musterung, Parukoto-Charuma, erworben 1964 bei denbenachbarten Tiriyó, Nordbrasilien, um 1960, Glasperlen, Samenkapseln,Käferflügeldecken, Metallteile, Federn, Raubvogel-Schnäbel,Pflanzenfaserschnur, B. oben 37 cm, B. unten 48 cm, H. 35 cm, Slg. Günther Protásio Frikel, MFKInv. Nr. 64-12-1 (siehe Abb. 15a).© Marianne Franke

F O R S C H U N G S B E R I C H T E : A M E R I K A

A B S T R A C T

One of the less-known German anthropologists who contributed significantlyto the Brazilian anthropology of the Amazon basin was Günther Protásio Frikel(1912–1974). In 1931 he came to Brazil to become a Franciscan missio naryand worked as such from 1937 till 1963, soon discovering his passion for an-thropology and the Amerindians of the Amazon. After doing some researchon the Candomblé of Bahia and the Amazonian archaeology, he began ethno-graphic research on the karib-speaking groups of the Trombetas riverine system (a northern tributary of the lower Amazon river) in the mid 1940s.Until his death in 1974 Frikel studied various indigenous groups, mainly fromthe northern lower Amazon but also some groups, which are living in southernPará. Frikels main interest was focused on the Tiriyó, a karib-speaking groupof the Guyanas, living at both sides of the frontier with Suriname.Since Protásio Frikel seems to be almost forgotten outside of a small commu-nity of scientists engaged with the study of the karib-speaking groups at theGuyanas, the paper aims to commemorate the anthropologist, who did pio-neering research in the Brazilian Guyanas.

Beatrix Hoffmann

GÜNTHER PROTÁSIO FRIKEL(1912–1974)EIN BIOGRAPHISCHER VERSUCH

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Abb. 1: Massatogefäß (Detail) mitGesichtsdarstellung, Shipibo, zentraleMontaña, Rio Ucayali, Ost-Peru, Slg. E. J. Fittkau, in der Zeit von 1963bis 1992, polychrome Keramik, H. 14 cm, Dm (Öffnung) 9,5 cm, MFK,Inv. Nr. 10-333 575 (siehe Abb. 9). © Marianne Franke

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A B S T R A C T

In 2010 the Munich State Museum of Ethnology (now Five Continents Museum)acquired a large ethnographic collection from the zoologist and passionatecollector Professor Dr. Ernst Josef Fittkau (1927–2012). He compiled a hugenumber of ethnographic objects from many ethnic groups of Amazonia, mostof which he collected during his research work which he carried out in variousregions of the Amazon basin for many years.The subject of this paper is the collection from the Montaña tribes Cofán, Huaorani, Aguaruna, Shuar, Canelo, Shipibo, Conibo, Campa (Asháninca),Amuesha and Matsigenka which live in the Eastern parts of Ecuador and Peru.The geographic region Montaña extends along the forested Eastern slopes ofthe Andes which form the Western edge of the Amazon basin.The author describes selected ethnographic pieces and their reference to cultural history. The tribal cultures concerned are classified according to his-torical ethnographic aspects.

Klaus-Peter Kästner

DIE MONTAÑA-SAMMLUNG VONERNST JOSEF FITTKAU – EINE KULTURGESCHICHTLICHEBETRACHTUNG

F O R S C H U N G S B E R I C H T E : A M E R I K A

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Fig. 1: Detail of the epitaph for Juri and Miranha, two indigenouschildren from Brasil, about 1824,bronze, 40 x 48 cm. Designed by Johann Baptist Stiglmaier(1791–1844), Inv. Nr. K-67/509, Foto: P. Fliegauf.© Münchner Stadtmuseum, Sammlung Angewandte Kunst

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A B S T R A C T

During their expedition in the early 19th century (1817–1820), Bavarian naturalists and explorers Johannes Baptist Spix and Carl Friedrich PhilippMartius, had contact with various indigenous populations in Brazil. Theytook two indigenous children from the Amazon region to Germany where theystayed alive just a few months. They were named Isabella and Johannes orcorrespondingly to the nation they belonged to – Miranha and Juri. The kinghimself probably encouraged the two scientists to do so. The purpose of thisaction is not really clear. Martius acquired these children as slaves while hewas traveling without Spix. Martius gave contradictory versions how he gotthe children but later he stated that he took the children to Munich out ofcompassion to save them from a life in slavery. Until recently this version wascited. In old age Martius confessed in a diary that it was a dark deed.This article aims at discussing this interethnic contact and is a case study toshow how the acquaintance with two Indians, taken to Munich, influenced theperception about the nature of Indians from Brazil in Germany at that time.

