Journal of the International Association of

Buddhist Studies Volume 20 • Number 2 • 1997

Editorial

In memoriam Sir Harold Walter Bailey by EIVIND KAHRS

TORKEL BREKKE

The Early Sarpgha and the Laity

ANNHEIRMAN

Some Remarks on the Rise of the bhik~ul}isal!lgha and on the Ordination Ceremony for bhi~ul}is according to the Dharmaguptaka Vinaya

OSKAR VON HINOBER

Buddhist Law According to the Theravada Vinaya II:

1

3

7

33

Some Additions and Corrections 87

UTEHUSKEN

The Application of the Vinaya Term nasana 93

CHARLES B. JONES

Stages in the Religious Life of Lay Buddhists in Taiwan 113

PETRA KIEFFER-PULZ

Rules for the sima Regulation in the Vinaya and its Commentaries and their Application in Thailand 141

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The Journal oj the International' Association oj Buddhist Studies (ISSN 01 93-600XX) is the organ of the International Association of Buddhist Studies, Inc. It welcomes . scholarly contributions pertaining to all facets of Buddhist Studies. JIABS is published twice yearly, in the smnmer and winter.

Address manuscripts (two copies) and books for review to: The Editors, JIABS, Section de langues et civilisations orientales, Universite de Lausanne, BFSH 2, CH-1015 Lausanne, Switzerland.

Address subscription orders and dues, changes of address, and business correspondence (including advertising orders) to: Professor Joe B. Wilson, Treasurer lABS, Department of Philosophy and Religion, University of North Carolina at Wilmington, Wilmington NC 28403 USA email: wilsonj @uncwil.edll Fax: 910-962-7107

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© Copyright 1997 by the International Association of Buddhist Studies, Inc.

EDITORIAL BOARD

Cristina A. Scherrer-Schaub Tom J.P. Tillemans Editors-in-Chief

Robert Buswell Steven Collins Collett Cox Luis O. G6mez Oskar von Hinuber Roger Jackson Padmanabh S. Jaini Shoryu Katsura Donald S. Lopez, Jr. Alexander Macdonald D. Seyfort Ruegg Robert Sharf Ernst Steinkellner Erik Zurcher

Editorial Assistant: Yves Ramseier

Editorial

With the present issue of the JIABS the tenn of the hitherto Editor-in­chief, Donald S. LOPEZ, Jr., comes to an end and that of the new incoming editors begins. We would like to take this opportunity to thank Professor Lopez sincerely for his excellent editorial work and genuine dedication over the past four years. The JIABS will continue to pursue the same course that Professor Lopez and the Editorial Board charted: t6 publish scholarly articles pertaining to all facets of Buddhist Studies. We may note, however, one difference relative to previous practice, namely, that articles can now also be submitted in French or Gennan, provided an English summary is included. Guidelines for contributors figure at the back of this volume. Abstracts of the articles published in nABS from number 20.2 on will be available on the World Wide Web at: http://www.uni1.ch/orient.

Finally, we would like to offer, at this point in time, the Association's wann thanks to Professor Flora BOTTON of EI Colegio de Mexico, who so ably hosted the XIth Congress of the International Association of Buddhist Studies. The XIIth Congress, which will take place in Lausanne, Aug. 23-28, 1999, will thus be able to build on the founda­tion of a very successful predecessor. Mangalam.

Lausanne, Dec. 1, 1997 Cristina A. Scherrer-Schaub Tom IF. Tillemans Editors

nABS 20.2

Contributors to this issue:

Torkel BREKKE is currently working on his doctoral degree at the Oriental Institute, University of Oxford. Main fields of interest: the intellectual and religious tranformations in India during the colonial period and the sociology of early Buddhism.

Ann HEIRMAN is Research Assistant of the Fund for Scientific Research - Flanders (Belgium), Ghent National University (Belgium). Fields of interest: early Chinese monastic life and its Indian background; life of Buddhist nuns.

Oskar v. HINOBER is Professor for Indology at the Orientalisches Seminar, University of Freiburg (Germany). Main fields of interest: history of middle Indo-Aryan languages and Piili literature, Gilgit manuscripts, epigraphy of the Upper Indus, South-east Asian Buddhism.

Ute HOSKEN is Research Assistant, Seminar fur Indologie und Buddhismuskunde, G6ttingen University. Her main fields of academic research: Buddhist monastic law; ritual and social organisation of South Indian Vaishnavas.

Charles B. JONES, Assistant Professor, Dept. of Religion and Religious Education, Catholic University of America; Washington DC, USA. Interests: religion in Taiwan, post-Song dynasty Chinese Pure Land Buddhism, Buddhist-Christian interchange. Assistant Book Review editor for the Journal of Buddhist Ethics.

M_';~

EivindKAHRS, Lecturer in Sanskrit, University of Cambridge, and Fellow of Queen's College. Main research interests are in Shastric Sanskrit, particularly grammar and philosophy of language, and Indian intellectual history in general.

Petra KIEFFER-PULZ received her Ph.D. in 1989 from Georg August University in G6ttingen, Seminar for Indology and Buddhology. She currently teaches at Martin Luther University in Halle, and at Friedrich Schiller University in Jena. Her research centers on Buddhism, in particular Buddhist law and cultural history.

In memoriam

Sir Harold Walter Bailey

ENINDKAHRS

Sir Harold Walter Bailey passed away on 11 January 1996. Writing about him is writing about an institution. What is immediately striking about his scholarly life is the timespan and the sheer output. Then there are the myths, and of course the stories. A bibliography compiled when he was 70 lists more than 150 articles and nine books. After that he published extensively for another 25 years.

Sir Harold was born in Wiltshire, England, on 16 December 1899. When he was ten years old his family emigrated to start a new life farming in Western Australia, in the middle of nowhere, 200 miles east of Perth. This was hardly the most encouraging cradle for mastery of philology. There was not even a school in the area. But the young Harold used whatever he could lay his hands on to teach himself. His life might have run a different course had he not had access to a seven volume encyclopaedia, and grammars of French, German, Italian, Spanish, Latin and Greek. He also looked at Bible translations in Arabic, Syriac, Turkish, Persian, and Hindi. And there is the story of how he taught himself Japanese from the newspaper wrappings of imported goods from the local store.

In 1921 he entered Perth University to read Classics - Oriental Studies was of course not available, and took his MA in 1926 with his thesis A Study of Religion in the Dramas of Euripides. This was fol­lowed in 1927 by a Hackett Studentship - the first to be awarded - to go to Oxford to read Sanskrit, Avestan, and Indo-European comparative philology. Oxford did not acknowledge his Western Australian degree and he had to start over again as an undergraduate. This must have been the turning point of his life, though, and after more than fifty years in Cambridge Sir Harold once said to me "I still consider myself an Oxford man, you know".

It was the Iranian field which had by now caught his attention, and for the rest of his life he strived to understand the developments of the

JIABS 20.2 4

Iranian branch of the Indo-European family of languages. In 1929 he became the first lecturer in Iranian Studies at the School of Oriental Studies in London. In the same year he embarked upon the study of a text which possibly occupied his mind more than any other - the Bundahisn or 'Primal creation', a kind of encyclopaedia of Zoroas­trianism written in the Middle Iranian language Pahlavi. It is mainly a detailed cosmogony and cosmography based on the Zoroastrian scrip­tures, but it also contains a short history of the legendary Kayanids and Eransahr in their days. The text is extremely difficult, and the work grew to unmanageable dimensions. In 1933 Sir Harold presented an un­finished version for which he was awarded his Oxford D .Phil. He also discovered that the Danish academic Kaj Barr was working on the same Bundahisn material and was preparing to have it published. In a very characteristic manner Harold Bailey generously handed all his material over to Barr, who did not finish it either but saw to it that the material was partly destroyed at his death. What was not destroyed created fur­ther havock in the world of Iranian studies. Sir Harold took up again the study of Bundahisn later in life, and finished the monumental work in 1989.

The year 1936 presents another turning point in Harold Bailey's career. He was appointed Professor of Sanskrit in Cambridge, succeed­ing E.J. Rapson, and became a Fellow of Queen's College, which would be his home until he retired in 1967. Harold Bailey was not really a Sanskritist, but, as Ron Emmerick once remarked, everyone knows Sanskrit, so he continued to pursue his Iranian studies. In 1936 he also gave the Ratanbai Katrak lectures in Oxford, published as a monograph in 1943 under the name Zoroastrian Problems in the Ninth-century Texts. This_ work ranks very high among Sir Harold's many important publicatiohs. Together with Walter Bruno Henning's The Disintegration of the Avestic Studies and Georg Morgenstierne's Orthography and Sound-system of the Avesta, it gave the field of Old and Middle Iranian studies an entirely new direction.

Interrupted to some extent by the Second World War when he had to spend time away from Cambridge to work for the Foreign Office, Harold Bailey nevertheless pursued a new line of work which he had begun already in London and which was to become his main activity for more than thirty years: the deciphering and editing of the vast mass of seventh to tenth century manuscript material in Khotanese, an Iranian language spoken in Central Asia. This constitutes his main contribution

KAHRS 5

to Buddhist Studies. Between 1900 and 1916 the scholar and explorer Sir Aurel Stein made three expeditions to Central Asia. In May 1907 a Buddhist monk showed him a vast mass of manuscript bundles which had been lying in the Caves of the Thousand Buddhas for more than a thousand years. Stein bought them for what he described as "a sum which made the British Museum chuckle" and brought them back to England. With extraordinary skill and energy Sir Harold transliterated, translated, and wrote aliicles on Khotanese and the people who spoke it, another monumental work which culminated in the Dictionary of Khotan Saka in 1979. When Sir Harold began work on Khotanese, scarcely any of the late Khotanese documents in cursive script had been deciphered. And Sir Harold was fabulously good at reading these cursive documents. He had, of course, considerable practice in reading difficult scripts, notably from his previous work on Pahlavi, which now came in handy. Naturally, errors crept in here and there, but seen as a whole, Harold Bailey's Khotanese studies represent absolutely brilliant scholarship. Sir Harold was also able to put unrelated, non-Indo-European languages such as Chinese, Tibetan and Turkish to good use in the study of Khotanese, and also aquainted himself with a number of Caucasian lan­guages in search of Iranian loan-words. He did also aquaint himself with languages to read their literature, particularly epics in Armenian, Georgian, and Ossetic ..

Some years ago Sir Harold told me that he had started work on Khotanese in the hope that it would shed some light on the difficulties of the Bundahisn. He also told me that after more than forty years of Khotanese studies he had found that it had not helped his understanding of the Bundahisn at all. Khotanese studies, however, flourished due to the pioneering dictionary, grammar, text editions, translations and arti­cles produced by Sir Harold over the years, and the insights gained from his studies he and others have used to illuminate problems in other Iranian and Indian languages. What was really unique about Sir Harold's work was that he published the entire Khotanese material. This did not happen in Sogdian, it did not happen in Middle Iranian, and it did not happen in Parthian, where people were and are sitting on material, pre­venting others from getting access to it. That Harold Bailey translit­erated and published everything testifies to the generosity and erudition characteristic of a man fully devoted to true scholarship. He will be re­membered as such.

TORKEL BREKKE

The Early Sarpgha and the Laity!

There were· sharp boundaries between monks and laymen in early Buddhist and Theravada Buddhist societies. The aim of this article is to show how the relationship between the Sarpgha and the laity originated and was maintained in early Buddhism. My main source is the Vinaya­pitaka of the Pali Canon. Sources of secondary importance are the Sutta­pitaka, the Thera- and Therigathas and the Catu:fpari:fatsiitra which is a Sanskrit parallell to the first 24 chapters of the Khandhaka section of the Vinayapitaka in Pali.

To illuminate the relationship between the Sarpgha and the laity I will employ two concepts from Bryan WILSON's sociology of religion: conversion ism and introversionism. In his book ReligiOUS Sects WILSON gives a definition and a general typology of sects.2 Although his own application of the typology is limited to groups within the Christian tradition his categories are of such a general kind that they can be applied elsewhere. WILSON draws attention to the need for a typology the relevance of which is not limited to groups within the Christian tradition:

If the sociology of religion is to move forward, we must create categories which allow us to study comparatively the social functions and development of religious movements. As a consequence, such studies must shun categories dictated too specifically by the characteristics of a particular theological tradition. Obviously, the types we can use are still drawn mainly from the material at our disposal, especially from Christian movements. But it is imperative that we should try to enlarge their application, and, if needs be, modifY their fonnulation in the light of this extension of their meaning, so that we shall have a series of analytical instruments which will no longer be centred on a particular civilization and reli­gion (in this case, Christian).3

1. I would like to thank the Norwegian Research Council for financial support during my work on this article.

2. WILSON, Bryan R.: Religious Sects. A Sociological Study, London 1970.

3. WILSON, Bryan: "The Typology of Sects", In Archives de Sociologie de Religion, vo1.16. (1963). Trans. by ROBERTSON, Jenny M. p. 49-63.

JIABS 19.2 8

I take this as an invitation to apply WILSON's types in the study of other religious traditions than the Christian. In my opinion, WILSON's typol­ogy gives us a useful framework for the study of the early Sarpgha and the social processes that took place in the early stages of Buddhism. WILSON defines a sect in terms of eight qualities which will be present in the religious community. Buddhism was a sect according to WILSON's definition.

WILSON distinguishes seven cardinal types of sects based on the nature of the sects' response to the world. They are the conversionist, the revo­lutionary, the introversionist, the manipulationist, the thaumaturgical, the reformist and the utopian. These are not static categories. One sectar­ian movement can have elements of different orientations and a sect can, and in most cases will, move from one category to another over time. Thus, the typology is suited to measure change in a sect's orientation toward the world.

Gordon.W. ALLPORT used the concept of extrinsic vs intrinsic motiva­tion for religious behaviour.4 A person who has an extrinsic orientation uses religion to achieve other ends; the religion is not the ultimate goal in itself. His relationship to religion is instrumental and the beliefs can be shaped accordingly to fit his mundane desires. The heterodox systems served important functions in the pursuit of wordly or extrinsic goals for certain parts ofIndian society. For instance, by subscribing to Buddhism the K~atriyas could undermine the authority of the Brahmins, and the new religious ethic seems to have suited an emerging urban merchant class.s However, in the case of early Buddhism I believe that it was first of all members of the lower strata of society who had mundane motiva­tions for joining the Sarpgha. I will look at the motivation of those who came for the security and status of monkhood and those who came "purely for'a comfortable living" as PACHOW says.6 As I will show, this extrinsic motivation is abundantly documented in the Khandhakas of the Vinayapitaka.

4. For a review of this concept, see HUNT, Richard A. and KING, Morton B. in Malony, Newton H. (ed.). Current Perspectives in the Psychology of Religion, Grand Rapids 1977, pp. 138-159. See ALLPORT, G.W. and ROss, J.M. pp.116-137 for the concept used to understand religion and prejudice.

5. SIMSON, G. v.: "Der zeitgeschichtliche Hintergrund der Entstehung des Buddhismus und seine Bedeutung fur die Datierungsfrage", Symposien zur Buddhismusforschung IV. 1 (1991). Ed. by H. Bechert, G6ttingen, pp. 90-99.

6. PACHOW, W.: A Comparative Study of the Pratimoksa, Santiniketan 1955, p. 66.

BREKKE 9

I have introduced three concepts that I will apply in my approach to the textual material: introversionism, conversionism and extrinsic moti­vation. The aim of this article is to show that early Buddhism changed . from a conversionist to an introversionist relationship to the world and that this process was a consequence of the extrinsic motivation of the potential members of the Saqlgha.7

1. Extrinsic Motivation

In chapter 1.39 of the Mahiivagga of the Vinayapitaka (MV from now on) people go forth because they are afflicted with the five diseases which were prevalent among the people of Magadha and they cannot get the attendance of the physician Hvaka Komarabhacca outside the Saqlgha as he is too busy caring for the King and the monks. Typically, they ask themselves whether they should go forth among the sons of the Sakyans; then monks would look after them and the physician would attend to them. 8 In MV.I.40 some soldiers join the Saqlgha in order to escape military service. In MV.I.41 a thief has gone forth to hide. In MV.I.42 a thief breaks out of jail and joins the order. It has been decreed by King Bimbisara that nothing should be done against the sons of the Sakyans, and therefore the criminal feels safe among the recluses. In MV.I.43 a man is on the run, having committed a crime. In the royal palace it is written that this man should be killed when seen.9 He joins the Saqlgha to hide. In MV.I.44 and 45 men who have been scourged and branded as punishment join the order of monks. In MV.I.46 a debtor goes forth among the monks in order to escape his creditors. In MV.I.47 a slave has run away and taken shelter in the Saqlgha. In MV.I.48 a metal-smith joins the order to hide from his parents. In MV.I.49 a group of boys with Upali as their leader goes forth in order

7. It will be clear that I am interested in the Buddhist texts, first of all the Khandaka of the Vi~aya Pitaka, as a source of information about society at the time of the Buddha. The presupposition that reliable information can be extracted from this text may, of course, be questioned. I have tried to clarifY the historical value of the Khandaka in BREKKE, Torkel: "The Skandhaka of the Vinaya Pitaka and its Historical Value", Wiener Zeitschrift fur die Kunde Siidasiens und Archiv fur Indische Philosophie 42, 1998 (forthcoming).

8. yal!l nuna mayal!l sama~esu Sakyaputtiyesu pabbajeyyiima, tattha bhikkU c' eva upaHhahissanti Jivako ca Komiirabhacco tikicchissatfti.

9. yattha passitabbo tattha hantabbo 'ti.

JIABS 19.2 10

to live at ease. Getting up in the night they cry out for food.lO These are examples of extrinsically motivated monks.

If we look at the Thera- and Therigiithii, we find more passages about monks and nuns who were motivated by wordly goals. According to Dhammapala's commentary, the poor and hard-working Sumangala of Theragiithii XLIII joins the order because he sees that the recluses live in sheltered lodgings, dress in delicate robes and eat well. He is admitted to the order by the Thera simply out of compassion. In Rama:Q.lyavihiirin of Theragiithii XL V we have a typical example of the kind of monk who throughout the history of Buddhism made the Saqlgha the object of accusations of laxity.

Reborn in this Buddha-age at Rajagaha, as the son of a leading citizen, he lived in youthful wantonness. One day he saw the king's officers arresting an adulterer, and growing agitated, he listened to the Master teaching, and left the world. As a bhikkhu, but still susceptible to fleshly lusts, he made himself a well-garnished chamber, well furnished as to food and drink, seat and couch; and so he ever dwelt. For this reason he was known as Rama1Jlyaviharin (Pleasant-lodge Brother).!!

Nita of Theragiithii LXXXIV was the same kind of monk.

When grown up he thought: "These Sakiyan recluses are very lucky in that they are well provided with all necessaries. It is a happy life, that of a member of the Order." So he entered it to get pleasure from it, paid scant attention to his exer­cise, ate his fill, spent the day in idle talk, and slept all night long. 12

A<;lQhakasl of Therigiithii XXII joins the Saqlgha to escape her life as a prostitute. The same is the case for Ambapall of Therigiithii LXVI. Discussing the case of a prostitute joining the Saqlgha, K. MYLIUS writes: "Das war sicherlich kein Einzelfall, und es gibt allerlei Hinweise der zeitgenossischen Quellen, dass der Sangha nicht ausschliesslich aus edlen Motiyen aufgesucht wurde."13

But it w~s not only Buddhists who were extrinsically motivated. Or, to put it differently, people who wanted to adopt a religious life in the pursuit of an easy living sometimes had other, and perhaps better, opportunities than the Buddhist Saqlgha. A.K. WARDER argues that there existed a broad milieu of ascetics and wanderers before the great

10. yagulJl detha, bhattalJl detha, khiidaniyalJl detha 'ti ..

11. Theragatha XLV, Trans. RHYS DAVIDS Mrs.: Psalms a/the Early Buddhists. Psalms a/the Brethren. London 1913, p. 49-50.

12. Theragatha LXXXIV, ibid. p. 81. 13. MYLIUS, Klaus: Geschichte der altindischen Literatur, Bern 1988, p. 312.

BREKKE 11

heterodox sects and that the organized schools originated as a conse­quence of changes in the society.

No doubt the lijiva was embraced by many who wished to escape the need to work or the responsibilities of family life, not to speak of conscription, forced labour, or slavery, and was a carefree existence very different from the life of strenous asceticism, complicated discipline, and intensive study required ofmem­bers of most of the organized sects afterwards (although freedom from all woddy cares was always stressed.)I4 .

Thus, according to WARDER, Buddhism originated in a religious envi­ronment where extrinsic motivation was common.

The problem of extrinsic motivation for joining the Sa:tp.gha had no ultimate solution. On the contrary, it seems to have grown as the number of monasteries rose and their wealth and prestige increased. According to R.A.L.H. GUNA WARDANA the kings of medieval Sri Lanka were constantly engaged in purifying the Sa:tp.gha by expelling unsuited monks. I5 M. CARRITHERS says that the Sa:tp.gha of Ceylon came to be seen as consisting of two parties; one was the village-Sa:tp.gha with their involment in lay life and the monasteries' control of vast areas of land for cultivation, the other was the forest-dwellers and ascetics. 16 Melford SPIRO discusses the motivation of the Burmese monks in similar terms)7 According to SPIRO, the Burmese distinguishes between three types of motivation to join the Sarp.gha: first, religious motives; second, the desire to escape the miseries of worldly life; third, the wish for an easy life. SPIRO'S first category corresponds to Allport's intrinsic moti­vation whereas both the second and the third would be aspects of extrin­sic motivation. Most of Spiro's informants say that the larger part ofthe Burmese monks joined the Sarp..gha in order to escape miseries or have an easy life. They are extrinsically motivated. Because of their easy living there are five times as many monks as there would be otherwise,

14. WARDER, A.K.: "On the Relationship between Early Buddhism and Other Contemporary Systems", The Bulletin of the School of Oriental and African Studies 18 (1956), p. 47.

15. GUNAWARDANA, R.A.L.H.: Robe and Plough. Monasticism and Economic Interest in Early Medieval Sri Lanka. Tucson 1979, pp.137-139.

16. CARRITHERS, Michael B.:"They will be Lords upon the Island: Buddhism in Sri Lanka", In The World of Buddhism. Edited by Heinz BECHERT and Richard GOl\.1BRICH, London 1984, p. 143.

17. SPIRO, Melford E.: Buddhism and Society. A Great Tradition and its Burmese Vicissitudes. California 1982, p. 321 ff.

JIABS 19.2 12

the informants claim. ls Although the monks themselves give nobler motives for their decision to join the Sarpgha, SPIRO is clearly of the opinion that the extrinsic motivational factors are very important in the recruitment of monks. According to SPIRO, almost all monks are from poor village families. This is also the case in Thailand. 19 The Sarpgha offers a higher standard of living and a higher status for poor villagers than they would achieve outside the order. The order also offers a possi­bility of getting an education for poor youngsters.

It seems, then, that we have a situation in modem Theravada countries with antecedents in the earliest Sarpgha. The modem situation - where poor people are motivated by the increase in living standard and status -is not new. From the stories of the Khandhakas it seems that extrinsic motivation was a problem already at the time of the Buddha. In the rest of this article I will show how this tendency toward extrinsic motivation has, from the very start, been an essential force in the shaping of the relationship between the Sarpgha and the laity and thus in the shaping of the structure of Buddhist societies.

2. The Consequences of Extrinsic Motivation

The Sarpgha always depended on the support of the laity. To receive support, the monks had to be, or at least appear as, pure and distin­guished individuals. The Sarpgha had to stand out as a body worthy of support. The monks were expected to lead lives devoted to high reli­gious ideals and they were expected to light up the world with their holiness. People who joined the order simply to benefit from its security and the spiritual and material support it enjoyed corrupted the Sarpgha. Very early it became necessary to bar these people out. It was essential to showtp.e world that the monks took no interest in worldly pleasures. This need brought about a change in the early Sarpgha's relationship to the world. By physical separation and by segregation by outward appear­ance the Sarpgha withdrew from the world to cultivate and demonstrate its own holiness and aloofness. It was a change from an outwardly­minded conversionism to withdrawal and segregation; to introversionism.

18. ibid. p. 322.

19. ibid. p. 325.

BREKKE 13

2.1. From Conversionism ...

In WILSON's typology, conversionism is one of the seven basic responses to the world that a sect can adopt.20 I use the term conver­sionism to denote the great emphasis which is put on the conversion of new members to the Sa:q1gha and the lack of restrictions in admittance. The early Buddhists seem to have engaged in fervent and competitive proselytizeing activity both toward other sects and toward Brahmins and other important members of society.

In the Khandhaka section of the Vinayapitaka we have the most detailed description of the early stages of the Buddhist Sa:q1gha available in Buddhist literature. Its account starts right after the enlightenment of Gotama. The young prince is now a Buddha, but he has no congregation yet. Initially, he does not want to experience the weariness and vexation caused by the dull intellects of his potential pupils and he must be persuaded by Brahma Sahampati to teach the Dhamma. The first question which arises is to whom he should first preach. He decides to approach the group of five ascetics with whom he previously has practiced asceticism. These five form the first Sarpgha.

Part 1.7 of the MV is about the conversion and going forth of Yasa, the son of a rich merchant of Benares and about the conversion and going forth as a lay-disciple of Yasa's father. The Buddha uses his charisma to win over Yasa as a monk and his father as a lay-disciple. When the great merchant sees his son who has run away from home in order to join the Buddha's following he begs him to come home for his mother's sake.21 When the merchant asks his son to come back, the Buddha tells him that Yasa cannot tum back to the low life and enjoy sensual pleasures as he did before when he led the life of a house­holder.22

In MV 1.8. the mother and former wife of Yasa take refuge in the Buddha, the Dhamma and the Sa:q1gha as lay-disciples and become the first women lay-disciples using the three-word formula. 23 In MV 1.9

20. WILSON, Religious Sects, pp. 36-48.

21. mata te tata Yasaparidevasokasampanna, dehi matujfvitan ti.

22. abhabbo kho gahapati Yaso kulaputto hfnayavattitva kame paribhuiijitul?'! seyyathiipi pubbe agarikabhuto 'ti.

23. to.' a loke pathamal?'! upasikii ahesul?'! tevacikii.

nABS 19.2 14

four friends of Yasa approach the Lord and are ordained. In MV 1.10 sons of other families in Benares approach the Lord and are ordaine.d.

In MV 1.11. the Buddha tells the monks to walk out and preach Dhamma. He is approached by Mara who tells the Lord that he is bound by all snares but the Buddha tells Mara that he is freed from all snares and that Death is destroyed. Mara gives up and disappears.

In MVI.12. monks bring in from different regions people who wish to go forth and who want ordination and the Buddha allows the monks to let go forth and ordain where they are without coming to him. Of course, this must have been necessary for Buddhism to have a substantial geographical expansion. The Buddha gives the rules as to how the ordi­nation should be carried out by the monks.

In MV 1.14. the Buddha meets thirty young men in a forest. One of these men had no wife and a prostitute was brought along for him. While they were amusing themselves, the prostitute took their belong­ings and ran off and the men are looking for the woman when they meet the Buddha. The Buddha asks them what would be best for the men, to look for the woman or to look for the self. The men agree that it would be better if they should look for the self. The Buddha preaches and the men see Dhamma and are converted.

It is clear that the early Buddhists tried to win followers. But there were other sects with the same ambitions. In the Siimafifiaphalasutta King Ajatasattu is tormented by the fact that he has killed his own father, King Bimbisara, and in his affliction he is unable to enjoy him­self like kings are supposed to in their spare time. The ministers each recommend that he go to see one of six religious teachers: PuralJa Kassapa, Makkhali Gosala, Ajita Kesakambali:, Pakudha Kaccayana, Safijaya Be1atthiputta and NigalJtha Nataputta. However, King Ajatasattu has alrealfY paid visits to the six heretics and his mind has not been appeased. But when a councillor suggests that he seek out the Buddha for guidance, the King finally sees some hope and prepares his elephants for a nocturnal excursion. He arrives at Hvaka's mango grove where the Buddha is staying. But before the Buddha will soothe the King's mind with his superior doctrine and his superior pedagogical skills, the King is asked to give an account of the six heretics' answers to his question.

According to A.L. BASHAM, the doctrines ascribed to PuralJa Kassapa, Makkha1i Gosala and Pakudha Kaccayana are probably all

BREKKE 15

aspects of early Ajivikism.24 Ajita Kesakambali: represents materialism that must have been a forerunner of the Carvakas, Nigal).tha Nataputta may be identified with Mahavira and the account of Safijaya Belatthi­putta may be a satirical description of agnostic teachers' unwillingness . and inability to answer metaphysical questions. From the testimony of the Siimaiiiiaphalasutta and other texts, it appears that there was a high degree of competition among the different sects and their leaders.25

In the Tevijjasutta ofthe Dighanikiiya, the Buddha is approached by two young Brahmins who ask whether the teachings of the various Brahmin teachers Addhariya, Tittiriya, Chandoka and Bavarika lead to the same right goal. The answer is that only the path of the Buddha leads to salvation. Another story of competition betwen the great sect-leaders is found in chapter V of the Cullavagga of the Vinayapitaka (CV from now). Here, a great merchant in Rajagaha makes a wooden bowl out of a block of precious sandal-wood. He puts it on a high pole and declares that whoever is a perfected one and has psychic power and gets the bowl down from the pole shall have it. Pfiral).a Kassapa, Makkhali Gosala, Ajita Kesakambalin, Pakudha Kaccayana, Safijaya Belatthiputta and Nataputta the Jain approaches the merchant and claim the right to the bowl. However, it is a Buddhist, Pil).<;iola the Bharadvaja, who actually wins the contest. He rises above the ground, takes the bowl, circles Rajagaha and lands by the house of the merchant. However, when the Buddha hears this he reproaches Pil).<;iola the Bharadvaja and he forbids the monks to exhibit psychis powers to householders.

The competitive element in the proselytizeing activity of early Bud­dhism is clearly expressed in MV.US-20. In these passages the Buddha demonstrates to a community of matted hair ascetics his superior magi­cal powers. He performs many wonders, showing complete mastery over all beings and over time and space. When the matted hair ascetics want

24. BASHAM, A.L.: History and Doctrines o/the A./ivikas, Delhi 1981.

25. In the MahiiparinirviilJasiitra 40, the same sect leaders as in the SriimalJyaphala­sfdra are the subject of discussion. Here, it is Subhadra who approaches the Buddha and asks why each of these different leaders profess their own, special doctrine. The Buddha explains that only his doctrine leads to the desired goal of Arhatship because it is the only doctrine in which the Aryan eightfold path is found. Outside Buddhism there are no real Sramat).as nor real Brahmins. W ALD­

SCHMIDT, Ernst: Die Uberlie/erung vom Lebensende des Buddha. Eine Vergleichende Analyse- des MahiiparinirviilJasiitra und seiner Textent­sprechungen. Gottingen 1944, p. 227 ff

~~~~~~~------------

nABS 19.2 16

to worship their sacrificial fires, it is only with the psychic powers of the Buddha that they are able to chop sticks and kindle and extinguish the fires.26

In MV 1.15 the Buddha arrives in Uruvela. He approaches the matted hair ascetic Kassapa of Uruvela and asks him if he can spend a night in the fire-room. Kassapa does not object but warns the Buddha that there is a fierce king of nagas, a terribly poisonous snake in the room.27 To the amazement of the matted hair ascetics the Buddha masters the snake with his superior power. In MV 1.16 the Buddha stays in a jungle thicket near the hermitage of Kassapa of UruveHi and in the night the four great kings having illuminated the whole jungle thicket approach the Lord to hear Dhamma. Kassapa is amazed and admits to himself that the Buddha has great powers.28 But he thinks himself to be of higher perfection.29 In MV 1.17 Sakka, the Lord of the gods, approaches the Buddha to hear Dhamma and the same happens as in I.l6.

In MV 1.19. Kassapa is stubborn in his belief that he is of greater perfection than the Buddha in spite of the wonders performed by the latter. In this passage the competition between the two is even more clearly expressed. A great sacrifice is to be held and the whole of AfJ.ga and Magadha brings along solid food and soft food and go to attend. Kassapa is worried that the Buddha shall perform a wonder in front of the people so that his gain and honour shall increase and his own decrease.3o The Buddha, however, knowing with his mind the mental reflection of Kassapa goes away and does not show himself. When Kassapa asks him why he did not come to the sacrifice the Buddha tells the ascetic that he knew his thought. Again Kassapa is amazed but he can still not admit that the Buddha is greater than himself.

In MV 1.20 the competition between the Buddha and the matted hair ascetic reayhes its climax. The Buddha performs many wonders. Sakka

26. tena kho pana samayena te japlii aggi paricaritukiimii na sakkonti katthiini phiiletu1!l ... atha kho bhagavii Uruvelakassapa1!l jatila1!l etad avoca: phiiliyantu Kassapa katthiiniti. phiiliyantu mahiisamalJii 'ti. sakid eva pancakatthsatiini phiiliyi1!lsu . ... sakid eva panca aggisatiini ujjali1!lsu . ... sakid eva panca aggisa­tiini vijjhiiyi1!lsu ..

27. ca7}4' ettha niigariijii iddhimii iisiviso ghoraviso.

28. mahiddhiko kho mahiisama7}o mahiinubhavo.

29. na tv eva ca kho arahii yathii ahan ti.

30. sace mahiisama7}o mahiijanakiiye iddhipiiphiiriya1!l karissati, mahiisama7}assa liibhasakkaro abhiva44hissati, mama liibhasakkaro parihiiyissati.

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digs a tank for the Lord to wash his robe and the great god puts down a rock for him to knead it. A devatii in a tree bends down a branch for the Lord to hold on to when he climbs out of the water. Sakka puts down a

. new rock for him to stretch out his robe. Kassapa is impressed by these wonders but. still believes himself to be superior to the Buddha. Now the Buddha exhibits complete mastery over space and time by moving at will to other worlds where he picks fruits and flowers and offers them to Kassapa. The ascetic, however, refuses to admit that the Buddha is of greater perfection.

Then the matted hair ascetics want to tend their fires. However, they are unable to chop sticks because of the power of the Buddha. On the Lord's command five hundred sticks are chopped. The ascetics cannot kindle the fires nor extinguish them. At the Buddha's command the fires are kindled and extinguished. Moreover, the Buddha makes five hundred fire vessels (mandiimukhi) for the ascetics to warm themselves by after plunging in and out of the river. Then a flood comes and the Buddha makes the water pull back and walks on dry ground. Kassapa is still not convinced of the Buddha's superiority.

In spite of the wonders performed, the leader of the matted hair ascetics believes himself to be of greater power and of greater religious perfection than the Buddha. Each time a wonder is performed, Uruvela­kassapa must admit to himself that this recluse is of great power, "but he is not a perfected one as myself'.3! The Buddha grows tired ofUruvela­kassapa's stubbornness.

Then it occurred to the Lord: "Now for a long time it will occur to this foolish man, Truly the great recluse is of great psychic power, of great might; but yet he is not a perfected one as I am. Now suppose I should deeply stir this matted hair ascetic?" (yaf!! nuniihaf!! imaf!! jatilaf!! saf!!vejeyyan ti.) The Lord spoke thus to the matted hair ascetic Kassapa of Uruvela: "Neither are you, Kassapa, a perfected one nor have you entered on the way to perfection, and that course is not for you by which you either could be a perfected one or could have entered on the way to perfection."32

In other words, the Buddha wants to bring about sal?'lvega, an emotional disturbance which leads to religious motivation, in the ascetic to convert him to Buddhism. The only reason for the Buddha to be staying with the matted hair ascetics is to win them over to his own sect and this is his

31. mahiddhiko kho mahiisama1}o mahiinubhiivo, ... , na tv eva ca kho arahii yathii ahan ti.

32. MV.I.20.l7. Trans. LB. HORNER.

TIABS19.2 18

only motivation to humiliate Uruvelakassapa. As a symbol of the Buddha's victory, the ascetics cut off their matted hair, and they let their braids, carrying poles and their devices of fire-worship be carried away with the water. The two other Kassapas33 join the Buddha with all their followers as well. The next step (MV.I.22) is to make the three announce their abandonment of-fire-worship and false doctrines in public and in the presence of King Bimbisara. The victory of the Buddha is complete.

Kassapa decides to fare the brahmafaring34 under the Buddha. All the matted hair ascetics, Kassapa of the River and Kassapa of Gaya with all their followers, decide to follow his example. They cut their hair and let all their implements of fire-worship be carried away with the water. Such passages express a high degree of competition between the Buddha and other religious leaders,35

In the MV 1.23 we have the account of a competition with another religious leader. Safijaya is staying in Rajagaha with his following. Among these are Sariputta and Moggallana. The two have agreed that whoever attains the deathless first shall tell the other. One day Sariputta sees Assaji, one of the original following of the Buddha, and he under­stands that Assaji has entered the path of perfection. Sariputta follows Assaji on his alms-round in the town waiting for a suitable opportunity to ask him about his teacher and his Dhamma. Assaji tells him in few words about the Lord and his Dhamma and Sariputta realizes that this is the path to perfection. He returns to his friend, Moggallana, and announces the good news.

In MY 1.24 Sariputta and Moggallana decide to leave their group and join the Buddha instead. When they announce their plans of leaving, the other followers of Safijaya want to go with them. Safij aya tries to make them stay,::but he is not able to make them change their minds. The

33. Kassapa of the River is described by Dhammapiila in the commentary to Thera­giithii CCIII as carrying on a hermit's life with 300 ascetics on the banks ofthe river Nerafijara; hence his name. Here he recalls the fortunate day when the Buddha came to Nerafijara and he regrets his fire-worship and false religion.

34. brahmacariya1?l caritu1?l

35. The narration of the conversion of the Kasyapas is more detailed in the Sanskrit, the Tibetan and the Chinese than in the Pali version. Interestingly, they all give the Buddha's motive for approaching the Kasyapas as the wish to subdue that Brahmin or SramaI}.a in Magadha through which he can win over the greatest nmnber of followers. This adds to the feeling of conversionism and competition.

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Buddha sees the two friends coming in the distance and he predicts that they will be his most eminent disciples. Again the victory of the Buddha is complete. Indeed, the competition ends in the death of Safijaya . . The clearest and most famous expression of the quest for converts is found in MV.1.11 where the Buddha tells the monks to walk out in the world for the welfare, blessing and happiness for devas and men and teach Dhamma which is lovely at the beginning, lovely in the middle and lovely at the end. It is interesting to see this missionary ideal together with a statement in CV.V. Here, the Buddha forbids monks to recite his speeches in metrical form and tells them to learn the word of the Buddha in their own dialect.36 These passages give an impression of a sect with a wish to convert which is rerninescent of protestant Christian sects. The account of general SIha, a disciple of the Jains (MY VI.31), also expresses a competition between the sects, in this case the Buddhists and the Jains, and a proselytizing activity of the Buddha.

If we move from the Vinaya- to the Suttapitaka, we find several examples of the conversionist quality of early Buddhism. In the Udum­barikii Szhaniidasuttanta of the Dzghanikiiya, the Buddha has a clash with the religious leader Nigrodha. In a long conversation, the Buddha tries to convince his opponent that his kind of asceticism is useless. This conversation is interesting because it reveals much about the relationship between the Buddha and other teachers. For instance, it seems that the Buddha has been charged of too intense proselytizeing. Concluding his speech on the uselessness of asceticism, the Buddha says:

Maybe, Nigrodha, you will think: The SamaIfa Gotama has said this from a desire to get pupils; but you are not thus to explain my words. Let him who is your teacher be your teacher still. Maybe, Nigrodha, you will think: the SamaIfa Gotama has said this from a desire to make us secede from our rule; but you are not thus to explain my words. Let that which is your rule be your rule still)7

One gets the impression that the success of the Buddhists is too much for the competing teachers and that the Buddha is used to accusations about ruthless missionary activity among members of other sects.

Another example of the uncompromising competition with non­Buddhists is the Ambatthasutta where the Buddha discusses pride of birth with a rude young Brahmin, Ambanha. Here, the Buddha asks questions about Ambattha's lineage to show that the young Brahmin's

36. anujiiniimi bhikkave sakiiya niruttiyii bhuddavacanaJ'!l pariyiipwlitun ti.

37. Translated by T.W. RHYs DAVIDS. Dialogues a/the Buddha. London 1977.

nABS 19.2 20

feeling of superiority is without foundations. Ambattha knows that the answer to the Buddha's question will be humiliating to himself. But the Buddha forces him to reply in a way which is typical for competitive debates:

If you do not give a clear reply, or go off upon another issue, or remain silent, or go away, then your head will split in seven pieces on the spot. ... At that time Vajrapani stood above Ambattha in the sky with a mighty mass of iron, all fiery, dazzling, and aglow, with the intention, if Ambattha did not answer for the third time the question asked by the Lord in accordance with Dhamma (Bhagavatii ... sahadhammikaT[l paiihaT[l puttho), there and then to split his head in seven pieces.38

No wonder, the Buddha often gets the answers he seeks from his adver­saries. There are a number of passages in the Buddhist literature that reflect competition and envy between the different sects over the success in conversion. There also existed envy between the sects over material and spiritual support from the world. For instance, in the Udumbarikii­sihaniidasuttanta of the Dighanikiiya, there is a quarrel between the Buddha and the religious leader Nigrodha. The Buddha explains to Nigrodha the blemishes of the ascetics.

And again, Nigrodha, an ascetic sees a certain recluse or Brahmin receiving attentions (sakkariyamiinaT[l); being revered (garukariyamiinaT[l), honoured (miiniyamiinaT[l) and presented with offerings (pftjiyamiinaT[l) by the citizens. And seeing this he thinks: The citizens pay attentions to this fellow who lives in lUxury (bahuliijivaT[l); they revere and honour him, and present him with offerings, while to me who, as ascetic, live a really austere life (lukhiijiviT[l), they pay no attentions, nor reverence, nor honour, nor offerings! 39

Envy also arose between different Buddhist communities as the religion developed. In Sri Lanka under Vattagama!).i (43-17 B.C.) a split occured between the Mahaviharavasins and the Abhayagirivasins as a result of the King's personal gift of the Abhayagirivihara to the thera Maha­tissa.4o

38. ibid. vol.II,p.1l6-1l7.

39. ibid. voLIV, p.40.

40. MahavaIp.sa XXXIII, 92-97. (GEIGER, Wilhelm (ed.): The MahiivaT[lsa, London 1908) The MahavaIp.sa itself says that Maha Tissa was expelled for the offence of having frequented villagers, but both W. R.AHlJLA (History of Buddhism in Ceylon. The Anuriidhapura Period, Colombo 1966, p. 83) and R. GOMBRICH (Theravada Buddhism. A Social History from Ancient Benares to Modern Colombo, London 1988, p. 158) say that the real reason was probably the treath to the authority and prestige of the monks of the Mahavihara.

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Joy MANNE has made a distinction between three types of suttas in the Sutta Pitaka; Sermons, Consultations and Debates. The competitive element in the religious life is expressed in the suttas that MANNE has called Debates, especially the Dramatic Debate with its structure of a challenge, a refutation of the view of the. adversary and finally a defeat where the adversary either asks to become a lay-follower or is totally converted and asks to become a monk. In order to gain followers and converts, early Buddhism needed an initial message which was attractive and entertaining to people and which showed that the Buddha's Dhamma is better than that of other teachers. Typical examples are the Sona­da7J.qasutta, the Kassapaslhanadasutta and the Samafifiaphalasutta. A Debate is an excercise in publicity, MANNE says:

It is an opportunity for propaganda. Something is always at stake. Not only must the best questions be asked, and the best answer given, but converts must be won and lay support must be gained. Under these circumstances we may expect that, appropriate to the situation, a particular presentation of the Teaching is given. We expect this to be religiously sound, but exaggerated, because the Debates were public competitive occasions.41

By the identification of a range of suttas where the goal is the winning of converts, Manne demonstrates the conversionist quality of the early Buddhists.

2.2 .... to Introversionism

Over the last few pages I have looked at the tendency in early Buddhism to compete with other religious groups for converts. The group that formed around the Buddha was constantly trying to recruit new mem­bers and a large proportion of the converts were motivated by the prospect of status, material support and the escape from obligations in society. However, early in the life of the Sarp.gha changes set in. When a sect withdraws from society and tends toward seclusion WILSON calls the reaction introversionist. I will use this term to cover four important aspeGts of early Buddhism: the gradual development of strict admission procedures, the emphasis on unity, the mental segregation by outward appearqnce and the physical segregation by separate dwellings; i.e. the development of monasticism. I will now look at how the early Sarp.gha's

41. MANNE, Joy: "Categories ofSutta in the P1ili Nikayas and Their Implications for Our Appreciation of the Buddhist Teaching and Literature", Journal ofPali Text Society XV (1991), p. 73.

nABS 19.2 22

relationship to the world changed from conversionism towards intro­versionism and how this change is reflected in the early Buddhist texts. My primary source is still the Khandhakas of the Vinayapitaka.

2.2.1. Admission procedures

An important element of the introversionist tendencies of the early Sa:qlgha is the gradual development of the rules for admission. As explained above, the subject matter of the Pravrajyiivastu of the Skandhaka, which is found in Pali in MV.L25ff., is the admission to the Sarp.gha and the rules for newly ordained monks and novices. Monks who do not have preceptors go for almsfood wrongly dressed and they behave wrongly. They are critisized by lay people. The Buddha allows a preceptor.42 MV 1.25-27. The Buddha gives a large number of rules about how the preceptor and the one who shares his cell (saddhivihiirika) should behave towards each other.

In MV 1.28 the Buddha abolishes the ordination by going to the three refuges. He allows instead to ordain by a motion and a resolution put three times.43 MV 1.29 to 31 treat further restrictions on ordination. It is clear that the Sa:qlgha is reacting to a need to protect itself from mem­bers that destroy the purity and the aloofness of the Order. Many of the restrictions come as the result of the ordination of persons whose moti­vations are purely mundane. The Sa:qlgha is closing its borders; it is becoming more introversionist in its relation to the world. Discussing the deVelopment of the ordination proceedings, I.E. HORNER says:

Regulations have to increase to meet a complexity of emergent eventualities. The resources, nissaya, the minimum number of monks composing an Order compe­tent to ordain, the number of years a monk must have been ordained before he is reckoned as suitable or competent to ordain others, living in dependence, nissoya vatth~J~, on a teacher, giving guidance, nissayarrz daturrz, the qualitites that a monk should be possessed of in order to ordain, and the ordination and probation of fonner members of other sects, and the age at which a person may be ordained, are all subjects brought under review. The inner life of the Order had to be safeguarded as much as had its relations to the world outside.44

42. anujiinami bhikkave upajjhiiyam.

43. ya sii bhikkave maya tfhi sara;Jagamanehi upasampada anuiiiiatii, tiiharrz ajjatagge patikkhipiimi. anujiiniimi bhikkave iiatticatutthena kammena upasam­piideturrz.

44. HORNER, The Mahiivagga, p. X.

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The candidate also had to undergo a period of preparation and instruc­tion between the preliminary admission and final admission. LB. HORNER suggests that this may be a way of dealing with the drawing power oftheBuddhist Order.45 .

In MV 1.32, and 33 a new office is introduced by the Buddha; that of the teacher. 46 This is an aspect of the growing organization of the Saq1gha. MV 1.33 and 34 give rules for the behaviour of pupils towards teachers and vice versa. 1.35 also treats the relationship betwen teachers and pupils. MV 1.36 and 37 give a large number of instances when a monk mayor may not ordain. These are further steps towards stricter rules for admission.

MV 1.38 gives restrictions on the ordination of the former members of other sects. If a former member of another sect refutes his preceptor and returns to the other sect and later comes back to join the Saq1gha, he should not be ordained. Members of other sects who desire ordination in the Saq1gha should be given a four month period of probation before ordination. This contrasts with, for instance, the episode of the matted hair ascetics in the introduction where the Buddha uses all his magical skills and humiliates the leader of the rival sect in his attempt to convert the ascetics to his teaching. The attitude towards the outside world and towards potential converts has changed. The Saq1gha is becoming more intent on defending its borders against people with the wrong motiva­tion.

In MV 1.39-48 thieves, murderers, debtors, run away soldiers and sick and hungry people wish to join the Saq1gha as a way to solve their problems. Restrictions on motivation are laid down in order to keep these out. The Saq1gha must protect its purity from corruption. The concern with the purity of the group is a typical feature of the introver­sionist sect.

In MV 1.49 the Buddha gives the rule that a man under twenty years of age should not be ordained.47 and in MV 1.50 a boy under fifteen years should not be let go forth. 48 These are important regulations con­tributing to the organization of the Saq1gha and the tightening of its borders. In MV 1.51 the puzzling exception is made that a boy under

45. ibid. p. XI.

46. anujiiniimi bhikkave iicariyarrz.

47. na bhikkavejiinarrz iinavlsativasso puggalo upasampiidetabbo.

48. na bhikkave jiinarrz iinapannarasavasso diirako pabbiijetabbo

JIABS 19.2 24

fifteen years of age can be let go forth if he is able to scare crows (kiikutrepaka).

In MV 1.56-60 rules concerning novices are given by the Buddha. From MV I.61 more restrictions on ordination are given. 1.64 and 1.65 forbid matricides and parricides to be ordained. MV I.66 and 67 forbids a murderer of a perfected one, a"seducer of nuns, a schismatic and one who sheds the blood of an Arhat to be ordained.

In MV 1.69 the Buddha gives instructions that one who has no precep­tor should not be ordained nor should one who has an order as precep­tor, one who has a group as preceptor, one who has a eunuch, one who had one living in communion as it were by theft as preceptor, one who had one gone over to another sect as preceptor, one who had an animal, a matricide, a parricide, a murderer of a perfected one, a seducer of a nun, a schismatic, a shedder of an Arhat's blood or a hermaphrodite as preceptor. Thus, 1.69 has regulations to prevent further corruption of the Sa~gha by letting people who should not have been ordained in the first place act as preceptors.

In MV I. 70 further cases in which one should not ordain are given. One who had no bowl was ordained. He received his alms food in his hands. People were irritated because the newly ordained monks looked like members of other sects. One without robe was ordained and he walked naked for alms food. People were irritated because he looked like the members of other sects. MV I.7l gives instances of physical injuries or illness in which one should not let go forth. One who had his hands cut off was ordained, one who had his feet cut off, one who had his ears cut off, one who was lame, one who was deaf etc. Physical deformation is seen as a threat against the purity of the Sa~gha.

MV I. 72 has instructions not to give guidance to the unconscientious and not tctlive under the guidance of the unconscientious. In MV I.73 the Lord allows monks to live without guidance under three circum­stances; if one is travelling on a high-road, if one is ill, if one is tending one who is ill and if one is staying in the forest. In MV I.75 the Buddha defines the age for ordination to be twenty years from conception. MV I. 7 6-79 are further specifications regarding ordination. In MV I. 7 6 the full ordination procedure is described.

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2.2.2. Unity

A central issue in the development towards an introversionist relation­ship to the world is the emphasis on the unity of the Smpgha. The unity of the Sa:qtgha seems to have been a primary expression of its purity. Let us look at the theme of unity in some of the later passages of the Kandhakas.

In MV X there is a story about dissensions. In KosambI a monk is suspended because of an offence he has committed. He does not accept his suspension. He approaches a group of monks who take his side against the group that has suspended him. Thus, a dispute arises in the Smpgha. The Buddha tries to settle the dispute. He goes to Savatthi and stays in the Jeta Grove in AnathapiI).<;lika's monastery. Now the lay­followers of KosambI decide to put pressure on the trouble-making monks by withdrawing all their respect and offerings. The monks of Kosambi go to Savatthi in order to settle their dispute in the Lord's presence. The Buddha instructs the monks in Savatthi on how they should behave towards these monks. The monks arrive and the case is settled. The Buddha gives rules on how disputes in the Sa:qtgha should be handled and how schism and dissension should be avoided. These passages illustrate the emphasis on unity and the necessity of settling disputes among the monks.

In CV I monks who are followers of PaI).<;luka and Lohitaka make strife arise in the Sa:qtgha. The Buddha gives instructions on how a formal act of censure (tajjaniyakamma) should be carried out against the followers of PaI).<;luka and Lohitaka. The Buddha tells the monks under what circumstances a formal act is invalid and under what circumstances it is valid. He tells them under what circumstances a formal act of cen­sure should be carried out against a member of the Sa:qtgha and how a monk should behave after such an act has been carried out against him. Then follows the circumstances under which a formal act of censure should or should not be revoked and how it may be revoked. This chapter contains a number of other accounts of monks who get into conflict with the Sa:qtgha. In sum, it gives seven different formal acts to be carried out by the Sa:qtgha as reactions to different transgressions.

JIABS 19.2 26

In the CV III, the venerable Udayin has fallen into an offence. He does not conceal his offence and he must perform miinatta.49 Then Udayin falls into new offences, but now he conceals them for one day, two days, three days etc. Again he must perform miinatta but only after a probation (pariviisa) according to the number of days the offence has been concealed. Then Udayin falls into an offence during the probation and later during the miinatta. A number of different combinations of offences - concealed or not, fallen into during probation or miinatta etc. - are described. The chapter is extremely detailed and repetitive in style.

The CV II deals with the observances for monks who are under probation and those undergoing miinatta. Upali asks the Buddha questions pertaining to the subject. The point seems to be to make the monks under pariviisa and miinatta distinguish themselves clearly from the rest of the Sarpgha.

The CV IX deals with the objection against participation in the Uposatha ceremony. The Buddha is sitting surrounded by monks on an observance day but he is unwilling to recite the Patimokkha because the assembly is not entirely pure. Moggallana sees the individual who is not pure and throws him out. Then the Buddha tells the monks about the eight strange and wonderful qualities of the ocean and eight strange and wonderful things in the Dhamma and discipline. He declares that he will no longer carry out the observance and will not recite the Patimokkha; from now on the monks must do it themselves. He instructs the monks to suspend the Patimokkha for listeners who have an offence. He goes on to describe the cases in which the suspension of the Patimokkha is valid or not. In short, this chapter is about the purity of the Sarp.gha, which is the central concern of introversionist sects.

The CV JV is also concerned with questions of purity and dignity of the Sarp.g'iia in the eyes of monks and lay-people. It contains stories about the venerable Dabba the Mallian, Gagga who was insane and in his madness said and did unworthy things and Uvala who tells a conscious lie while being examined for offences. There is a great concern with how to settle disputes and problems in the Sarp.gha. The unity of the sect is essential for its purity.

49. LB. HORNER does not translate manatta but has discipline in brackets. PTS Pali­English Dictionary expresses doubts as to the etymology of manatta but describes it as "a sort of penance, attached to the commission of sanghadisesa offence".

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The issue of unity is elaborated in CV VII, the chapter on the split of the Sa:rp.gha. Bhaddiya, Anuruddha, Ananda, Bhagu, Kimbila, Devadatta and Upali go forth in the Buddhist Sa:rp.gha. Devadatta attains psychic powers. Through his psychic powers he is able to impress prince Ajatasattu. He becomes obsessed with the fame and respect that he gets through his powers and he wishes to become leader of the order of monks. Devadatta suggests to the Buddha that he take over the leader­ship of the Sa:rp.gha. The Buddha rejects this, saying that he would not even hand over the order of monks to Sariputta and Moggallana, much less to the evil Devadatta. The Buddha instructs the order to carry out a formal act of information50 against Devadatta.

2.2.3. Appearance

The appearance of the monks and nuns is a central concern in the Vinaya texts. This issue is essential because the dignity and aloofness of the monk is linked to how he looks and how he behaves. The thirty Ni~sargika Piitayantika Dharmas of the Priitimok$asutra are concerned with the robes and bowls of the monks. Wearing the right kind of robe in the right way is essential for the appearance of a monk. The Saik$a Dharmas are very detailed rules for how to wear the robe (rules 1-18)51 and about how to enter and how to sit in a layman's house (rules 19-61) and how to receive food (rules 63-88) and a number of rules on general appearance when dealing with lay-people. It seems that the Saik$a Dharmas where laid down in order to make the distinction between monk and lay-follower clear and to make the monks appear serious, cool and dignified. The ninety Piitayantika Dharmas of the Priitimok$asutra are also about the behaviour of monks. Typically a monk must not be seen together with a nun (rules 21, 22, 23, 24, 26, 27, 28, 30, 35) nor with a lay-woman (rules 30, 43, 65, 70) and he must eat in a proper way (rules 34, 36, 37, 38, 39, 40,41, 42).

The subject matter of MV.VIII is the monks' clothes. For an overview of the rules on clothing, the rules of MV.VIII should be compared with the Ni~sargika Piitayantika Dharmas of the Priitimok$a Sutra. The chapter starts with the interesting account of livaka Komarabhacca. The

50. pakiisaniyakamma.The function ofthis formal act seems to be to free the Sarp.gha of any responsibility as to the words and action of a particular monk.

51. In the following I use the enumeration made in PACHOW, W.: A Comparative Study a/the Pratimoksa, Santiniketan 1955.

JIABS 19.2 28

story of J1vaka introduces the permission to wear robes given by lay­followers. The Buddha becomes sick through a disturbance in the humours of the body. llvaka restores the health of the Lord and asks a boon. He asks the Buddha to allow the use of householder robes for the monks. The Lord consents. Clothes of different materials are presented to the order of monks. The Buddha allows six robe-materials: linen, cotton, silk, wool, coarse hempen cloth and canvas. (MV VIII. 3). A number of rules are given regarding the acceptance, storage, distrubution and dyeing of robes. The Buddha walks with Ananda from Rajagaha to Dakkhil).agiri. On the way he sees the fields of Magadha and he asks Ananda whether he is able to make robes like the fields. Ananda makes robes and he receives applaus and respect for his skill. Then follow rules on the number of robes allowed for one monk. The Pali Vinaya has the rules of the kathina in MV VII, i.e. before the chapter on clothes and robe materials. The detailed regulation of this ceremony reflects the im­portance of appearance in the monks' intercourse with the laity. All association must follow strict rules. If the rules are broken, punishment against the monk is carried out.

In CV I the venerable Seyyasaka lives in company with housholders and in unbecoming association with householders. The Buddha tells the order to carry out a formal act of guidance (nissayakamma) for Seyya­saka. Instructions on how and under what circumstances a formal act of guidance should be carried out are given. He also tells them how and under what circumstances an act of guidance should be revoked.

Monks who are followers of Assaji and Punabbasu in Kitagiri engage in all kinds of bad habits. A righteous monk passes Kitagiri on his way to Savatthi where the Buddha is staying in the leta Grove in Anatha­pil).<;lika's monastery. On behalf of the only decent lay-person in Kitagiri he reports Hie bad habits of the monks to the Buddha. The Buddha sends Sariputta and Moggallana to Kitagiri to carry out a formal act of ban­ishment (pabbiijaniyakamma). Instructions are given on how a formal act of banishment should be carried out and how and under what circumstances it may be revoked.

In CV V monks use different kinds of begging-bowls made of precious materials. The Buddha allows the use of two kinds of bowls: iron bowls and clay bowls. A large number of rules concerning bowl­rests and the treatment of bowls are given. Then follow a large number of rules pertaining to robes, then some rules about sandals, water-

BREKKE 29

strainers, filters, mosquito-nets etc. Some rules are given about bath­rooms, pools and tanks.

CV VIII is exclusively concerned with the appearance of monks. Some monks entera monastery in an unbecoming manner and the Buddha lays down a custom (vatta) for how to enter a monastery. Minute rules are laid down for how to take off the sandals, how to wipe them and dry them, how to wash the feet, how to drink, how to carry bowl and robe, how to ask for a lodging in the monastery, how to make the bed, how to wipe the bed, how to move a chair, how to sweep the ground etc. There are elaborate rules for how to behave in the presence of lay-people. These repetitive passages are identical with passages in MV.I.25. The very detailed prescription reflect a deep concern with decorum. The mon1e must do every movement in a controlled and proper manner. It is clear that the central issue is to appear calm and dignified. A few passages may demonstrate the concern for a pure an uplifted appearance. The monk should enter a village carefully and unhurriedly (siidhuka1?1 ataramiinena giimo pavisitabbo). The monk must go amidst the houses properly clad (supaticchannena antaraghare gantabba1?1), well con­trolled (susa1?1vutena), with downcast eyes (okkhittacakkhunii) not lifting up the robes (na ukkhittakiiya), without laughter (na ujjhaggikiiya), with little noise (appasaddena) etc. Almsfood should be eaten attentively (sakkaca1?1 pi1JQapiito bhuiijitabbo), too large pieces should not be made (niitimahanto kabalo kiitabbo), the whole hand should not be put into the mouth while eating (na bhuiijamiinena sabbo hattho mukhe pakkhi­pitabbo) one should not talk with food in the mouth (na sakabalena mukhena vyiiharitabba1?1) etc. Rules like this cover large parts of the Khandhakas of the Vinayapitaka and they show the great emphasis that the Buddhist Sal1lgha put on outward appearance both in the eyes of the world and in the eyes of the monks themselves.

2.2.4. Dwellings

An important element in the Sal1lgha' s transition from a conversionist to an introversionist relationship to the world is the order's dwellings; its spatial localization in society. In the beginning, the Sal1lgha was a wandering lot. A typical feature of the life of renouncers is homeless­ness. The Buddhist renouncer is required to leave home to the extent where he does not even feel "at home" in his own body. However, the Sal1lgha early became tied to place. In MV IlL I people criticize the sons of the Sakyans for walking around during the winter, the hot season and

· nABs 19.2 30

the rains and trampling down crops and grasses and destroying many little creatures. In reaction to this, the Buddha allows the monks to enter upon the rains, which means that they should stay indoors in one place during the rainy season.52 In MV III.2 he infornls the monks of the two right times for entering upon the rains. In MV III.4 he forbids the monks not to enter upon the rairis.53 This is the start of the Sarp.gha's tradition of staying in buildings.

The CV VI is about the dwelling-places ofthe monks. Considering the subject matter of the chapter, one would perhaps expect to find the CV VI, i.e. the Pali version of the Sayanasanavastu, among the other chapters on the day to day life of the Sarp.gha at the beginning of the Khandhakas. E.FRAUWALLNER suggests that it is found toward the end simply because the life in monasteries became important at a later date. Thus, it is a reflection of the growing introversionist tendencies. In the CV VI, the monks stay in forests and under trees, in the open air etc. A merchant suggests that he build dwelling-places for the monks and the Buddha allows this. Other people start bulding houses and a number of problems occur. The Buddha allows different kinds of devices - doors, windows, drapery - to keep snakes, rats, ants etc. out and he allows different types of furniture for the comfort of the monks. He allows different ways of applying colour to the walls, the sleeping places and the ground. He allows assembly halls, porches, different kinds of fences, different kinds of roofs etc.

Then the story of AnathapiI).~ika is told. AnathapiI).~ika goes to Raja­gaha to visit his wife's brother who is a great merchant. In Rajagaha he meets the Buddha and becomes a lay-follower. He offers a meal to the order of monks. When he returns to Savatthi he buys a pleasure grove belonging to prince Jeta and makes a monastery for the Sarp.gha. The Buddha ~~d his order stay at the Jeta Grove and AnathapiI).~ika is instructed to prepare the Jeta Grove for the use of the order.

Problems arise over dwelling-places and the Buddha instructs the order to assign lodgings. A large number of rules are given concerning dwelling places. Problems arise over the distribution of food and the Buddha instructs the order to appoint an issuer of meals (bhattuddesa­ka). He instructs the order to appoint monks to a number of other

52. anujiiniimi bhikkave vassa1!l upagantun ti.

53. nii bhikkave vassa1!l na upagantabba1!l.

BREKKE 31

functioils concerning the daily life of the Sarpgha; lodging, clothing and food.

To sum up, the rules that I have looked at under four headings testify to a change in the Sarpgha's relationship to the world. Firstly, its borders were tightened in that the rules for admission grew stricter. Secondly, the emphasis on unity and the fear of Sarpghabheda is a typical aspect of the growing introversionist tendencies. thirdly, the interaction with lay people was regulated in detail and the segregation from the laity was expressed in the distinguishing and uniform appear­ance of the members of the Sarpgha. Fourthly, physical borders were built in the form of monastery walls.

3. Conclusion

Let me sum up the conjecture of this article in a few sentences. Buddhism originated as a conversionist movement which I took to mean that it emphasized proselytizeing activities and an open relationship to the world. The religious renouncers of India at the time of the Buddha enjoyed status and material support from the common people. There­fore, the sect of the Buddha attracted many individuals who were extrin­sically motivated. When the outside world observed that a large part of the monks joined the Sarpgha for purely profane reasons, the status of the monks fell. This reaction of the laity is described again and again in the Khandhakas with standard phrases like manussii ujjhiiyanti khiyanti vipiicenti: katha7?l hi niima samalJii Sakyaputtiyii .... "People looked down upon, criticized, spread it about, saying: 'How can these recluses, sons of the Sakyans '" etc. '" If the Sarpgha had let its holiness and purity be corrupted by the

wrong motivation of its members, the crucial material support and respect from the laity would have failed. To stay pure, both in the eyes of the world and in the eyes of the sincere monks, the Sarpgha had to tighten its borders on the extrinsically motivated applicants. In order to stay aloof, the order had to withdraw from the world, and the monks had to maintain a dignified and holy appearance. Introversionist ten-. dencies developed. But the introversionist tendencies made the Sarpgha an even better object of support. The more introvert the Sarpgha became and the more its purity was emphasized, the more support it received. The less interest its members took in material values, the more attractive it became as an object of devotion and as a receptacle for offerings. Again, the growing support and wealth of the order led to a growing

· JIABS 19.2 32

number of extrinsically motivated applicants for membership which led to a need to withdraw and cultivate the purity of the Sarpgha.

This mechanism presupposes an Indian setting where the status of the renouncer is high and where there is a general belief in rebirth and karma and a need for merit-making among common people. I have shown that this process is expressed in the early Buddhist literature. However, the dynamic is not restricted to ancient times. In the intro­duction I referred to similar features in medieval and modern Sri Lanka and modern Burma reflected in the research of M. CARRITHERS, M. SPIRO and R.A.L.H. GUNA WARDENA.

I have suggested an explanation of the relationship between the Buddhist Sarp.gha and the laity which emphasizes the unintended conse­quences of the behaviour of the members of the Sarpgha. Extrinsic moti­vation among the members and potential members of the Sarpgha leads to introversionism. Introversionism leads to more support from the laity. Support from the laity leads to extrinsic motivation. Thus, we have a self-enforcing mechanism. It is a good circle, and in the historical periods when the Sarpgha has been able to maintain the balance, it has led to a certain degree of stability in Buddhist societies. The structure of Theravada Buddhist societies are the best example of this built-in con­servatism. The crucial point in the circle is the introversionism, the constant need to bar out the wrong people and to purify the Sarpgha by getting rid of lax and greedy monks. When the Sarpgha fails on this point, the mechanism turns around, and we end up with an evil circle. The Sarpgha is seen as impure and lax, support from the laity fails, and the Sarpgha becomes less able to restore its purity.54

54. This mechanism has been mentioned in R. GOMBRlCH, op. cit.

ANNHEIRMAN

Some Remarks on the Rise of the bhik~u1JfsalJ1gha and on the Ordination Ceremony for bhik~u1Jfs according to the Dharmaguptaka Vinaya

The present article is based on the Dharmaguptakavinaya or Caturvargavinaya (1ZY:B-1$), one of the five Vinayas that survived in its Chinese translation (Taisho ShinshU Daizokyo, Vol.22, No.1428, translated by Buddhayasas in the beginning of the fifth century AD)l, and the most widely spread and most influential Vinaya in China. T.1428 consists of three parts: (1) a twofold detailed explanation of the rules of the Priitimok,Ja2 (Bhik,Juvibhwiga and Bhik,Ju1}ivibhwiga), (2) twenty skandhakas (chapter, section) that regulate the monastic life in detail, and (3) some appendices including historic information. Throughout the article, the findings of T .1428 have been compared with the other Chinese Vinayas, with the Pali Vinaya, and with the Bhik,Ju1}i­vibhanga of the MahiisiiIp.ghika-Lokottaraviida School.

Although it is evident from the present studies of the Vinaya literature, that the orders of monks and nuns (bhik,Ju- and bhik,JUlJlswp.gha) are highly structuralized commu­nities, possessing many rules to be kept and formal acts to be performed; and that these organizations gradually came into being (first the bhik,Jusarrzgha, and later the bhik,Ju1}i-

1. The other Vinayas are: MahiSiisakavinaya T.1421, Mahiisiirrzghikavinaya T.1425, Sarviistiviidavinaya T.1435, Mulasarviistiviidavinaya T.1442 up to and including T.1459 (because of its size, the MUlasarviistiviidavinaya was not edited into one work, but consists ofa number of different works). Of the latter Vinaya, also a Tibetan translation exists.

Closely related to the Mahiisiirrzghikavinaya, is the Bhik,Ju1}ivibhanga of the MahiisiiIp.ghika-Lokottaraviida School*, a text written in a transitional language between Prakrit and Sanskrit (ROTH, G., 1970, pp.lv-Ivi). Apart from these texts, the Vinaya transmitted by the Theraviida School survived in the original Pali language. Finally, many Sanskrit fragments have been found. An excellent survey of the Vinaya literature is given by YUYAMA, A.,1979. * Hereafter M.-L.

2. The priitimok,Ja is a list of offenses against the prescriptions of the order with an indication of the punishment to be meted out to those who commit them. There is a list of prescriptions for monks and one for nuns. For the Dharmaguptaka School, the priitimok,Ja for monks is to be found in T.l429 (a compilation from T.1428 by Huai-su (634-707 AD»** and in T.1430 (a translation ofa Sanskrit original by Buddhayasas, to be dated in the beginning ofthe fifth century AD)**; thepriitimok,Ja for nuns is to be found in T.1431 (compiled from T.1428 by Huai-su (634-707 AD»**. ** Cf. YUYAMA, A., 1979, pp. 33-34.

nABS 20.2 34

saJ?1gha), a careful reading of T.1428, compared with the other extant Vinayas­Chinese, PaIi and Silnskrit3 - has revealed the exact 'theoretical' career of a nun, and has given us evidence concerning the exact position of a novice (Srama/Jeri), a probationer (sikjamal}a) and a nun (bhikjul}i) in the bhikjul}lsaJ?1gha, cOl).ceming the origin of the sikjamal}a period, and concerning the age of a married woman to become a probationer and a nun, and has also enabled us to add some new elements in solving the problems of the five robes of a nun:, the manatva period for bhik~ul}ls, and the interpretation of the Chinese term i3f. in the sense of 'to admit'.