Klaus Schönitzer

FROM THE NEW TO THE OLD WORLDTwo indigenous children brought back to Germany by Johann Baptist Spix and Carl Friedrich Philipp Martius

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Fig. 1: Close-up of “Totem Poles,Kitsegukla, 1912” by Emily Carr, oil oncanvas, 126.8×98.4 cm (see fig.7). © Vancouver Art Gallery, Founders’ Fund, VAG 37-2

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Z U S A M M E N F A S S U N G

Im Jahr 2005 erwarb das Staatliche Museum für Völkerkunde München, 2014umbenannt in Museum Fünf Kontinente, über den Kunsthandel den unterenTeil eines Totem- oder Wappenpfahles, der wohl in den 1880er Jahren im DorfGitsegukla der Gitk’san First Nation an der kanadischen Nordwestküste ge-schnitzt und aufgestellt worden war. Er trug den Namen Ksrarom-larhae, nachjener Familie, die ihn einst in Auftrag gegeben hatte. Das Pfahlteil ist 3 Meterund 12 Zentimeter hoch, stark beschädigt und mit minimalen Resten seinerursprünglichen Fassung. Der vorliegende Aufsatz zeichnet die Biographiedieses Wappenpfahles nach, ausgehend von seiner Ursprungsgemeinde, denErwerb durch einen Kunsthändler, der ihn in vier Teile zersägte, bis in die bei-den Museen, in denen er – in Teilen – jetzt zu sehen ist. Das Canadian Museumof Civilization kaufte 1987 die oberen drei Abschnitte, offenbar in Unkenntnis,dass das Basisteil noch existierte, und ließ den fehlenden unteren Teil von indianischen Künstlern anhand alter Fotos und Gemälde nachschnitzen. Derso wieder komplette, aber nicht mehr originale, Wappenpfahl wurde 1998aufgestellt. Es wird der Frage nachgegangen, wie es möglich war, dass einderartiges Objekt überhaupt in den Kunsthandel gelangte. Welche Rolle spiel-ten dabei die ursprünglichen Eigentümer, wie verhielten sich die kanadischenBehörden beim Verkauf an den Händler und wie lässt sich überhaupt ein fairerMarktpreis ermitteln. Der kulturelle Wert und die finanzielle Bewertung desWappenpfahles hat sich im Laufe seiner Reise von seinem Ursprungsort übereinen Schuppen als Lagerplatz am Frazer River und durch die Welt des kultu-rellen Erbes in den letzten fünfzig Jahren sicher oft gewandelt.

Dianne Newell and Wolfgang Stein

THE KSRAROM-LARHAE TOTEM POLE C.1885 OF CANADA’SNORTHWEST COAST CULTURE AREA

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Abb. 1: Beschriebener Deckel eines Reliquiars (s. Abb. 25),MFK, Inv. Nr. 2015-17-7.

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A B S T R A C T

At her much-regretted demise, Prof. Gritli von Mitterwallner left a number of Buddhist reliquary caskets from Gandhara that found their way into theMuseum Fünf Kontinente in Munich. Making use of a recent catalogue of suchreliquaries, the new acquisitions are presented and evaluated within their relevant categories. The scope of the said catalogue is extended here to pre-sent a prehistory of the reliquary caskets that shows that its earliest forms goback to north Syria of the 9th century BCE, where they became used as contai-ners for incense. The use of incense and keeping it in such containers thenspread to Attica, where new shapes developed in ceramic ware. A combinationof forms and material from Syria and Attica then led to new designs in Helle-nistic Bactria, where the containers were made from soft stone and shaped ona lathe. Without their inner compartments, the Bactrian forms were then re -pro duced in Gandhara. Further influence from the Greek world is also appa-rent in a particular ornament only found in Gandhara and the use of gold foilflowers. These reliquaries derived from incense containers were then replacedat the end of the first century CE by stūpa-shaped containers that replicatethe stūpa construction with its contents in a miniature form; these were notmeant in all cases to be interred inside a stūpa but also to serve as a privateobject of veneration in a chapel of a wealthy household.

Harry Falk

BUDDHISTISCHE RELIQUIEN-BEHÄLTER AUS DER SAMMLUNGGRITLI VON MITTERWALLNER

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Abb. 1: Teilansicht des Guldara Stupa in Afghanistan, ca. 2. Jh. n.Chr.(aus: Warwick Ball, ArchaeologicalGazetteer of Afghanistan, 1982).