1. The rise of the order of bhik~ul).is and the organization of the ordi­nation ceremony

The chapter concerning the bhikjul}ls (Bhikjul}lskandhaka) in T.14284 informs us how the order of bhikjul}ls came into being, and how an ordination into the new order has to be organized (the "ordination ceremony").

1) The eight rules that may not be transgressed

The Bhik:WfJzskandhaka4* starts with the well-known story of Maha­prajapatJ: Gautami, Buddha's stepmother, who, together with five hundred Siikya women asks the Buddha for permission to go forth into the homeless state and to follow the law proclaimed by the Buddha. At first, Buddha refuses, because the presence of women threatens to destroy the law. Later, Mahaprajapatl, her hair cut off and wearing the ka~iiya clothes5, goes to see the Buddha again, and, together with five hundred Sakya women, she weeps outside the monastery where Buddha remains. When the disciple .Ananda sees them, he decides to help them to convince Buddha. At first Buddha refuses again. However, when .Ananda asks whether women have the capacities to become an arhat, He answers in the affirmative and, after .Ananda again asked Him to let the women go forth, He finally accepts them to become nuns, provided that

3. We use 'Sanskrit' to refer to the transitional language used in the Bhik~ul}l­vibhanga of the M.-L. School: cf. ROTH, G., 1970, pp.lv-lvi.

4. T.1428, pp. 922c6-930c5: ltlifEm.§t, bhik:jwJ.fskandha(ka) (cf. NAKAMURA, H., BGD, p. 327: mi3f., chien-tu, and mi3f., chien-tu, as a phonetic rendering of the Skt. skandha(ka), chapter).

5. Ka~aya (MONIER-WILLIAMS, M., SED, p.265: "red, dull red, yellowish red") refers to the color of the garments of a monk or a nun. Hence it also was used to indicate the garments themselves. Concerning the color of the garments: see HEIRMAN, A., 1995: 11-13.

HErRMAN 35

they accept eight rules6 that will make the bhik~ul}isarrzgha dependent upon the monks. These eight rules that may never be transgressed7 are:

(1) Even though a bhik~W:li has been ordained for one hundred years, she has to rise when she meets a bhik~u who has been newly ordained, she has to pay obeisance to him and has to offer him a place to sit.s

6. Pali garudhamma (OLDENBERG, H., Vinaya Piraka/!l, Vo1.II, p. 256ff.); Bhik:;u-1}fvibhmiga of the M.-L. School: gurudharma (RoTH, G., 1970, p. 16, §12).

7. See T.1428, p. 923a27: "/\i'i%JFFPJJ&I$", eight rules that may not be trans­gressed during the whole lifetime. They are explained from p. 923a28 up to and including p. 923b 18.

These eight rules differ slightly from Vinaya to Vinaya. The most important differences with T.1428 (D) are: OLDENBERG, H., Vinaya Piraka/!l, Vo1.II, p. 255: the eight rules coincide with the rules in D; the only difference is that, according to the Pali Vinaya, the nuns should not only ask the monks for instruction every half month, but should also ask for the date of the uposatha ceremony (see D, rule 6); T.1421, p. 185c20-29: the eight rules coincide with the rules in D; the only difference is that, according to T.142l, a nun who has committed a sa/!lghavase~a offense, not only has to undergo the mana tva discipline in the two orders (bhik:;usa/!lgha and bhik:;u1}fsa/!lgha), but also has to be rehabilitated in the two orders (see D, rule 5); T.1425, pp. 471bl-476bll: the third rule of D is not to be found; the Vinaya has another rule, that is only to be found in the Bhik:;u1}fvibhanga of the M.-L. School, and not in any other Vinaya: a nun should not receive donations before these donations have been presented to a monk; the other rules essentially coincide with the rules in D, the only differences are that, according to T.1425, a nun not only has to undergo the manatva penance after having committed a sa/!lghatise~a offense, but also after having transgressed a gurudharma (see D, rule 5), and that the nuns should not only ask the monks for instruction every half month, but should also ask for the date of the po~adha ceremony (see D, rule 6); Bhik~u1}fvibhanga of the M.-L. School, ROTH, G., 1970, pp.16-72, §§12-110: the third rule of D is not to be found; the Vinaya has another rule that is only to be found in T.1425, and not in any other Vinaya: a nun should not receive donations, before these donations have been presented to a monk; the other rules essentially coincide with the rules in D; T.1435, p. 345c8-18: the third rule of D is not to be found; the Vinaya has another rule: the nuns must ask the monks for instruction in the Sutra, Vinaya and Abhidharma; the other rules coincide with the rules in D. It is to be noted, however, that the sixth rule in T.1435 explicitly says that the nuns have to ask for instruction in the eight gurudharmas. The latter coincides with the sixth rule in D; T.145l, p.35lal-25: the eight rules coincide with the rules in D; the only difference is that, according to T.145l, the nuns not only have to perform the ordination ceremony in both the orders, but also the ceremony of the going forth has to be performed in both the orders (see D, rule 4).

8. See T.1428, p. 923a28-b2.

JIABS 20.2 36

(2) A bhik:jWll may not scold or slander a bhik:ju by saying that he has broken the precepts (sila), the right views (dr:jti) , or the right behavior (iiciira).9

(3) A bhik:jwJI may not punish a bhik:ju, nor prevent him to join in the ceremonies of the order (such as the pO:jadha 10 or the praviiralJa ll ). A bhik:julJl may not admonish a bhik:ju, whereas a bhik:ju may admonish a bh ik:julJ 1. 12

(4) After having been trained in the six rules 13 for two years as a probationer (sik:jamiilJii14), the ordination ceremony of a bhik:julJl has to be carried out in both sal!lghas (i.e. first in the bhik:julJlsarrzgha and then in the bhik:jusarrzgha).15

9. See T.1428, p. 923b2-4.

10. This is a ceremony held every half-month by the Buddhist community in order to recite the priitimok:ya: see note 2. For the history of the po:yadha ceremony see: FRAUWALLNER, E., 1956, pp. 78-82.

11. The 'Invitation' (praviira1}a(ii)) is a ceremony held by the Buddhist community at the end of the rainy season. On this occasion, every monk (and nun) is expected to invite his (her) fellow~monks (nuns) to point out his (her) wrongs, if any, whether seen, or heard or suspected. See also HORNER, LB., ED, VoLIV, p. 211, note 2: ''paviiretuJ?1, a technical term used for a monk to 'invite' others at the end of the rains to tell him if he has been seen or heard or suspected to have committed any offences."

12. See T.1428, p. 923b4-8.

13. These are the six rules that have to be particularly taken into account by a probationer (sik:jamii1}ii). See further pp. 45-47.

14. ~:sz.~tJ~ [shih-ch'a-mo-na], a phonetic rendering of the Sanskrit sik:famii1}ii: this is the present participle (fem.) of the verb ..)sik:j, iitmanepada, training one­self. This term is used to indicate a woman who, during two years, is undergoing a probationary course of training in order to become a nun.

15. See T.1428, p. 923b8-l0.

HEIRMAN 37

(5) When a bhik.~W:li commits a sarrzghavase~a offense l6, she has to undergo the manatval7 in both orders (i.e. bhik~usarrzgha and bhik~U1Ji­sarrzgha) during half a month.l8

Concerning this rule, the chapter concerning the ordinationl9 informs us that when a monk commits a sarrzghavasefja offense, there are four formal acts (karman) which can, each time by means of a/iiapticatur­thakarman20, be performed by the sarrzgha21 : (a) aparivasa penance22,

16. Skt. sal'{lghiivase~a, Pali sal'{lghiidisesa, M.-L. School: sal'{lghiitise~a, 'remainder in the order'. These offenses lead to a temporary exclusion from the order. They include such offenses as acting as a go-between, slandering, conferring the ordination to a thief, remaining without the company of other bhi~W:lis, staying together with a man, creating disputes, and so on.

17. This is a kind of penance: EDGERTON, F., BHSD, p. 429: " ... ; it thus appears that, according to both northern and southern tradition, this penance consisted in, or at least involved, some kind of ceremopjal homage paid by the culprit to the general community of monks. This can be interpreted as supporting the apparent etym., miina-tva, condition of (paying) respect." In T.1428 the miinatva penance is explained on pp. 896b25-906a8. For references concerning the other Vinayas, see FRAUWALLNER, E., 1956, pp.l09-111.

18. See T.1428, p. 923bl0-12.

19. T.1428, pp. 779a6-816c4 (~~~ffl').

20. This is a formal act in which the motion is fourfold (cf. LAMOTTE, E, 1988, p. 56). It is one of the formal acts that can be performed by the sal'{lgha in taking decisions. These acts can be ajiiaptikarman, ajiiaptidvitiyakarman, or ajiiapti­caturthakarman: EDGERTON, F., BHSD, p. 244, S.v. jiiapti: " ... ; there are three forms in which the motion may be made, (1) isolated, simple motion, not followed by a separate question as to whether the monks (or nuns) present approve, (2) accompanied (followed) by a single such formal question, called jiiapti-dvitiyam, (3) accompanied by three such questions, calledjiiapti-caturtha."

21. See T.l428, p. 801a4-7: ;fi)J!U~~Hlflj~1j/1itW-iHlflj~1j/~W.~ B 1il1itW.~ B 1ilJJi\\W.~1j~~1itw.~1j~~JJi\\w.t±I~1itw.t±I~: if one has to give the pariviisa OHlflj~1j/ [po-li-p'o-sha], see note 22), then one ought to give the pariviisa. If one has to give 'the correcting from the beginning' (~B m, Pali muliiya patikassana, see note 23), then one ought to give 'the correcting from the beginning'. If one has to give the miinatva (~1j~:!:~ [mo-na-to], see note 17), then one ought to give the miinatva. If one has to give the rehabilitation (t±lW, iibarhaIJa, see note 24), then one ought to give the rehabilitation.

22. EDGERTON, F., BHSD, p. 329: "(Skt., period of residence; Pali id. in technical sense) period of probation to which certain monks are subjected, as a disciplinary measure, for concealment of a sal'{lghiivase~a offense." In T.1428 the pariviisa is explained on pp. 896b25-906a8. For references concerning the other Vinayas, see FRAUWALLNER, E., 1956, pp. 109-111.

· JIABS 20.2 38

(b) 'a correcting from the begiming'23, (c) a mana tva penance17*, (d) 'a taking away the offense' (= rehabilitation)24. Further information on these karmans is found in two chapters of T.1428: the chapter con­cerning persons25 and the chapter concerning probation26. In case of a parivasa penance (a), a bhi0;u has to ask the bhik~usa1?1gha three times to impose upon him this penance, which is then given to him by the bhik~usa1?1gha, by means of ajfiapticaturthakarman.27 The period ofthe parivasa penance corresponds to the period during which the bhik~u concealed the sa1?1ghavase~a offense. During this period, many restric­tions are imposed upon the monk. The most important of these are: he cannot participate in the formal acts leading to parivasa, manatva or rehabilitation; he cannot confer the ordination or give guidance to a newly ordained monk; he cannot take care of a novice; he cannot give instruction to the bhik~W:IIS; he cannot punish bhik~us; and he may not be honored by the other bhik~us. Every half-month, a bhik~u who under­goes a parivasa penance, has to remind the bhik~usa1?1gha that he is in such a condition.28 If, during the parivasa period, the bhik~u commits another sa1?1ghavase~a offense, he has to be to14 to start again from the beginning of the parivasa period. In case of such 'a correcting from the beginning' (b), the bhik~u has, again, to ask the bhik~usa1?1gha three times to impose upon him this penance, which is then given to him by the bhik~usa1?1gha, by means of ajfiapticaturthakarman. 29 When a bhik~u has completed the parivasa period, the sa1?1gha imposes upon him the manatva period (c), which lasts for six nights. Again, this penance is

23. Pali: muliiya patikassana; RHYS DAVIDS, T.W. and STEDE, W., PED, p. 392, s.v. patikassana: "drawing back, in phrase miilaya p. "throwing back to the begiwring, causing to begin over & over again"."

24. Cf. NAKAMURA, H., BGD, p. 672: I±l~, the rehabilitation of a bhik~u, Pali abbhiina; WOGIHARA, v., BW, p.199: iibarhar;a [Pali abbhiina], with as Chinese rendering: I±l tp.

25. T.1428, pp.896b25-903c19 (J-'l9tmt): this chapter entirely concerns the regulations concerning the four fonnal acts that can be perfonned when a bhi~u commits a sa1!1ghiivase~a offense.

26. T.1428, pp. 904a6-906a8 (lI~'l9tmt): this chapter concerns the restrictions imposed upon a bhik~u who is undergoing the piiriviisa or the miinatva penances.

27. See T.l428, p. 896b26-c17.

28. See T.1428, pp. 904a7-906al.

29. See T.1428, pp. 896c17-897a14.

HEIRMAN 39

given to him by means of a jfiapticaturthakarman, after the bhik$u asked it three times to the sa1!lgha.30 The restrictions imposed upon the bhik$u during this manatva period are the same as those during the parivasa period. The only difference is that the bhik$U now daily has to inform the bhik$usa1!lgha that he is undergoing the manatva penance.31 Finally, the order can readmit the bhik$u by a rehabilitation. This rehabilitation (d) is conferred to him by means of ajfiapticaturthakarman, after the bhik$u asked for this three times.32

In case a bhik$u did not conceal the sa1!lghiivase$a offense, he does not have to undergo a parivasa period, but the manatva penance is imme­diately imposed upon him. When he commits another sa1!lghavase$a offense during this manatva period, he has to start again from the beginning. After this period, the sa1!lgha can rehabilitate the bhik$u.33

In these chapters concerning persons and concerning probation, no indications are given whether or not this also applies to bhik$ulJ-ls. It is only from the fifth rule (gurudharma) for bhik$ulJ-1s, mentioned in the Bhik$ulJ-iskandhaka4* of T.1428, that we can deduce that a bhik$ulJ-l has to undergo the manatva penance in both the sa1!lghas during half a month, and not during six nights as this is the case for the bhik$us. The karmavacana34 for bhik$ulJ-ls of the Dharmaguptaka School, T.1434, pp. l068b14-1069al, however, clearly mentions this period of half a month, and gives further details concerning this point: the latter text adds that a bhik~ulJ-1 has to undergo this penance even after having con­cealed the sa1!lghavase$a offense, and that she has to present herself daily before both the sa1!lghas.

Also, since the parivasa penance is closely related to the manatva penance, it is striking that in the eight rules for bhik$ulJ-ls in T.1428, there is no mentioning of this parivasa penance, while there is a special rule for the manatva penance. This is also the case in the other Vinayas. 35

30. See T.1428, p. 897a14-b16.

31. See T.1428, p. 906a2-8.

32. See T.1428, p. 897b16-c24.

33. See T.1428, pp. 897c25-898c7.

34. Karmaviicanii is the name of a text containing a list of acts and ceremonies to be performed in the order.

35. OLDENBERG, H., Vinaya Pitakaf!1., Vo1.II, p. 255, rule 5; Sanskrit* Bhik/fwzi­vibhaizga of the M.-L. School, ROTH, G., 1970, p. 63, §93, rule 5 (apart from mentioning miinatva, it is further said that a bhi~w:zi has to ask for rehabilitation

· nABS 20.2 40

In the Pali Vinaya, information concerning the mana tva penance is to be found in two different chapters'. 1) In the chapter concerning the nuns36, the eight rules (P. garudhamma) to be followed by the nuns are enumerated. The fifth of these garudhammas says that a nun who has committed a sarrzghadisesa37 offense, has to undergo a manatta38

penance lasting for a fortnight in both the orders. 2) In the chapter concerning the sarrzghadisesa offenses for nuns39, the technical term sarrzghadisesa is explained as follows: "the Order inflicts the manatta discipline on account of her offence, it sends back to the beginning, it rehabilitates; ... "40. In the chapter concerning the sarrzghadisesa offenses for monks, however, the same technical term is explained as follows: "the Order places him on probation [= parivasa] on account of the offence, it sends him back to the beginning, it inflicts the manatta disci­pline, it rehabilitates; .. , ."41 Moreover, the Pali Vinaya concludes the chapter on the sarrzghadisesa offenses for nuns42 by saying that a nun who has committed a sarrzghadisesa offense, has to undergo a manatta penance lasting for a fortnight in both the orders, after which she can be rehabilitated. Thus, in both the above mentioned chapters of the Pali Vinaya, there is no mentioning of a pariviisa period imposed upon a nun. From this, UPASAK., C.S., DEBMT, p.183, concludes that there is no parivasa penance for nuns.

in both the orders); Chinese Vinayas: T.l42l, p.l85c26-28 (also here it is said that a bhi~Wlihas to ask for rehabilitation in both the orders); T.l425, p. 475a8-13, rule 5 (here it is said that a bhi~Wliwho transgresses a gurudharma, has to undergo the manatva in both the sa7[lghas); T.l435, p.345clO-l2, rule 3; T.l451, p. 351a20-22, rule 7. * See note 3.

36. OLDENBERG, H., Vinaya Pitaka7[l, Vo1.II, Cullavagga X, pp. 253-283.

37. This is the Pali for the Skt. sa7[lghiivase$a. See also NOLOT, E., 1991, pp. 401-405.

38. This is the Pali for the Skt. manatva.

39. OLDENBERG, H., Vinaya Pitaka7[l, Vo1.IV, Bhikkhunivibhaflga, pp. 223-242.

40. OLDENBERG, H., Vinaya Pitaka7[l, Vo1.IV, p. 225, translated by HORNER, LB., BD, Vo1.III, p.l80.

41. OLDENBERG, H., Vinaya Pitaka7[l, Vo1.III, p.112, translated by HORNER, LB., BD,Vol.I, p. 196.

42. OLDENBERG, H., Vinaya Pitaka7[l, Vo1.IV, p. 242.

HEIRMAN 41

Taking into consideration the indications given in other Vinaya texts and in T.1434, it seems safe to state that UPASAK's conclusion concern­ing the Pali Vinaya, is equally valid for the other Vinaya texts.

(6) Every .fortnight, the bhik~wJzs have to ask the bhik~us for instruc­tion (avavada43).44

Concerning this rule, pacittika45 141 46 of the Bhik~ulJivibhanga, informs us how a bhik§ulJz, by means of ajiiaptidvitzyakarman20*, has to be appointed to go to the bhik§usal!1gha to ask for instruction. For her safety, she must take two or three bhik~ulJls with her. After her arrival in the bhik~usal!1gha, she should ask the bhik§us three times for instruction. Since she has to ask for instruction the same day the po~adha ceremonylO* is held by the bhik~usal!1gha, it might be too long to wait till the end of the recitation, and that is why Buddha permits her to ask only one important bhik~u for instruction, after which demand, she may leave. Afterwards, the bhik~usarrzgha has to appoint a bhik~u to go to the bhik§ulJzsarrzgha to give instruction.

It is in pacittika 2147 of the Bhik~uvibhanga, that we read how the bhik§u who is to give the instruction to the bhik~ulJzS has to be appointed by means of a jiiaptidvitzyakarman48 , after which he has to go to the bhik~ulJzsarrzgha. The instruction he has to give concerns the eight rules imposed upon bhik~ulJZS.49

(7) The bhik~ulJis cannot spend the rainy season in a residence where there are no bhik§us.50

43. WOGIHARA, D., BW, p. 145.

44. See T.1428, p. 923b12-l4.

45. Pali piicittiya, Skt. piitayantikii, piiyantikii, Dharmaguptaka School: piicittika (Waldschmidt, E. (ed.), 1965, pp.297-298, No.656), M.-L. School: piicattika (for alternative fonns see EDGERTON, F., BHSD, p. 340)*. The original fonn and meaning of the word cannot be confidently reconstructed. According to HIRA­KAWA, A., 1982, p. 191, note 1, it probably means 'expiation'. The piicittika rules are a class of precepts concerning minor offenses. Committing such an offense requires a confession. * Hereafter all Pac.

46. See T.l428, p. 765all-c13.

47. See T.1428, pp. 647b9-649c3.

48. See T.1428, p. 648b20-27.

49. See T.l428, p. 649al-2.

50. See T.1428, p. 923b14-l5.

)IABS 20.2 42

(8) At the end of the rainy season, the bhik~w!zs have to perfonn the pravaraTJa ceremonyll* in the bhik:jusaf!1gha.51

In respect to this rule, the chapter concerning the pravarm:za 52, infonns us how, at the pravaralJa ceremony, a monk asks the order three times to tell him whether he has been seen or heard or is suspected to have committed any offenses so that he can make amends for it.53 It has to be noted, however, that any offense committed by any monk has to be punished before the start of the praviiralJa ceremony, and that no such ceremony can start before discussions on any offense have been settled. This means that, in practice, no new offense could be brought out during the pravaralJa ceremony. 54

In pacittika 14255 of the Bhik~ulJzvibha1iga, it is said that the bhik~ulJzs, by means of a jiiaptidvitzyakarman20*, have to delegate a bhik:julJl to go to the bhik~usaf!1gha in order to perfonn the pravaralJa.56

She has to ask whether the bhik~usaf!1gha has any remarks concerning an offense that a bhik~ulJl is seen or heard or is suspected to have committed. For her safety, this bhik~ulJz must take two or three other bhik:julJis with her. It is further said that the bhik~us have to perfonn the pravaralJa ceremony the fourteenth day of the month, whereas the bhik:julJzS have to go to the bhik:jusaf!1gha on the fifteenth day.57

The exposition of these eight rules for bhik~ulJzS in the Bhik~ulJi­skandhaka is followed by the statement that for MahaprajapatI Gautami and the five hundred Sakya women, accepting these rules is of the same value as an ordination. 58 Mahaprajapati Gautami and the five hundred Sakya women thus became fully ordained nuns by accepting these rules. Also from T.1428, it is thus clear that, although Mahaprajapati Gautami and the fi~~ hundred Sakya women accepted the eight rules, these rules cannot have been applied to the first Buddhist nuns, since they are not ordained before both orders, nor did they have to go through a proba-

51. SeeT.1428,p.923b15-17.

52. T.1428, pp.837c19-843blO (§ ~~J!JJr).

53. See T.1428, p. 837a4-7.

54. See T.1428, pp. 839a15-840a19.

55. See T.l428, pp. 765c14-766b9.

56. See T.1428, p. 766a6-18.

57. See T.1428, p. 766a24-25.

58. See T.1428, p. 923b21.

HEIRMAN 43

tionary period of two years as a sik§amiilJii14* (rule 4). This is due to the simple fact that there was no bhik§ur;isa1!lgha at that moment yet.59 The eight rules were to become operative only after the rise of this new order of bhik§ur;is .. Although Buddha agreed to the creation of this bhik~ur;i­sa1!lgha, he was not happy with it and predicts that, because of this, the law will only last for five hundred years.60

2) The ordination of a new bhik§ur;i

In order to become a fully ordained nun, one has to pass through three stages: (a) the going forth (tI:l*, pravrajyii), (b) a probationary period of two years as a sik§amiir;ii14*, and (c) the full ordination (5't:kftlG 61,

upasa1!lpadii) .

a. the going forth In the Bhik§ur;iskandhaka4*, T.1428 explains how this ceremony is to be' carried out62:

First, the bhik~ur;isa1!lgha has to be asked, by means ofa jiiapti­karman20*, for permission to cut the hair (mur;rjayati63 ) of the candi­date64, after which the hair is cut. Next, the bhik~ur;isa1!lgha has to be asked, by means of ajiiaptikarman, for permission to hold the ceremony

59. See also HORNER, I.B., BD, Vol.V, p. 354, note 3: " ... She would not therefore have to pass two years as a probationer, and this practice will no doubt have been introduced later, after an order of nuns had been in being for some time."

60. See T.l428, p. 923c10-I1. In his Les moniales bouddhistes, pp. 28-32, M. WUAYARATNA tries to explain this statement of the Buddha. According to M. WIJAYARATNA, the statement of Buddha has to be seen in the historical context of the creation of the order of nuns. This creation was socially very difficult, since women were expected to serve men and not to organize themselves in an independent order. Since Buddha agrees that women can become arhats, He accepts the creation of an order for bhi~u1Jis, not, however, without waiting for the bhi~usal'flgha to be sufficiently established and not without warning the Buddhist community of the risks in­volved. In order not to let the law socially degrade by the presence of women, He proclaims the eight rules for bhi~U1Jis.

61. Many other Chinese terms are used in the Vinayas: cf. WOGIHARA, U., BW, p.274.

62. See T.l428, pp. 923c16-924a16. A similar exposition is found in the Bhi~u1Ji­vibhanga, Piic.121, p. 755b4-c5.

63. WOGllIARA, U.,BW,p.1049.

64. See T.1428, p. 923c18-20.

nABS 20.2 44

to confer the going forth (pravrajyii) to the candidate65, after which the pravrajyii is conferred.

The actual pravrajyii ceremony has to be organized in the following way:

The candidate, her hair cut off and wearing the ka$iiya clothes5*, has to inform the bhik$u1}lsarrzgha that she is taking refuge in the Buddha, that she is taking refuge in the law, and that she is taking refuge in the order. At this occasion, she has to ask the sarrzgha for permission to go forth, guided by her teacher (upiidhyiiyinf)66: Thus she has to speak three times. By subsequently informing the bhik$u1}lsarrzgha that she has taken refuge in the Buddha, in the law, and in the order, and that she has gone forth guided by her upiidhyiiyinf67, she becomes a novice (sriima1}eri). The bhik$u1}/sarrzgha then confers the ten precepts (+tfIZ, dasa sik$ii­padiini) that particularly have to be taken into account by novices to the new sriima1}er/68 :

(1) she may not kill, (2) she may not steal, (3) she may not have an unchaste (maithuna) behavior, (4) she may not lie, (5) she may not drink alcohol, (6) she may not wear flowers, perfume or jewelry, (7) she may not sing, dance, or make music, or go to see singing, dancing and music, (8) she may not use a high, large, and big bed, (9) she may not eat at the wrong time, i.e. after noon, (10) she may not possess gold, silver, or money.

65. See T.1428, p. 923c22-24.

66. This is a bhik~W:lf who, as a teacher, guides and instructs new candidates. She ought to help these new candidates from the moment they ask for the pravrajya till two/years after the ordination (see Bhi~ulJfvibhaizga, Pac. 128, p. 760a8-b14).

-,:.;

67. This is the version of the Bhi~wJfskandhaka, pp. 923c25-924a2. In the Bhi~ulJf­vibhaizga, Pac. 121, p. 75 5b 12-19, the candidate first informs the bhi~ulJisal!!gha that she is taking refuge in the Buddha, in the Law, and in the Order, and, at the same occasion, she asks for permission to go forth, guided by her upadhyayini. Next, she informs the sal!!gha that she has taken refuge in the Buddha, in the law, and in the order, and, at the same occasion, she again asks for the permission to go forth, guided by her upiidhyayini.

68. See T.1428, p. 924a2-16. These ten precepts (for Buddhist novices, male and female) are essentially the same in the other Vinayas: OLDENBERG, R., Vinaya Pitakal!!, YoU, pp. 83-84; T.1421, pp.1l6c26-117a4; T.1435, p.150aI9-b8; T.1453, p.456b25-28. In T.1425 and in the Bhi~wJivibhaizga of the M.-L. School, an exposition of the ten precepts lacks.

HEIRMAN 45

b. the probationary period as a sik~amaJ:.la In the BhilqWliskandhaka4*, T.l428 explains how the ceremony through which one becomes a probationer (silqamiilJii 14*) is to be carried out69 :

When she is eighteen years old, the sriimalJeri three times humbly has to ask the bhik~ulJisal!lgha to let her study the precepts for two years as a probationer. For married women, an exception is made regarding the age of eighteen years: a married women can receive the agreement to study the precepts for two years, when she is only ten years old.70

After the request to become a probationer, the sriimalJeri has to be led to a place from where she can see the bhik~ulJlSal!lgha, but cannot hear it. A bhilqulJi who is capable of performing a formal act (karman) has to be appointed by the bhik~ulJisarrzgha. This appointed bhik:;ulJl then has to perform a formal act in which the motion is fourfold (i.e. ajiiapticatur­thakarman20*) in order to ask the bhilqulJls whether they agree to confer to the sriimalJeri a training for two years in the precepts, under guidance of her upiidhyiiyini66*. In case they agree, the matter is hereby settled.

Subsequently, one has to explain the six rules (/\1t)71 particularly to be taken into account by a silqamiilJii to this newly accepted sil~amiilJii.

69. See T.I428, p. 924aI6-c4. A similar exposition (with the exception of the explanation on the six rules to be particularly taken into account by a si~amii1Jii) is found in the Bhi~u1Jfvibhafzga, Pac.12I, p. 755c5-24.

70. See T.l428, p. 924aI7-19. I will discuss this further on pp. 62ff.

71. These six rules differ from Vinaya to Vinaya: The Pali Vinaya has the same rules as T.I428 (OLDENBERG, H., Vinaya Pitaka'!l, Vol.IV, p. 319). T.I421, p. 46a2, says that there are six rules, without, however, explaining them. T.1425, p.47lc2-15 gives eighteen rules: HIRAKAWA, A., 1982, pp. 54-55: "(1) (The si~amii1Jfl) should take her seat (in a position) below all the bhi~u1Jfs and above all the sriima1Jerikiis (female novices). (2) Something that is an offence for a sik~amfl1Jfl (need) not to be an offence for a bhi~u1Jl. (3) Something that is an offence for a bhik~1II)l is also an offence for a sik~amii1Jii. (4) A bhi~u1Jf may stay with a si~amfl1Jii (in a cell) for three consecutive days. (5) A si~amii/fii may stay with a srflma/ferikfl (in a cell) for three consecutive days. (6) A si~amii1Jii may give some food to a bhi~u/ff. (7) A si~amii1Jii may be given any food by a srflma1Jerikfl, but she may not boil the five kinds of vegetables, nor receive gold, silver and coins. (8) (A si~amii/fii) should not point out to a bhi~u1Jf any of the bhi~u1Jf's offences from the pflriijika down to the vinayiitikrama. (9) (A sik$amfl/ffl) may not speak (to a bhi~u/ff) concerning (matters of) not committing sexual intercourse, not stealing, not killing, not lying. (10, 11) (10) (A si~amii1Jii may not attend the PO$adha meeting of the bhi~u1J1 Order, (11) not attend the pravflra1Jii meeting of the bhilG?Wlf Order). On the Po~adha day and on the prflvara1Jfl day, before the Order's meeting, putting her

JIABS 20.2 46

palms together She (sic) should say 'I am so-and-so, pure and unsullied. May the Order remember that I have followed (the eighteen rules for a si~amalJa,).' She should repeat it three times, then go out. (12) If a si~amiilJii has committed one of the last four of the eight piiriijikas, she must begin the sik~amiilJa' s two year course over again, and ought to st(lrt leaming the disciplinary rules again on that very day. (13) If the offence (that a si~amiilJii has committed) is one of the nineteen which constitute a saT(lghiitise~a offence, or any other offence (down to the Vinayiitikrama (sic)), she ought to make a du~krta confession for each of the offences which she has committed. (14-lS) If she violates (any of) the next five precepts, then her time as a si~amalJii will be extended for as many days as she has broken the precepts. What are these five? They are: (14) taking a meal at an improper time, (15) taking food which was left over from the previous days, (16) accepting gold, silver and money, (17) drinking liquor, and (1S) decorating herself with wreaths of flowers or incense." The Bhi~ulJlvibhailga of the M.-L. School, ROTH, G., 1970, pp. 26-2S, §§26-27, gives eighteen rules that agree to a large extent with the eighteen rules given in T.1425: NOLOT, E., 1991, pp. 15-17: "QueUes sont ses obligations? [1] Vis-a-vis de toutes les nonnes, eUe est nouvelle; vis-a-vis de toutes les novices, elle est ancienne; eUe doit se contenter du siege inferieur. [2] Elle doit se contenter de la nourriture inferieure. [3] EUe doit se contenter du gruau inferieur. [4] Les biens materiels illicites pour elIe sont des biens materiels licites pour les nonnes. [5] Les biens materiels licites pour les nonnes sont des biens materiels illicites pour elle. [6] Les nonnes ne doivent pas dormir tournees de son cote; [7] elle-meme ne doit pas dormir tournee du cote des novices. [S] Les nonnes peuvent la charger de recevoir [des dons], excepte l'agnikalpa*, [9] l'or et I'argent; [10] elle-meme peut charger les novices de recevoir [des dons]. [11] II ne convient pas qu' eUe assiste au Po~adha, [12] ni a la PraviiralJa. Mais, quand a lieu Ie Po~adha ou la PraviiralJii, montant jusqu'au rang des anciennes puis accomplissant l' afijali debout devant elles, elle doit dire: "Je salue. 6 Arya, considerez-moi comme pure" - et une deuxieme, une troisieme fois. Quand elle a dit trois fois "Je salue. 6 Arya, considerez[-moi] comme pure", elle doit partir. [13] II ne convient pas de lui faire entendre Ie Priitimo~asutra. Au contraire, il faut lui faire apprendre tout ce qu'eUe peut apprendre avec une padaphalakii**; il faut [lui] dire: [14] "II ne convient pas d'enfreindre la chastete; [15] il ne convient pas de prendre ce qui n'est pas donne; [16] il ne convient pas d'6ter la vie, de sa propre main, a un etre humain; [17] il ne convient pas de pretendre mensongerement a un pouvoir sumaturel" - ainsi doit-on lui faire apprendre tout ce qu'elle peut apprendre avec une padaphalakii. [IS] Les infractions aux cinq preceptes [sont]: manger hors du temps prescrit; manger des aliments mis en reserve; accepter I'or et l'argent; porter des parfums, des guirlandes, des fards, boire des liqueurs, de l'a1cool, des boissons fortes." * NOLOT, E., 1991, p. 16, note 34: "[ ... ] Le compose signifie litt. "prepare au feu" ou "rendu licite par Ie feu"; [ ... ]. II n'est pas impossible a priori qu'agnikalpa designe les cinq cereales bouillies ou grillees du regime monastique [ ... ]. La proximite dejiitariiparajata [gold and silver] indique peut-etre qu'il s'agit d'une substance precieuse."

HEIRMAN 47

The first four of these six rules coincide with the first four piiriijika offenses72 : (1) sexual intercourse, (2) stealing (anything with a value of five coins73 , or more), (3) taking human life and (4) lying about one's spiritual achievements. The other two rules are: (5) a sik$amii1'}ii may not eat at the wrong time, i.e. after noon, and (6) she may not drink alcohol. The disciplinary measures that are to be taken against a sik$amii1'}ii who transgresses one ofthese six rules are explained in the Bhi~u1'}ivibhanga, piicittika 12374 of T.1428: the four piiriijika offenses lead to a definitive

** NOLOT, E., 1991, p.17, note 36: "[ ... ] Ie sens apparent est lplanchette, feuille ou ecorce [ ... ] [pour ecrire des] mots ou phrasesI"y1. Mais [ ... ] Ie terme pourrait designer une nonne specialisee dans l'instruction des probationnaires." T.1435, p.327a7-c2, gives six rules: (1) she may not have an unchaste behavior, (2) she may not steal, (3) she may not kill, (4) she may not lie, (5) she may not let herself be touched by a man with impure thoughts from below her hair till her wrist and her lmee, (6) she may not do eight wrong things together with a man with impure thoughts (to allow that the man touches her hand, that he touches her clothes, that they stand together, speak together, make appointments, or go to a secret place, to wait for a man, and to offer her body).

T.1443, p.l005a3-l9, gives six rules and six additional rules. The six rules are: she may not (1) walk alone, (2) cross a river alone, (3) touch a man on purpose, (4) spend a night together with a man, (5) act as a go-between, and (6) conceal a piiriijika offense of a bhi~ulJ.i. The six additional rules are: she may not (l) touch silver or gold, (2) shave her pubic hair, (3) dig in the ground, (4) cut grass or fell a tree, (5) eat food that has not been given, and (6) eat food that has been left over.

As said by HIRAKAWA, A.,1982, p.54, note 17, the six rules of the Pali Vinaya and T.1428 are probably the oldest.

72. A piiriijika is an offense that leads to a permanent, lifetime exclusion from the order. There are four offenses for monks and eight offenses for nuns: sexual intercourse, stealing, taking human life and lying about one's spiritual achieve­ments; and, only for nuns: having physical contact below the armpit and above the lmee, being together with a man and doing eight wrong things (According to T.l428, p. 716a24~27: touching the hand, touching the clothes, going to a secret place together, being in a secret place, talking together, walking together, leaning against one another, and making appointments. The eight wrong things differ slightly from Vinaya to Vinaya), concealing a grave offense of another bhi~ulJ.i (in all Vinayas stated to be apiiriijika, and in T.1435, p. 304a28-29, also stated to . be a sa1flghiivase~a), and persisting in accompanying a suspended bhi~u.

73. miisaka: see RHYS DAVIDS, T.W. and STEDE, W., PED, p. 531, s.v. miisaka: "lit. a small bean, used as a standard of weight & value; hence a small coin of very low value. Of copper, wood & lac."

74. See T.1428, p. 756b18-c25.

JIABS 20.2 48

expulsion from the order; the two other offenses and offenses closely linked to the four piiriijika offenses lead to an extension of the two-:year training.

T.1428 also mentions that, apart from these six rules particularly to be taken into accobnt by a sik$amiir:zii, a sik$amiir:zii also should study all the precepts for bhik$ur:zzs, except for .the precept on offering and accepting food with one's own hands75.

The latter regulation for the sik$amiir:zii is difficult to understand, since no precept in the Priitimok~a2* for bhik$ur:zzs concerning offering and accepting food with one's own hands is to be found. The first prati­deSan'iya76 offense in the Bhik~uvibhanga77 might give a clue to a solu­tion. Here, a bhik$ur:zz offers her own food to a bhik$u. However, when she, because of this, becomes very weak and ill, Buddha says that a bhik$u may not, with his own hands, accept food of a bhik$ur:zz, except when he is ill or when the bhik$ur:zz is related to him. If he does accept food, he commits a pratideSanzya offense. T.142878 also says - by means of a standardized formula - that in case a bhik~ur:zz accepts food, she commits a du~krta79, and that, in the same case, also a sik~amiir:zii, a sriimar:zera, and a sriimar:zerz (Le. a probationer, a male, and a female novice) commit a du~krta. This implies that they too cannot accept food from a bhik$w}z.

In the Pali Vinaya, Bhikkhuvibhanga, Piitidesanzya 180, we find the interesting remark that, although a monk cannot accept food from a nun with his oWn hands, he may accept food from a sikkhamiinii or from a siimar:zerz.

75. See T.142S, Bhik~u1Jfskandhaka, p. 924c2-4 (particularly, p. 924c3-4: ~~ ltliJBJ@:tlt§I&:tlt:tlt, exception made for giving food to a bhik~u1Jf and personally taking food to eat); Bhik~u1Jivibhanga, Pac.I21, p.755c23-24 (partictifarIy: ~ § =¥ I&:tlt:lJt:tlt~ f&, exception made for taking food with one's own hands and offering food to someone else).

76. These minor offenses concern the acceptance and the consumption ofinappro­priate food. These offenses have to be confessed.

77. T.l42S, pp. 695c17-696b13. This offense is also found in the Pali and the other Chinese Vinayas: OLDENBERG, R., Vinaya Pitakarrz, Vol.IV, pp.175-177, piitidesanfya 1; T.l421, pp. 7Ic7-72b6, pratiddanfya 1; T.I425, pp.397a14-39Sa1, priitiddanika 2; T.I435, p.13Ia6-bIS, pratiddaniya 1; T.1442, pp. S97a22-S99bIS,pratidesanfya 1.

7S. See T.l42S, p. 696b7-S.

79. This literally means 'a bad action' and indicates a very light offense.

SO. See note 77.

HEIRMAN 49

Furthermore, the ninth rule for the sik?amalJas in T.142581 says that a sik?amalJa can give some food to a bhik?ulJl.

Considering the above mentioned facts, we can state that a bhik?u and, as mentioned in T.1428, a bhik:;ulJl, may not accept food from a bhilr:;ulJl with their own hands. This also implies that a bhik:;ulJl cannot give food into the hands of a bhik:;u or a bhik:;ulJl. This might be the precept for bhik?ulJls referred to in the above mentioned passage concer­ning the precepts to be followed by a sik?amalJa.

In case the latter precept is the precept for bhik:;ulJls referred to in the passage concerning the precepts to be followed by a sik?amalJa, then we are confronted with a contradiction in T.1428:

I. On the one hand, in the Bhik:;ulJlskandhaka ofT.1428, it is said that a sik:;amalJa should follow all the precepts for bhik:;ulJls, except for the one precept on offering and accepting food with one's own hands, a precept that we have identified as being equivalent to the first pratidda­nlya in the Bhik:;uvibhaftga. Unlike a bhik:;ulJl, a sik:;amalJa can offer food to a bhik:;u or to a bhik:;ulJl with her own hands, and can receive food from a bhik:;ulJl. The above is congruous with the Pali Vinaya, Bhikkhuvibhaftga, Patidesanlya 180*, where it is said that a monk can always accept food from a sikkhamana or from a samalJeri, which implies that a sikkhamana or a samalJerl also can give food to a monk, and also coincides with the ninth rule to be taken into account by a sik?amalJa ofT.142581 *, according to which a sik:;amalJa may give food to a bhik?ulJl.

II. On the other hand, in the Bhik:;uvibhaftga, Pratiddanlya 1 of T.1428, it is said that a bhik:;u cannot receive food from a bhik:;ulJl and that this also applies to a bhik:;UlJI, a sik:;amalJa, a sramalJera and a sramalJeri. These, equally, cannot receive food from a bhik:;ulJl. This is in direct conflict with the above mentioned (1.). A possible explanation for this contradiction in T.1428 may be that, in the Bhik:;uvibhaftga, Pratiddaniya 1, T.1428 uses a standardized formula82, to be found in many other precepts, as a result of which, probably, no attention was paid to the particular position of the sik:;amalJa (and, possibly, as mentioned in the Pali Vinaya, of the sramalJeri).

81. See note 71.

82. T.1428,pratideSaniya 1, p. 696b7-8: .ltliffi~i'!f1.l;&;X.H!J.Jj'~1j)3m1j)3mffi~i'!f 1.1, a bhi~W:lf is with a dU9krta. A si~amiil}ii, a sriimw}era and a sriimw}eri are with a dU9krta

nABS 20.2 50

The difference between a sriimalJerf and a sik~amiilJii appears to be only formal. As we can see from the above, the admission ceremony, by means of ajfiapticaturthakarman, of a sik~amiilJii, is a lot more elabo­rated than the one of a sriimalJeri, for whom no formal act has 10 be per­formed. Except for this formal element, of which it might be expected that it leads to a different status of the two members, there appears to be no essential difference as to their role, or duties in the bhik~ul}fsa7?1gha.

In this way, having a closer look at the ten precepts (+m) imposed upon a sriimal}erf and on the six rules (/\y;t) to be particularly taken into account by a sik~amiil}ii, we see that the six rules of the sik~amiilJii coincide with six of the ten precepts imposed on a sriimal}erz. This does not mean that a sik~amiil}ii does not have to follow the other four precepts, precepts saying that a sriimal}erf may not wear flowers, perfume or jewelry, that she may not sing, dance, or make music, or go to see singing, dancing and music, that she may not use a high, large, and big bed, and that she may not possess gold, silver, or money. Since it is also said that a sik~amiil}ii has to keep all the precepts that apply to bhik~ul}fs, except for one (i.e. the precept on offering and accepting food), this implies that a sik~amiilJii necessarily also has to follow the four remaining precepts for a sriimal}erf, these latter precepts belonging to the set of precepts for bhi~ul}fs83.

This could still lead to the wrong conclusion that a sriimalJerf has to follow ten precepts only, while a sik~amiil}ii has to keep up all the precepts for bhik~ul}zs, except for one, hereby particularly taking into account six rules. Since in these cases where the commentary on these precepts for bhik~ul}fs (of the Bhik~ul}fvibhanga) is also applicable to sik~amiil}iis and to sriimal}eris, there always is an indication of the offense committed by the latter two members of the community, it is evident that also the latter two members of the community have to keep up the precepts concerned, be it that - exception made for the case they commit one of the first four piiriijika offenses 84 - Sik~amii1Jiis and sriimal}erfs are not punished in the same way as bhi~u1Jfs are.

83. A bhikoJu1JI may not embellish herself (BhikoJu1Jlvibhanga, Piicittika 157). A bhi~u1Jlmay not go to see singing, dancing and music (Piicittika 79). A bhi~u1JI must follow strict rules concerning the bedding she uses (Piicittikas 68 and 69). A bhi~u1JI may not possess gold, silver or money (Ni~sargikapiicittika 9).

84. Of these four piiriijika offenses, the Bhi~u1Jlvibhanga only mentions the essen­tials. Exception made for some additional commentary on the first piiriijika offense, the commentary is to be found in the BhikoJuvibhanga. In the com-

HEIRMAN 51

Hence, we have to conclude that for a·sik~amiil}ii or a sriimalJ-erz, the offenses that are mentioned and the measures that are taken are the same.

Finally, it is interesting to note that all the formal acts and all the cere­monies performed by the bhik~ulJ-zsa1!Zgha can only be done by the bhik~ulJ-zS themselves, whereas both the sriimalJ-erfs and the sik~amiil}iis cannot participate in them.

We thus have to conclude that, since the precepts to be followed by and the measures that can be taken against a sriimal}erf and a sik9amiil}ii are the same, and since both do not participate in the ceremonies and the formal acts in the bhik~ulJ-zsa1!Zgha, there is no essential difference between the position of a sriimal}erz and the one of a sik~amiil}ii, except probably for the social rank in the community, given the importance attached to the admittance ceremony of a sik~amiil}ii.

c. the ordination ceremony When a si~amiilJ-ii has concluded the two-year training, she is ready to become a bhik~ulJ-i, provided that she did not act against one of the six rules (;\1*) that she particularly has to take into account.

In the Bhik$ulJ-zskandhaka4*, T.1428 explains how this ceremony is to be carried out85 :

Although the candidate to the ordination, as a sriimalJ-eri and as a sik~amiilJ-ii, has been guided by an upiidhyiiyini66*, she now must offi­cially ask a bhik$ul}l to become her upiidhyiiyini. After this request, re­peated three times, that bhik$ul}i consents to become her upiidhyiiyini. 86

Next, the candidate has to be led to a place from where she can see the bhik$ulJ-isa1!Zgha, but cannot hear it. The karman master87 then performs

mentary on the first four piiriijilw offenses, the Bhik~uvibhanga mentions that in case a sriimalJera, a sriimalJerf or a si~amiinii commit such an offense, they commit a du~krta and they have to be sent away definitively. Although a sriimalJera, a sriimalJerf and a sik~amiilJii are not said to have committed the same offense as a bhi~u (or a bhi~ulJl), they are punished in the same way.

85. See T.1428, pp. 924c4-926a26. A similar exposition is found in the Bhik~ulJf­vibhanga, Piic.124, pp. 756c26-758c28.

86. SeeT.1428,p.924c4-7. 87. !lX;§iji, karmakiiraka (7) (f. karmakiirikii): cf. WOGlHARA, D., BW, p.323, s.v.

karmakiiraka: 1'F1''T§iji, 1'F1'Flf; 1'Flf3'it 1'Flf1'F3'it EDGERTON, F., BHSD, p. 170, s.v. karmakiiraka: "the presiding officer at an assembly of monks and nuns before which ajiiapti, q.V., is presented; he or she presents thejiiapti, and the following karmaviicanii, q.V. (if any)." !lX;§iji possibly also may render the

.JIABS 20.2 52

ajiiaptikarman20*, in order to appoint an instructress88 in the bhik$u1J'i­sarrzgha. 89 Hereafter, that instructress goes to the candidate and asks her whether she possesses the five required robes (i.e. the antarviisa, the uttariisaliga, the sarrzghiit'i, the sarrzkak$ikii, and the robe that covers the shoulder90) as well as the alms bowl (piitra), after which the instructress

Skt. term karmiiciirya* (f. karmiiciiryii*): cf. NAKAMURA, H., BGD, p. 164, s:v. t.fl(;gfl]: Pali kamma-iicariya.

88. ~fitgfl], anusiisikii: cf. WOGIHARA, u., BW, p. 68, s.v. anusiisaka: ~gfl]. Apart from the upiidhyiiyinf and the karmakiirikii, the anuSiisikii is the third person to be present during an ordination ceremony. In addition to these three, seven witnesses are required (cf. T.l428, p. 886a22-28, in the chapter concerning an intervention of Buddha in Campa, where he explains, among other things, which kind of assemblies have to carry out community proceedings).

89. See T.1428, p. 924c10-12.

90. See T.1428, p. 924c13-l4. These are the five robes that are to be possessed by a bhik,Ju1}i. The first three correspond to the three robes of a mollie an antarviisa, i.e. an inner robe, an uttariisanga, i.e. a upper robe, and a smrzghiitf, i.e. an outer cloak: see HORNER, LB., BD, VoUI, p. 1, note 2: "The antaraviisaka is put on at the waist, and hangs down to just above the ankles, being tied with the kiiyabandhana, a strip of cloth made into a belt or girdle [ ... ]. The uttariisanga is the upper robe worn when a monk is in residence. It covers him from neck to ankle, leaving one shoulder bare [ ... ]. The sanghiiri is put on over this when the monk goes out. It may be exactly the same size as the uttariisanga, but it consists of double cloth, since to make it two robes are woven together. [ ... ] All these three robes are made in the patch­work fashion."

The two additional robes are {~~3t ([seng-chieh-chih], a phonetic rendering of the Skt. sa7!lkak:;ikii) and :r:I~tR, a robe that covers the shoulder. By comparing several texts and dictionaries, VON HINOBER, 0., 1975, pp. 133-139, concluded that a sa7!lkak:;ikii is a small band worn to support the breasts, so that t~y do not catch the eye. This is also the reason why according to T.1428, Bhik:;u~fvibhanga, Pac. 160, a sa7!lkak:;ikii should be worn by a bhik,Ju1}l. Still according to O. VON HINUBER, another garment should be worn over the sa7!lkak:;ikii: a ga1}ejapraticchiidana (para), lit. a robe to hide the rounding (of the breasts). This latter statement is based upon information given in the BhikoJu1}i­vibhanga of the M.-L. School (ROTH, G., 1970, bhik,Ju1}fprakfr1}aka (miscella­neous matters), p.313, §277). The Skt. term galJejapraticchiidana (para) corresponds to the Chinese term :r:I~tR in the Bhik:;U1:zfvibhanga of the Chinese Vinaya of the Mahasarp.ghika School (T.1425, p. 546b28). This makes it clear that the purpose of wearing :r:I~tR is to cover the rounding of the breasts. Probably this robe also covered the shoulder left bare by the uttariisanga.

These two additional robes of the bhik:;ulJfs are not the same in all the Vinayas. In passages where the five robes are enumerated in the Vinayas, we find the following two additional robes:

HEIRMAN 53

OLDENBERG, R., Vinaya PitakaTfl, Vol.lI, p.272: (1) saTflkacchika, (2) uda~iitikii, i.e. a bathing-cloth. This Vinaya does not mention a cloth worn over the saTflkacchika.

T.l421, p.187c19-20: (1) ~~~ :a robe that covers the shoulder, (2) *m~: a bathing-cloth. Apart from this, in the Bhik~W:IIVibha1iga, Pac.181, p. 98all-17, it is said that a bhi~u1Jf should wear a saTflka~ikii (11lr*3t [seng-ch'i-chih]).

T.1425, p.472b21-22 andp.521a25-26: (1) f.I~~: a robe that covers the shoulder, (2) ffi~ (p. 472b22) ffim~ (p. 521a26): a bathing-cloth. Apart from this, in the Bhi~u1Jfvibhanga,prakirlJaka 23, p. 546b25-c2,-it is said that a bhik$ulJf should wear a m~::& over the saTflkak$ikii (11lrtE:3t [seng-ch'i-chih]).

In the Skt. *. Bhik$ulJlvibhanga of the M.-L. School, we find the same infor­mation: ROTH, G., 1970, p.146, §165: (1) kalJthapraticchiidana*'*': a robe that covers the rounding (of the breasts), (2) udakasii{ikii: a bathing-cloth. Apart from this, in the Bhik$ulJfvibhanga,prakirlJaka 24, p.313, §277, it is said that a bhik$ulJf should wear a galJrj.apraticchiidana (pata) over the saTflkak$ikii. *. See note 3. *.* According to NOLOT, E.,1991, p. 136, note 174, this should be galJrj.aprati­cchiidana. T.1428, p. 924c13-14: (1) 11lr~3t: saTflkak$ikii, (2) ~~~: a robe that covers the shoulder. Apart from this, in the Bhik$ulJfvibhanga, Pac. 102, p. 749a19-b16, a bathing-cloth (m~) to be worn by a bhik$ulJf is mentioned. T.l435, p. 335b28: (1) M~~: a robe that covers the shoulder, (2) ~~Ii [chii­hsiu-Io]: this is a phonetic rendering of the Skt. kusillaka. There are different opinions about what exactly a kusUlaka is: according to NAKAMURA, R., BGD, p.269, it is an undergarment, also called (bamboo basket), because of its resemblance with such a basket. According to EDGERTON, F., BHSD, p. 189, s.v. kusillaka, there are two different garments called kusillaka: a) "a woman's breast­covering" (= kusulaka); b) "a man's garmenf'. The first interpretation is based on the Mahiivyutpatti, No.9000 ("ll~L (!M~L ?)"). To our opinion, since in T.1435 a kusillaka is mentioned together with a 'robe that covers the shoulder', it could well have the same use as a saTflkak$ikii in T.1428, i.e. a garment to support the breasts, worn under another garment that hides the rounding of the breasts and covers the shoulder. EDGERTON's second interpretation, a man's garment, is also to be found in T.1435, p.347b14-17: what man's garment, in this passage, a kusillaka exactly is, is difficult to know. It is likely to be an undergarment. The term saTflkak$ikii (11lrtE:;f:t [seng-ch'i-chih]) is mentioned only once in the Vinaya, namely as part of a series of robes that can be used by a monk (p.466a23). It is clear that the original sense of saTflkak$ikii has been lost here. Besides this, in the Bhi~ulJfvibhanga, Pac. 128, p. 335al-25, a bathing-cloth (m~) to be worn by a bhi~ulJf is mentioned.

T.l443, p.944b8-9: (1) 1Jl:~m~ [chii-su-lo-chia]: kusillaka, (2) 11lrJJ1lllilliif [seng-chiao-ch'i], which according to our opinion, is a phonetic rendering of the Skt. term saTflkak$ikii. What, in this Vinaya, exactly is meant by a kusillaka or by a saTflkak$ikii, and what the difference between these two is, is impossible to say. Apart froin the above two clothes, T.1443, Bhik~ulJfvibhanga, Pac.139, p. 1011a3-9, mentions a bathing-cloth (~ff) to be worn by a bhik$ulJf.

JIABS 20.2 54

questions her in order to find out if there are any stumbling blocks (antaraya) to her ordination.91 She asks after her name and her'upa­dhyayini. She then asks whether she is twenty years old, whether she has all the robes and the alms bowl, whether she has the permission of her parents and the permission of her husband, whether she has any debts, whether she is not a slave, and whether she is a woman. Finally, the in­structress questions the candidate concerning such diseases as leprosy, boils, eczema, tuberculosis, epilepsy, bisexuality, or the disease that the two tracts come together92, and asks her whether she is able to hold up urine, excrements, mucus and saliva.

In case the answer is satisfactory, the instructress brings the candidate back to the other bhik$ur.zis and positions her within her reach. Hereafter, the instructress performs a jiiaptikarman in order to ask the bhik$ur.zi­saJTlgha for permission to let the candidate return among the bhik$ur.zis. In case the bhi10ur.zisaJTlgha consents, the instructress tells the candidate to come nearer. 93 The instructress then has to hold the robes and the alms bowl of the candidate and has to instruct her to humbly ask the bhik$ur.zisaJTlgha three times to confer her the ordination.94

After this request, the karman master performs a jiiaptikarman to ask permission to interrogate the candidate in order to find out whether there are any stumbling blocks to the ordination.95 The karman master then asks the same questions as the instructress. This time, however, the interrogation is public.96 In case the answer is satisfactory, the ordina­tion is finally carried out by means of a jiiapticaturthakarman. 97

We can conclude that the three robes common for monks and nuns (antarviisa, uttariisailga, and saTpghiitl) are always the same. Furthermore, exception made for th~ Pari Vinaya, every Vinaya mentions a bathing-cloth and two garments to cove'r the breasts to be worn by a hhik:;w}l. Of these three robes, two are added to the three common robes, in this way making a series of five robes that should always be possessed by a hhikWf}i, and that a sik:;amii1}ii should possess at her ordination ceremony.

91. See T.l428, p. 924c15-21.

92. This is further explained in the Bhik:;u1}/vihhanga, p. 774b7: it means that the tracts of urine and excrements are not separated.

93. See T.l428, p. 924c22-27.

94. See T.1428, pp. 924c27-925a3.

95. See T.1428, p. 925a3-6.

96. See T.1428, p. 925a6-13.

97. See T.1428, p. 925a13-25.

HEIRMAN 55

After the ordination ceremony in the bhik~ul'}lsal!Zgha, the candidate has to be led to the bhik~usal!Zgha. She humbly asks the bhik~usal!Zgha three times to confer her the ordination.98 After this triple request, the karman master of the bhik:jus interrogates her on possible stumbling blocks, as this had been done before in the bhik$ul'}lsal!Zgha. The karman master further asks the candidate whether she has studied the precepts and whether she is pure99. In case her answer is satisfactory; he asks the other bhik~ul'}is whether the candidate has studied the precepts and whether she is pure. In case the answer, again, is satisfactory, the ordination is conferred to her by means of a jfiapticaturthakarman. IOO

Before the ordination ceremony is finally concluded, two important instructions are given to the newly ordained bhik~ul'}l. One first explains the eight piiriijika offenses which would exclude her definitively from the order of bhik~ul'}ls: i.e. sexual intercourse, stealing, taking human life and lying about one's spiritual achievements, having physical contact below the armpit and above the knee, being together with a man and doing eight wrong things (according to T.1428, Bhik:jul'}lvibhaliga, p. 716a24-27: touching the hand, touching the clothes, going to a secret place together, being in a secret place, talking together, walking together, leaning against one another, and making appointments), concealing a grave offense (i.e. a piiriijika) of another bhik:jul'}l, and persisting in accompanying a suspended bhik~u. The newly ordained bhik$ul'}l has to profess that she is able to take on these interdictions. IOl

Secondly, four supports (nisraya) are taught to her. These four supports are: (1) she should dress in refuse ragslO2, (2) she should only rely on alms food l03 , (3) she should dwell at the root of a tree l04, and (4) she has to use medicine made of putrid elements 105. These supports are the

98. See T.1428, p. 92Sa2S-b1.

99. parisuddha, without stumbling blocks.

100. See T.1428, p. 92Sbl-17.

101. See T.1428, pp. 92Sb17-926aS.

102. po:t!lsukiila (WOGlllARA, U., BW, p. 770; EDGERTON, F., BHSD, p. 307).

103. pilJrjapata (WOGlllARA, u., BW, p. 784; EDGERTON, F., BHSD, p. 307).

104. vr~amUZa (WOGlllARA, U., BW, p.126S; EDGERTON, F., BHSD, p. 307).

lOS. JIilJ1I~, medicine made of putrid elements: piitimuktabhai~ajya (WOGIHARA, u., BW, p. 802; EDGERTON, F., BHSD, p. 307). See RHYs DAVIDS, T.W. and STEDE, W., PED, p. 470, s.v. piitimutta, "strong-smelling urine, usually urine of

JIABS 20.2 56

minimum requirements for a life as a bhi~u or as a bhik~W:li; it is, how­ever, allowed to receive more and better than what is stipulated in these four supports, provided one does not ask for it. Because the candidate may not be able to endure such an austere life, these s'upports are explained to her before the conclusion of the ordination ceremony, and the candidate is asked whether she will obey them.1 06

Ultimately, the ordination ceremony is officially concluded.107 As we have said before, Mahaprajapatl Gautami and the five hundred

Sakya women did not receive this official ordination: they became bhik~ulJis by accepting the eight rules (gurudharmas) for bhik~ulJis. When some bhik~ulJfs suggested that the ordination of Mahaprajapati Gautami and the five hundred Sakya women was not valid, Buddha again said that both ordinations have the same value, and that Mahi'i­prajapati Gautami and the five hundred Sakya women received the precepts too. 108

The Bhik~ulJfskandhaka of T.1428 then adds some special conditions that can occur during the ordination ceremony. The most important addition is that, after having been ordained in the bhik~ulJfsa7!lgha, a candidate can receive the ordination in the bhik~usal'!1gha by a proxy, in case it is too dangerous for her to go to the monastery of the bhik~us. This proxy has to be appointed by means of ajiiaptidvUfyakarman. For her safety, the proxy must take two or three bhik~ulJfs with her.

It is thus to be seen that the ordination ceremony is a well organized, highly formalized ceremony, focusing on the control exercised by the full members of the community in order to prevent a newcomer to damage this community. After ordination, the newly ordained bhik~ulJf becomes:"a full member of the bhik~ulJisal'!1gha. This allows her to take

cattle used as medicine by the bhikkhu."; Bhi~u1}ivibhanga of the M.-L. School, ROTH, G., 1970, p.40, §51: "putimi1trarrz". According to NAKAMURA, H., BGD, p. 969, the Skt. term refers to urine and excrements of cows used as medicine. On this, EDGERTON, F., BHSD, p. 350, S.v. pi1timukta, says: "( [ ... ] = piltimutta, interpreted even by Pali comms. as containing mutta = Skt. mutra, urine; this is prob. a late and secondary interpretation, suggested by pilti [ ... ]), a medicinal decoction."

106. See T.1428, p. 926a5-19.

107. See T.1428, p. 926a19-26.

108. See T.1428, p. 926a27-b3.

HErRMAN 57

part in all the formal acts and the ceremonies that are performed by the bhik~u1Jzsaf!lgha. On the other hand, all the precepts for bhik~W:lls and the measures they include, now all apply to her. Many offenses against the rules of this ordination ceremony cim be committed.

II. Offenses against the ordination rules according to the Dharma­guptaka Vinaya

Below, all offenses against the ordination rules appearing in the Bhik~W:l[vibhaJiga of T.1428 are enumerated, and each of them is compared with the corresponding offenses in the other Vinayas. In this comparison, we restrict ourselves to the essentials.

In all the Vinayas 109 ,all the offenses committed against the rules of the ordination ceremony, are found among the pacittika offenses45*, except for one offense that, in all the Vinayas, is classified as a saf!lghavase~a offense I6*, and two offenses that only in T.1425 and in the Bhik~u1Jz­vibhanga of the MahasiiIp.ghika-Lokottaravada School are classified in a different categoryllO.

All offenses focus either on the candidate, or on the upadhyayinz66*, or on the ordination procedure. Moreover, T.1428 adds two offenses that concern the period immediately following the ordination ceremony.

1) The candidate

a. T1428, Bhik~u1Jzvibhanga, Saf!lghavase~a 5 (pp.719b7-nOa5, parti­cularly, p.719c15-18)11l:

"If a bhi~u1Ji knows in advance that a woman thiefll2 has to be put to

109. See note 1.

110. T.l428, Pac. 134 == T.1425, Bhi~ulJivibhaJiga of the M.-L. School, SaJ?1ghiiti­.§e~a 7. T.l428, Pac. 137 == T.l425, Bhi~ulJ[vibha/iga of the M.-L. School, ni~sargika­piicattika 18.

111. OLDENBERG, H., Vinaya Pi!akaJ?1, Vo1.IV, pp.225-227, SaJ?1ghiidisesa 2; T.1421, p. 79b6-c24, SaJ?1ghiiva.§e~a 4; T.1425, pp. 519c6-520bI4, SaJ?1ghiiti­.§e~a 8; Bhi~ulJivibhaJiga ofthe M.-L. School, ROTH, G., 1970, pp. 138-141, §§160-162, SaJ?1ghiiti.§e~a 8; T.1435, pp.309c14-310bI8, SaJ?1ghiiva.§e~a 8; T.1443, pp. 935cll-936b2, SaJ?1ghiiva.§e~a 10.

112. This coincides with the precepts in the Pali Vinaya and in T.1435. In the precepts ofT.1421, ofT.1425, and of the Bhi~ulJ[vibhaJiga of the M.-L. School, it is a woman who committed a crime (in T.142l, this is explained as adultery or theft); in the precept ofT.1443, it is a woman who betrayed her husband (this is also

JIABS 20.2 58

deathl13 and that people know this1l4, and yet, without asking the king or the ministers, and without asking the c1anl15 , admits 11 6 her into the

mentioned in the introductory stories in the Pali Vinaya, in T.1421: in T.1425, in the Bhik$ulJivibhanga of the M.-L. School, and in T.1435).

113. In T.1421, in T.1425, and in T.1443, this is said in the introductory story to the precept and not in the precept itself.

114. This is not found in the Pali Vinaya, in T.1421, in T.1425, and in the Bhik$ulJi­vibhanga of the M.-L. School.

115. Pali Vinaya: without asking the king, the order of nuns, a group* or a gui1d** or a company***; T.1421: without asking her husband (who, as it is said in the introductory story to the precept, is supported by the laws laid down by the king); this is not found in T.1425 and in the Bhik:julJivibhanga of the M.-L. School; T.1435: without asking the king or the k$atriyas; T.1443: without the permission of her husband and the king. * See HORNER, I.B., BD, Vol.III, p.183, note 7: "Va. 910 [TAKAKUSU, I., NAGAI, M., Samantapiisiidikii, Vol.IV, p. 910] makes out that this means a group of wrestlers and so on. But, preceded by Satrlgha, it might have the usual Yin. meaning of a group (of two to four monks or nuns). On the other hand, it is followed by two words that have no religious significance, and which denote associations of people 'in the world'." ** See HORNER, LB., BD, Vol.III, p.183, note 8: "puga = dhammapuga, "a guild under dhamma" (7), VA. 910 [TAKAKUSU, 1. and NAGAI, M., Samanta­piisiidikii, Vol.IV, p. 910]. Probably a guild governed by some rule or law." *** See HORNER, LB., BD, Vol.III, p. 183, note 9: "selJi, a corporation, company or guild of artisans or traders following the same business or dealing in the same articles."

116. All the Chinese Vinayas use the term Jjt, which originally meant "to bring (her) into the order (= the first steps into the order)" (NAKAMURA, H., BGD, p. 997, S.v. Jjt @). As we can see in some Chinese Vinayas, later the meaning "to confer the ordination" was added to this original meaning. In this precept ofT.1428, however, Jjt is used in the original meaning, i.e. the first of three actions (1) to admifher (Jjt), (2) to let her go forth, and (3) to confer her the ordination. In the precept of T.1421, only the term Jjt appears; from the commentary on the precept, however, it is clear that also the third of the above three actions (i.e. to confer her the ordination) is understood. Also in the precept ofT.1425, only the term Jjt appears; from the commentary on the precept, it is, again, clear that the ordination is to be understood, while to let her go forth and to let her become a sik:jamiilJii constitute minor offenses. In the precept of T .1435, the term Jjt{'F5f.l-f-, to admit her as a disciple, appears. From the introductory story to this precept, we know that the bhik:julJi lets a woman go forth; the ordination, however, is not mentioned. In the precept of T.1443, the term Jjt appears, followed by the term 9t±l*; the ordination is not mentioned. Here Jjt has its original meaning.

The Pali Vinaya uses the verb vutthahati, in the causative vutthiipeti. On this term HORNER, I.B., BD, Vol.III, p. xlvii says: "To "receive" or to "accept" into

HEIRMAN 59

order, lets her go forth and confers her the ordination, then this bhiksuni commits an immediate 1 17 sarrzghiivase~a that has to be given upIIS."· .

Since this offense is found among the sarrzghiivase~a offenses, it is clear that it is a major transgression of the rules. Not only is the crime, committed by the admitted woman, considered as a serious crime,. the avoidance of the punishment, moreover, leads to friction between the order and the king and his ministers, whose support is essential to the Buddhist order. The precepts in the other Vinayas mention equally serious problems l19 , and except for T.1425 and for the Bhik~u1Ji­vibhanga ofthe Mahasfu11ghika-Lokottaravada School, the other Vinayas all say that, without the permission of the king to admit the woman into the order, a major transgression, i.e. a sarrzghiivase~a is committed. 120

We thus can say that it are the seriousness of the crime committed by the admitted woman and the problems that arise from this admission that justify the classification of this offense among the sarrzghiivase~a offenses.

Comparing this sarrzghiivase~a precept with the corresponding precepts in the other Vinayas, it is to be noticed that no Vinaya, except for T.1425 and for the Bhik~u1Jivibhangaof the Mahasatpghika-Lokottara-

an order is perhaps the nearest rendering for which there is any justification ... ". In the introductory story to this precept in the Pali Vinaya, the nun Thullananda lets the woman thief go forth. The ordination is mentioned in the commentary on the precept.

In the Bhi~W:lfvibhQ/iga of the M.-L. School, the verb upa--)sthii (in the causative) appears. It is explained in the commentary on the precept as 'to let go forth' and 'to confer the ordination'. To let her go forth and to let her become a si~ama1}a constitute minor offenses.

117. The saTflghavasqa offenses are divided in two categories: 1) the immediate (prathama) offenses; 2) the offenses on the third (admonition) (yiivattrtfyaka). Whereas, in the first category, the bhik~u1}f immediately commits a saTflghavase~a offense, in the second category, she first is admonished three times. Only if she does not give up her bad behavior, she commits a saTflghavase~a offense.

118. T.1421, T.142S, and the Bhik~u1}fvibhaizga of the M.-L. School mention the following exception: the bhi~u1}i commits no offense when the woman she admits has already gone forth in a non-Buddhist community. The Pali Vinaya says that there is no offense if the woman has already gone forth in a non­Buddhist community or if other nuns have already conferred her the ordination.

119. See note 112.

120. See note 115.

,nABS 202 60

vada SchooII21, mentions the sik,mmiifJii period in respect to this offense. Moreover, the introductory story to this precept in T.1428, T.1421, T.1425 and in the Bhik~ufJlVibha1iga of the Mahasarpghika-Lokottara­vada School, all relate the story of either a woman thief or 'a woman who has committed a crime and who has to be put to death. This punishment will be executed by the king or by the woman's family, The woman, however, escapes and is admitted in the order of the Buddhist bhik~W:llS who confer her the ordination, When, later, the king or the woman's family find out where the woman took refuge, they can no longer punish her, because she now is a member of the bhik~ufJlsarrzgha. Since it is unlikely that the king or the family needed two years (i.e. the length of a sik~amiifJii period) to discover where the woman fled to, these stories seem to indicate a rapid ordination of the woman thief or of the woman who committed a crime. The other Vinayas, i,e. the Pali Vinaya, T.1435 and T.1443, only tell how the woman took refuge among the nuns, who let her go forth. The precepts mention no further steps, i.e, a si~amiifJii period or an ordination.

We thus have to conclude that this sarrzghiivase~a precept indicates that, at the time the precept was issued, the sik~amiifJii period did not exist or was not taken into account. As we will see further, also other precepts lead to a similar conclusion.

b. T.1428, Bhik~ufJivibha1iga, pac.45*119 (p. 754bI2-cl5, particularly, p.754c2-3)122:

"If a bhi~ufJi knows that a woman is pregnant, and she admits her and confers her the ordination123, then it is apiicittika:'

121, These Vinayas mention the sik:;amiilJ-ii period in the commentary on the precept: if a bhik:;ulJ-! confers the two-year instruction of a sik:;amiilJ-ii to a woman who has committed a crime, she does not commit a sal!'lghiitise~a offense, but a sthUliityaya, a serious offense (this term is used to indicate an offense that is very close to a piiriijika or a sal!'lghiivase~a offense),

122, OLDENBERG, R., Vinaya Pitakal!'l, VoLIV, pp,317-318, pac.61; T.1421, p. 92a24-b6, Pac,116*; T.1443, pp. lOOSc2S-1006aS, Pac. Ill. * As the enumeration of the piicittika offenses is unclear in the Bhik:;ulJ-!vibhanga of T .1421, we follow the enumeration of the bhik:;Ul}fpriitimok~a of the same school (T.1423).

123. This coincides with the Pali Vinaya and T.1421. T.1443 says that the bhik.';W/! gives her the going forth.

HEIRMAN 61

In the introductory story to this precept, it is said that a bhiksunf admits a pregnant woman who gives birth after she has been ordained. In this precept, there is no mention of the Si~amii.1Ja period.

Since T.1428 says that a bhik~u~i admits &124 a pregnant woman and confers her the ordination, after which she gives birth, this ordination was apparently given to her without a two-year instruction. The woman was pregnant before she went forth, she received the ordination during her pregnancy, after which she gave birth to a child. A sik~amal'Ja period would have avoided such a situation. The precepts of the Pali Vinaya and of T.142l only say - without mentioning any earlier stage - that a nun may not ordain a pregnant woman, while T.1443 only says that a bhi~u~i may not let a pregnant woman go forth.

Since no Vinaya mentions the important probation period, and since in T.1428, a bhik~u~i admits a pregnant woman who gives birth after her ordination, it is clear that, at time this precept was issued, the sik~ama~a period did not exist or was not taken into account.

c. T.1428, Bhi~u~ivibhmiga, Pac. 120 (pp. 754c16-755a19, particularly, p.755a5-6)125:

"If a bhik~u~i knows that a woman is breast-feeding a child, and she confers her the ordination, then it is a pacittika."

Only three Vinayas mention this precept125*. In none of these three, there is any reference to the two-year probation period during which the woman, logically, would have given birth to the child she is now breast­feeding. The introductory story to this precept in T.1428 says that a bhi~u~i admitted (&)124* a woman who was breast-feeding a child.

Again, it seems safe to say that, at the time this precept was issued, the si~ama~a period did not exist or was not taken into account.

d. T.1428, Bhi~u~ivibhaftga, Pac.12l (pp. 755a20-756a15, particularly, p.756a4-5)126:

124. Compare note 116.

125. OLDENBERG, R., Vinaya Pitaka7!l, Vol.IV, p.318, Pac.62; T.142l, p.92b7-l2, Pac. 117. T.1435 contains a somehow different precept that says that a nun may not admit into the order a woman whose children necessarily have to follow her into the order (because no-one else can take care of them) (p. 329a15-b2, Pac. 119).

126. OLDENBERG, R., Vinaya Pitakaf!1., Vol.N, p.327, Pac.7l; T.1425, p.534b2-cll, Pac. 96; Bhik$w}lVihhanga of the M.-L. School, ROTH, G., 1970, pp. 238-

.JIABS 202 62

"If a bhi~W:ll knows that she [i.e. the woman candidate] is not fully twenty years old, and she confers her the ordination, then it 'is a piicittika." .

The introductory story to this precept in T.1428 gives a survey of the stages that precede the ordination, i.e. the going forth (pravrajya) and the probation (sik~amiil}ii) period ..

e. rl428, Bhi~ul}lvibhanga, pac.l25 (pp. 758c29-759b2, particularly, p.759a22-24)127;

"If a bhik~ul}l admits a married woman of ten, and she gives her the two-year instruction in the precepts, then she may confer her the ordi­nation when she is fully twelve years old. If she confers her the ordi­nation128 when she is younger than twelve, then it is a pacittika."

The above precept (a) and the corresponding precepts in the other Vinayas 127* led to the discussion whether the ordination (T.l435: the admission into the community; T.1443: the going forth) can be con­ferred to a married woman aged twelve, or to a woman married for twelve years. This discussion is caused by the use, in the Chinese Vinayas, as well as in the Pali and the Sanskrit texts, of an ambiguous structure to indicate both the age and the duration (of the marriage). Moreover, the same structure is used in another precept (b) that says that a bhik~ul}l who [has been ordained for] less than twelve years, may not confer the ordination: Pali Vinaya, OLDENBERG, H., Vinaya PitakaTfl, Vol. IV, (a) p.322, Pac.65: unadvddasavassaTfl; (b) p. 329, pac.74: unadvadasavassa; T.l42l, (a) p. 9lal8-l9, Pac. 104: *im+=~; (b)

240, §210, Pac. 96; T.1435, p. 328b27-c11, Pac. 116 (T.1435 does not explicitly say that the bhi~W:lf ordains the woman, but only states that the bhi~u1Jf admits her into the order (tf~~)); T.1443, p. 1006b25-cl0, pac.115.

T.1421 does not contain this precept, but a precept that is linked to it: Pac. 106: "If a bhi~UlJ.f confers the study of the precepts [i.e. the si~ama1Ja period] to a girl who is less than eighteen years old, then it is a pacittika."

127. OLDENBERG, H., Vinaya Pitakw!I, Vol.IV, pp.321-322, pac.65; T.1421, p. 9IaI5-21, Pac. 104; T.1425, pp. 535c19-536al, pac.IOO; Bhi~UlJ.fvibhanga of the M.-L. School, ROTH, G., 1970, p. 245, §214, Pac. 100; T.1435, p.325c11-24, Pac. 108; T.1443, pp.l004b28-1005a29, Pac. 108.

128. This coincides with the Pali Vinaya, T.1421, T.1425, and the Bhi~UlJ.fvibhanga of the M.-L. School. T.1435 does not explicitly say that the bhi~uf}f ordains the woman, but only states that the bhi~u1Jf admits her into the order (tf1'F~), while T .1443 states that she gives her the going forth.

HEIRMAN 63

p. 90c15, pac.102:::f1ilf9+ =~; T.1425, (a) p. 535c26, Pac. 1 00: 1~+ = Wi; (b) p. 533a29-bl, pac.92:1~+=Wi); BhilqU1Jivibhanga of the Maha­sarpghika-Lokottaravada School, ROTH, G., 1970, (a) p.245, §2l4, Pac. 1 00: una-dviidasa-var~iil!l; (b) p. 232, §206, Pac.92: unadviidasa­var~ii; T.1428, (a) p. 759a24, Pac. 125: 1~+=; (b) p. 76lc5, Pac. 131: if*mi+=~;T.1435, (a) p.325c2l, Pac.l08: *1ilf9+=~; (b) p.325b l2-13,Pac.l06: ::f1ilf9+=~; T.1443, (a) p.1005a25, Pac. 108: if * 1ilf9 + =; (b) p.1004a18, Pac. 106: *mi+=~).

As we can see, the above mentioned structures do not permit to decide whether the age of the candidate or the years she has been married are indicated.

The usual age to receive the ordination is twenty. If a bhilquf}i ordains a younger woman, she commits a piicittika offense (i.e. pac.12l, see before). In the latter precept, no difference between a single girl or a married woman is mentioned. It is, however, interesting to note that in all the Vinayas 129 two different terms to indicate the woman candidate appear: in the precept that says that a woman should be twenty years old to receive the ordination, the terms used to indicate the woman are the Chinese 1lfr (girl), the Pali kumiiribhutii (girl), and the Sanskrit3* kumiiribhutii (girl), while in the precept concerning the married woman candidate the terms to indicate the woman are the Chinese fjjJ;wfr (T.1428), fiJ.fr (T.142l, T.1435, T.1443), ~ (T.1425), the Pali gihi­gatii, and the Sanskrit3* grhicaritii. Although the use of these different terms in the two precepts clearly indicate that a single girl and a married woman are to be distinguished at the moment they want to become a member of the order, the question whether for the married woman the age of the candidate or the years she has been married are indicated still remains.

Some introductory stories to this precept, however, clearly indicate that the age of the candidate is to be understood: the introductory stories preceding the precept in T.1425 and in the Bhik~W:livibhanga of the Mahasarpghika-Lokottaravada School relate how the nuns notice that.

129. Except for T.1421, all the Vinayas contain the precept concerning the minimum age of twenty of the woman candidate (see note 126), and all the Vinayas also contain the precept concerning the married woman candidate (see note 127). Although T.1421 does not contain the former precept, it contains a precept that is linked to it: Piic.106: "If a bhi~U1}i confers the study of the precepts [i.e. the si~amib:za period] to a girl who is less than eighteen years old, then it is a pacittika."

JIABS 20.2 64

married women, accepted into the order, are able to endure hard work and seem to be very smart Therefore, the nuns ask if it is permissible to confer the ordination to married women who are less than twenty years old (i.e. the usual age for an ordination).130 After Buddha has given the permission, the nuns confer the ordination to young married women who are only eight or nine years old. These women, however, are too small and feeble to endure hard work. Buddha then says that the ordina­tion cannot be conferred to a married woman who is less than twelve years old.

The introductory story to this precept in T .1443 131 clearly says that married women of the age of twelve have the same capacities as single women of the age of eighteen, and that the two-year instruction of the si~ama:l}a can be conferred to them.

The introductory stories to this precept in the three above mentioned Vinayas indicate, without any doubt, that the real age of the married woman is to be understood in the precept they introduce, and not the duration of the marriage. The introductory stories to this precept in the other Vinayas, however, give no information that enables us to decide between these two possibilities: the Pali Vinaya, T.1421, and T.1428 only say that married women younger than twelve - or married for less than twelve years - do not possess the necessary capacities to become a nun, whereas T.1435 gives no information at all.

130. T.1425, p. 535c21-22: rJ3t= +m; Bhik;l'u~fvibhanga of the M.-L. School, ROTH G., 1970, p.245, §2l4: iina-viJ?lsati-var$iiJ?l. The only way to interpret these structures is 'less than twenty years old', the age of twenty years being the normal age to receive the ordination. Since married women appear to be very capable, the nuns ask to allow an exception for these women so that they can be ordained before they are twenty years old.

Another, theoretical, interpretation of the request of the nuns would be: is it permissible to confer the ordination to a woman who has been married for less than twenty years? If this request is not granted, it would imply that married women necessarily have to be older than twenty years at the time of their ordi­nation, and that for some reason their ordination has to be postponed and cannot be conferred at the usual age of twenty years. Since the introductory story to the precept tells us how these married woman are smart and capable to endure hard work - which means that they possess the capacities to become a nun - it is clear that this brings the nuns to the idea to ask for an exception for these married women so that they can confer them the ordination at an earlier (and not at a later) age than the usual one.

See also NOLOT, E., 1991, pp. 392-393. 131. T.1443, p.l004cl-1O.

HEIRMAN 65

In this way, the question whether the interpretation of T.1425, of the Bhik:julJlvibhanga of the Mahasarp.ghika-Lokottaravada School, and of T .1443 also applies to the other Vinayas remains. The answer to this question cannot be found in the Vinayas themselves. More information is to be found in some commentaries:

In T. 1804132, p.155a5-7, Tao-hsiian (596-667 AD) seems to indicate that, in T.1428, the real age of the married woman is to be understood: J2]?t+ J\~frff!=~~ffi;X.:L:/J\4~~4+~=tfW;\$, i.e. "In the Vinaya in Four Parts, a young girl, aged eighteen, ought to study the precepts for two years [i.e. the sik:jamiilJii period]. It further says that a young married woman, aged ten, [ought] to be given the six rules [to be particularly taken into account by a sik:jamiilJii]". Since the text calls the married woman, a young (/J\4) married woman, we opt for the inter­pretation 'a young married woman, agt<d ten'.

Also Buddhaghosa's (fifth century AD) commentary on the Pali Vinaya says that, after having given a married girl of ten the agreement to study, the ordination may be conferred to her when she has completed twelve years of age (TAKAKUSU, J. and NAGAI, M., Samantapiisiidikii, Vol. IV, p. 941: Chatthe, dasavassiiya gihigatiiya sikkhiisammutirrz datvii paripulJlJadviidasavassarrz upasampiideturrz vattati). Since the text does not inform us that ''paripulJlJadviidasavassarrz'' has to be related to the duration of the marriage, we opt for the interpretation 'when she has completed twelve years of age".

Finally, the commentary written by GUl.1aprabha133 related to the MUlasarvastivada tradition134, clearly indicates that the real age of the married woman is to be understood: BAPAT, P.V. and GOKHALE, V.V., Vinayasutra, p.52 (the transcription is based on NOLOT, E., 1991, . p.393):

upasaTrlpat-kiilasyiidi~ I sa dvi[vi]dho 'syii~ I kumiirikiiyii~ viTrlsati-var~atvaTrl grho~itiiyii~ dviidasa-var~atvaTrl ... ; grantho 'tra bhi~u1J.ivibhaflge yii grho~itii dasa-var~ii kumiirikii-bhutii vii a~tiidasa-var~ii I tasyii~ dye var~e si~iisaTrlvrtir deyii Ii I

132. T.1804 is a commentary written by Tao-hsuan (596-667 AD). It focuses on T.1428, but also gives commentary on the other Chinese Vinayas (T.1421, T.142S, and T.1435).

133. According to NAKAMURA, H., 1980, p. 147, king Har~a adored GUl).aprabha as a spiritual teacher. The reign of king Har~a can be situated in the beginning of the seventh century (RENOU, L. et FILLIOZAT, J., 1985, Tome Premier, p. 266).

134. Cf. BAPAT, p. V. and GOKHALE, V.V., 1982, p. xvii.

nABS 20.2 66

Translated in NOLOT, E. op. cit., p. 393: Terminus a quo pour l'ordination - il est de deux sortes pour une [femmeT: pour une jeune fille, il consiste a avoir vingt ans; pour une femme mariee, il consiste a avoir douze ans ... ; Ie libelle s'en trouve dans Ie Bho: "Quand une femme mariee a dix ans, ou quand une jeune fille a dix-huit ans, on peut lui donner l'agrement pour l'instruction durant deux ans".

We can thus conclude that the three above mentioned commentaries all seem to indicate that the real age of the candidate is to be understood, and not the duration of the marriage.

As we have said before, T.1443 states thatthe si~amii7J.ii period can be conferred to a married woman aged twelve, while the commentary of GUl).aprabha says that a married woman can become a sik~amiil}ii at the age often, and can be ordained when she is twelve years old. This latter statement coincides with the other Vinayas (providing we accept that all the Vinayas indicate the real age of the married candidate).

On the other hand, some modern authors defend the theory that a married woman should be married for twelve years before she can receive the ordination. Among the most important defenders of this theory are WALDSCHMIDT, E., 1926, p. 138, ROTH, G., 1970, p.245, note 3, and HORNER, LB., ED, Vo 1. III, pp.l-li135 . G. ROTH gives no arguments for his statement. E. WALDSCHMIDT bases his statement on a sentence in a Sanskrit fragment of a Buddhist ordination ceremony discovered and edited by C. BENDALL136. C. BENDALL regards the text as probably earlier than the Christian era, and attributes it to the MUla­sarvastivada School. On the ordination of a married woman, the text says: stri dviidasavar~agrhayuktii, "a woman must be married for twelve years". However, C. BENDALL himself considers the yuktfi in this sentence as being a doubtful reading, and, later, NOLOT, E., 1991, p.392, notes that it probably has to be vustii instead of yuktii. Conse­quently, this sentence cannot be used to support the theory that a married woman only can receive the ordination after twelve years of marriage. Finally, LB. HORNER, refers to the above mentioned WALDSCHMIDT, E., 1926, p. 138 for her statement. She further states that since a girl is often married at eight, she attains the age of twenty after twelve years of marriage, which is the usual age to receive the ordination. Only at this

135. In an earlier work, however, LB. HORNER stated that the real age of the woman is to be understood, and that, consequently, a married woman can receive the ordination at twelve (HORNER, LB., 1930, p. 27).

136. BENDALL, C., 1903, pp. 373-376.

HEIRMAN 67

age, women are able to endure the hard life of the nuns. This calculation is certainly true. However, a girl can also be married at a different age, which, after twelve years of marriage, consequently would lead to a different and unusual age for the ordination. Moreover, if she is married at an age later- than eight, she would, after twelve years of marriage, be older than twenty, but she still would have to wait till she has been married for twelve years to be able to become a nun. This seems very illogical. A married woman, older than twenty, certainly is as able to endure hardships as other women of twenty. It thus seems more logical to say that a married woman, because of her married life, is able to endure hardships at an earlier age than a single woman, who has not the same duties to fulfill.

We thus have to conclude that, since the introductory stories to this precept in T.1425, in the Bhik~u1J.ivibha1iga of the Mahasiil1lghika-Lokottaraviida School and in T .1443 clearly indicate that in the above mentioned precept concerning the married woman candidate, the real age of the candidate, i.e. twelve years, has to be understood and not the duration of the marriage, and since, moreover, three important commentaries, i.e. the commentaries by Tao-hsuan, Buddhaghosa and GUl).aprabha, all appear to understand the precept in this way, and since, finally, as far as our knowledge goes, no text contradicts this statement­whereas this is the case for the inverse statement - , an exception is allowed for the age on which a married woman can receive the ordination: while a single woman has to be twenty years old to receive the ordination, a married woman can receive it at the age of twelve.

f TI428, Bhik~u1J.ivibha1iga, Piic.127 (pp. 759c7-760a7, particularly, p.759c26-27)137:

137. T.1421, pp. 9Ic28-92a5, Pac.112; T.l443, p. 1014 a8-20, Pac. 160. T.1435, p. 328bll-26, has a somehow different precept. It says that if a bhi~u1Ji admits a prostitute into the order, she should withdraw her to a distance offive or six yojanas* (Pac. lIS). * MONIER-WILLIAMS, M., SED, p. 858: "esp. a partie. measure of distance, sometimes regarded as equal to 4 or 5 English miles, but more correctly = 4 Krosas or about 9 miles; according to other calculations = 2 Y, English miles, and according to some = 8 Krosas."

JIABS 20.2 68

"If a bhik~u1Ji knows that she is stich a person [= prostitute138], and she confers her the ordination139, then it is apiicittika."

g. T1428, Bhik~u1JivibhaJiga, Pac.l35 (pp. 762c17-763a26, particularly, p.763al3-15)140:

"If a bhik~u1Ji knows that a woman makes love to a boy or to a man and that she is a sad and angry woman, and she admits her into the order, lets her go forth and confers her the ordination141 , then it is a piicittika. "

h. T1428, Bhik~u1Jivibhaflga, Pac.165 (p.773b20-c20, particularly, p.773c11-12):

"If a bhik~u1Ji knows that a woman cannot hold up urine and excrements and that mucus and saliva often run out, and she admits her into the order and confers her the ordination, then it is a piicittika."

i. T1428, Bhik~u1Jivibhaflga, Pac. 166 (pp. 773c21-774a17, particularly, p.774a8-9)142:

138. Both in the introductory story to the precept (p. 759c8 ff.) and in the commentary on the precept (p. 759c27), 'such a person' is explained as 'a prostitute'.

139. This coincides with T.1421. In the precept itself, the Vinaya only says that a bhikJu7JI admits (flt) a prostitute. From the commentary to the precept, however, it is clear that also the ordination has to be understood. T.1443 says that a bhikJu7J/ lets a prostitute go forth.

140. This precept only coincides with a precept in the Pa1i Vinaya: OLDENBERG, R., Vinaya Pitaka1!l, Vol.IV, pp. 333-334, Pac. 79. Oth~r Vinayas have closely connected precepts:

T.1425 and the BhikJu7Jlvibhanga of the M.-L. School say that a bhikJu7JI may not ordain a probationer who stays with a man (T.1425, p. 534a12-b2, Pac.95; BhikJu7Jlvibhanga of the M.-L. School, ROTH, G., 1970, p. 237, §209, pac.95).

Both T.1435 and T.1443 contain two precepts that refer to the character ofthe candidate: T.1435, pp. 328c28-329a14, pac.118, says that a nun may not admit into the order (1if~~) a woman who is mourning; T.1435, p.329b3-l5, Pac. 120 says that a nun may not admit into the order (1if~~) a woman who has a bad character. T.1443, pp. 1006c2l-1007a14, Pac. 117, says that a nun may not confer the going forth and the ordination to a woman who has a bad character; T.l443, p. 1007a15-29, pac.1l8, says that a nun may not confer the going forth to a sad and mourning woman.

141. This coincides with the Pali Vinaya. See also note 140.

142. T.1421,p.97cl-7,pac.176.

HEIRMAN 69

"If a bhi~W:li knows that a woman is a hermaphrodite and she confers her the ordination 143, then it is a pacittika."

j. T1428, Bhik~W:livibhanga, Pac.167 (p.774a18-b16, particularly, p.774bl-2)144:

"If a bhik~u1J.i confers the ordination to someone whose two tracts are unitedl45, then it is a pacittika."

k. T1428, Bhik~u1Jivibhanga, Pac.168 (p. 774b 17 -c20, particularly, p. 774c9-1O) 146:

"If a bhik~u1Ji knows that someone has difficulties because of debts, or difficulties because of an illness, and she confers her the ordination, then it is a pacittika."

2) The upadhyayini

a. T1428, Bhik~u1J.lvibhanga, Pac.131 (p. 761 bll-c12, particularly, p.761c4-6)147:

143. In the precept ofT.l421, it is said that if a nun admits (ft) a hennaphrodite, her act constitutes a Pac. offense. From the commentary to the precept, it is clear that 'to admit' should be understood as 'to be her upiidhyiiyinl', and that the bhik$WIZ, as an upiidhyiiyinz, commits a piicittika offense when she confers the ordination.

144. T.1421, p. 97c8-12, Pac. In 145. In the precept ofT.l42l, it is said that if a nun admits (ft) a woman whose two

tracts are united, her act constitutes a Pac. offense. The commentary to this precept refers to the commentary to the preceding precepts, which means that 'to admit' should be understood as 'to be her upiidhyiiyini' (see note 143). The commentary to the parallel precept in T.1428 (p. 774b7) explains that 'the two tracts are united' means that the tracts of urine and excrements are not separated.

146. T.l421 contains two precepts that are closely connected with this precept of T.1428: Pac. 125 (p. 93a6-11) says that if a nun admits a woman who has been ill for a long time, her act constitutes a Pac. offense; Pac. 127 (p. 93a17-21) says that if a nun admits a woman who has debts, her act constitutes a Pac. offense. The commentaries on the precepts refer to the commentary on preceding precepts, from the latter we mow that 'to admit' should be understood as 'to be her upiidhyiiyini' (see note 143).

147. OLDENBERG, R., Vinaya Pitaka1!l, Vol.IV, p. 329, Pac. 74; T.l421, p. 90c11-18, Pac.102; T.1425, p.533a20-b20, Pac.92; BhikwrJlvibhanga of the M.-L. School, ROTH, G., 1970, pp.232-233, §206, Pac.92; T.1435, p.325b2-16, Pac. 106; T.1443, p.l004a10-21, Pac. 106.

· nABs 20.2 70

"If a bhik~u1J.i who has not been [a bhik$u1J.f] for fully twelve years yet, confers someone the ordination148, then it is a piicittika."

b. T.1428, Bhik~u1J.ivibhanga, Pac.l33 (p.762a15-b20, particularly, p.762b7-9)149:

"If a bhik~u1J.i, not having been given the permission by the order to confer someone the ordination150, says: 'The sarrzgha has desire, has hatred, has fear and has foolishness 151 . What it wants to agree to, it agrees to. What it does not want to agree to, it does not agree to.', then it is a piicittika."

148. This coincides with the Pali Vinaya and T.1443. In T.142l, it is said that a bhi~W:liwho has not been a bhik~W:lifor fully twelve years yet, may not accept disciples. The commentary to this precept adds that 'to accept disciples' should be understood as 'to be their upiidhyiiyini' (see note 143). This coincides with T.1425 and with the Bhi~U/J!vibhaizga ofthe M.-L. School.

T.1435 only says that the bhik~W:li who has not been a bhik~ulJ! for fully twelve years yet, may not admit someone into the order (lf~).

149. OLDENBERG, H., Vinaya Pitakarrz, Vol.IV, p. 331, Pac.76; T.1421, p. 9Ic4-12, Pac. 109; T.1425, p. 537b8-24, Pac. 109; Bhi~ulJivibhaizga of the M.-L. School, ROTH, G., 1970, pp.254-255, §223, Pac. 109.

All the above mentioned precepts have in common that the order does not give the p.etmission to a nun (either the permission to confer the ordination or the permission to take on disciples), after which the nun criticizes this decision.

T.1435 contains a somehow different precept saying that, if a bhik~ulJi, although the order told her to stop [to admit someone into the order], admits someone into the order (lf~), she commits a Pac. offense (p.326a12-b3, Pac. 110). This latter precept is closely connected with a precept in T.1443, saying that, if a bhi~ulJi accepts a lot of disciples although the order did not give her the permission to accept as many disciples as she wanted, she commits a Pac. offense (p. 1005blO-c24, Pac. 110). From the commentary to this precept, it is clear that 'to accept disciples' is to be understood as 'to confer them the going forth and the ordination'.

150. This coincides with the Pali Vinaya.

151. These reproaches are also to be found in the commentary on the precepts of the Pali Vinaya and ofT.1421.

HEIRMAN 71

3) The ordination procedure

a. T.1428, Bhik$ulJlvibhanga, Pac.122 (p. 756a16-b 17, particularly, p.756b7-9) and b. T.1428, Bhik$ulJivibhanga, Pac.123 (p.756b18-c25, particularly,p.756c8-9)152:

"If a bhik$ulJl, when a girl is eighteen, does not give her the two-year instruction in the precepts, but, when she is fully twenty years old confers her the ordination, then it is a piicittika."

This precept clearly states that a woman cannot be ordained without a two-year probation period.

"If a bhik$ulJl, when a girl is eighteen, gives her the two-year instruc­tion in the precepts, but does not give her the six rules, and, when ~he is fully twenty [years] old, she then confers her the ordination, then it is a piicittika."

152. To T.1428, Bhi~UI}lvibhanga, Pac. 122 correspond: OLDENBERG, H., Vinaya Pitaka7f1, Vol.IV, pp.327-328, Pac. 72; T.l425, pp. 534c12-535a16, Pac.97; Bhik$u1}lvibhanga of the M.-L. School, ROTH, G., 1970, pp.240-242, §2ll, Pac.97; T.I435, p. 329b16-c4, Pac.I2l (T.l435 does not explicitly say that the bhi~u1}1 ordains the woman, but only states that the bhi~u1}1 admits her into the order (tf~~»; T.1443, p. 1006cl1-20, Pac. 116.

The Pali Vinaya, T.1435, and T.1443 specify that, during this two-year probation period, the woman probationer has to study the rules that she particularly has to take into account (see note 71).

To T.1428, Bhi~u1}fvibhanga, Pac. 123 correspond: OLDENBERG, H., Vinaya Pitaka7f1, Vol.IV, pp. 318-320, Pac.63; T.142l, p. 92a18-23, pac.II5; T.1435, pp. 326b5-327c21, Pac. III (T.1435 does not explicitly say that the bhik$u1}1 ordains the woman, but only states that the bhi~u1}r admits her into the order (tf~~); T.1443, p. 1007bl-12, pac.119.

There is, however, a small difference between the precept in T.l428 and the precepts in the other Vinayas. Whereas the precept in T .1428 says that the bhi~U1}1 did not give the six rules to the candidate, the precepts in the other Vinayas say that the candidate herself does not study the rules she has to follow.

Closely connected to the latter precept, T.1421, T.1425, and the Bhi~u1}f­vibhanga of the M.-L. School have another precept saying that if a bhik$u1}f ordains a Sik$amii1}ii who has not completed the two-year instruction in the precepts, she commits a Pac. offense: T.142l, p.92a6-ll, Pac. 113; T.1425, p. 535a17-b8, pac.98; Bhi~u1}lvibhanga of the M.-L. School, ROTH, G., 1970, pp.242-243, §2l2, pac.98. The latter two Vinayas explain that 'not to have completed the probationary period' means that the si~amii1}ii did not study the rules she particularly has to take into account. This links the precept in these two Vinayas to the above mentioned Pac. 123 ofT.l428.

nABS 20.2 72

This precept states that a woman candidate, even when she has done a two-year probation period, cannot be ordained if, during this probation period, she did not study the six rules (/\ 1:ft) 153 .

c. T.1428, Bhi~ulJfvibhanga, Pik 124 (pp. 756c26-758c28, particularly, p.758c18-20)154:

"If a bhik~ulJi, when a girl is eighteen, gives her the two-year instruc­tion in the precepts and gives her the six rules, and, when she is fully twenty [years] old, she then confers her the ordination without the per­mission of the sa1!lgha, then it is a pacittika."

d. T.1428, Bhik~ulJivibhanga, Piic.126 (p.759b3-c6, particularly, p. 759b 25-27)155:

"If a bhik~ulJi admits a young married woman and gives her the two­year instruction in the precepts, and, when she is fully twelve years old she then confers her the ordination without the permission of the salflgha, then it is a pacittika."

153. See note 71.

154. OLDENBERG, H., Vinaya Pitakarrz, Vo1.N, pp.320-32l, Pac. 64 and pp.328-329, Pac.73. These two precepts are closely connected: in Pac. 64, it is said that, without the pennission of the order, a nun may not ordain a probationer who has studied the precepts for two years, while in Pac. 73, it is said that without the permission of the order, a nun may not ordain a twenty-year old girl, who has studied the precepts for two years.

T.142l, p.92aI2-l7, Pac.114. T.1425, p.535b9-cIO, Pac.99. Bhik~ul}f­vibhanga of the M.-L. School, ROTH, G., 1970, pp. 243-245, §213, Pac. 99. T.1435.,.pp. 327c22-328a9, Pac.112, p. 328cI2-27, Pac. I 17, and p. 329c5-22, Pac.12l. These three precepts are closely connected: in Pac.112, it is said that without the permission of the order, a nun may not admit a disciple who has studied the precepts for two years into the order; in Pac. 117, it is said that, without the pennission of the order, a nun may not admit a twenty-year old girl into the order; in Pac. 122, it is said that, without the permission of the order, a nun may not admit a twenty-year old girl who has studied the precepts for two years into the order.

155. OLDENBERG, H., Vinaya Pitakarrz, Vo1.IV, pp.323-324, Pac.67; T.1421, p. 9Ia22-b5, Pac. 105; T.1425, p. 536a29-b8, Pac. 103; Bhik:$ul}fvibhanga of the M.-L. School, ROTH, G., 1970, pp.247-248, §2l7, Pac.l03; T.1435, pp. 325c25-326all, Pac. 109 (T.1435 does not explicitly say that the bhik~ul}f ordains the woman, but only states that the bhik:$ul}f admits her into the order (~~~)).

HEIRMAN 73

e. T.1428, Bhi~u1Jivibhanga, Pac. 130 (pp. 760c20-761blO, particularly, p.761b2-3)156:

"If a bhik~u1J1 confers someone the ordination157 without the per­mission of the sarrzgha, then it is a piicittika."

f T.1428, Bhi~u1Jlvibhanga, Pac. 132 (pp. 761c13-762a14, particularly, p.762a7-8)158:

"If a bhik~u1Jl, who has been [a bhik~u1Jl] for fully twelve years, confers someone the ordination 159 without the permission of the sarrzgha, then it is a piicittika."

156. T.1443, p. 1004a22-b27, Pac. 107.

157. The precept in T.1443 says that, without the pennission of the order, a nun may not accept someone as a disciple. The commentary to this precept further explains that 'to accept someone as a disciple' should be understood as 'to give the going forth and the ordination' .

158. OLDENBERG, R., Vinaya Pitakarrz, Vol.IV, pp.330-331, Pac.75; T.1421, pp. 90cI9-91aI4, Pac. 103; T.1435, p. 325bI7-clO, Pac. 107. T.1425 and the Bhi~U/Jfvibhaliga of the M.-L. School contain two precepts that are c10sely connected to thePiicittikas 130, 131 (seep.33) and 132 ofT.1428: pac.93 (T.1425, p. 533b21-c8; Bhi~U/Jfvibhaliga of the M.-L. School, ROTH, G., 1970, pp. 234-235, §207) says that a bhi~U/Jfwho has been in the order for fully twelve rainy seasons but who has not fulfilled the ten requirements cannot take on disciples, while Pac. 94 (T.1425, pp. 533c9-534all; Bhi~u1Jfvibhaliga of the M.-L. School, ROTH, G., 1970, pp. 235-236, §208) says that a bhi~u1Jf who has fulfilled the ten requirements cannot take on disciples without the pennission of the order.

These ten requirements refer to the requirements that a bhi~u1Jf has to fulfill in order to become a teacher: she has to uphold the precepts (1), she has to be learned in Abhidharma (2) and in Vinaya (3), she must study morality (4), meditation (5) and wisdom (6), she must be able to purify herself of her offenses and to help others to purify themselves of their offenses as well (7), she must be able to remove a disciple who is being pressed by her relatives to quit her spiritual training to another place, or to have someone else remove such person to another place (8), she must be able to nurse her disciple when the latter is sick or to have someone else nurse the latter (9), she must have been in the order for fully twelve rainy seasons or more (10).

159. This coincides with the Pali Vinaya. In T.1421, it is said that a bhi~u1Jfwho has been a bhik~u1Jf for fully twelve years may not accept disciples without the permission of the order. The commentary to this precept refers to the commen­tary to the preceding precept (= Pac. 102), according to which 'to accept disciples' should be understood as 'to be her upiidhyiiyinf', and that the bhi~u1Jf, as an upiidhyiiyinf, commits a piicittika offense when she confers the ordination.

nABS 20.2 74

g. T.1428, Bhik$ulJIVibhailga, Piic.134 (p.762b21-c16, particularly, p.762c7-9)160:

"If a bhik$ulJl confers the ordination161 without the pennission of the parents and the husband 162, then it is a piicittika."

T.1435 only says that the bhikJulJ.i who has been a bhikJulJ.i for fully twelve years may not admit someone into the order C~~) without the permission of the order.

160. OLDENBERG, R., Vinaya Pitakarrz, Vol.IV, pp.334-335, Pac.SO; T.1421, p. 93a12-16, Pac. 126; T.1425, p. 5l9b2-c6, Sarrzghiitise~a 7; BhikJulJ.ivibhmiga of the M.-L. School, ROTH, G., 1970, pp. 135-137, §§ l5S-159, Sarrzghiitise~a 7; T.1435, p. 330b3-cl, Pac. 124; T.1443, p.1007b29-cI9, Pac. 121.

161. This coincides with the Pali Vinaya. In T.1421, it is said that a bhikJulJ.fmay not accept a married woman who is subject to her husband into the order. The commentary to this precept says that 'to admit into the order' should be understood as 'to confer the going forth and the ordination' (this corresponds to Pac. 102, p. 90cI7-1S).

In T.1425, and in the BhikJulJ.fvibhanga of the M.-L. School, it is said that the bhik~ulJ.f may not accept a woman as a disciple without the permission of the woman's masters (;l't:3:: see note 162). The commentaries on the precepts explain that 'to accept as a disciple' has to be understood as 'to confer the ordination' .

T.1435 does not explicitly say that the bhikJw}f ordains the woman, but only states that the bhikJW:lf admits her into the order (1if -f.:'g.w.). Finally, in T.1443, it is said that a bhi~ulJ.f may not confer the going forth to a married woman without the permission of her husband.

162. It is not clear who exactly has to give the permission to whom. Since the candidate to be ordained is not qualified as a single girl (1l!R") or as a married woman (~~R") (cf. p. 27), it could well be that both of them are equally to be understood. A single girl is to be given permission by her parents, while a married woman certainly is to be given permission by her husband, but, maybe, also tlte'parents' opinion is decisive.

The precept in the Pali Vinaya is similar to the one in T.142S. A similar situation is to be found in the precepts ofT.1425, of the BhikJulJ.f­

vibhanga of the M.-L. School, and ofT.1435, all saying that a bhikJulJ.fmay not ordain a woman without the permission of her masters (3:). The commentaries on the precepts of T.1425 and of the Bhik~ulJ.ivibhanga of the M.-L. School distinguish two situations: a single girl has to have the permission of her parents, a married woman should have the permission of her husband, her mother-in-law, her father-in-law and her husband's younger brother.

Explaining 'masters', the commentary on the precept ofTJ435 distinguishes three situations: a single girl has to have the permission of her parents, a married woman who has not gone to her husband's house yet has to have the permission of both her parents and her husband, and, finally, a married woman who has gone to her husband's house, has to have the permission of her husband.

HEIRMAN 75

h. T.1428, Bhik!julJlvibhaJiga, Pac.136 (p.763a27-b28, particularly, p.763b17-19)163:

"If a bhik!julJl says to a sik!jamalJa: 'Sister, drop this. Study this. I will c;onfer you the ordination,' but she do~s not take measures to confer her the ordination, then it is a pacittika."

i. T.1428, Bhik!julJlvibhaJiga, Pac. 137 (pp.763b28-764a3, particularly, p.763c21-23)164:

"If a bhik!julJl says to a sik!jamalJa: 'Bring me a robe165. I will confer you the ordination166,' but she does not take measures to confer her the ordination166*, then it is a pacittika."

Finally, in T.l421 and in T.1443, it is said that a bhik$ul"}l may not accept a married woman who is subject to her husband into the order.

163. OLDENBERG, H., Vinaya Pitaka1!l, VoLIV, p. 333, Pac.78; T.1425, p. 537b25-c17, Pac. 110; Bhik$Wllvibhanga of the M.-L. School, ROTH, G., 1970, pp. 255-256, §224, Pac.110; T.1435, p. 330c2-27, Pac. 125 (T.1435 does not explicitly say that the bhik$ul"}l ordains the woman, but only states that the bhik$UlJ! admits her into the order C~».

T.1443 contains two precepts that are closely connected with the above men­tioned precept: T.1443, p. 1008a5-28, Pac. 123, states that if a bhik$ul"}l does not confer the going forth to a woman who has done some household work for her, although she, i.e. the bhik$ul"}i, previously, had promised this woman to do so, providing she did this household work, her act constitutes a Pac. offense. T.1443, p. 1007b13-28, Pac. 120, states that if a bhik$ul"}i, although she knows that a woman finished the two-year study of the six rules and the six additional rules*, does not confer the ordination to this woman, her act constitutes a Pac. offense. * These rules are the rules that, according to T.1443, have to be taken into particular account by the probationer. See note 71. T.1421 contains a precept that is closely connected to the latter precept of T.1443. It says that a bhik$ul"}i who, although there are no problems, does not confer the ordination to a probationer who has finished the two-year instruction, but, instead, says that the probationer should go on studying, commits a Pac. offense (T.1421, p. 91c19-27, Pac. 111).

164. OLDENBERG, H., VinayaPitaka1!l, VoLIV, p. 332, Pac. 77; T.1421, p. 91b24-c3, Pac. 1 08; T.1425, p.526a16-b5, nihsargika-piicattika 18; the Bhik$ul"}ivibhanga of the M.-L. School, ROTH, G., 1970, pp. 176~177, § 179, nihsargika-piicattika 18; T.1435, p. 330a6-b2, Pac. 123; T.1443, pp. 1007c20-1008a4, Pac. 122.

165. This coincides with the Pali Vinaya, T.1421, T.1425, the Bhik$ul"}ivibhanga of the M.-L. School, and T.1443. In the precept of T.1435, the bhik$ul"}i is said to ask for an alms bowl, a robe, a door-key, and medicines.

166. This coincides with the Pali Vinaya, T.1425, the Bhik$ul"}fvibhanga of the M.-L.

JIABS 20.2 76

j. T.1428, Bhik~Wlivibhanga, pac.138 (p.764a4-b12, particularly, p.764b2-3)167:

"If a bhik~u1J.i, when one full year has not passed yet, confers someone the ordination, then it is a piicittika."

k. T.1428, Bhik~u1J.ivibhanga, Pac.139 (p. 764b13-cll, particularly, p.764b29-c2)168:

School, and T.l443. In the precepts ofT.l421 and T.l435, it is only said that the bhi~W:lfpromises a woman to admit her into the order (~). Although nothing is mentioned as to the exact meaning of the term ~, the introductory stories to this precept give some indication, informing us how the bhi~W:lfmade the promise to admit (~) her, after the woman had requested the going forth.

167. This precept is closely connected with Pac. 83 in the Pali Vinaya, stating that a nun may not ordain two persons within one year (OLDENBERG, H., Vinaya Pitakal?l, Vol.IV, pp. 336-337).

Moreover, all the Vinayas contain another precept saying that a nun may not ordain a person every year, precept which is closely connected with Pac.138 of T.l428: OLDENBERG, H., Vinaya Pitakal?l, Vol.IV, p. 336, pac.82; T.1421, p. 92b13-19, Pac.118; T.1425, p. 536c13-23, Pac. 106 (the precept says that a nun may not take on disciples every year; the commentary to this precept adds that 'to take on disciples' is to be understood as 'to confer the ordination'); Bhi~W:lfvibhaJiga of the M.-L. School, ROTH, G., 1970, pp. 250-251, §220, Pac. 106 (the precept says that a nun may not take on disciples every year; the commentary to this precept adds that 'to take on disciples' is to be understood as before, i.e. as 'to confer the ordination'); T.1435, pp. 330c28-331aI5, Pac. 126 (the precept only says that a nun may not accept disciples (~$r) every year); T.1443, p.1008a29-bI3, Pac. 124.

168. OLDENBERG, H., Vinaya Pitakal?l, VoLIV, pp.335-336, Pac.81; T.1421, p. 92b20-27, Pac.119; T.1425, pp. 536c24-537aI6, Pac. 107; Bhi~W:lfvibha;lga of the M~-L. School, ROTH, G., 1970, pp.251-253, §221, Pac. 107; T.1435, pp. 33Ja17- 334c29, Pac. 127.

COlmnOn in all these precepts, is the rule that an ordination ceremony has to be performed within one day. However, while all the introductory stories to this precept indicate that the ordination in the nun's order and the ordination in the monk's order should be held on the same day, not all precepts focus on the same aspect. According to T.l421, an ordination ceremony may not be interrupted and has to be held within one day. If not, the bhik:;wJf who confers the ordination commits a piicittika. On the other hand, according to T.1428, T.1425, the Bhi~wJfvibhaizga of the M.-L. School, and T.1435, if a bhi~UI:zflets a woman stay overnight after having ordained that woman in the nun's order, but before conferring her the ordination in the monk's order, this bhik:;u1Jf's act constitutes a Pac. offense. Finally, according to the Pali Vinaya, there may be no day between the permission to ordain and the actual ordination. If not, the nun who confers the ordination commits a Pac. offense.

HEIRMAN 77

"If a bhik~u1Jl, after having conferred the ordination to someone, goes to the bhik~usartlgha to confer her the ordination only after one night has passed, then it is a pacittika."

4) The period following the ordination ceremony

a. T.1428, Bhik~u1Jlvibhmiga, Piic.12S (p.760aS-b14, particularly, p.760b7-S)l69:

"If a bhik~u1Jl admits many disciples, but does not tell them to study the precepts for two years l70 and does not give them support in two thingsl7l, then it is apacittika.l72"

b. T.1428, Bhik~u1Jlvibhanga, Piic.129 (p.760b15-c19, particularly, p. 760cll-12)l73: .

169. OLDENBERG, H., Vinaya PitakaJp, Vol.IV, pp.324-325, Pac.68; T.I421, p. 92c6-11, Pac.I21; T.1425, p. 536b9-25, Pac. 104; Bhik~W:lfvibhaizga of the M.-L. School, ROTH, G., 1970, pp. 248-249, §218, Pac, 104; T.1435, p. 328a23-blO, Pac.114 (T.1435 does not explicitly say that the bhik~ulJ.f ordains the woman, but only states that the bhi~ulJ.f admits her into the order (tf~~)); T.1443, p.1006a6-19, Pac. 112 andp.1006a20-b3, Pac.113.

170. This coincides with the Pali Vinaya, T.1425, the Bhi~ulJ.zvibhaizga of the M.-L. School, and T.1435. According to T.1421, the support has to last for six years, while in T.1443, no duration of the support is mentioned.

171. After the ordination, an upadhyayinf has to help her disciples for another two years and has to support them regarding two things: (1) in the law, (2) in . clothing and food.

This coincides with T.1435. In the Pali Vinaya, in T.1421, in T.1425, and in the Bhik~ulJ.zvibhaizga of the M.-L. School, the teacher only has to help her disciples regarding the law. T.l443 has two precepts: in Pac. 112, it is said that a teacher ought to help her disciples regarding the precepts, while in Pac.I13, it is said that a teacher ought to support and protect her disciples.

172. The Pali Vinaya and T.1421 add the possibility that a teacher has her disciples helped by someone else.

173. OLDENBERG, H., Vinaya Pitakaf!l, Vol.IV, pp.325-326, Pac.69; T.1421, p. 92b28-c5, Pac. 120; T.1425, p. 536b26-cI2, Pac. 1 05; Bhi~ulJ.fvibhaizga of the M.-L. School, ROTH, G., 1970, pp. 249-250, §219, Pac. 105; T.1435, p. 328a10-22, Pac. 113.

nABS 20.2 78

"If a bhik~W:li does not follow 174 her upadhyayini for two years175,

then it is apacittika. 176"

III Conclusion

The admission rules, admission ceremonies and offenses against these rules and ceremonies as they ani described above, display the exact 'theoretical' career ofa nun in the Buddhist community. In this commu­nity, two orders can be distinguished, a monk's order (bhik~usaf!lgha) and a nun's order (bhik~ul}isaf!lgha), the latter being dependent on the former. These orders gradually came into being, first the bhik~usaf!lgha and then the bhik~ul}lsaf!lgha, and, as the number of monks and nuns continuously grew, the need was felt to have more regulations in order to organize this growing community.

In this organization, the admission into the order is a fundamental institution. This admission has been established for the monk's order first. The way these admission procedures developed and in which cere­monies they finally resulted, is described in the several Vinayas. l77 A survey has been given by FRAUWALLNER, E., 1956, pp.70-78. Apply­ing this survey to T.1428, we come to the following outline:

First, Buddha himself performs the ordination, i.e. by calling the first disciples to join the order by means of the formula: "Welcome, monk." (~*JtE.). This formula simultaneously covered admission and ordi-

174. While according to T.1428, the new bhikWlJf, above all, has to listen to her teacher, the Pali Vinaya, T.1421, T.1425, the Bhi~ulJfvibhailga of the M.-L. School, and T.1435 all emphasize that the new nun has to serve her teacher.

175. After h.aving been ordained, the new bhi~ulJf has to follow her teacher for anothe1' two years and listen to her teachings.

This coincides with the Pali Vinaya, T.1425, the Bhi~ulJfvibhailga of the M.­L. School, and T.1435. According to T.1421, the new nun has to serve her teacher for six years.

176. T.1421 adds the possibility that the new nun has her teacher helped by someone else.

177. OLDENBERG, H., Vinaya Pitakm?1, VoU, Mahiivagga I, pp.l-IOO; T.1421, ~ffl(;ffi (Chapter on Ordination), pp.101aI2-121a25; T.1425, several passages in ~~j~~ffi (Chapter on Miscellaneous Items), pp. 412b24-499a16; T.1428, ~ffl(;m!tlt (Chapter on Ordination), pp.779a6-816c4; T.1435, ~~JE.ffl(;1:t (Chapter on ordination), pp.148a5-157c27; T.1444, ~~;zjs:m-m~~~m* JIj) tI:l*$ (Chapter on Going Forth of the MUZasarviistiviidavinaya), pp. l020b 23-1041a20.

HEIRMAN 79

nation.178 Later, He permits the monks to perform the ordination by having the candidate recite the formula of the triple refuge (refuge in Buddha, in the law and in the order).179 Also this formula covered both the admission and the ordination. Filially, He lays down that the ordi­nation should.take place by means of a formal act in which the motion is fourfold (ajiiapticaturthakarman20*).180 Hereby, a clear difference was made between the going forth (pravrajyfi) and the full ordination (upa­sal!lpadfi). Hence two stages became necessary to acquire the full status of a monk (and a full member of the community) and to enjoy all the rights and privileges attributed to these members. In the first stage, one becomes a novice (srfimalJera) whose standing, rights and duties are different from those of a monk who has received the full ordination.

Bad behavior of young monks further induces Buddha to determine the minimum age for ordination as twenty years l81 , while the minimum age for the novice is fixed at twe1veI82. In case candidate novices are at least as grown that they can scare away the crows, the age may be less than twelve. 183 Many rules are further added to regulate who can be a candidate and who not, and who can accept disciples and who not.

At the moment Mahaprajapati Gautami was allowed to become a nun, the monk's order (bhik~usal!lgha) was already well organized. This explains why she can go to a monk's monastery in order to ask for the permission to go forth. Most likely, in the beginning, the order of nuns (bhik~ulJisal!lgha) took over the organizational pattern of the monk's community, and both orders further developed in the same general direction.

However, the bhi~ulJisa1!!gha is not completely independent and relies on the bhik~usal!lgha in several ways. This dependency is laid down in the eight rules to be followed by the nuns in their relation with the monks. The fact that a woman can only become a nun if she is ordained by both the bhik~ulJisal!lgha and the bhik~usal!lgha is essential in these rules. This fact implies a control over the membership of the order by the monks.

178. T.1428, p. 799bl-3.

179. T.1428, p. 793a13-21. 180. T.1428, p. 799cI2-29.

181. T.1428, p. 808b2S-26.

182. T.1428, p. 810c22-23.

183. T.1428, pp. 810c24-811a3.

JIABS 20.2 SO

In addition, the bhik~Wllsarrxgha possesses some regulations, different from the ones of the bhik~usarrxgha. For the bhik~ulJisarrxgha, a stage between the going forth (pravrajyii) and the ordination (upasarrxpadii) is added. This is a probationary period that lasts two years, during which the woman candidate, as a probationer (sik~amiilJii), has to prove that she is fit to become a nun. Furthermore, some rules specific to women and nuns are added to the rules for monks, e.g., the rules relating to married women.

As it was the case for the bhik~usarrxgha, also the formation of the bhik~ulJlsarrxgha was not accomplished in one day. As suggested by I.B. HORNER184, the probation period for a woman candidate was the result of a gradual development: it is only when the need was felt, that an additional stage between the going forth and the ordination was intro­duced. This additional stage rapidly became a necessary condition to become a nun. In T.142S, this necessity is evident from the ordination proceedings as they are described in the Bhik~ulJiskandhaka4*: three compulsory steps leading to full membership of the community: 1) the going forth, 2) the two-year probation period and 3) the ordination. Also the Bhik~ulJivibhanga, piicittika 121 draws attention to the necessity of these three steps, while the piicittikas 122 and 123 emphasize that a nun may not confer the ordination to a woman candidate who has not done the two-year probation period. Furthermore, also the fourth gurudharma6* states that this period must precede the ordination.

It is, however, to be noticed that some precepts do not take the proba­tion period into account: the introductory story to the fifth sarrxghiiva­se~a precept relates how a woman thief rapidly goes forth and receives the ordination, so that her persecutors are confronted with a 'fait accompli' alid cannot arrest her anymore. In the piicittikas 119 and 120, respectively a pregnant woman and a breast-feeding woman are accepted into the order and immediately receive the ordination. We thus have to conclude that, at the time these latter three precepts were issued, the probation period did not exist or was not taken into account. This can only be understood if we consider the probation period as a practice that has been introduced after the order of nuns had existed for some time:

184. HORNER, LB., ED, Vo1.V, p. 354, note 3: " ... this practice [the probation period] will no doubt have been introduced later, after an Order of nuns had been in being for some time."

HErRMAN 81

since the organization of the bhik$urzlsiu!lgha is founded on that of the bhik$usaYflgha, the nuns are likely to have taken over the going forth and the ordination from the monk's community, and later introduced a third step in between these two. At the very beginning, this third step might not have been compulsory. Since the Vinaya texts do not mention that a woman candidate could freely decide whether or not to pass two years as a probationer - while frequently mentioning the three obligatory steps leading to full membership of the community - it seems safe to say that when the probation period was introduced, it rapidly, if not immedi­ately, became compulsory, and that, consequently, there never has been a choice whether or not to become a probationer.

We have to conclude that to become a full member of the community, a woman first has to go forth and to become a novice (SriimarzerZ). Secondly, she has to pass two years as a probationer (sik$amiirzii), and, finally, she receives the ordination and becomes a nun (bhik$urzZ). The minimum age at which she can become a nun, enjoying all rights and privileges attributed to full members of the community, depends on her being single or married. Neither a sriimarzeri nor a sik$amiirzii can partic­ipate in the formal acts and in the ceremonies performed by the order. There is no essential difference between the position of a sriimarzeri and the one of a sik$amiilJJi, except for the social rank in the community, a Sik$amiirzii holding a higher position than a sriimalJ-eri.

nABS 20.2 82

List of technical terms (with first appearance and reference to explanatory note)

upasal!lpadii (P. upasal!lpadii) : ordination, p. 43

upiidhyiiyini (P. upajjhii) : teacher, p. 44, note 66

karman (p. kamma) : fonnal act, p. 37

gurudharma (p. garudhamma) : severe rule, p. 35, note 6

jfiaptikarman (P. fiattikamma) : fonnal act consisting of a motion, p. 37, note· 20

jfiapticaturthakarman(P. fiatticatutthakamma) : fonnal act in which the motion is fourfold, p. 37, note 20

jfiaptidvitiyakarman (P. fiattidutiyakarman) : fonnal act in which the motion is twofold, p. 37, note 20

du~krta (p. dukkata) : bad action (a very light offense), p. 48, note 79

pariviisa (p.pariviisa) : period of residence (a kind of penance), p. 37, note 22

piicittika (p.piicittiya) : expiation? (a minor offense), p.4l, note 45

piiriijika : an offense that leads to a pennanent, lifetime. exclusion from the order, p. 47, note 72

po~adha (or upo~adha) (P. (u)posatha) : observance (a ceremony), p. 36, note 10

pratiddaniya (P.piipdesaniya) : requiring confession (a minor offense), p. 48, note 76

praviira1}a (or praviira1}ii) (P. paviira1}ii) : invitation (a ceremony), p. 36, note 11

pravrajyii (P. pabbajjii) : the going forth, p. 43

bhi~u (P. bhikkhu) : monk, p. 35

bhi~u1}i (P. bhikkhunt) : nun, p. 33 .

bhi~u1}isal!lgha (p. bhikkhunisal!lgha) : order of nuns, p. 33

bhi~usal!lgha (P. bhikkhusal!lgha) : order of monks, p. 33

miinatva (p. miinatta) : i.e. a kind of penance (doubtful etymology), p. 37, note 17

si~iipada (p. sikkhiipada) : precept, p. 44

si~amii1}ii (P: sikkhamiinii) : probationer, p. 36, note 14

sriima1}era (P. siima1}era) : (male) novice, p. 48

sriima1}eri (P. siima1}ert) : (female) novice, p. 45

sal!lgha (P. sal!lgha) : order (of monks or nuns), p. 36

sal!lghiivase~a (P. sal!lghiidisesa) : remainder in the order (an offense leading to a temporary exclusion from the order), p. 37, note 16

HEIRMAN 83

List of consulted works

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No. 1425: .1i"J{liftIl;i$: Mo-ho-seng-ch'i Lii (MahasiiI11ghikavinaya)

No. 1428: [9n-$ Szu-fen Lii (Dhannaguptakavinaya)

No. 1429: [9n-$.l:t.fr~* Szu-fen Lii Pi-ch'iu Chieh-pen, Priitimo~a for bhi~us of the Dhannaguptaka School)

No. 1430: [9n-{Iif~* Szu-fen Seng Chieh-pen (Priitimo~a for bhi~us of the Dhannaguptaka School)

No. 1431: [9n-.l:t.frFt:.~* Szu-fen Pi-ch'iu-ni Chieh-pen Priitimo~a for bhi~u­IJIS of the Dhannaguptaka School)

No. 1434: [9n-.l:t.frFt:.m~$ Szu-fen Pi-ch'iu-ni Chieh-rno-fa (Karmaviicanii for bhi~ulJIs of the Dhannaguptaka School)

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No. 1435: +~iti$ Shih-sung Lii (Sarvastivadavinaya)

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No. 1444: t~*IDI.-tv1'i~~w.*Jill!±l1§nJ: Ken-pen-shuo-i-ch'ieh-yu Pu P'i-nai­ye Ch'u-chia Shih (Miilasarvastivadavinaya-pravrajyavastu)

- Vol. 24,

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No. 1804: [9n-1$:ffil!J~Hffilmfr$tJ> Szu-fen Lii Shan-fan Pu-ch'iieh Hsing-shih Ch'ao

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HErRMAN 85

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OSKAR VON HINUBER

Buddhist Law According to the Theravada Vinaya (II): Some Additions and Corrections

1.

In a forthcoming article, Edith NOLOT discusses the Vinaya term niisanii in great detail!. In course of her discussion she briefly draws attention to the fact that patiiiiiiiya, Sp 582,30 sqq. does not mean "with the consent", as I erroneously translated nABS 18.1 1995, p. 37, 6, but "by acknowledgement" .

As I did not concentrate on the legal side of the relevant paragraph in the Samantapiisiidikii in my earlier article, but on the problem of legal texts belonging to the Abhayagirivihara, it may not be out of place to make good for this omission. The Samantapiisiidikii here comments on the VIII. Sarrtghiidisesa dealing with a monk accusing another monk of a piiriijika offence without any reason. This rule is introduced by the story of the monk Dabba Mallaputta who is wrongly and maliciously accused by the nun Mettiya to have raped her. Consequently, the nun Mettiya is punished by expulsion from the order (niisanii): tena hi bhikkhave Mettiyarrt bhikkhunirrt niisetha, Vin III 162,37 quoted Sp 582,16.

From the text of the Vinaya it is clear that Mettiya acts at the instiga­tion of the Mettiyabhummajaka monks, who persuade her to accuse Dabba Mallaputta of rape. The reason is that they want to do harm to Dabba Mallaputta, who is highly respected by laypeople and therefore gets better food than they themselves. Thus there is not the slightest shadow of doubt that Dabba Mallaputta is an innocent victim of the combined viciousness of the Mettiyabhummakaja monks and the nun Mettiya.

Here, the legal problem starts, at least as the Samantapiisiidikii sees it. Once Dabba Mallaputta rightly rejects the accusation, the following sentence quoted by E.NOLOT from a different context and concerning two novices is valid: tatra dusakassa patiiiiiiikara/Jarrt natthi, Sp 269,9 "there is no acknowledgement by the rapist." According to the Siirattha-

1. "Studies in Vinaya technical terms VI", note 28, JPTS 24.1998 (in press).

JIABS 20.2 88

dzpanz by Sariputta this means2 : pucchitabbiibhiivato. na hi diisako "kena cittena v'itikkamal(! akiisi, janitvii akiisi, udiihu ajiinitvii" ti eval(! pucchiiya arahati, Sp-t (Be 1960) II 94,1-3 "Because there is no questioning. For the rapist does not deserve to be asked thus: 'With which intention did you commit this transgression, intentionally or unin­tentionally?'" Obviously, a rapist is expelled from the Sa:tp.gha at any rate3, but not necessarily the person raped. For the Samantapiisiidikii continues: dusito pucchitvii patififiiiya niisetabbo. sace na siidiyati na niisetabbo, Sp 269,10 4 "[the monk, who] has been raped, is to be expelled because of [his] acknowledgement after having been asked. If he did not enjoy it, he is not to be expelled." The reason for this procedure is given by Kassapa Cola in his Vimativinodan'i: patififiii­kara1}al(! natthi sevetukiimatii maggena maggappatipatt'iti dvinnal(! afzgiinal(! siddhatii. diisitassa pan a maggena maggapatipatti evam ekal(! siddhal(!, sevetukiimatiisafzkhiital(! siidiyanal(! asiddhal(!. tasmii so pucchitvii "siidiyin" ti vuttapatififiiiya niisetabbo, Vmv (Be 1960) I 147,23-26 "There is no acknowledgement because both parts, the desire to have intercourse and the entering by an (appropriate) way is certain. However, in case of the raped [monk] only the entering by an (appropriate) way is certain, the enjoyment called desire to have inter­course is not certain. Therefore, he is to be expelled because he says in acknowledgement after having been asked 'I enjoyed it5 "'. This, at the same time, shows that the Vimativinodan'i gives a slightly different explanation. For, if sevetukiima is considered as certain, ajiinitvii of the Siiratthad'ipan'i is of course ruled out6.

In the story of Dabba Mallaputta and Mettiya this obviously leads into a dilemma: If Mettiya acknowledges rape, she is to be expelled, but so is the innocent Dabba. This seems to be the underlying reason for the MahiiviharaJ Abhayagirivihiira controversy dealt with briefly in my earlier article: kil(! pan a bhagavatii Mettiyii bhikkhun'i patififiiiya niisitii apatififiaya niisitii ti. kifi c' ettha yadi tiiva patififiiiya niisitii thero kiirako

2. The Vajirabuddhi#a does not explain this paragraph.

3. C£ dve ... nasetabbii, Sp 269, 9.

4. Ee diisito ti pucchitva: has to be corrected into diisito pucchitva with Be.

5. My understanding of this paragraph owes much to criticism and suggestions by the Venerable Bhikkhuni Juo-hsiieh.

6. Vmv occasionally criticises Sp-t: O. v.HINDBER: A Handbook of pali Literature. Berlin 1996, § 338.

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hoti sadoso, atha apatififiiiya thero akiirako hoti adoso, Sp 582, 30-34 "Has the nun Mettiya been expelled by the Buddha because of [her] acknowledgement [or] without acknowledgement? For if she has been expelled because of an acknowledgement, the Elder [Dabba Mallaputta] has acted [i.e. has committed an offence] and is guilty. Without acknowledgement [by Mettiya], he has not acted and is not guilty."

In our Vinaya text, which is the one of the Mahiivihiira, no immediate reason for Mettiya's expulsion is given in the rather neutral formulation: tena hi bhikkhave Mettiyarrt bhikkhunirrt niisetha, Yin III 162, 37 quoted Sp 583, 12, in contrast to the Abhayagiri version: tena hi bhikkhave Mettiyarrt bhikkhunirrt sakaya patififiaya niisetha, Sp 583, 9. This, how­ever, involves the guilt of the innocent Dabba Mallaputta. We do not know, if and how the Abhayagiri Vinaya experts may have solved this problem7, which was evidently widely discussed.

However, the legal experts of the Mahavihara also run into difficulties. If it is not a clear case of rape as the one between Sama1).eras referred to in Piiriijika I (Vin III 323, 29 sq. with Sp 269, 9-22), but involving two ordained members of the Saqlgha contradicting each other when asked about the evidence, the situation becomes complicated. In the very be­ginning of this discussion it is simply stated: Dabbassa ca yasmii imassii ca vacanam na ghatiyati, tasmii Mettiyarrt bhikkhunirrt niisethii ti vuttarrt hoti, Sp 582,17-19 "because Dabba's [evidence] and her evidence do not agree, therefore it is said "you should expell the nun Mettiya"."

After the neutral text without sakiiya patififiiiya is said to be superior, a detailed discussion of the legal problems follows in the Samanta­piisiidikii (Sp 584, 15-585,9): "These are the considerations of the experts in the [legal] commentaries (atthakathiiciiriya)8: If a monk wrongly accuses another monk of a piiriijika offence (antimavatthu), this is a sarrtghiidisesa offence [Sarrtghiidisesa VIII, Yin III 163,21 **]; if he accuses a nun, it is wrong doing (dukkata)9. On the other hand, it is said

7. In spite ofVjb Be (1960) 196,14-20 and Vmv Be (1960) I 282, 12-20.

8. According to both, Sp-t Be (1960) II 346, 16 and Vmv Be (1960) I 282,24, this opinion is found in the Mahiiatthakathii.

9. These experts are quoted here, because the latter case bhikkhuni,!l anuddha7!1seti dukkata7!1 , Sp 583, 17 is not provided for in the Vinaya as confrnned by pii!iya7!1 aniigatattii, Sp-t Be (1960) II 347,3. If something is neither found in the Vinaya (sutta), nor in the Mahapadesas of the Vinaya (suttiinuloma), it is possible to resort to the iicariyaviida, which is the Atthakatha tradition as established by the participants of the first council (Sp 230,27; 231, 9-11).

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in the Kurundi: [here applies the rule:] If there is a lie, it is a pacittiya (Pacittiya I, Vin IV2, 14**)10.

Here, the following has to be considered: According to the first interpretation (purimanaye; i.e. of the' experts in

the commentaries), wrong doing is adequate because of an intentional accusation (anuddhal'{lsana). Although (1.) in case of a lie there is a sal'{lghadisesa offence for a monk [and not Pacittiya I], if a second monk is involved, [and] although (2.) in case of a lie, it is not a conscious lie, if a monk talks with the intention to offend (akkosa) a [second] monk, who is unclean [i.e. who has committed an offence], but of whom he [the first monk] thinks to be clean [i.e. not to have com­mitted any offence], but a pacittiya offence because of abusive speech (Pacittiya II, Vin N 6,5** with Vin III 166,9), as [in these two cases], in the same way here, too, (i.e. Mettiya vs. Dabba Mallaputtta) a pacittiya offence involving a conscious lie does not apply, because of an intentional accusation. It is comect to assume only wrong doing 11.

According to the last (i.e. second) interpretation (pacchimanaye) because of a lie only a pacittaya offence is adequate. For, according to the rule (vacana) there is a sal'{lghadisesa offence for a monk, if he intentionally accuses a [second] monk (Sal'{lghiidisesa VIII) , and for [a monk,], who intends to offend [a second monk] a pacittiya offence (Pacittya II according to Vin III 166,9).

There is no such rule [saying] it is wrong doing, if a monk [offends] a nun [and not another monk]l2. However, there is the rule [saying that there is] a pacittiya offence in case of a conscious lie (Pacittiya I). Therefore, a pacittiya offence is adequate.