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A B S T R A C T

The collection of Gritli von Mitterwallner formerly contained a metal platewhich was part of a donation of the Buddha’s relics in a stūpa. The plate hasbeen lost and is only preserved in two photographs. Its text is here presentedand reconstructed as far as the many illegible letters permit. The inscriptionmentions the three sons of Zaṃdasa as the donors. It is dated in an unspeci-fied era, but for several reasons an equivalent date between 60 and 81 CE ismost likely.

Richard Salomon

EINE AUF KHAROṢṬHĪBESCHRIEBENE KUPFERTAFELAUS DER SAMMLUNG GRITLI VON MITTERWALLNER¹

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Abb. 1: Wassergefäß für eineWasserpfeife, Chargaon bei Mathura,Indien, Bronze, H. 41cm, Dm. 24cm, Slg. Scherman, MFK, Inv. Nr. Mu. 1.© Marianne Franke

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A B S T R A C T

In spite of being one of the most interesting pieces from the Scherman collection in the Munich Museum Fünf Kontinente, the bell-shaped hukka

with its unusual figurative decoration of dancing theriomorphic and humanfigures remained hidden in the store rooms of the museum for long years, dueto lack of details about its history and purpose. Monika Zin was the first todescribe it and to roughly date it (not before the middle of 18th century). Buta clue for its possible context and purpose – if only a provisional one – canperhaps be obtained from looking into Śaiva mythology and annual festivals,particularly Mahāśivarātri. Thus, the object could well have been a ritual vessel for smoking bhang or gañj (according to a current belief of Yogic tradi-tion the “mundane” equivalent of amṛta, the nectar of the gods), which is anintegral part of the Mahāśivarātri ceremonies.

Maria Schetelich

EINE INDISCHE WASSERPFEIFE IM MUSEUM FÜNF KONTINENTE

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Abb. 1: Ansichtskarte »Gruß aus dem Bismarck Archipel«. In vorgedrucktem Jugendstilrahmeneingeklebtes Foto, handschriftlichbezeichnet als: »NebenstehendEingeborene unserer Insel, genanntKanaker«.Slg. Dieter Klein.

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A B S T R A C T

Martin Voigt (1878–1952) came to German New Guinea in the year 1902 asImperial Postmaster. In this role he made it a priority that the native Mela-nesians were employed as minor officials in the postal service. This enabledVoigt to come in close contact with his employees, of whom he always spokein a positive way.As a keen photographer, he documented not only the German colonial life butalso the traditional ways of the indigenous population. He cooperated withother photographers in the colony, exchanging and buying photos. He alsobegan to collect ethnographic objects. Voigt’s employment in the postal ser-vice meant that he was able to discover different areas of German New Guineaand learn about the indigenous population.However, as a result of recurring bouts of malaria, he was forced to give up his post in the South Seas in 1906 and return to Germany. He stored his collec - tions (photos, ethnographic objects, letters and postcards) in his attic wherethey remained for 90 years. The majority of the photographic bequest wasacquired by the Five Continents Museum (Museum Fünf Kontinente).

Dieter Klein

EINE PERLE DER SÜDSEE? Martin Voigt als Kaiserlicher Postagent, Fotograf und Sammler von Ethnographica in Deutsch-Neuguinea (1902–1906)¹

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Fig. 1: The Mutineers turningLieutenant Bligh and part of the officers and crew adrift from hisMajesty’s Ship the Bounty.Hand-coloured aquatint engraving.Artist: Robert Dodd, 1790. © National Library of Australia

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Z U S A M M E N F A S S U N G

Die Entdeckung eines weiteren Rindenbastponchos (tiputa) von Pitcairn Island in den Beständen des Museums Fünf Kontinente wird zum Anlass genommen, der Tradition der Rindenbastherstellung auf dieser Insel nach -zugehen. Es waren die tahitianischen Frauen der Meuterer von der Bounty umFletcher Christian, die ihr Wissen und ihre Geräte aus Tahiti mitgebracht hat-ten und auf diese Weise für Bekleidung der kleinen Gemeinde sorgten. Die Artder Rindenbastherstellung aus der inneren Rinde des Papiermaulbeerbaumsblieb die gleiche, aber an der charakteristischen, etwas abgewandelten Ver-zierung kann man die Ponchos aus Pitcairn eindeutig identifizieren. SolchePonchos wurden von den tahitianischen Frauen und ihren Töchtern herge-stellt und als Geschenke an die Mitglieder von Schiffsbesatzungen gegeben.Der Münchner Poncho muss zwischen 1808 und 1823 gesammelt worden sein,denn im Juni 1825 befand er sich bereits in London.