However, here the following careful considerations [are necessary]: If there is no intentional accusation (anuddhal'{lsana), it is a pacittiya (i.e. Pacittaya:rI, and not Sal'{lghadisesa VIII) offence; if this (i.e. the inten­tion) is there what is to be assumed then? Here, although it is correct that there is a pacittiya offence, if somebody lies, there is an indepen-

10. Consequently, the views quoted are contradictory and need discussion.

11. According to the opinion of the Mahaatthakatha communicated Sp 583,17, cf. note 9 above, there is wrong doing, if a monk acts versus a nun. This is reverted on purely formal grounds in bhikkhunf .. , bhikkhurrz anuddharrzseti dukkatarrz, Sp 584,5.

12. As this is what is found in the Mahiiathakathii [cf. Sp 583, 17], it is likely that Sp 583,19-25 is a quotation from or rather a paraphrase of the text as found in the Kurundi. Note also the unusual expression vacanappamiiJ:w.

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dent pacittiya offence, if somebody accuses [a monk] of an unfounded sarrzghadisesa offence (Vin IV 9, 9), therefore, because the intention to accuse is there, there is no room for a pacittiya offence because of a conscious lie (Pacittiya I). But it is impossible that there is no offence [at all] for [the monk] who accuses13.

The first interpretation seems to be better: Therefore, if a nun accuses a [second] nun of an unfounded parajika offence, it is a sairtghadisesa offence [Sarrzghadisesa II, which is common to both, monks and nuns (sadhara1J.a), Sp 915,35; Kkh 43,34], if she accuses a monk, it is wrong doing14. Here, a sarrzghadisesa is [an offence] leading to removal, wrong doing is leading to confession15; neither leads to expulsion (nasana).

Because she (Mettiya) has a bad character by nature, is a wicked nun and says moreover herself "I have a bad character", therefore the Buddha expells her because of this state of uncleanness. "

So far the Samantapasadika. Thus, in the end Mettiya is simply expel­led, because she is "by nature a wicked nun of bad character" (pakatiya 'va duss'ila papabhikkhunl). This indicates that, at least at the time of the Samantapasadika, there was no tangible legal argument in the Vinaya by which Mettiya could have been expelled(!). This might indicate that the verb naseti is used rather loosely in the introductory story to Sarrzghadisesa VIII, because there is no rule according to which the offence committed by Mettiya could be handled. The sarrzghadisesa thus introduced is used against the Mettabhummajaka monks who had persuaded Mettiya to make a false accusation.

2.

The second correction concerns a mistranslated sentence on p. 25, 31sq. of my article mentioned above in the story of the theft occurring in Antarasamudda (Sp 306,29-307,22): When it is said that the value of the stolen object is a penny or even less, the Elder Godha, who

13. This seems to be the consequence because the Kurundi assumes the wrong offence, i.e. Pacittiya I instead ofPacittiya II. Consequently, there is some sort of formal defect in the reasoning of the Kurundf.

14. This follows from the assumption by the experts quoted Sp 583, 17.

15. The category desaniigiimin applies to the five lahuka offences (Sp 1382,14 with Sp 1319, 12sq.) that is to all offences except Parajika and Sarp.ghadisesa according to Sp 1334,30 (ad Vin V 127,22). Only Sarp.ghiidisesa offences are classified as vutthiinagamin , cf. also Sp-t Be (1960) 1168, 16sq. ad Sp 415,23, because they are "removed" by pariviisa etc.

nABS 20.2 92

eventually decides the case, asks (and not states, as translated previously): "Indeed, has the Buddha prescribed somewhere a piirajika with regard to a penny (miisaka) or even less than a penny?" The answer to this question is of course "no": iipatti thullaccayassa ... atirekamiisako vii unapaficamiisako vii, Yin III 54, 22, cf. III 47, 3 "it is a grave offence (but no piiriijika), [if the stolen goods are worth] more than a miisaka or less than five miisaka." Thus Godha reverts the earlier verdict that there had been a theft, and rightly so.

UTE HUSKEN

The Application of the Vinaya Term nasana1

The first section in the book of Buddhist monastic discipline (Vinaya­pitaka) is known as parajika. The significance of these rules is empha­sized by the fact that out of the list of 220 prescriptio:n"s which are recited fortnightly (patimokkha) only these four rules are announced to a newly ordained monk immediately after full ordination (upasampada; Vin I 96.20 - 97.18)2. The transgression of one of the parajika rules leads to the monk's or nun's permanent and irreversible loss of status as a fully ordained member of the order.

Buddhist law as specified in the Vinayapitaka is generally based on the concept that an offence is established only after the offender pleads guilty.3 Consequently, if an offender is aware of his parajika offence and leaves the order on his own initiative, the Vinaya describes no concrete act of expulsion by the Sarpgha. Rather the actual status of a person guilty of such a transgression is rendered by the words ayam pi parajiko hoti asal!lvaso, "This one has committed a parajika and (there­fore) is without (any) communion" (e.g. Vin III 46.20**; cf. Vin IV 213.37**-38**)4,

There are, however, a few instances in the Vinayapitaka where another term is applied to express that a person has to leave the order, namely nasana, naseti etc. This state of affairs led Isaline Blew HORNER in her English translation of the Vinayapitaka to the conclusion that the verb

1. I wish herewith to express my gratitude to Prof. Oskar VON HINUBER, who kindly sent me material on the term niisanii which he had collected, and provided very helpful suggestions. Additionally, I wish to draw the reader's attention to an article written by Edith NOLO!, which is published in the Journal o/the Pali Text Society XXIII ("Studies in Vinaya Technical Terms VI"). There NOLOT provides an extremely useful systematic collection of the material on niisanii in the Pali and Sanskrit sources.

2. Nuns have to observe eight piiriijika rules which are announced to them after full ordination (Vin II 274. 23-24).

3. Cf. VON HINDBER, "Buddhist Law", p. 11.

4. In the casuistries the expression is iipattil?"l tval?"l bhikkhu iipanno piiriijikal?"l, "You, monk, have committed apiiriijika offence" (e.g. Vin III 57. 14-15).

· JIABS 20.2 94

niiseti in the Suttavibhanga generally refers to the expulsion of members of the order who have committed a piiriijika offence (BD I, p. xxvii). This statement will be qualified in this paper.

In the eldest stratum of the Vinaya, the Piitimokkha, niisanii with respect to monks or nuns is used in only one instance, that is Piiriijika 2 of the Bhikkhunivibhanga (Vin IV 216.31**-217.3**).5 This rule forbids nuns to keep quiet about the piiriijika offence of a fellow nun.6

"Has been expelled" (niisitii) in this rule is listed in a series of verbs expressing that the nun guilty of a piiriijika offence has not left the order in the usual way, but rather that she kept quiet about her misdeed for a certain period before finally leaving the order for another reason. Indeed, both the forced and the voluntary leaving of the order are clearly contrasted here by the use of the terms niisitii and avasatii (Vin IV 216.33**-34** and 217.13-15). Thus Piiriijika 2 ofthe Bhikkhuni­vibhanga indicates that the expulsion niisanii of nuns (and monks) comes about when they, after committing a piiriijika, keep their deed quiet and as a result fail to leave the order on their own initiative. In this case the Satp.gha is apparently forced to take an active role in the expulsion of the offender. The procedure of expulsion, however, is not described in the Vinaya.

Another reference in the Vinaya also uses niisanii in connection with a piiriijika offence (Vin I 173.20-22): A monk, who is accused of a piiriijika offence during the paviirmJii ceremony at the end of the rainy

5. In another passage of the piitimokkha, niisanii does not refer to fully ordained individuals but to novices (siimaTJera) (see below, p. 99).

6. The text of this rule in OLDENBERG'S edition (Vin IV 216.31-217.3) is not correct. The text of the Bunnese, Sinhalese, and Thai editions is: yii pan a bhikkhunf jiinal!! piiriijikam dhammal!! ajjhiipannal!! bhikkhunil!! n' ev' attanii patieodeyya na gaTJassa iiroeeyya yadii ea sii thilii vii assa cutii vii niisilii vii avasatii vii sii pacehii eval!! vadeyya: pubbeviihal!! ayye aiiiiiisil!! etal!! bhikkhu­nil!! evarupii ca evarupii ca sii bhaginiti, no ca kho attanii paticodessa1]1 na galJassa iirocessan [Vin: pa{icodeyyalJl na galJassa iirocceyyan] ti, ayam pi piiriijikii hoti asal!!viisii vajjapaticehiidikii 'ti. HORNER's translation of this rule (BD III, p. 166) has to be corrected accordingly: "Whatever nun, mowing that a nun has fallen into a matter involving defeat, should neither herself reprove her, nor speak to a group, but when she may be remaining or deceased or expelled or withdrawn, should afterwards speak thus: 'Ladies, before I mew this nun, she was a sister like this and like that, (but 1 thought:) 'I will neither myself reprove her nor speak to a group [BD III, p. 166: and should neither herself reprove her nor should speak to a group]', she also becomes one who is defeated, she is not in communion, she is one who conceals a fault."

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season7, admits to having committed it. The Saqlgha then performs paviirar:zii only after having expelled him (niisetvii). In this particular case the expulsion of the offender may be necessitated by the Saqlgha's desire to perform an ecclesiastical act, the validity of which requires the order to be both "complete" (samagga) and "pure" (parisuddha), that is, without offence at that very moment. When one of the participants is found to be not "pure" the ecclesiastical act loses validity. Thus a monk guilty of a piiriijika offence has to be removed perhaps even physically8 by the Saqlgha. He must remain outside the spatial boundary (simii) stipulated for this ecclesiastical act within which only "pure" monks can be present. Thus in this particular case the reason for the use of the term niisanii might once again be the necessity for an active role of the Saqlgha in the expulsion. This supposition seems more likely if one remembers that the offender evidently failed to confess his offence immediately after having committed it but rather only after having been placed under investigation during the ecclesiastical act of paviirar:zii.

In other passages of the Suttavibhanga the term niisanii instead of piiriijika is used. Some of these references are to be found in the casuistry of Piiriijika 1 of the Bhikkhuvibhanga, that is, the rule prescribing celibacy. There the following cases are mentioned (Vin III 33.24-28): A monk, who is guilty of having raped a sleeping co-mon1e or novice, should be expelled (niisetabbo). In the event that the victim wakes up and consents to the behaviour of the monk, both participants have to be expelled (niisetabbii). The same rule applies in the case of a novice raping a sleeping monk or fellow-novice (Vin III 33.28-31), and in the case of a monk who is forced to rape a nun, a female probationer (sikkhamiinii), or a female novice (Vin III 39.37 -40.6): Both partic­ipants are found not guilty if they do not consent, but otherwise have to be expelled (niisetabbii). The same goes for a monk who is forced to rape a lay-woman, a homosexual9, or another monk (Vin III 40.5-13).

7. On this ecclesiastical act see Jin-II CHUNG, PraviiralJiivastu im Vinayavastu der Miilasarviistiviidin, G6ttingen, 1997 (SWTF, Beiheft 7) (in press).

8. There is at least one instance of a physical expUlsion of a monk found to be not "pure" (Vin II 237.8-10: atha kho Mahiimoggalliino ta/!l puggaZa/!l biihiiya/!l gahetvii bahi dviirakotthakii nikkhiimetvii sucighatika/!l datvii ... ).

9. For an interpretation of the term pal;.ljaka see Leonard ZWILLING, "Homo­sexuality as Seen in Indian Buddhist Texts", Buddhism, Sexuality, and Gender, ed. Jose Ignacio CABEZ6N, Albany, 1992 (Bibliotheca Indo-Buddhica Series, 113), pp. 203-214.

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In all these cases the tenn pariijika is not applied even though the respective offenders are apparently guilty of a parajika offence. It may be that in the Vinaya for these instances the tenn nasetabba is used instead of parajika, once again because an expulsion perforrried by the Sarp.gha is thought necessary. 10

Another instance of rape is mentioned in the introductory story of the rule Sarrzghadisesa 8 in the Bhikkhuvibhmiga: Two monks feel that they have been treated unfairly by the monk Dabba. Therefore, they persuade the nun Mettiya to accuse Dabba of having raped her in order to have Dabba expelled (nasapeyya; Vin III 162.14-27).11 Thus this passage also pertains to the instances of the casuistry of Parajika 1 mentioned above. It is quite possible that the two malicious monks aimed to have Dabba expelled by the Sarp.gha, as implied by the application of the verb nasapeyya. However, according to the story, the Buddha asked Dabba whether the nun's accusations were true (Vin III 162.30-31), and the patimokkha rule views the case as an example of a consciously false accusation of a parajika offence (Vin III 163.22**).12 Since Dabba pleaded innocent to having raped Mettiya, the Buddha ordered Mettiya to be expelled (Vin III 1(52.38-163.1: tena hi bhikkhave Mettiyarrz bhikkhunirrz nasetha).13 This procedure, however, is not based on any fixed rule of the Vinaya, since until then there existed no regulation prohibiting monks or nuns from accusing another of having committed a parajika offence. In the Vinaya a person having caused the formulation

10. This could be the case because a rape is viewed as a very grave transgression of both Buddhist monastic and Brahmanicallaw. Rape in the Vinaya, particularly the rape of a nun, is frequently mentioned as one of the most serious infringements of BudQhist monastic law (cf. Vin 185.24; 89.2-3 and 11-12; 121. 7; 135.3; 168.10;" 320.13 etc.); for some examples in the Brahmanicallaw see Ganganatha JRA, Hindu Law in its Sources, Vol. I, Allahabad, 1930, pp. 481-484.

11. In the Cullavagga (Vin II 74.24 -79.37) the introductory story of Sal!lghiidisesa 8 is repeated almost word for word. Here Mettiya is also expelled, and the story introduces the ecclesiastical act of the giving of a sativinaya, "a verdict of innocence" (Vin II 79.37 - 80.31). By means of this ecclesiastical act it is officially agreed that the Sarp.gha trusts the accused person (cf. N OLOT, SVTT II, pp.99, 109).

12. However, the focus of this rule is not on the behaviour of the nun Mettiya but on the behaviour of the monks who caused Mettiya to utter the wrong accusation.

l3. Vin III 162.38 - 163. 3. After that the malicious monks were remorseful and begged the other monks not to expel Mettiya for she had not committed any offence (Vin III 163. 3-6).

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of a patimokkha rule is exempted from any punishment, since Buddhist monastic law is a case-law following the principle nulla poena sine lege. 14 In any case, even if Mettiya had been found guilty of an offence, she would have had to undergo the punishment for a sarrzghadisesa offence, that is a 14 days probation (manatta)15, rather than an expulsion from the order, as was the case according to the introductory story of Saf!lghadisesa 8. Until this point in the text the only cause fcir the appli­cation of nasana mentioned in the Vinaya is rape or the concealment of a parajika offence. However in this case, Mettiya neither concealed a parajika offence nor did she rape anybody, but rather accused another of having raped her. Therefore, her expulsion must be regarded as an exception, made possible through the personal intervention of the Buddha.l 6 In addition, it is worth noting that according to the introduc­tory story and the patimokkha rule it was not Mettiya's behaviour which gave rise to the formulation of the rule but rather the behaviour of the two monks who caused Mettiya to make the unfounded accusation.17 In any case, in this passage the term nasana is not used as a technical term of Buddhist monastic law. The same holds true for one passage of the Suttapitaka, namely an account in the Karm:ujavasutta of the Metta­vagga in the Anguttaranikaya. Here a monk accused of having com­mitted an offence changes the subject and talks about other things (AN IV 168.24-27). This leads the Buddha himself to demand his expulsion (AN IV 169.1-2: dhamath' ... niddhamath' ... , AN IV 169.10: tam enarrz ... bahiddhii nasenti). This procedure is not based on any fixed rule of the Vinaya but, on the contrary, contradicts the regulations of Buddhist monastic law: According to Facittiya 12 of the Bhikkhu­vibhanga the evasion of an accusation is a pacittiya offence, the conse-

14. Cf. VON HINUBER, "Buddhist Law", p. 7; cf. Hellmuth HECKER, "Allgemeine Rechtsgrunds1itze in der buddhistischen Ordensverfassung (Vinaya)", Verfassung und Recht in Ubersee 10/1, ed. Herbert KRUGER (1977), pp. 89-115; p.96.

15. For mlinatta see NOLOT, SVTT III, pp. 117-122.

16. Thus this reference does not confirm C. S. UPASAK's opinion that niisanii generally is applied as a term for the expulsion of nuns (Dictionary of Early Buddhist Monastic Terms [Based on Pali Literature], Varanasi 1975; S.v. Nasana).

17. This issue is extensively discussed in the commentary and is dealt with again here below (p. 103).

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quence of which is confession but not expulsion. IS Thus it is possible that the introductory story. of SaT(lghadisesa 8 and the just mentioned account in the Suttapitaka belong to the eldest stratum of the canonical texts, being fonnulated before the tenn nasana was used with 'a "juridi­cal" meaning.

In another passage of the Mahavagga the tenn nasana is applied for the expulsion of fully ordained members of the order (Vin I 85,27-90.9). There it is stated that certain individuals are not entitled to full ordination (upasampada) and, if ordination already has been bestowed on them, they have to be expelled (nasetabbo). The eleven types of indi­viduals concerned apparently did not receive upasampada legitimately, having committed a grave offence in the time of household-life, or simply because they were considered physically unfit for full member­ship in the order. 19 The individuals concerned include homosexuals (palJfjaka; Yin I 86.7-9)20, fake monks, persons converted to another

18. On the other hand, this account in the Anguttaranikaya may well have served as a basis for Piicittiya 12 of the Bhikkhuvibhanga (Vin IV 36.37**). According to the introductory story of this rule a monk also evaded an accusation (Vin IV 35.26-29). Since the Manorathapurm:zi (Mp IV 74.11-13), the commentary on the Anguttaranikiiya, links the canonical passage commented upon with an ecclesiastical act introduced and described in the Cullavagga (Vin II 101.4-102.10: tassapiipiyyasikiikamma) by rendering "he evades" (annen' annal'!1 paticarati) with "he conceals (his offence)" (paticchiideti), this passage of the Cullavagga may also have been inspired by the above-mentioned passage of the Anguttaranikiiya. For some more examples of passages of the Suttapitaka which contain rather old Vinaya material, cf. VON HINVBER, Handbook, §§ 67, 74, 80; cf. the references given in VON HINOBER, "Buddhist Law", note 5.

19. One p~ssage in the Pariviira (Vin V 140.14-15) refers to this passage in the Mahiivagga without adding anything new. According to the Samantapasiidikii (Sp 1391. 26-27) in another passage of the Pariviira (Vin V 216.32) the term niisita refers to the eleven types of individuals mentioned above as well.

20. The Vajirabuddhitikii (Vjb 114.24 -115. 31) provides several additional explanations of the casuistry of Piiriijika 1 of the Bhikkhuvibhanga. In the canonical text a monk or a nun changes sex. The Vajirabuddhitikii has a discussion about what age the individuals received full ordination, since married women are allowed to enter the order at the age of twelve, whereas men can only receive full ordination at the age of twenty. It is explicitly stated in this passage of the subcommentaries that during the sex change process the individuals are not considered to be pm:zq.akas (in this case pm:zq.aka probably means "without outer signs of sex") and thus do not have to be expelled because ofVin 185.27 - 86. 9 (Vjb 115, 10-12; cf. Sp-t III 256.19-22).

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religion (theyyasal!lviisaka, titthiyapakkantaka; Yin I 86.31-35)21, animals (tiracchiinagata; Yin 188.1-3), matricides (miitughiitaka; Yin I 88.20-21), patricides (pitughiitaka; Yin I 88.24-26), those who have killed an Arhat (arahantaghiitaka; Yin 189.4-6), raped a nun, or caused a split within the order, as well as persons who have caused bloodshed (bhikkhunidusaka, sal!lghabhedaka, lohituppiidaka; Yin 189.11-16)22, and hermaphrodites (ubhatovjafijanaka; Yin 189.19-21). Although these persons committed no offence during monkhood, the expulsion niisanii has to be performed by the Sal11gha, since it was the Sal11gha which acted improperly (though unknowingly) by bestowing ordination in these cases. Therefore the Sal11gha is forced to restore a lawful state by explicitly cancelling the ecclesiastical act of ordination. In the Pariviira one additional piece of information referring to the expUlsion of these eleven persons is provided: The ecclesiastical act of ordination in these cases is referred to as vatthuvipatti, i.e. "defect in material" (Vin V 222.6-14: ... vatthuvipannal!l adhammakamma1!1 ... ). This is confirmed by the commentary upon the Piitimokkha, the KankhiivitaralJl, stating that these eleven cases are avatthukii, meaning that they are "not potential material" for an ordination procedure (Kkh 17.27-29 and 19.3-5). Therefore, if the ordination ceremony (upasampadiikamma) has indeed been performed not withstanding the avatthuka status of these persons, then the ecclesiastical act itself is considered invalid and has to be openly annulled by the Sal11gha.

Unlike the monks novices are not subject to Buddhist monastic discipline, but have to observe ten specified rules. The expulsion of novices is also called niisanii in the Vinaya. According to Piicittiya 70 of the Bhikkhuvibhanga (Vin IV 139.18**-34**) a novice (samalJuddesa) who upholds a view specified as false about the utterances of the Buddha has to be expelled (Vin IV 139.32**: ... tathii niisital!l samalJuddesal!l). This is the only passage describing the actual procedure of niisanii in the Vinaya. 23 If a novice ignores one admonition he is to be sent away with

21. According to the Samantapasadika (Sp 1017.10-12) a theyyasa/!lvasaka may not obtain even a lower ordination (pabbajja).

22. With regard to the individuals who have caused a split within the order and the ones who have converted to another religion, the refusal to ordain clearly refers to their second ordination, since they have both previously been members of the order.

23. This procedure is described in the introductory story, in the rule, and in the canonical commentary (padabhajaniya) of pacittiya 70 (Vin IV 138.32 - 139.4).

.nABS 20.2 100

the following words: "From this day onwards, dear friend Samal;mddesa, this Lord is not to be viewed as your teacher anymore; the privileges given to other Samal).uddesas, namely sleeping two or three nights in one room with the monks, these are not (given) to you anymore; go, leave!" This suggests that the expulsion of novices is not an ecclesiastical act but rather an informal - though to some extent formalized - request made to the novice. In addition we know from the anapatti formula that this expulsion can later be amended (Vin IV 140.30-31).24 According to the rule's introductory story, the novice Kal).taka advocated the false view given in the rule itself (Vin IV 138.20-24). There his misconduct is referred to as "slandering" of the Lord (rna bhagavantarrz abbhacikkhi, na hi sadhu bhagavato abbhakkhiinarrz; cf. Vin IV 134.14-15). According to the Cullavagga (Vin II 25.10-27.18) similar behaviour by a monk leads to his suspension (ukkhepana)25, whereas in the case of a novice expulsion (nasana) is called for. This mutual proximity of suspension (ukkhepana) of a fully ordained member of the order and expulsion (nasana) of a novice is implied in one passage of the Parivara as well (Vin V 115.23-24).

The misbehaviour of the novice Kal).taka, however, is one of the ten general reasons for nasana for novices. These ten reasons are listed in the Mahavagga (Vin 185.19-26):26

I prescribe, monks, the expelling of a novice possessing the following ten characteristics: Ifhe destroys living beings, takes things not given, adheres to an impure moral code, if he lies, drinks alcoholic drinks, speaks ill of the Buddha, speaks ill of the Sarp.gha, speaks ill of the Dhamma, holds false views, or is a rapist of nuns.

Five of these ten characteristics are in violation of the first five of the ten training rules set forth for novices27 and the remaining five are other

24. The focus of the rule Piicittiya 70 is, of course, on the behaviour of the monks, who are not allowed to keep regular contact with a Sam~uddesa expelled in this manner.

25. In Piicittiya 68 of the Bhikkhuvibhanga the same behaviour as K~taka's is attributed to the monk Arirtha. There it results in a piicittiya offence. However, the introductory story of Piicittiya 68 (Vin IV 133.32 - 135.5) is repeated word for word in the Cullavagga (Vin II 25.10 - 26.33). There the suspension (ukkhepanii) of the monk Arittha who did not give up his false view is described.

26. Pariviira VI.10 (Vin V 138.16-17) refers to this passage without making any additions.

27. Consequently it is stated in the Samantapiisiidikii that the violation of the first five training rules is punished by niisanii. To complement the content of the

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examples of incorrect behaviour. The expulsion of the novice KaI).taka in Piicittiya 70 fits into either the sixth or the ninth of these ten situations. KaI).taka either "speaks ill of the Buddha" (buddhassa aVaTJ-l'JalJ1 bhiisati) or could be said to "hold a false view" (micchiiditthiko), as can be seen from the introductory story of Piicittiya 70 (see above). Additionally, one can conjecture from the aniipatti-formula of Piicittiya 70 that the expulsion of novices in any of these cases can later be amended.

In the canonical references discussed above three concepts of the use of the term niisanii can be distinguished. Firstly, Mettiya and the monle in the Anguttaranikiiya are expelled not because of any violation of a piitimokkha rule but because of the personal intervention of the Buddha. Secondly, as a technical term of Buddhist monastic law as laid down in the Vinayapitaka, niisanii stands for the expulsion of a member of the order performed by the SaIp.gha. This expulsion seems to be irreversible, since with regard to monks and nuns it is frequently applied in the case of a piiriijika offence.28 In these cases niisanii is used either because the committed offence is considered to be a very grave one (rape), or because the respective person did not admit to his offence immediately after having committed it, but rather only after a certain period of concealment, as illustrated by Piiriijika 2 ofthe Bhikkhunivibhanga and by the expulsion of a monk during the ecclesiastical act of paviiral'Jii.29

canonical text the same commentary info=s us that the violation of rules 6-10 of the S1imal).eras' is to be punished by a dalJrjakamma (Sp 1012.32 -1013.1 and 1015.2-4; cf. Sp-t III 255. 8-9).

28. On the other hand, one passage found in the Pariviira fails to conform the supposition that niisanii in the Vinaya generally refers to the Sarp.gha's expulsion of a monk or nun who has committed a piiriijika offence. In Vin V 137. 5-7 niisanii is used only with regard to the eighth piiriijika rule for nuns, but not with regard to any of the other seven piiriijikas. It is unclear why the te= niisanii is employed in only this instance.

29. In addition to the info=ation gathered from the canonical text, the commentaries Samantapiisiidikii and Sumangalaviliisinf also mention niisanii in connection with a previous concealment of a piiriijika offence, while commenting upon the potential ways of settling the four kinds of "legal matters" (adhikaralJa). In the Cullavagga (Vin II 101.4 - 102. 10) a monk is accused of having committed a weighty offence, that is to say, a piiriijika or another, "similar offence" (Vin II 10 l. 8-11; according to Samantapiisiidikii ESp 1199. 1-3] this means a dukka!a or thullaccaya, according to the Papaficasudanf [Ps IV 48.3-10] piiriijika­siimantaf!1 here is a "heavy offence", that is a Sarp.ghadisesa). The accused monk pretends for a while not to recall the particular incident referred to, after which he then admits to having committed another, less significant offence (appamattikaf!1

.JIABS 20.2 102

Additionally, in the Vinayapitaka niisana is applied for the expulsion of persons who should not have received full ordination at all. In this 'case it was the Sarp.gha's mistake to bestow ordination on the unsuitable individuals. For this reason the Sarp.gha is forced to act by revoking the ecclesiastical act by the expulsion niisanii. Thirdly, niisanii is applied to the expulsion of novices, which may become necessary because of the ten reasons listed in the Mahiivagga. One of these reasons is referred to in a piitimokkha rule (Piicittiya 70). This specific expulsion of novices evidently corresponds to the temporary suspension (ukkhepanii) of monks and may be cancelled.

The only canonical trace of a more explicit classification of the application of the term niisanii is to be found in the Pariviira, the most recent section of the Vinayapitaka. There "three expelled (persons)" (niisitakii taya; Vin V 211.13-17) are mentioned. This specific tripar­tition marks the transition to the much more elaborate definition as formulated in the commentaries. The commentary Samantapiisiidikii, which was compiled more than half a millenium after the completion of the Vinayapitaka, comments upon this passage of the Pariviira (Sp 1383.36-1384.4). There a short explanation is given, and a more detailed definition in an earlier passage of the same commentary is referred to. There (Sp 582.19-26), in the commentary on the intro­ductory story of Salflghadisesa 8 mentioned above, the tripartition of niisanii is explained in detail:

There are three (kinds of) nasana: iiJiganasana, saf!lvasanasana and dal}¢a­kammanasana. Of these 'A rapist has to be expelled' is a linganasana. If

apattif!l), before finally pleading guilty to the offence he is actually accused of. In such a case the ecclesiastical act known as tassapapiyyasika-kamma is applied, whereby the accused monk is deprived of some of his rights until his rehabilitation (see NOLOT, SVTT II, p. 110). In the commentary on this passage of the Cullavagga in the Samantapasadika the term nasana is used: The accused monk evades the accusation because he fears expulsion (nasana) once having admitted to the offence (Sp 1199.6-7). Similar explanations are to be found in the Sumangalavilasini, in the commentary on the Sangitisutta in the Dighanikaya (DN III 254. 10-18). The canonical text commented upon briefly mentions the same situation as described in the Cullavagga. According to the Sumangala­vilasini, the accused monk will be expelled ifhe has committed a parajika offence (ayaf!l ev' assa nasana bhavissatf ti). Ifhe has committed a less serious offence, the so-called tassapapiyyasikakamma is performed and he can, after a period of good behaviour, regain his status as a regular monk (Sv III 1042.20-24). Evidently the expulsion following the concealment of a parajika offence in these cases is referred to by the term nasana.

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(monks) perform an ecclesiastical act of suspension (ukkhepaniyakamma) because of the non-recognition of or the not making amends for an offence or because of the not giving up ofa wrong view, it is a sal?1viisaniisanii. If (monks) perform an ecclesiastical act of punishment (da1}r;lakamma) (by saying): 'Go, leave!', that is a da1}r;lakammaniisanii. In this case, however, with reference to liflganiis~nii, the wording is: 'Expel the nun Mettiya!'

Following this definition a controversy between the Abhayagirivasins and the Mahaviharavasins is reported in the Samantapaslidika.30 This controversy evidently is the result of the Samantapiisiidikii's inter­pretation of an earlier passage in the Vinaya containing the term niisanii. In the commentary on the casuistry of Piiriijika 1, which demands expulsion (niisanii) for a rapist (dusaka) (see above, p. 95), the Samanta­piisadikii seems to be in need of an explanation as to why in this case the culprit is expelled by niisanii. The commentary thus claims that no evidence from the side of the culprit is necessary in case of rape. A rapist (dusaka) is thus expelled without having given his own view (Sp 269.9-12):3 1

'Both have to be expelled' is: both have to be expelled by a liflganiisanii. In this case no evidence from the rapist is required. The victim has to be expelled ifhe­after having been asked - gave evidence (that he consented to the rape). Ifhe did not consent, (the victim) does not have to be expelled. The same goes for a SiimaIJ.era.32

The controversy between Abhayagirivasins and Mahaviharavasins now focuses on the question of what the actual reason was for the expulsion ofMettiya. Oskar VON HINUBER ("Buddhist Law", p. 37) states "in the commentary the problem is discussed at some length, whether the nun

30. Oskar VON HINOBER ("Buddhist Law", pp. 37f.) emphazises the importance of this passage, since this is the only instance in the Vinayapitaka where two existing versions of the Vinaya are given.

31. This is in contradiction with the statement of the Samantapiisiidikii as to why the Buddha asked Dabba, whether the nun Mettiya's accusation was true (Sp 581. 15-19): "[The Buddha said to Dabba:] 'Ifit is done by you, (say) 'It is done' means: what does he show by this (word)? He shows that (the accused person) has to speak out himself whether or not he has done it, since it is not possible using the (monks') assembly's authority or favouritism to find a person, who is in fact innocent, to be guilty or vice versa.'" Cf. also Sp 582. 16-19: "'For this reason, monks, expel the nun Mettiya!' means: the words of Dabba and (the words of) the (nun) do not conform. Therefore it is said: 'Expel the nun Mettiya!'"

32. This last statement probably refers to the tenth of the ten reasons for niisanii of a novice, which are listed in the Mahiivagga (see above, p. 100).

JIABS 20.2 104

was expelled with the consent (pa[ifiiiiiya) of Dabba Mallaputta or not". According to th~ SiiratthadipanP3 pa{ififiiiya apparently does not mean "having consented" but rather "having given her view", which refers to Mettiya. Thus the discussion of the two factions in the Samantapiisiidikii is about whether the expulsion of Mettiya was because of her (false) statement (Abhayagiri view) or for another reason (Mahavihiira view).34

The Samantapiisiidikii enlightens us that an expert then intervened who decided that the Mahaviharavasins were right (Sp 583.14-15)35. How­ever, even then it remained unclear which offence Mettiya was accused of. This question is extensively discussed in the subsequent passage of the Samantapiisiidikii. There it is stated that Mettiya did not commit a sa1?1ghiidisesa offence since the rule Sa1?1ghiidisesa 8 of the Bhikkhu­vibhanga applies only to nuns with respect to other nuns or to monks with respect to other monks, but not to nuns with respect to monks (Sp 583.15-17 and 28; Sp 584.3-5).36 This suggests that Mettiya had com-

33. Sp-t II 346.8-11: ayyenamhi dfisitiiti patiiiiiiitattii tiiya patiiiiiiiya yadi niisitii thero kiirako hoti saddoso ti attho. akiirako hotlfi tiiya katapatiiiiial!l anapekkhi­tvii yadi bhagavatii pakatidusslZabhiival!l yeva sandhiiya sii niisitii thero akiirako hotlfi adhippiiyo.

34. It is not doubted at all that she had made this statement: Yin III 162.21-22 and 27: ayyena 'mhi Dabbena Mallaputtena dfisitii 'ti. In the above-mentioned commentary in the Samantapiisiidikii and the subcommentary on this passage it is not clear what person thero stands for, and what action is referred to by kiirako. If thera refers to Dabba, then kiiraka means that he was thought to actually have raped Mettiya. This is not true, as we lmow from the introductory story of Sal!lghiidisesa 8. Additionally, if Dabba was a rapist - why should Mettiya have been expelled because of her accusation? Therefore it is quite probable that kiirako thero stands for the monk who performed the expulsion of nun Mettiya. If he did so because Mettiya had made her (false) statement, then he evidently doubt€d the truthfulness of her evidence. However, a rape is believed to have ac­tually happened as soon as a person claims to have been raped (Vmv I 282. 1-2). Therefore, if the monk in spite ofMettiya's evidence performed her expulsion, then he is a kiirako thero and is said to be "with fault" (sadosa). If, on the other hand, the monk entrusted with Mettiya's expulsion expelled her for another reason, then he is thought to be not instrumental in the performance of the wrong punishment (akiirako thero) and is consequently "without faulf' (niddosa).

35. Cf. Sp 584.5-9; cf. Vmv 1282.9-10; cf. Sp-t II 346. 8-13.

36. See also Sp-t II 346.21 and Sp-t II 347.2-3. Additionally, according to the Cullavagga (Vin II 276.9-18) a monk may not be accused by a nun. For the difficulty of applying to nuns the rules given only in the Bhikkhuvibhanga, see Ute HDSKEN, Die Regeln fur die buddhistische Nonnengemeinde im Vinaya-

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mitted either a dukkata or a piicittiya. However, the outcome of both offences is not the expulsion of the culprit but a simple confession (Sp 584.5-7).37 The commentator solves this discrepancy by stating that

. Mettiya herself was aware of her bad conduct and was because of this expelled by.the Buddha (Sp 584.7-9). However, we have to remember the fact that there is no hint of Mettiya's self-awareness in the Vinaya. This explanation thus seems to be a provisional solution by the author of the Samantapiisiidikii, who otherwise would have had to admit that the Buddha ordered the monks to act against the Vinaya.

The dusaka inPiiriijika 1 (Bhikkhuvibhanga) and Mettiya are expelled by a linganiisanii according to the passages of the Samantapiisiidikii discussed above. The same source provides the additional information that the actual expulsion of the nun Mettiya involves her disrobing (Sp 584.11-13)38. Disrobing is therefore called linganiisanii. Since the expulsion of fully ordained persons is called linganiisanii also in the cases of the monk admitting during paviira1',lii to having committed a piiriijika offence (see above, p.94; Sp 1078.9), and in the case of the erroneously ordained eleven kinds of individuals in the Mahiivagga (see above, p. 98; Sp 1016.15-16), it is probably, in each of these cases, also performed by disrobing the guilty party. In all these instances the expulsion seems to pe irreversible.

Once again, as in the commentary on Sarrzghiidisesa 8, in the commentary on the passage of the piitimokkha about the expulsion of the novice K~taka (Piicittiya 70, see above, p.99) the "three kinds of niisanii" are listed in the Samantapiisiidika (Sp 870.34- 871.6):39

"Expel him" means: here we are faced with a threefold niisanii: sa1!lviisaniisanii, lifzganiisanii and da1;uJakammaniisanii. Thus the suspension because of the refusal to see an offence etc. is called sa1!lviisaniisanii. "A rapist has to be expelled" (and) ''Expel nun Mettiyii!" is called lifzganiisanii. "From this day on, Venerable Samat).uddesa, this Lord is not to be perceived as your teacher anymore!", this is darpJakammaniisanii: this is valid here. Therefore he said: "And thus, monks, he should be expelled: ' ... leave!'"

Pitaka der Theraviidin (Monographien zur Indischen Archiiologie, Kunst und Philologie, 11), in press, § l.1.1.

37. Cf. Sp-t 11 347. 11-13 andVjb 196.15-17. 38. See also Sp 59l. 26; 592. 1; and Sp-t II 345.27: "'Expel her' means: give her

white clothes and reduce her to lay status."

39. Cf. Kkh 127.39 - 128.6.

JIABS 20.2 106

It follows, according to this interpretation, that the expulsion of KaIftaka in Piicittiya 70 i~ a dal!4akammaniisanii. According to the information of the canonical text (see above, p.99) the novice is sent away and is thus excluded from membership in the order, since he may no longer view the Buddha as his teacher. However, he may later regain his status as a nOVIce.

Contrary to the Samantapiisiidikii, in the Vinaya the term dal!4a­kammaniisanii is unknown, but dal!4akamma and niisanii are treated in different sections of Mahiivagga and Cullavagga. An ecclesiastical act of punishment (dal!4akamma) can be perforined by monks or nuns. The Vinaya gives accounts of dal!4akammas being performed by monks regarding novices or nuns, and by nuns regarding monks, but not by monks regarding monks or by nuns regarding nuns. In the Mahiivagga (Vin I 84.11-15) five particular situations are enumerated which result in the performance of a dal!4akamma by monks with respect to novices. The result of this dal!4akamma is not preordained. The severity of the punishment is, to a large extent, determined by the particular monks performing the dal!4akamma. However, according to the Mahiivagga (Vin I 84.22-25) the punishment may not include prohibiting entry into the whole area of an Ariima (Vin I 84.15-25).40

The outcome of niisanii for novices is not defined in the Vinaya, but is discussed in the Samantapiisiidikii (Sp 1014.8-12; cf. Sp-t III 255.6-7). There the expulsion of a novice due to any of the ten characteristics listed in Vin I 85.19-26 is called liliganiisanii. That means that his "taking of refuge", his choice of a preceptor (upajjhiiya), and his right to occupy a lodging no longer has any relevance for him. For the time being only "the outer sign" (linga) is retained by him. If in future he does not conform to correct conduct he should then definitely be excluded (Sp 1014.16-19; cf. Sp-t III 256.3-5). If, however, he recog­nizes his mistake, the offence is not within the scope of linganiisanii and the guilty novice can reestablish integration within the order (Sp 1014.19-30). At the same time, it is certain that the conscious trans­gression of anyone of the first five of the rules of SiimaI).eras is tantamount to a piiriijika for the monks (Sp 1014.30-1015.2). In the Samantapiisiidikii a passage of the Kurundi is cited. This source informs

40. The introductory sentences state that SamaJ;leras, who were prohibited from entering an Arama, departed, left the order, and converted to other religious groups (Vin 184.19-21).

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us that.if a novice transgresses the rules 6-9 mentioned in the niisanii chapter of the Mahiivagga, he will be expelled "in the same way as Ka!).taka" in Piicittiya 70, that is, by means of a dalJrjakammaniisanii (Sp 1015.7-15),41 only after he is admonished up to three times. On the other hand, according to the Mahii-atthakathii and the Samantapiisiidikii, even a successful admonition and the subsequent admission of the offence fail to release the novice from a dalJrjakamma. At the same time, an unsuccessful admonition definitely results in a linganiisanii (Sp 1015.15-20),42 whereas a novice who has raped a nun can never receive lower ordination (pabbajjii) again, even if he should promise to refrain from such behaviour in future (Sp 1015.23-29).

Thus, although dalJrjakamma and niisanii in the Vinaya itself differ considerably, the author of the Samantapiisiidikii links both terms by distinguishing between different kinds of niisanii to be applied to novices. Moreover, in the Samantapiisiidikii it is stated that on occasion monks performed dalJrjakammas with regard to novices with a view to preventing them from being expelled or from leaving the order (Sp 1013.23-27). These explanations are evidently an attempt to differen­tiate the general term niisanii. The variation between dalJrjakamma­niisanii and linganiisanii in the case of novices may have become necessary once the ten reasons for niisanii listed in Vin I 85.19-26 were seen to have various degrees of seriousness. Despite the fact that each case concerns niisanii, only an infringement of the first five training rules of the Sama!).eras, which is not later regretted, leads to the expul­sion known as linganiisanii, the result of which appears irreversible. However, only after three unsuccessful admonitions does the violation of rules 6-9 lead to the expulsion of a novice known as dalJrjakamma­niisanii, which can be cancelled, as noted above.43

41. It is interesting that in the Vinaya only one admonition of KaI).taka is mentioned, although the procedure of a threefold admonition is well known in the patimokkha, as we can see from the yavatatiyaka sal?1ghiidisesa rules.

42. A similar description is given in the Kankhiivitarm;lporalJa{ika (Kkh-pt 100. 16 -1 01. 2; see also Sp-t II 345. 30 - 346. 1).