Pauline Reynolds

A PITCAIRN TIPUTA IN THE FIVE CONTINENTS MUSEUM

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Abb. 1: Heteralocha acutirostris(Huia), 1849, (aus: Iconographieornithologique, Marc Athanase Parfait Œillet Des Murs [1804-1878]).

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Zur Eingliederung des ausgestorbenen Huia (Heteralocha acutirostris) in die ethnographischen und zoologischen Sammlungen des österreichischen Neuseelandforschers und den daraus erfolgten Vorwürfen

A B S T R A C T

Andreas Reischek (1845–1902), a New Zealand explorer from the province ofUpper Austria, brought extensive collections of the New Zealand avifaunaand of Maori culture back to Austria, which are mainly housed in the Natur-historisches Museum in Wien (NHMW) and in the Weltmuseum Wien. Thesecollections also include items from the extinct Huia (Heteralocha acutirostris),a bird renowned for the strong sexual dimorphism of its beak. In the NHMWthere are two skeletons and eight skins of the Huia. Reischek’s ethnographiccollection, housed in Vienna’s Weltmuseum, boasts five feather ornamentsthat are unique documentations of Maori culture the like of which cannot befound even in New Zealand’s museums. One piece in particular deserves specialmention, namely the ornament presented to Reischek by none less than theMaori King Tawhiao. There also exist four skins of the Huia which have beenused as ear pendants. This article discusses the various objects from Reischek’scollections that are related to the Huia. It also addresses the criticism thathas emerged over the years with regard to these objects.

Georg Schifko und Anita Gamauf

EIN EMBLEMATISCHER VOGELNEUSEELANDS ALSKRISTALLISATIONSPUNKT FÜR DIEKRITIK AN ANDREAS REISCHEK

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Aboriginal Australian contemporary artists create works that express boththeir indigenous traditions as well as the unprecedented conditions of globalmodernity. This is especially true for painters of the Spinifex Arts Project, acollective established in 1997 to create “government paintings” as documentsof land tenure, which were used in negotiations with the government of Wes-tern Australia to reclaim desert homelands.British and Australian nuclear testing in the 1950s displaced the Anangu

tjuta pila nguru, known to us as the Spinifex people, from their millennial life -world. Their exodus and subsequent struggle to regain lost homelandsthrough paintings produced as Native Title evidence makes Spinifex art notsimply an expression of Tjukurpa, or “Dreamings”, but also an artifact of theatomic age, and its impact on a culture far from the front lines of cold warconflict.

Abb. 1a: Detail aus »Daisy Bates mit Spinifex People in Ooldea«. © Slg. A.G. Bolam, South Australian Museum

Greg Castillo

DAS VOLK DER SPINIFEX ALS VERTRETER DER MODERNE DES KALTEN KRIEGES

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Abb. 1: Gemeinschaftswerk vonSpinifex-Frauen: Anne Hogan, Carlene West, Kathleen Donegan, Myrtle Pennington, Yarangka Elaine Thomas: Kungkurungkalpa ka Minyma Tjintirtjintir, Acryl auf Baumwolle, 195×151 cm, 2012, MFK, Inv. Nr. 13-336 822 © Spinifex Arts Project

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A B S T R A C T

“Pro Community” is an exhibition series curated and organized by ARTKELCHin Freiburg, which showcases Australian Aboriginal art from one region peryear at different venues in Germany. With its focus on community-based artcenters, which are collectively owned and managed by the artists themselves,the series provides a clear statement about provenance, authenticity and ethical sourcing of Australian Indigenous art.In 2013 the State Museum of Ethnology in Munich was one of the Pro Commu-nity exhibition partners, introducing the Spinifex Arts Project to the Germanaudience. Visitors had the chance to get an idea of the overwhelming creati-vity of one of the longest ongoing art traditions on earth, whose modernforms are based on ancient rock, sand and body painting techniques that aremore than 40,000 years old. Its spiritual roots can be found in the Tjukurpa or“Dreaming”, the ever ongoing creation process, which connects past and pre-sent, the spiritual and the secular, the people and the land.The Spinifex people belong to the last remaining nomads of Australia. Theirpaintings reflect the “archetype” of Aboriginal art and emanate so muchpower that even people who know nothing about the identity and land of theSpinifex People, their creation story and their disastrous “atomic history”can feel it. The political dimension of their art is stunning. By painting theircountry and ancestral stories, the Spinifex People were able to win the NativeTitle claim for 55,000 square kilometers of their traditional land.

Robyn Kelch

PRO COMMUNIT Y –SPINIFEX ARTS PROJECT 2013 IN MÜNCHEN