43. Both execution and reversal of daIJejakammanasana are described at length in the Samantapasadikii. However, there the expUlsion is known as nissaraIJa (Sp 1402.22-28; cf. Kkh 131. 31-33), although the wording of the formula suggests that Pacittiya 70 and Vin 185.19-26 (reasons 6-9) are being referred to (Sp 1402.28-35). The reversal of the measure is known as osaraIJa (Sp 1403.3-13; cf. Kkh 131.33-34). According to the same text expulsion as well as revocation are ecclesiastical acts (apalokanakamma; Sp 1402.22-28 and 1403.3-13).

JIABS 20.2 108

The last of the three types of nasana frequently mentioned in the Samantapasadika is the sarrzvasanasana, which is not described in the Vinaya. Sarrzvasa in the Vinaya is a general term encompassing all the rights and duties of a monk or nun within their respective community.44 The term is consistently defined in the Vinaya as ekakammarrz ekuddeso samasikkhata, "one common ecclesiastical act, a common recitation, and one and the same training" (e.g. Vin IV 214.31-33).45 Even in the Vinaya the term sarrzvasa is qualified more specifically: asarrzvasa means "without (any) communion", samanasarrzvasaka means "belonging to the same communion", and nanasal'!lvasaka means "belonging to a different communion". As mentioned in the beginning of this paper, the term "without (any) communion" (asarrzvasa) refers to a monk or nun who has transgressed one of the parajika rules. The offender has lost his status as member of the Buddhist order and may never be ordained again. According to the Mahavagga (Vin I 339.6-340.38) a suspended monk (ukkhitta bhikkhu) is not excluded from membership in the Buddhist order as a whole, but no longer belongs to the same commu­nion (samanasarrzvasaka) as the suspending monks (ukkhepaka bhikkhu). He is not prevented from founding or attaching himself to another communion. Therefore he is called "belonging to another communion" (nanasaf!lvasaka).

In the Samantapasadika, sarrzvasanasana is defined concisely as the suspension of a monk due to the refusal to see or for not making amends for an offence, or because of the refusal to give up a false view (Sp

V AJIRANAr:,A v ARORASA views the expulsion of novices in a different way. Accora{ng to him it is stated in the Atthakathiis that a novice's rights and privileges are lost completely, leaving only the status (Entrance III, p.243). However, he does not tell us to what extent and in what respect the status is retained. In his opinion the niisanii mentioned with regard to the Samal)era Kal)taka implies that the status is not in fact relinquished but instead that the culprit is simply excluded from the iiviisa. Because of this, he renames this particular expulsion sarrtbhoga-niisanii, "depriving of sharing", a term not to be found in the Vinaya or even in the commentaries.

44. This definition only touches on the relationship between monks and monks or between nuns and nuns. Consequently, novices in this legal sense are not "in communion" with anyone.

45. Sarrtviisaniisanii in the Siiratthadfpanfis explicitly defined with reference to this definition in the Vinaya (Sp-t II 345. 29-30).

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582.21~23; Sp 870.36-871.1).46 This definition implies that saY(lviisa­niisanii generally means "expulsion from the (same) communion" (* samiinasaY(lviisaniisanii). However, as noted above, niisanii may refer to monks who have broken a piiriijika rule, who have concealed the offence, but who in the end have admitted to the transgression. In cases of saY(lviisaniisanii one could therefore think of a monk who has broken a piiriijika rule but who does not wish to recognize his offence and, consequently, who does not wish to leave the order. The only means of getting rid of such a monk mentioned in the Vinaya to my knowledge is the performance of the ecclesiastical act of suspension (ukkhepaniya­kamma). It is quite possible that this particular case is called saY(lviisa­niisanii, too. SaY(lviisaniisanii may thus implicitly include the suspension of a member of the order who has committed a piiriijika but does not wish to admit to his wrongdoing. Thus two types of suspension, which are similar in procedure but different in effect are called saY(lviisa­niisanii: A monk, who has committed either a saY(lghiidisesa or a lesser offence, can be restored once he submits to the decision of the Sarp.gha regarding his offence. However, a suspension due to the non-acknowl­edgement of a piiriijika offence does not include the possibility of restoration.47

46. However, despite the fact that the commentary on two passages in the Pariviira (Vin V 115.23-24 and 211. 14-17) mentions only Mettiya, the dusaka, and the novice KaI).taka, all three kinds of niisanii are listed (Sp 1320.31-34 and Sp 1383. 36 -13 84.4). The common connection of sarrzviisa-niisanii and suspension is thus missing in these instances. These two passages may be considered as evidence of multiple authorship of the Samantapiisiidikii, as suggested by VON

HlNOBER, Handbook, § 220.

47. Prompted by the fact that the restitution of a suspended (ukkhitta) monk is generally possible, V AJIRAN~A VARORASA states that sarrzviisa-niisanii is an inaccurate term used in the Atthakathiis (Entrance III, pp. 243.245). On the other hand, he claims that a monk who commits a piiriijika (antimavatthu) and who does not leave the order, is then excluded by sarrzviisa-niisanii: "the Sarpgha prohibits sarrzviisa absolutely and does not receive him again." According to him, there is no example to be found in the texts even though this is the way such cases are dealt with on a practical level up to the present day. He apparently overlooked the link of the above-mentioned particular ecclesiastical act of suspension (ukkhepaniyakamma) because of the non-admission of a piiriijika offence with the "absolute prohibition of sarrzviisa".

nABS 20.2 110

In conclusion, it is possible to summarize the application of the term niisanii and to trace the development of the use of this term and its derivations in the Vinaya and in the commentarial literature. The combined texts referred to above suggest the following historical devel­opment. In the Kiiral}rjavasutta in the Anguttaranikiiya and in the intro­ductory story of Sarrzghiidisesa 8 the term niisanii is a very general term for "expulsion". As the juridical terminology in the Vinaya developed, a distinction between piiriijika and niisanii was made, niisanii then desig­nated the expulsion to be performed by the Sa~gha. The circumstances under which such an expulsion was thought to be necessary vary considerably: For example due to an invalid ordination, initial conceal­ment of a piiriijika, or committing a serious offence such as rape. Additionally, the expulsion of novices is also called niisanii.

The Pariviira contains the first indication of a classification into three different types of niisanii. This categorization, however, is elaborate only in the commentaries, which were compiled more than a half millenium later.48 There we find the terminological distinction of three kinds of niisanii. Linganiisanii here is the name for the irreversible expulsion of monk, nun, or novice. Dal}rjakammaniisanii entails a less harsh type of expulsion of novices since it can later be revoked. This expulsion equates to sarrzviisaniisanii for monks, since sarrzviisaniisanii determines the suspension of individuals who until their restoration are not allowed to live in the same communion (samiinasarrzviisa) with the suspending monks. Additionally, sarrzviisaniisanii probably designates the special case of the suspension of a monk due to non-recognition of his piiriijika offence. In this case no restoration is possible.

48. Similar observations could be made by Oskar VON HINUBER regarding the treatment of the samutthanas of the different offences of the Piitimokkha ("The arising of an offence: iipattisamutthiina. A note on the structure and history of the Theravada-Vinaya", Journal of the Pali Text Society 16 [1992], pp. 55-69; pp. 58f., 61, 68).

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Abbreviations:

AN = Aizguttaranikiiya, ed. R. MORRls, E. HARDY, 5 Vo.ls., Lo.ndo.n, 1885-1900 (Pali Text Society); Vo.L 6 (Indexes, by M. HUNT and C. A. F. RHYS DAVIDS), Lo.ndo.n, 1910 (Pali Text So.ciety).

BD = Isaline Blew HORNER, The Book of the Discipline (Vinaya Pitaka), 6 Vo.ls., Lo.ndo.n, 1938-1966 (Sacred Bo.o.ks o.fthe Buddhists Series, 10, 11, 13, 14,20, 25).

DN = Dfghanikiiya, ed. T. W. RHYS DAVIDS, 1. E. CARPENTER, 3 Vo.ls., Lo.ndo.n, 1890-1911 (Pali Text So.ciety).

VON HINOBER, "Buddhist Law" = Oskar VON HINOBER, "Buddhist Law acco.rding to. the Theravada-Vinaya. A Survey o.f Theo.ry and Practice", Journal of the International Association of Buddhist Studies 18.1 (1995), pp. 7-45.

VON HINOBER, Handbook = Oskar VON HINOBER, A Handbook of PiiIi Literature, Berlin 1996 (Indian Philo.lo.gy and So.uth Asian Studies, 2).

Kkh = Buddhagho.sa, Kaizkhiivitaral!f niima Miitikatrhakathii, ed. DOROTHY MASKELL, Lo.ndo.n, 1956 (Pali Text So.ciety).

Kkh-pt = Buddhanaga, Kaizkhiivitaral:zfporii1}atfkii, Chatthasangayana editio.n, pub!. Buddha Sasana Co.uncil, Rankun, 1965.

Mp = Buddhagho.sa, Manorathapura1}i, Aizguttaranikiiya-atthakathii, ed. M. WALLESER, H. KOpp, 5 Vo.ls., Lo.ndo.n, 1924-1956 (Pali Text So.ciety).

NOLOT, SVTT II = Edith NOLOT, "Studies in Vinaya Technical Terms, I-III", Journal of the Pali Text Society XXII (1996), 73-150.

Ps = Buddhagho.sa, Papaficasudanf, Vo.l. I (1922) and II (1928) ed. by J. WOODS and D. KOSAMBI; Vo.L III (1933), Vo.L IV (1937) and Vo.L V (1938) ed. by 1. B. HORNER; Lo.ndo.n (pali Text So.ciety).

Sp = Buddhagho.sa (?), Samantapiisiidikii, Vinaya-atthakathii, ed. J. TAKAKUSU, M. NAGAI (and K. MIZUNO Vo.ls. 5 and 7),7 Vo.ls., Lo.ndo.n, 1924-1947 (Pali Text So.ciety). [Index Vo.l. by H. Kopp, Lo.ndo.n, 1977 (Pali Text So.ciety)].

Sp-t = Sariputta, Siiratthadfpanf, Chatthasangayana editio.n, publ. Buddha Sasana Co.uncil, Rankun, 3 Vo.ls.; Vo.l. I: 1961, Vo.l. II: 1960, Vo.l. III: 1960.

Sv = Buddhagho.sa, Sumaizgalaviliisinf, Dfghanikiiya-atthakathii, ed. T. W. RHYS DAVIDS, J. E. CARPENTER, W. STEDE, 3 Vo.ls., Lo.ndo.n, 1886-1932 (Pali Text So.ciety).

VATIRANAl:<AVARORASA,Entrance = SOMDETCH PHRA MAHA SAMAl:<A CHAO KROM PHRAYA VAJIRANAl:<AVARORASA, The Entrance to the Vinaya. Vinaya­mukha,3 Vo.ls., Bangko.k, 1969, 1973, 1983.

Yin = Vinayapitaka, ed. Hermann OLDENBERG, 5 Vo.ls., Lo.ndo.n, 1879-1883. Vjb = Vajirabuddhitfkii, Cha$asangayana editio.n, publ.Buddha Sasana Co.uncil,

Rankun, 1962.

Vmv = Vimativinodanitfkii, 2 Vo.ls., Chatthasangayana editio.n, publ. Buddha Sasana Co.uncil, Rankun, 1960.

CHARLES B. JONES

Stages in the Religious Life of lay Buddhists in Taiwan*

1. Introduction

Scholars working within the academic study of Buddhism have long known and studied the practice of conferring and receiving various sets of precepts. From its very inception, the Buddhist community has formulated and commented upon various sets of vows that the individual may take, from the Three Refuges which mark one's formal entrance into the "stream" of Buddhism to lists of specific vows, numbering up to 500 in all in certain literary traditions, that regulate the lives of fully ordained monks and nuns.

However, most of the scholarly activity that has gone into docu­menting the content and practice of precepts-conferral has been very one-sided, focusing exclusively upon texts: the canonical vinayas of various Buddhist lineages, the commentaries that flesh out the meaning of these texts, and the ritual texts used in the ceremonies themselves. Virtually no scholar has given attention to the meanings expressed by the concrete performance of the precept-conferral ritual in Buddhist groups and societies (The notable exception in Chinese Buddhism is Holmes WELCH's superb The Practice a/Chinese Buddhism).

As Gregory SCHOPEN has pointed out, textual studies constitute only one kind of evidence in the study of any religion or religious pheno­menon. Texts, he says, show scholars ideals enunciated by a religious elite.! This is valuable in its· own right, especially insofar as the religious community at large regards (or at one time regarded) these texts and

* The author gratefully acknowledges the Pacific Cultural Foundation of Taiwan (grant no. SC68ll), and the University of Virginia (Dupont Grant), whose generous support made possible the fieldwork for this study. I am also very grateful to the many friends at the Nongchan Temple, the Haiming Chan Temple, and the Xilian Temple for their hospitality and forebearance. Finally, thank you to the staff of the Chung-Hwa Institute of Buddhist Studies in Peitou, Taipei, for letting me use their library resources so freely.

1. Gregory SCHOPEN. "Archeology and Protestant Presuppositions in the Study of Indian Buddhism", in History of Religions 3111 (1991), 1-4.

nABS 20.2 114

commentaries as authoritative, but it does not, and indeed cannot, reveal the concrete ways in which the religion is conceived and practiced in the real lives of real followers.

In the case of Chinese Buddhism, most of the attention paid to precepts by scholars in the past has focused on the various vinayas and pratimokshas used by lay and clerical Buddhists, along with the com­mentaries of such eminent vinaya masters as Daoxuan and Hongyi. Through such studies, we know much about the Indian provenance of the Four-Part Vinaya IL9:5t1$ sifenlii followed by all Chinese Buddhist clerics, their dissemination and acceptance in Chinese Buddhist history, and the highly-developed ideas which great vinaya-masters developed on the meaning of the precepts, the conditions of violation and exoneration, and the methods and meanings of confession of faults.

I propose to look at precepts from another angle. Following SCHOPEN's suggestion, I plan here to look at the conferral and reception of precepts by Buddhist laypeople in Taiwan from a sociological perspective. The primary method that I used for gathering infonnation was not textual study, but field observation, and as a result of having used this method, my observations and conclusions will offer insight into the actual ritual symbolism of the precepts ceremony, as well as the changes of status that the ceremony effects for the recipient. From these observations, I plan to offer conclusions about the place of canoJ?1cal ideas about the categories of Buddhist believers with respect to the actual practices of living Buddhists.

Before I go into the actual description and analysis of the various stages of lay Buddhist life in Taiwan, there is one more piece of ground to clear. Because the observations and interpretations offered here are phenomenological and sociological in nature, I have adopted a set of stages that "do not reflect the divisions of Buddhists one nonnally finds in texts, whether into the four groups of laymen, laywomen, monks, and nuns; the sevenfold scheme of monk, nun, male novice, female novice, female probationer, layman, and laywoman; or the ninefold scheme which adds to the seven already listed male and female laypersons who have taken on the Eight Upavastha Vows for a limited time.

Instead, for purposes of this study I have set three criteria for distinguishing a separate stage of the Buddhist life. First, there must be a rite of passage leading into it, marking a clear transition from one status to the next. The only exception to this rule is the status of the neophyte, which in the nature ofthings cannot have a rite of passage.

JONES 115

Second, the rite of passage must lead to a status that is potentially permanent. Thus, I have chosen not to follow the traditional ninefold scheme because it mixes temporary and permanent statuses: the Eight Upavastha Vows only apply for the· 24-hour period during which the vows are in effect.

Third, each stage must constitute a step in a progression as well as a level on a hierarchy. The traditional scheme does not represent a poten­tiallife-progression for devotees. After all, an individual believer cannot progress from laywoman to layman, or from nun to· monk. Gender distinctions do playa role in setting precedence when participating in rituals and other religious activities, but I have observed that the rite of passage into each stage and the status markers that people at that stage may appropriate do not vary with gender. Thus, I have decided to regard gender distinctions as subdivisions within each stage and not as separate stages.

Using these criteria, I distinguish the following four stages in the lives oflay Buddhists:.

1. Neophyte. 2. Three Refuges Disciple. 3. Five Lay Precepts Recipient. 4. Lay Bodhisattva Precepts Recipient.

In the pages that follow, I will take the reader through each of these levels one by one in a continuous narrative, in which we will follow the life of a hypothetical layperson. The guiding metaphor will be the seating arrangements employed at the Xilian Temple [!3~¥*:ffi, one of my fieldwork sites, during large Dharma-meetings. At each Dharma­meeting, the temple puts up posters stating that, when processing into the Great Shrine Hall and taking positions, the clergy enter first, followed by the Lay Bodhisattvas, the Five-Precept Recipients, with the Refuge Disciples and Neophytes bringing up the rear. If we regard the Buddha-altar as the ritual center, then each of these groups occupies a place progressively farther from that center. Thus, as our metaphor goes, advancement from one group to the next represents a step closer to the center, earned by the expression of a deeper and more exclusive commit­ment to Buddhism demonstrated by a more thorough amendment of one's life in accordance with Buddhist principles (see diagram p. 114).

We will begin at the beginning with the beginners.

JIABS 20.2 116

Diagram: Arrangement of Participants in Main Shrine Hall According to Their Level of Precepts

II. The neophyte.

One might question whether the status of neophyte can legitimately be considered a stage within the Buddhist life. There is no rite of passage into it; indeed, it refers to the status of the unwashed masses who have yet to take refuge in the Buddha, the Dharma, and the Sangha. However, I employ the term as the first stage of the Buddhist life because most of the people of Taiwan who identify themselves as Buddhist have not taken the Three Refuges, and indeed may never take them as long as they live. 1 should also point out that the word "neophyte" is my own term for these people; there is no word in Chinese Buddhism that it translates. I use it specifically to refer to people who are interested in Buddhism or participate in its rituals and activities, and who may one day move to the stage of taking refuge. I do not mean people of other faiths or no faith for whom Buddhism is irrelevant or who would never go to a Buddhist temple for any reason.

It is at this level that we encounter the problem that has vexed many sociological studies of religion in Taiwan: who is the real Buddhist? Professor CHU Hai-Yuan IMW1Jffi., a researcher at the Ethnology Institute of the Academia Sinica, undertook a survey of religious beliefs and

JONES 117

attitudes in Taiwan at the request of the central government in 1984, and published his findings in 1988. As far as identifying Buddhists is concerned, he found that, if you ask people between the ages of 20 and 65 their religion, 47% of them will'respond that they are Buddhists. However, he .goes on to say that most people will respond in this way simply out of habit. If you try to refine the question by asking whether they do any specifically Buddhist things such as maintaining a vegetarian diet, reciting scriptures, or attending Dharma-meetings at temples to the exclusion of non-Buddhist activities, the number quickly drops to only 6%. If you add to these "pure" Buddhists the people who do Buddhist things but also go and worship Daoist or folk divinities, then the number rises to only 15%. Thus, of all the people who call themselves Buddhist, only about one-third actually are in any meaningful sense.2

One problem with Prof. CHU's survey, as he himse1fpoints out, is that his questionnaire did not ask respondents whether or not they had formally taken refuge in Buddhism; this is why he had to extrapolate from concrete religious behavior in order to test his figures. A few years later, however, one of his students, Xu Jiaqiang, replicated the survey on a smaller scale, and did include this question. Out of the 41 respondents who identified themselves as Buddhist, only a scant four had actually taken refuge. 3 In a further clarifying question, Mr. Xu asked his respondents whether their objects of worship included figures other than buddhas and bodhisattvas, and only three said no. One other replied, "only ancestors." The rest responded that they also worshipped non­Buddhist divinities such as Mazu, Wangye, the Three Princes, and so on.4 Although Mr. Xu does not say so, we may speculate that the four who did not worship non-Buddhist divinities other than ancestors were the ones who had taken refuge.

These findings tally with my own observations at the Xilian Temple. Out of all the activities that the temple hosts during the course of one

2. CHU Hai-yuan w.#iJ.~ "Taiwan Diqu Minzhong de Zongjiao Xinyang yu Zong­jiao Taidu", il'f,i:J;tgm;:l'~Jv.a"J*iJ&mfrnW*iJ&I'JlJ§t in Bianqianzhong de Taiwan Shehui ~mr:p a"Jil'i1!!"H±1r (Taiwan Society in Transition). 2 vols., ed. Chu Hai-yuan and Yang Kuo-shu) (Taipei: Academia Sinica, 1988), p. 241.

3. Xu Jiaqiang 1~.~, Taiwan Zongjiao Xinyang de Rentong yu Shenfen: yi ge Chutan il'~*iJ&mfrna"JweIPJW~15J-:-OO:f)]:f~ (Self-Identification of Religious Belief and Status in Taiwan: a Preliminary Study). M.A. thesis, Donghai Univer­sity, 1991. p. 57.

4. Xu Jiaqiang, p. 44.

nABS 20.2 118

calendar year, the two longest and most well-attended are those directly related with the cult of the ancestors: the Qingming Fahui ¥~Ij)j;f.t:fr ("Tomb-Sweeping Day Dharma Meeting"), and the Zhongyuan Fahui r:j:r51;r:!fr ("Ghost Festival Dharma Meeting"). These meetings last for three days each, and will draw up to 2000 participants on peak days. Of these participants, only a few hundred will actually participate in the primary activity of the Dharma meeting, which in both cases is a group recitation of the Siltra on the Bodhisattva K~itigarbha 's Original Vow t{M~::g]li:z!s:!Ji*& Dizang Pusa Benyuan Jing, T. 412]. The great ma­jority of participants come for only a few minutes in order to have one or more paper paiwei (ancestral tablets) put up in the New Great Shrine Hall: yellow ones to the left of the altar for deceased ancestors, red ones to the right to bring health and longevity to living relatives.

At the end of the Dharma meeting, those who have recited the siitra dedicate the merit accruing from their recitation to the people repre­sented by the paiwei, which are then taken outside and burned. In return for this service, those who requested the inscription of the paiwei will make a donation to the temple, usually in the amount of NT$200 (about US$8.00). I have also been told, but could not verify, that many of those who participate only at this low level have not formally taken refuge in Buddhism.

At this point we can make some observations with regard to the status of the neophyte. First, it is the least threatening to a person's sense of place within Chinese society on Taiwan. Retaining this status allows one the freedom to participate at one's pleasure in Buddhist activities, without demanding changes in any of the factors by which the individual structures his or her life or locates him or herself within family and society.

Second/it does not demand that one resolve to change one's lifestyle or habits in any concrete way, nor does it create any conflicts with societal mores and norms. In fact, the relationship of the neophyte to the Buddhist temple and to the Buddhas and bodhisattvas worshipped there appears to be strictly business: for a small donation the resident clergy and participants in the ritual will dedicate the merit of their religious practice to the client's family, living and dead.

Thus, during the time a person remains a neophyte (which can be and usually is for their whole life), they experience no change in societal and familial relations or in their self-identification or self-consciousness. Whether "conversion" happens at any subsequent stage is another matter.

JONES 119

III. Taking refuge.

In his catechism Zhengxinde FojiaoIEffiB"J{9l3~ ("Orthodox Buddhism"), the Ven. Shengyan ~M writes:

... if one wishes to enter into orthodox Buddhism and become a disciple of the Buddhist religion, then one must undergo the 'Three Refuges' ceremony ... Were it not for this, then even though one believes in the Buddha and worships the Buddha, one still is not a properly-enrolled student, but merely an unregistered auditor. [Taking the Three Refuges] has a great effect upon the firmness of one's beliefS

From this we can see the importance of taking the Three Refuges according to one modem Taiwan Buddhist master.

At the Xilian Temple, there is a Refuges ceremony every Sunday afternoon at three o'clock. People who wish to come and take refuge will begin showing up in the guest-reception room between two o'clock and two-thirty in order to register and have their Refuges Certificates siR';&~ guiyizheng inscribed. The Certificate is a handsomely-printed card that folds in half; the certificate is on the inside, and the text of the ceremony is written on the back so that the recipients will know their parts.

The text ofthe certificate reads as follows: Insofar as the devotee N.N., of [Taiwan] Province, [blank] City/County, has developed the intention of taking refuge in the Three Jewels [namely] the Buddha, the Dharma, and the Sangha, and has respectfully requested that the Ven. Zhiyu be hislher preceptor (m;~Uili qinjiaoshi, Skt. upiidhyiiya), grant the Dharma-name N.N., and issue this certificate, all of the above is granted to the upiisaka/upiisikii.

Develop the mind of wisdom, to save both yourself and others! Transform and guide all beings, to shun evil and to do good!

Given this Nth day of Nth month in the Nth year of the Republic, and the Nth year of the Buddha.

Preceptor Zhiyu (seal affixed here)

While one nun is busy inscribing the certificates, the participants may choose to ask for advice and cousel from other resident clergy while

5. SHENGYAN ~~. Zhengxinde Fojiao lE{§S~~~ ("Orthodox Buddhism") (Taipei: Dongchu Chubanshe :~H)] !±llt&t± , 1965), p. 24-25.

· JIABS 20.2 120

waiting for the ceremony to begin. Finally, with their certificates in hand, the participants proceed upstairs to a small shrine hall dedicated to the bodhisattva Guanyin, with an image of her in her thousand-armed, thousand-eyed manifestation on the altar in front. As they enter, the nun administering the refuges in the Master's stead directs them to stand in lines according to gender and age: men on the right and women on the left as they face the altar, eldest in front and youngest in back. After some brief instructions on the procedures for the ceremony, such as when to prostrate and when to insert their own names, she began the ceremony proper.

This ceremony is very short and consists of four parts:

I. Confession '~'I~ chanhui: All of the evil karma that I have built up from the distant past stems from beginningless desire, hatred, and ignorance. Whatever has been done by thought, word, or deed, I now confess and repent of it.

II. Taking Refuge in the Three Jewels sRiJ'(=. guiyi sanbao:

I, the disciple N.N. [here one uses one's secular name], do from now on take refuge in the Buddha, will rely on the Buddha as my teacher, and, preferring instead to give up my own life, will never resort to the masters of other teachings. (Repeat twice, substituting "Dharma" and "Sangha" for "Buddha.") The people repeat the above three times, with a prostration at the end of each repetition.

III. Binding the Refuges t.6SRjiegui:

I, the disciple N.N. [here one uses one's Dharma-name, orfaming $15], have now without reservation, completely taken refuge in the Buddha, the Dharma, and the Sangha.

IV. The Four Universal Vows 1ZY5bW)j[ sihong shiyuan:

I vow to save all living beings without limit; I vow'to cut off all disturbances of mind; I vow to study all Buddhist teachings without measure; I vow to achieve the unexcelled Buddha-way.

With this, the ceremony ended, and the recipients went home. It was very short and simple, and did not include any formal instruction from the abbot of the temple, whose name and seal appeared on the certifi­cates (perhaps due to his poor health, which precluded him from participating in many of the temple's activities).

I did have the opportunity to see the Three Refuges given in a more elaborate ceremony at the Nongchan Temple in the north of Taipei during the summer of 1993, with Ven. Shengyan presiding. The cere-

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mony took place in the evening, after the Master had just finished a lecture on the Lotus Sutra. After all of the seats had been removed and the floor of the hall cleared, all of the participants in the Refuges ceremony came and stood in lines, again separated by gender (whether also by age I· do not know). Before the ceremony began, one of that temple's resident clergy took the microphone and, with the help of other clergy circulating among the people, gave instructions on the basics of temple etiquette. She taught the people how to do such essential motions as the simple bow Fr:l5~R wenxun and the full prostration. As the people practiced, the assisting clergy checked their form and gave corrections and pointers.

After this training session, the Master came out and arranged himself on the dais. He then gave a short exposition on the meaning of the ritual text that the people were to employ in order to ensure full understanding of everything that was to be repeated. During this entire time, recipients remained kneeling on straw cushions with their palms joined in front of their chests. After the explanations, the Master then led the people in reciting the ritual text of the Three Refuges. When this was completed, they came forward one by one to receive their pre-inscribed Refuges Certificates s,&::&ilif guiyi zheng, along with a book by the Master and a Buddha-recitation rosary in bracelet form ~~ nianzhu.

This rosary was more than just a gift or a souvenir. The Master instructed them to wear it at all times from that moment on, except when they were bathing. A monk at another temple told me on a different occasion that one should also remove it and slip it into one's pocket when going to the toilet. The reason for these restrictions is that the rosary (or at least the one gourd-shaped bead on it) represents the Buddha, present in one's life at all times. It is not fitting that the Buddha see one in an indecent or undignified state. From this one can see that the rosary has great symbolic value, equivalent to a Christian wearing a cross or a Jew wearing a Star of David. It is an identifying mark that announces publicly one's commitment to Buddhism.

After all these items had been distributed, the people returned to their straw cushions and listened while the Master spoke about the style of life to which they had committed themselves, and about the nature of their relationship to him and his temple. As to the nature of the life, he admonished and exhorted them to live a pure life, and to come to the temple and participate in its self-cultivation activities often. However, lest they feel overwhelmed by the efforts to lead a pure life, he

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reminded them that the power of buddhas and bodhisattvas was always available to help them; they had butto ask for it.

Next, he emphasized the personal nature of their relationship to him. He was their S.&::&§[ff guiyishi, the teacher under whom they'had taken refuge. The temple was the site at which they had taken refuge. They needed to come back often, therefore, for two reasons. First, to tap the power of the place; second, because there were so many of them, he said he had no way of remembering all of their names and faces. They also had a special responsibility to him and to the temple to give both mate­rial and personal support by donating their time and money.

They also had a duty to come to him for teaching. He specifically advised them to read his books, listen to his tapes, come to hear him lecture on the scriptures, and participate in all temple activities whenever possible. However, lest this sound as if he were claiming some sort of exclusive hold on them, he reminded them in very strong terms that they had not taken refuge in him personally; they had taken refuge in the Three Jewels. Thus, they were to have respect for all Buddhas, all Buddhist teachings, and, most of all, they were to respect all monks and nuns, calling them all §[ffX shifu ("master").

He then told them that they should resist the urge to go for refuge multiple times. Once was definitely enough, and to go around taking refuge before multiple teachers was a form of grasping. Finally, he taught them a few points of decorum pertinent to the Buddhist life. From now on, they were to replace "Hello, goodbye, thank you, excuse me," and all other social niceties with the invocation of Amitabha 'Buddha. They were also to address all monks and nuns as shifu (repeat­ing this point again).

Because J had observed the Three Refuges ceremony at this temple prior to th(; one at the Xilian Temple, I was able to ask some questions at the latter based on some of the points of this lecture. I asked a nun there if people taking refuge at the Xilian Temple had the same sorts of responsibilities to it as those outlined by the Master of this other temple. She responded that they did not in any formal sense, nor did they have any kind of "special relationship" with the Xilian Temple based on having taken the Three Refuges there. Thus, conceptions about the rela­tionship of a Refuges Disciple to an individual master or temple vary.

I stated in the first section that, at the stage of the neophyte, Buddhism makes no demands on the commitment of the devotee and imposes no

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changes on his or her way of life. However, we have now seen that taking the Three Refuges can, potentially at least, entail the following:

1. The imposition of a new Dharma-name r!1; or r!~. While a new name is given at the time of taking the Three Refuges, it is important to note that the subsequent usage of this name is not as extensive as it will be in later stages should the devotee decide to become a monk or nun. According to lay informants at the Xilian Temple, one will not adopt the Dharma-name in everyday life as a replacement for on,e's given name. Rather, one will use it when participating in specifically Buddhist events, such as a Buddha-Recitation Retreat or some other Dharma­meeting. If the person is visiting a temple, they will probably introduce themselves to the resident clergy by their Dharma-names.

2. The call to forsake other religions. As we have seen, the text of the Three Refuges itself includes the vow to forsake anything in other religions that might correspond to the Buddha, the Dharma, or the Sangha. As Ven. Shengyan explains it, based these Three Vows, or = if sanshi:

The purpose of these Three Vows is to prevent people who have already entered the true path from going again in error on the paths of discrimination. After one has received the Three Refuges, if in order to preserve one's family, property, nation, its citizens, or life and safety, one goes to make offerings to ghosts or worship gods, one will not have lost the Refuges as long as one does not harbor the intention of taking [the new religion as] a Refuge, but if one does have this mind, then one will lose one's Refuges.6

It is apparent from this quotation that, in theory at least, taking the Three Refuges does impact on the often-noted broad tolerance of Chinese religion. However, the exceptions that Ven. Shengyan draws are very significant in terms of the extent of this impact. According to his exposition, the Three Vows do not entail a renunciation of all non­Buddhist religious rites and practices. If Chinese Buddhism really did demand this, then, as the experience of Christianity in China shows, they would have very few followers indeed. The fact that the Christian Church's sweeping proscriptions of ancestor worship and other forms of "idolatry" has proven a major impediment to gaining converts is well documented, and Buddhism would be very foolish to follow its example. Shengyan appears to be saying that it is all right to make offerings to spirits and worship at the temples of non-Buddhist gods as long as one does not commit oneselfto following any of the "outer paths" as systems

6. SHENGYAN, p. 43-44.

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of salvation. One's ultimate commitment must be to Buddhism and one's ultimate goal must be liberation as conceived by Buddhism.- Thus, although we see here the beginnings of a more exclusive commitment to Buddhism, it is not drawn so sharply as to cut the devotee off from participating fully in funerals, local temple worship, and other rituals that serve to reinforce the individual's place within family and Chinese society.

3. The use of new forms of address for fellow-Buddhists. We saw in the lecture given at the Nongchan Temple following the conferral of the Three Refuges that henceforth the new disciples were to dispense with the usual ways of saying "hello," "good-bye," "excuse me," and other social exchanges and replace them all with the name of Amitabha­buddha IThT5!tWE{~. It is important to bear in mind, however, that this only holds when two Buddhists are talking to each other, or when the person is in a specifically Buddhist setting such as a temple or lecture­hall.

It seems to me that this new way of speaking has two effects. First, for the individual concerned, it reinforces a specifically Pure Land form of belief and practice. Since Pure Land Buddhism is the most dominant form of Buddhism in Taiwan, this is not surprising. The use of this phrase, repetition of which is the most basic form of Pure Land practice, in a wide variety of settings both religious and otherwise, brings Buddhist teachings and practices to the forefront of consciousness and helps to inculcate them as habits of thought.

Second, it gives rise to a sense of group solidarity with other Buddhists. This transformation in ordinary social language gives the devotee a jargon that makes him or her feel united with co-believers.

4. The training in temple protocol constitutes another way of pro­moting a sb(!nse of belonging. The person who has undergone this sort of training can from then on enter a temple with a sense of confidence that they might not have had before. This assurance that one knows the etiquette of the group and the proper way to perform ritual gestures also gives rise to a sense of in-group solidarity.

5. The adoption of the ~~ nianzhu as a way of identification, like the adoption of Amitabha-buddha's name as a form of greeting, also coopts a form of Pure Land practice as a means of self-identification. The original purpose of nianzhu is to count the number of times one has recited the Buddha's name. Having a rosary on one's wrist at all times can encourage one to engage in this practice when riding a bus, waiting

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for an appointment, or at other free moments. At the very least, it reminds one of the practice and perhaps reproaches one for being lax in it. One lay Buddhist told me that she wore it "for comfort."

However, as a means of public self-identification it is quite effective. Unlike the new greeting or the training in temple protocols which are effective only when spoken or enacted, the rosary on one's wrist is visible at all times and sends its message constantly. Thus,· in order to wear it, one must be willing to broadcast the message to everyone one encounters that one has made a commitment to Buddhism that precludes commitments to other systems of salvation.

It must be stressed that the last three of these five changes in one's mode of social relations and lifestyle are not necessarily concomitants of taking the Three Refuges. Any neophyte can and usually does greet people with Amitiibha's name while in a temple or speaking to a monk or nun, and not everyone who takes the Three Refuges learns to do the ritual gestures and other matters of decorum appropriate to a temple (for instance, this kind of training does not come with the Three Refuges at the Xilian Temple, but at a later stage of lay life).

Nevertheless, when the whole package is considered, an interesting pattern emerges in the deepening commitment to Buddhism that we are tracing. Taking the Three Refuges and its concomitant changes, as we have seen, has the cumulative effect of encouraging one's self-identifica­tion as a Buddhist and a sense of belonging to an in-group with other Buddhists. However, this commitment is not yet completely exclusive. While one will probably not forsake Buddhism and convert to Christianity or Islam, one may still participate in the normal rituals that mark Chinese social and family life. So the circle has been drawn, but it only serves to keep the non-Buddhists out; it does not keep the Buddhists within it from wandering out from time to time to worship their ancestors or set out a table of offerings in front of their shop.

Taking the Three Refuges also does not yet entail any lifestyle changes that might require some sacrifice on the devotee's part. They are an affirmation that Buddhism is the true way to liberation, but not yet a commitment to tread that way. Since the Refuges disciple has not yet taken on any precepts, they can still eat meat, drink wine, and visit piano bars, karaokes, and other places of sometimes dubious entertainment. Thus, a businessman would not find the Three Refuges seriously crippling to his ability to entertain clients. So while the Refuges disciple

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unquestionably has a deeper and more exclusive commitment to Buddhism than the. neophyte, it is stin at a low level.

All this assumes, of course, that the Refuges disciple understands the purposes and effects of the ceremony in an orthodox way. However, when one actually asks people why they are taking refuge, some interesting responses emerge. One ·inan told me that he himself had taken the Refuges long ago, but that on the day I spoke with him he was doing it again on behalf of his deceased father. He got a Dharma-name assigned for him and went through the ceremony as his father's proxy, using his father's given name and Dharma-name in the appropriate places. At the Xilian Temple, parents regularly bring in their children and babies to take the refuges, partly to put down "good roots" for their future spiritual progress (a very orthodox Buddhist reason), but also so that they would be good children, do well in school, and other more this-worldly reasons. I never saw this myself, but one nun told me that pregnant women would come in and take the Refuges on behalf of their unborn children in the belief that it would ensure a smooth delivery and guarantee a well-behaved and fllial child.

The question of going for Refuge more than once came up several times in the course of my research. The concensus appears to be that, while it is not strictly necessary and not to be encouraged in too profligate a manner, it is certainly permissible and may help to reinforce the impact of one's original Refuges ceremony. In this sense multiple Refuges are a kind of maintenance, keeping the disciple on track.

IV. The Five Lay Precepts.

In the section on the Three Refuges, I explained the importance of taking the Three R,s:fuges. In Buddhism, taking refuge in the Three Jewels is like registering for chlsses. However, registering for school is not the same thing as actually attending class; taking on the Buddhist precepts after taking the Three Refuges is the point where one begins marching forward in the Buddha Way.7

In this way Yen. Shengyan summarizes the difference between taking the Three Refuges and moving on to take the Five Lay Precepts ::t:E%:.lim<: zaijia wujie. The Three Refuges are merely the means by which one expresses one's commitment to Buddhism and one's belief

7. SHENGYAN ~~, Jieiiixue Gangyao IDG1$~~JiiJ~ ("An Outline of Precepts"). Dongchu Zhihuihai Congkan *W~~l'iiHlHU, 4. (Taipei: Dongchu Chubanshe *W I±IJtX::f±, 1965), p. 54.

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that it alone provides the ultimate answers to life's vexations. Taking the Three Refuges, however, does not constitute a promise or an obligation to change one's day-to-day behavior in any concrete way .

. The Five Lay Precepts, on the other hand, do constitute a set of obligations to amend one's life in fairly specific ways. These five obligations (not to kill, not to steal, not to engage in illicit sexual activity, not to lie, and not to drink intoxicating beverages) are part of the legacy of lay Buddhism from the earliest period and their contents have been adequately studied elsewhere. What will concern us here is the manner in which these precepts are transmitted and interpreted in Taiwan.

The Xilian Temple held a Ceremony for the Conferral of the Five Lay Precepts tE~5GlJtz~t.tlG1jjS;\; zaijia wujie shoujie yishi on November 13, 1993. At that time, over 100 people came to take the precepts, and this number, along with the complexity of the retreat and ceremony, necessitated the mobilization of about a quarter of the resident clergy for activities directly connected with the event. In addition, many of the ongoing subunits within the temple's organization experienced an increase in their workload as a result of the conferring of precepts. For instance, the Great Shrine Hall Committee ::*JNIl. dadianzu took on the responsibility for decorating the Great Shrine Hall for the event, and the Dormitory Supervisory Committee i;t*#ll. jianliaozuhad responsibility for looking after accomodations for all the participants.

While the planning begins some months in advance for the temple's resident clergy, the laity who will receive the precepts become involved at the point when the temple begins circulating notices advertising the event. However, these notices contain more than just the details of time and place. They also set out certain qualifications that prospective participants must meet if they wish to receive the precepts. First, they must have formally received the Three Refuges at least one year in advance, and they must produce a copy of their Refuges Certificate when they register.

Second, they must have their family's permission, since the precepts may alter some aspects of the family'S life or the devotee's livelihood. For example, while the third precept does not call for chastity, its inter­pretation as given during the course of the retreat does set restrictions of time and place on the sexual relations of legitimate partners. Thus, the recipient's spouse does have an interest in the matter.

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Finally, the advertisement discourages participation by people who wish to use the. ceremony in a "magical" way to increase wealth, get children, or to pursue other this-worldly ends.

From the above remarks, one can see that the aspirant who sincerely intends to keep the precepts strictly must make some alterations in his or her lifestyle, although how extensive these alterations are depends upon the quality of one's lifestyle prior to taking them. It should come as no surprise, therefore, that the ritual and ceremony, as well as the level of instruction and exhortation, are correspondingly more complex and impressive. As one can see from the section of the liturgy entitled "inquiry into impediments," it is also the first level at which it is possible to be disqualified. Let us now look at the ritual which caps this two-day retreat and serves to bind the candidate to the precepts.

The liturgy proceeds in three stages, the first of which simply consists of gathering the assembly together ~r:j:r jizhong. This is followed by a stage called "welcoming and petitioning the preceptor" ill!~wfD f;16 yingqing heshang, during which a few candidates come forward and formally request the Preceptor to grant the precepts.

The final and longest part of the ceremony is the "formal conferral [of the precepts]" jEI~ zheng shou, and it begins with the "inquiry into impediments" F~5~B wen zhenan. The preceptor here asks the candi­dates to declare whether or not they have ever committed any offenses that might constitute an obstacle to their receiving the Five Lay Precepts. These include four specific offenses: having stolen from any Buddhist clergy, having practiced incest, having had sexual relations with a Buddhist monk or nun, having abandoned parents or teachers in times of illness, or having killed someone who had developed the mind to seek enlightenment out of compassion for others.

After tnls follows the confession and the Three Refuges, which in structure replicate the first three parts of the Refuges ceremony trans­lated in the last section, although altered somewhat to fit the occasion better.

One thing worth noting about these liturgical texts is the candidates' affirmation that they will live out their days as a "Five-Precept Upasaka or Upasika." As Holmes WELCH pointed out, Chinese Buddhists in the past had the option of picking and choosing from among the Five Lay Precepts:

When one or two were taken, it was called a "minor ordination" 1>:B-3tZ shao/en jie. When three or four were taken, it was called a "major ordination" ~:B-3tZ

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duo/en jie. When all five were taken, it was called a "plenary ordination" 1ilili:itX: manjie.8

While canonical sources disagree on the permissibility of partial precepts,9 the Xilian Temple followed the usual custom of permitting the practice, noting that the karmic consequences of taking a vow and then breaking it are more severe than those of simply performing unskilful moral actions.

With these preliminaries out of the way, the ceremony then moves on to the formal conferral of the precepts. The preceptor continues by delivering the admonitions '/f!J:.fr),jiaojie, saying:

You upiisakas and upiisikiis, listen. The Tathiigata, the Enlightened One, the Fully Enlightened, set forth the Five Precepts for the sake of upiisakas and upiisikiis. Now hear and receive [them]. To refrain from killing living beings until the end of your life, can these upiisakas and upiisikiis keep or not? (Answer: We can.) To refrain from stealing until the end of your life, can these upiisakas and upiisikiis keep or not? (Answer: We can.) To refrain from illicit sexual activity until the end of your life, can these upiisakas and upiisikiis keep or not? (Answer: We can.) To refrain from lying until the end of your life, can these upiisakas and upiisikiis keep or not? (Answer: We can.) To refrain from drinking intoxicating beverages until the end of your life, can these upiisakas and upiisikiis keep or not? (Answer: We can.)

What follows at this point is a section called "Generating the Aspiration" ~)ji fayuan. The preceptor, after a short explanation, leads the candi­dates in vowing to dedicate the merit of the precepts to all sentient beings, that all may come eventually to the Pure Land of Amitiibha­buddha.

At this point in the ceremony, the main business is over, the Precepts have been conferred and accepted. After this comes a short hortatory talk in which the preceptor enjoins the recipients to order their lives according to the precepts they have just received and gives practical advice on how to do so.

After this, there is only one item left in the liturgy, arid that is the "conferring of robes" while all of the new recipients chant homage to Siikyamuni Buddha. The robe in question is the ~t;z manyi or the outer

8. Holmes WELCH. The Practice a/Chinese Buddhism, 1900-1950. Harvard East Asian Studies, 26 (Cambridge: Harvard University Press, 1967), p. 361. Roman­ization adapted for consistency.

9. See SHENGYAN, Jieluxiie Gangyaa, p. 80-81.

.-~-.. --~~-.--.-- --------_._---------- -----_.

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monastic robe, although it is not exactly the same as that worn by clergy. The monastic version consists of strips sewn together, while the lay version is solid. The newly-created Five-Precept Upiisakas /-ikiis will, from this time forward, have the right to wear the manyi'during all future Dharma-meetings, and will have places between ordinary devotees and those who have received the bodhisattva precepts.

Not only that, but they will know more about the decorum and customs of the Xilian Temple, having spent two days living there receiv­ing training. There is a 70-rninute period set aside on the first day espe­cially for learning how to manage and take care of ceremonial robes, not only the manyi but the mf:w haiqing, or black cassock, as well. For example, the clergy instruct the participants in how to fold, unfold, put on, take off, and store these robes with proper ceremony. In addition, my own observation is that people living at the temple receive much informal training in etiquette specific to this temple, such as learning that they may tum the lazy susans on the refectory tables clockwise only. In this way, participants at this event come to feel more a part of this temple, and will deepen their sense of identification with it.

However, there is another option open for lay devotees that does not entail such a deep sense of attachment to a particular temple, and that is to wait until the annual monastic ordination administered by the Buddhist Association of the Republic of China (BAROC) to receive the Five Lay Precepts. As Holmes WELCH reported thirty years ago about past practices on the mainland, this avenue for receiving precepts is still longer and more impressive than transmissions at local temples. According to a report in the BAROC magazine Chinese Buddhist Monthly, those receiving the Five Lay Precepts at the 1993 ordination session at the Guangde Temple near Kaohsiung spent four days living at the temple;" and at the end received the precepts from three of the most eminent and well-known monks in Taiwan, including the president of the BAROC, Jingxin Zhanglao 1*J~,~:n.IO As WELCH observed, those undergoing a lengthier session in such impressive surroundings side-by­side with the monks- and nuns-to-be must have felt much more "fully initiated" than those who received the precepts elsewhere. I I

10. "Guangde Si Chuanshou Zaijia Wujie, Pusajie" 7\:;l~~~:J5t1:E*1iJfX::gWIJfX: ("The Guangde Temple Transmits the Five Lay Precepts and Bodhisattva Precepts"), in Zhongguo Fojiao Yuekan "p~~~JHU 37112 (Dec. 1993), p.lS-17.

11. WELCH, p. 364.

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Thus, in summary, we may observe that recipients of the Five Lay Precepts move another step closer to the center of Buddhism in several ways. They move closer to the ideal of liberation by undertaking to change their lifestyle and behavior in specific ways. They move closer to the ritual center by gaining access to places closer to the Buddha-altar during Dharma-meetings and through donning new ceremonial garb. Finally, they move a little bit closer to the center of the Xilian Temple through the "insider" knowledge they gain of this temple's customs and etiquette. However, this is only the second step towards the center. If they choose, they may go on to the next step and take the Lay Bodhisattva Precepts.

V. The Lay Bodhisattva Precepts.

The Lay Bodhisattva Precepts fall outside the traditional Chinese arrangements, as Ven. Shengyan's explains:

The Bodhisattva Vows are a separate pratimok!a outside of the seven groups of upiisaka, upiisikii, male novice, female novice, sik!amiina, monk, or nun. The status of the [recipient of the] Bodhisattva Vows can either be within or without these seven groups. 12

Even though Ven. Shengyan is discussing the Bodhisattva Vows in general, we need to be clear that in this section, we shall be discussing only the Lay Bodhisattva Vows. There are six canonical sources for the Bodhisattva Vows. The one most familiar to Western scholars is the Fanwang Jing 'JN~i&, which gives a list of Ten Major and Forty-eight Minor Vows. However, contemporary Chinese Buddhism reserves these vows for monastics, and they constitute the third of the three "platforms" in the Triple Platform Ordination.

When laypeople receive the Bodhisattva Vows, they receive the Six Major and Twenty-eight Minor Vows contained in the Youposai Jie Jing 1if~~:W;i& (T.1488). The reason is that this sutra follows a layperson named Shansheng (Skt: Sujata) as he receives the Three Refuges, the Five Precepts, and the Bodhisattva Precepts directly from the Buddha, at every step receiving in addition the Buddha's instructions on qualifying for and keeping the various sets of precepts. Because Shansheng never becomes a monk, but opts instead to keep his householder's status, the Bodhisattva Precepts as given in this sutra are appropriate for laypeople, but not for clergy. For example, they include the vow never to receive

12. SHENGYAN, Jielilxue Gangyao, p. 246.

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anything properly belonging to the sangha (minor precept nine); the vow always to have such things as robes, bowls, and staffs on hand to offer to monks (minor precept seventeen); the vow against ignoring a monk's admonitions (minor precept twenty-four); and the vow never t6 walk in front of a monk or a nun on the road (minor precept twenty- five). In addition, using a different and shorter set of vows for laypeople prevents duplication of vows when and if the recipient decides to seek monastic ordination, and helps to keep the status of clergy and laity distinct.

The rite leading into this stage is more complex and impressive still than those by which one takes the Three Refuges and the Five Lay Precepts. As we saw above, the Three Refuges can be given in a cere­mony lasting between one and two hours, and receiving the Five Lay Precepts requires a period of two to four days. The Lay Bodhisattva Precepts, on the other hand, require that the recipient set aside either five or seven days if they are conferred at a special stand-alone meeting, or even longer if the lay recipient receives them in conjunction with the annual BAROC monastic ordinations. Looking at it from the practical angle, one can see that simply setting aside this period of time poses a much more difficult problem for a working person than setting aside an afternoon or a weekend.

I went to the Haiming Chan Temple W~W~ in the town of Shulin south of Taipei to observe a Lay Bodhisattva Precept Retreat that was in progress there, and brought up the matter of qualifications with one of the monks in charge of organizing the event. He told me that there were no formal qualifications at that temple for receiving the precepts except a sound mind and a desire to live a Buddhist life. One need not have even taken the Three Refuges before, since both these and the Five Lay Precepts wo:uld be granted on day five of the seven-day retreat. He did go on to say: however, that a candidate could be eliminated in the course of the retreat for a number of reasons: disruptive behavior, refusing to remain on the temple grounds for the duration of the retreat, psycho­logical problems that obstructed understanding of the precepts, falsifying application materials, and so on.

Because so many of the candidates for the Lay Bodhisattva Precepts were still neophytes with only minimal previous exposure to Buddhism, the training given during the retreat began at the most elementary levels. Like the recipients of the Three Refuges that we met earlier in this article, they learned basic temple etiquette and ritual gestures. Like the recipients of the Five Lay Precepts, they learned to handle ceremonial

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robes and to behave properly in the refectory and the dormitory. In addition, the daily schedule included 90 minutes of lectures on the precepts.

The confC)rral ceremony itself is similar in structure to that for the granting of the Five Lay Precepts. One exception to this is that this ceremony requires not one but three officiants: the precept-master f~W:fD ~ dejie heshang, the karmacarya ffl\mJl6JOO~jiemo ash eli, and the catechist ~:j§'tJl6JOO~ jiaoshou ash eli. In this respect it comes still closer in form to a full monastic ordination. We shall look at the cere­mony used by the Haiming Chan Temple, which has ten parts.

The first is "purifying the altar and petitioning the preceptor"1¥:f:.i~~§f!j jingtan qingshi. The "purification of the altar" actually refers to the purification of the entire ritual space through the chanting of mantras. After this, the verger i.\tt.l~ weinuo leads the candidates in petitioning the master to confer the precepts.

In the second part of the ceremony, called "worshipping the Three Jewels" :fI1ff:lI:.=._ lijing sanbao, the three preceptors and the candidates worship the Three Jewels of the past, present, and future. With palms joined, the candidates recite the following under the verger's prompting: "With undivided mind I worship (all the buddhas, the Dharma, the sages and holy ones) of the (past, present, future)." They repeat this sentence nine times in all, making the appropriate substitutions.

The third part is called "requesting the master to preach the precepts" ~~§f!j5f\w: qing shi shi jie, in which the candidates again formally request the preceptor to grant them the precepts. After this request, the preceptor questions the petitioners, asking, "Are you a bodhisattva?"

"I am." "Have you generated the mind of enlightenment ::g:mJL,' putixin, Skt.

bodhicitta?" "I have" There follows a short sermon on the significance of taking the

Bodhisattva Precepts that places the candidates in the company of all bodhisattvas of the past, present, and future by emphasizing that "these practices and these precepts" are identical to those that are now, have been, and will be received and practiced by the bodhisattvas of the ten directions. At the end, the preceptor asks the candidates if they can receive these precepts, to which they respond, "We can!"

With this affirmation, the ceremony moves into the fourth part, which is called "asking for divine [attestation]" ~~ qing sheng. The precept-

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master rises from his seat and offers incense, while the candidates, standing with palms joined, ask buddhas and bodhisattvas to attest to the conferring and receiving of the precepts. More specifically, they ask Sakyamuni Buddha himself to act as the precept-granting'master, Mafijusrl to act as the karmiiciirya m!3!roJM~ jiemo ash eli, Maitreya to act as the catechist ~~roJM~ jirioshou ash eli, all buddhas to act as the witnessing masters, and all bodhisattvas to stand in as precept-mates. This identification of Sakyamuni Buddha, Mafijusri, and Maitreya with the three ordaining masters whose presence is necessary for a full monastic ordination is not accidental, but has roots in the Chinese Buddhist tradition. Holmes WELCH points out that, in full monastic ordinations, the preceptor was said to stand in for Sakyamuni, the karmiiciirya for Mafijusri, and the catechist for Maitreya. It is an interesting reversal that, in this ceremony, these figures are asked to stand in for the ordaining masters instead.

The fifth part is called "receiving the Unshakeable Faiths" §'l:::f,\:~HBr! shou buhuai xinfa. First, the precept-master gives a long speech using many scriptural citations on the importance of faith in the Buddha, the Dharma, the Sangha, and the precepts themselves, and explains what each of these terms means. Then the candidates say together, "I, N.N., from this moment until my last incarnation is exhausted, take refuge in the Buddha (the Dharma, the Sangha, and the precepts)." They repeat this sequence of sentences three times, with a full prostration after each repetition.

In the sixth part, the recipient confesses all faults of the past, the present, and the future '~'I~~E~~ chanhui san shi zui. The precept­master gives a short sermon on the effects of past karma and the impor­tance of confession, and then leads the candidates in saying, "If I, N.N., in the past'(present, future) have committed any of the ten evil acts of body, speech, or mind, may they never arise at any time in the future." The recipients repeat this sequence three times, again with a full prostra­tion after each repetition.

The seventh part is called "teaching the generation of the Great Vows" ~~::kPjiao fa dayuan. As the preceptor explains, these are a series of 14 vows designed to help the candidates in their future practice, and include things such as vowing to recite [Amitabha] Buddha's name, seek out good friends, avoid vicious friends, recite siltras, save suffering sentient beings, and so on. This part appears to be unique to the Haiming Chan Temple's liturgy.

JONES 135

The eighth part of this ceremony is where the main business begins, the "formal conferring of the precept-substance" jEI'§tJtl(;R zhengshou jieti. In this part, the preceptor makes three requests that all buddhas, bodhisattvas, and sentient beings in the universe attend and witness to the reception of the precepts by the candidates. Before he does this, however, the karmiiciirya instructs the candidates in a series of visualiza­tions. During the first request, they are to imagine the "fine, subtle precept-Dharma" of the universe vibrating from the power of mental karma "like a covering of clouds." During the second request, they are to imagine it settling like a cloud on their heads. During the third request, they are to take it in through the tops of their heads and bring it into their bodies and minds.

The ninth part is the "declaration of the precepts" *WJtl(;f§ bingxuan jiexiang. At this stage, the precept-master declares the six major precepts of the Youposai Jie Jing one by one, followed by the question, "Can you keep this precept?" To each, the candidates reply, "We can." There is no place in this ceremony for all 28 of the minor precepts to be individually conferred and received. Instead, the preceptor simply says, "In addition, there are the 28 minor precepts. Can you keep each of them?", to which the candidates reply once again, "We can." The tenth and final part is, of course, dedicating the merit of this ceremony to the salvation of all suffering beings.

All of my informants agree that burning incense scars ~W;® ran xiangba is definitely part of the ceremony. The norm in Taiwan seems to be to receive them in multiples of three on the left inner forearm. If this is indeed the norm, then it represents a standardization of the practice that was absent on the mainland in the past. Holmes WELCH reports that many recipients of the Lay Bodhisattva Precepts received scars on the head, while others received them on the arm, and others received none at all. WELCH states that scars on the forearm had the advantage of being visible, whereas those on the head would be covered when the hair over them grew back.

As with the receipt of the Buddha-recitation beads ~3l nianzhu in bracelet form after taking the Three Refuges, this scarring with incense -is an ambiguous status marker. Anyone can receive scars on the inner forearm at any time for any reason. (Once when the Xilian Temple set up a table for conferring scars during a Dharma-meeting, they invited me to go up and receive some. I declined.) Frequently people elect to receive scars in conjunction with other vows, or as a way of rededicating

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themselves to Buddhism, or as an expression of devotion, or in conjunction with a prayer in hopes that it will be granted. For example, in his memoirs, Ven. Chen-hua relates how he once burned twelve additional scars on his arm while praying to the bodhisattva Guanyin for his father's conversion to Buddhism. Thus, the presence of such scars does not definitely indicate receipt of the Lay Bodhisattva Precepts. However, this is one of only two places that I have encountered in Taiwan Buddhism where incense scars are not optional (the other being the scarring on the head upon taking full monastic ordination). One might say, then, that it is a negative marker: the absence of scars on the forearm definitely indicates that one has not received these precepts.

Recipients of the Lay Bodhisattva Precepts, like clergy, are also required to recite their precepts twice a month. One informant told me that he knew of a group of recipients who gathered at a Buddhist lecture hall each day of the full and new moons for a joint recitation. All temples that confer the Lay Bodhisattva Precepts print and distribute copies of the recitation ceremony at the end of the conferral. Recipients of the Lay Bodhisattva Precepts also receive certificates issued directly by the BAROC.

Finally, the Bodhisattva Precepts, whether lay or clerical, have the longest effective period of any set of precepts, including monastic. As is clear from the ceremony itself, as well as from the testimony of my informants, these precepts hold not only for this life but for all subse­quent lives. In general terms, they can be lost either by a grave violation of one of the major precepts, which entails "defeat," or by intentionally abandoning them. The Youposai Jie Jing 1if~~W:#,m: itself, with which we are most concerned here, lists six ways of losing the precepts: by cutting off one's good roots (presumably by violating one of the six major precepts), by rebirth as a hermaphrodite, by committing suicide, by taking on evil precepts (such as vowing to become an assasin), by intentionally abandoning them, or by being reborn on a plane above the Desire Realm (i.e., in the Form or Formless Realms). Ven. Shengyan, however, is more inclined to agree with the Precious Garland Sidra C:giiirt~**#,m: Pusa Yingluo Benye Jing, T.1485), which states that one never really loses the Bodhisattva Precepts. One only "covers" them for a time. They remain a part of the recipient forever l3 . On this view,

13. SHENGYAN, Jieliixue Gangyao, p. 302-303.

JONES 137

the recipient of the Lay Bodhisattva Precepts has entered a stage of the Buddhist life that is arguably more permanent than any other!

VI. Summary observations about the stages of lay life

At this point We have come to the end of the continuum of stages in lay life, and so it is worth stopping for a moment and taking stock of all the changes that have taken place in our hypothetical pilgrims' lives. At the beginning they were neophytes, interested in Buddhism and perhaps beginning to frequent temples, but still "raw material," as yet untem­pered by Buddhist training or practice.

Then they took the Three Refuges, which put them within the circle of Buddhist followers (although they are not confined there), and put a rosary of Buddha-recitation beads around their wrist as a sign to the world of their commitment. They also received a new name, although they would only use this when at the temple; it would not replace their secular name. Finally, they began to learn a bit about temple decorum, and thus gained some self-confidence when attending temple functions.

By the time they had taken the Five Lay Precepts, they had spent at least one night living in a temple, absorbing its basic orientation and atmosphere and learning some of its etiquette. They made vows to undertake some concrete lifestyle changes, although these were very general and open to interpretation. After the conferral ceremony, they moved a little closer to the altar during Dharma-meetings and gained the privilege of wearing a manyi similar to that worn by the clergy, although theirs differed in being made from whole cloth and not from strips.

If our layperson makes it all the way to receiving the Lay Bodhisattva Precepts, then he or she has made a much clearer and firmer commit­ment to re-arrange their life and conduct in accordance with Buddhist principles. Not only do they wear a robe at Dharma-meetings that resembles that worn by clergy, but they have incense scars (although in a different place), and recite their precepts twice a month (although it is a different set of precepts). They have spent more time at the temple, received more detailed training, and move as close to the altar as it is possible for laypeople to move during Dharma-meetings. In all these cases, the layperson at this level has appropriated practices and status markers that are similar to, but still distinguishable from, those employed by the clergy.

JIABS 20.2 138

The person who makes it through this process occupies a very high place within Buddhist circles, but this does not translate into recognition within wider society. Some of the status markers, such as the new name and the ceremonial garb, are only used while at a temple. Others are too ambiguous to be read clearly by people in secular society: a set of beads on the wrist or scars on the forearm are recognized generally as having some Buddhist significance, but the average non-Buddhist is not likely to know what they mean specifically in terms of one's status within the world of Buddhism. One may contrast this feature of lay Buddhist status markers with those employed by clergy. Monks and nuns wear their robes, display their scars, and use their new names everywhere they go, and the meaning of these status-markers is recognized by all members of Chinese society, whether within or outside of Buddhist circles.

We must be careful, however, not to attribute all of the effects of following this life-progression as we have traced it thus far solely to going through these rites of passage. In particular, there are many other activities that take place at Buddhist temples during which laypeople may learn temple etiquette, decorum, and customs as well as develop a sense of attachment to the temple. Participants in One- or Seven-day Buddha-Recitation Retreats spend considerable time at the temple and go through very detailed training in such things as table etiquette, proces­sions in the Great Shrine Hall, and handling the haiqing robes.

Conclusions

The implications of the foregoing discussion should make clear to the reader the necessity of heeding Gregory SCHOPEN's argument as stated earlier: in matters of Buddhist practice, one cannot rely solely on textual evidence. Iu:this instance, the observation of rituals for transmitting and receiving hlY precepts in modern Taiwan shows that the living Buddhist community organizes itself into a hierarchy that does not correspond to the division of Buddhists found in literary sources. It thus becomes apparent that scholars must revise their view of the status and role of laypeople in the Buddhist community, and be open to further revelations as researchers undertake fieldwork in other parts of the Buddhist world and in different periods of time. Such research will give scholars a more accurate picture of the place of literature in the Buddhist tradition, and also of the practices ofliving Buddhists.

Works cited

CHEN-HUA 1992

JONES 139

In Search of the Dharma: Memoirs of a Modern Chinese Buddhist Pilgrim. Ed. Chiin-fang Yii. Trans. Denis MaiL Albany: SUNY.

CHEN Huijian ~-*~~U 1994: Dangdai Fomen Renwu ~{i;~F~A. tm (Contemporary Buddhist Figures). 4th revised edition. Taipei: Dongda Tushu Gongsi **1i1i!0qJ.

CHU Hai-yiian W~V* 1988: "Taiwan Diqu Minzhongde Zongjiao Xinyang yu Zonghiao Taidu" E!~tiQ&!.I%~B"J*~{i3{rp~*~ft~Bt ("Reli­gious Beliefs and Attitudes of the People of Taiwan"), in Bianqianzhongde Taiwan Shehui ~3:'ICPB"JE!~ (Taiwan Society in Transition), 2 vols., ed. Chu Hai-Yiian and Yang Kuo-shu. Taipei: Academia Sinica Ethnology Institute cp :'R:1iJf~[l1GKa~~ 1iJf~~, p. 239-276.

SCHOPEN, Gregory 1991: "Archeology and Protestant Presuppositions in the Study of Indian Buddhism," in History of Religions 3l/1: 1-23.

SHENGYAN ~~ 1965a: Jieliixue Gangyao ftt1$~~~ (An Outline of Precepts Studies), Dongchu Zhihuihai Congkan, 4. Taipei: Dongchu Chubanshe * W tl:l1J£ 11, 1965.

SHENGYAN ~n& 1965b: Zhengxinde Fojiao iEffiB"J~~ (Orthodox Buddhism). Taipei: Dongchu Chubanshe *1')] tJjJiJ£1±.

SHIH Heng-ching, trans. 1994: The Sidra on Upiisaka Precepts. BDK English Tripitaka 45-II. Berkeley: Numata Center for Buddhist Translation and Research ..

WELCH, Holmes 1967: The Practice of Chinese Buddhism, 1900-1950. Harvard East Asian Studies, 26. Cambridge: Harvard University Press.

WILSON, Bryan 1982: Religion in Sociological Perspective. Oxford: Oxford University Press.

Xu Jiaqiang i~ati 1991. Taiwan Zongjiao Xinyangde Rentong yu Shenfen: Yige Chutan E!~*~ffi{rpB"J~;g[qJ~~:B-: -il?il1')]:j:5R (Self-identifi­cation of Religious Belief and Status in Taiwan: a Preliminary Inquiry). M.A. Thesis, Donghai University *~*~.

Yuancan ~~ 1974. Fan Wang Yanyi Jtiiftl~~ (The Fan Wang Jing: Text and Come mentary) Guangdong: n.p., n.d. Rpt. Taipei: Xinwenfeng *JTY:~, 1974.

Zhongguo Fojiao Yuekan cp~~~J=HU (Chinese Buddhism Monthly) News Unit 1993. "Guangde Si Chuanshou Zaijia Wujie, Pus a Jie Jishi" 7\:;1!~~:B!:tE~Giftt ' ¥r~fttj,(2. ("A Journal of the Trans­mission of the Five Lay Precepts and the Bodhisattva Precepts at the Guangde Temple"). Zhongguo Fojiao Yuekan 37/12 (Decem­ber 1993), p. 15-17.

PETRA KIEFFER-PULZ

Rules for the sima Regulation in the Vinaya and its Commentaries and their Application in Thailand]

1. One of the prior conditions for the existence and continuance of the Buddhist community is a boundary (simii) which defines the space with­in which all members of a single local community have to assemble as a complete Sangha (samagga sangha) at a place appointed for ecclesias­tical acts (kamma). The completeness of the Sangha is a prerequisite for the valid performance of each ecclesiastical act of the Buddhist commu­nity. The invalidity of a boundary, therefore, implies the defectiveness of the kamma performed within it. On account of this, rules for the cor­rect determination of the simii and for the application of undetermined boundaries (abaddhasimii) were laid down in the Vinaya. These rules were provided with additional regulations and detailed explanations handed down in the commentarial (atthakathii), and sub-commentarial (tikii) literature.

These texts allow one to outline the development of the simii regula­tions and to point to shifts concerning their application. The period covered stretches from the time of the Vinaya to that of the Vimati­vinodanitikii, viz. from roughly the 3rd century B.C. (?) to the early 13th century A.D.

These rules, more or less, are the foundation for regulating simii questions in all Theraviida countries up to the present. However, in the course of time different countries have developed different methods regarding minor questions. In the present contribution I will first sketch the general developments, basing myself on the Pali Vinaya texts, thereby emphasizing those points which are relevant for the comparison with special features of the Thai tradition. Thereafter I will deal with some of these specific features of the Thai tradition more detailed.

L The introductory part ofthis paper (§§ 1-4) is a slightly shortened and modified version of the introduction to my article "Ceremonial Boundaries in the Buddhist Monastic Tradition in Sri Lanka" to appear in the Proceedings of the Wilhelm Geiger Symposion, Colombo 1995. I thank Richard WILSON (Gottingen) for improving my English.

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I. Outline of the development of sima regulations in the Vinaya literature2

2. In the Vinaya the sima is introduced to delimit the extension of "one residence" (ekavasa) which previously functioned as the standard for defining a complete Sangha3. Wit.\1 this innovation the rules for deter­mining and removing a sima were introduced. First of all marks (nimitta) had to be announced (kitteti) as indications of the course of the boundary. Eight types of marks valid for that purpose are enumerated in the Vinaya. However, the method for their announcement is not described there. After the announcement came the determination of the sima, viz. samanasarrzvasasima, "boundary for the same communion". As a second step the function of the "not-being-separated from the three robes" (ticivarena avippavasa) could be conferred upon this sima, allowing the monks to be separated from one of the three robes within the sima, without this being counted as an offence.

The overlapping and combining of two determined simas was forbid­den and an "interspace to (other) simas" (simantarikii) prescribed. In the Vinaya we have only one form of a determined sima, viz. the samana­sarrzvasasima. The rule of keeping an interspace between simas, there­fore, must refer to other samanasarrzvasasimas. Since no details are given about the size of this interspace or about how to mark it, one can assume it was, in the beginning, probably only a distance to be kept to other sfmiis.

Additionally, three forms of simas are mentioned which could come into force if no determined simii existed, viz. the boundary of a village (gamasima) in settlements, a distance consisting of seven abbhantaras (sattabbhantara), i.e. ca. 80 m, in the wilderness (arafifia4), and the boundary ,,~onsisting of the line constituted by throwing water in all directions (udakukkhepa) around the assembled Sangha on natural lakes, rivers, and on the ocean.

2. For a detailed presentation I refer to my thesis published in German:KIEFFER-­POLz 1992.

3. The simii rules are included in the second chapter of the Mahiivagga, the Uposathakkhandhaka (Yin I 106, 1-35; 108,26 - Ill, 22); all information given here is based on these passages.

4. Arafifia refers to all regions outside of settlements and bodies of water.

KIEFFER-PULZ 143

The removal of a simii was only necessary if one wanted to enlarge or diminish the space enclosed by the simii and is not discussed at length in the Vinaya (see below, § 3).

In the Vinaya the determined smniinasarrzvasasima represents the primary focu,s of the rules. The three undetermined boundaries are only provided in case a monk is not inside a determined sima when the per­formance of an ecclesiastical act turns out to be necessary. The descrip­tion of the carrying out of the determination, removal, etc., is short and straightforward.

3. The extensive and detailed explanations in the commentary to the Vinaya (4th/5th century A.D.), viz. the Samantapasiidikii (Sp 1035.23-1048.32; 1049.27 -1056.30), show that the need for more detailed rules was at hand. Out of the simple rule in the Vinaya of announcing the marks (nimitta) developed a detailed description of the method of announcing nimitta (Sp 1035.23-1036.31; 1040.16-23). Accordingly it was necessary to choose exactly defined marks from the eight objects allowed in the Vinaya (and defined in Sp 1036.31-1040.16), to announce them, proceeding clockwise, and, finally, to announce the first announced nimitta a second time to connect it with the previous one. Probably based on this method a new verb was introduced for the deter­mination of the boundary. Whereas in the Vinaya the verb sam-man had been used, in the Samantapasiidika the usage alternates between bandh and sam-man5. Out of the use of this verb the term baddhasima (t. phatthasima) developed as an expression for each determined boundary, and in conformity with this the three undetermined boundary types were called abaddhasima (t. aphatthaO or akatasima). The detailed explana­tions for how to determine a boundary in a village or one enclosing several villages (Sp 1040.23 -1041.10), etc., show the complexity of the procedure of the determination of a boundary and the ease with which a mistake during the ceremony could render a sima invalid. It is, then, no wonder that the undetermined boundaries (abaddhaszma) gained ground (see below, § 11).

In the course of time the number of monks increased and monasteries developed. In some of the larger ones resided many more monks than previously, which entailed the performance of more ecclesiastical acts (viz. pabbajja, upasampada, and kammas regulating offences). Owing

5. Cf. KIEFFER-POLZ, Sima, B Einl. 7, fn. 98.

JIABS 20.2 144

to the fact that for each kamma all monks inside a sima had to assemble, the daily life of the community could be disturbed frequently. Therefme smaller simas, i.e. by-simas (called khalJrjasimas), were introduced, which were determined additionally within the space of the monastery. With the introduction of this new sima type the term simantarika, "sima­interspace", received an additional meaning. Whereas at the time of the Vinaya it was probably an undefined distance to be kept to other samanasal!lvasasimas (see above, § 2), it was now to be applied to the khalJrjasima as well. The sima-interspace now had to be marked by stone marks and had to have a minimum standard of one ratana (ca. 40 cm), one vidatthi (ca. 20 cm) or four angulas (ca. 7,2 cm) (Sp 1056.24-27). The samanasal!lvasakasima enclosing the whole monastery was then called mahasima in contrast to the small simas. In determining a khalJrjasima and a mahiisima a certain order had to be observed: first the nimitta for the khalJrjasima(s) were announced, then the nimitta for the surrounding Sima-interspace (simantarika), and finally the nimitta for the sima for the whole monastery, viz. the mahasima. Thereafter one could determine which sima one wanted to determine first, but normally one started with the khalJrjasima (Sp 1042.21-24). The method for de­termining a khalJrjasima was the same as for the samanasal!lvasakasima with the exception that as marks for the khalJrjasima only stone marks are mentioned (Sp 1041.19-1042.31, cf. KIEFFER-PULZ 1992, B 6).

Whereas in the Vinaya the removal of a sima is only briefly mentioned (Vin I 110.12-14), and the kammavacas are given (Vin I 110.14-36), it is discussed in detail in the Samantapasadika. On account of the intro­duction of the khalJrjasima a certain order of the individual steps now has to be observed not only if one wants to determine khalJrjasima and mahasima (~ee above), but also in the case of their removal, when the reverse ord~r has to be complied with. Moreover, it is, according to the Samantapasadika, not possible to remove an unknown khalJrjasima. The removal of an unknown samanasal!lvasakasima, however, is possible, since there are places within a sima which are definitely part of it, viz. the uposathagara, the cetiya, the bodhi tree, the senasana etc. (Sp 1051. 8-22). Assembling at these places, therefore, is a guarantee for being located within the mahiisima, and this in turn is one condition for the correct performance of the kamma. Where neither khalJrjasima nor mahasima are known the removal of neither of them should be performed, since the determination of the new simas might result in the overlapping of the newly determined samanasal!lvasakasima with an

KIEFFER-PULZ 145

already existing unknown khalJrjasima. This rule is important since it was changed at a later date (cf. below, § § 4 & 10).

Another important feature is the development of the so-called abaddhasimas. These had been introduced in the Vinaya in the event that no determined boundary existed at a certain place. The detailed commentary to these sima forms in the Samantapasadika (Sp 1051.27-1056.8) shows that they gained ground. This is especially true for the udakukkhepaszma.

4. Of the four tikas to the Vinaya the Vimativinodanitika is the most innovative. A very important new rule concerns the removal of unknown boundaries, which in the Vinaya was not discussed at all and which in the Samantapasadika is explained as being impossible for an unknown khalJrjasima and very difficult for an unknown samana­sa1!lvasakasima. The Vimativinodanifika (Vmv II 156.1-14) introduces a method for removing such unknown boundaries which is valid till today in Sri Lanka, in Burma and also in Thailand. 6

The applications of sima rules in Thailand.

5. In the Thai tradition the course of the sima is indicated by marks as prescribed in the Vinaya. These nimitta are called pai sima, "flat stone", in Thai, and strk sima in Khmer (BIZOT 1988, § 86; Na Paknam 1981, p.57). Three features are peculiar to the Thai tradition: firstly, the stone boundary markers visible above the ground are not real nimitta, but only objects placed upon the nimitta which protrude above ground; secondly, as the actual nimitta (which are completely buried), only stones seem to have been used, though according to the Pali tradition one could choose among eight natural objects; and, thirdly, in addition to the nimitta indi­cating the course of the boundary in the cardinal directions, a ninth mark called simakil is buried in the centre of the space enclosed by the sima (BIZOT 1988, § 9; WELLS 1975, p.180).

The true sima. stones are of unhewn rock buried in the ground at the four cardinal points and four intermediate points of the compass. Above these are placed stones or other materials which are visible to the eye to mark the sites. These stones, slabs of concrete or pillars of brick, ate decorative and may depict

6. Compare also VA.JIRANA.NAVARORASA 1983, pp. 30f; cf. KIEFFER-PDLz 1992, p. 327, fn. 590.

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the Wheel, or a leaf, or have little niches within where candles may be placed7. Sima stones can also be embedded in the Uposatha walls. There is a ninth .and most important sima stone in the center of the consecrated soil under the floor of the Uposatha hall. With this is sometimes placed articles of value and the name of the donor of the building together with the date. The ceremony of consecration starts from this central point. (WELLS 1975, p.180).

Neither of these features is documented in the Pali Vinaya texts, includ­ing the tikas, up to the 13th century.8 .

The oldest pai sima are from the northeastern region of Thailand and belong to the Dvaravati Period (6th to 9th cent. A.D.; NA PAKNAM 1981, pp.57-62)9. As early as in the 6th or 7th centuries they can be observed also in the southern, northern and central Thai provinces, and in parts of Burma and Cambodia (BIZOT 1988, § 87). This usage was therefore already customary before the Sinhalese nikiiya was introduced into Thailand. Though we have comparable sfma stones during the Polonnaruva period (1017-1235 A.D.) in Sri Lanka, this is not the same phenomenon, since these stones are real nimitta and not only decorative markers.

The method of burying the marks for the sima reminds one of the custom of Hindu societies of marking their village boundaries by invisible, i.e. buried, marks and of placing visible marks, such as trees, etc., above the ground. 10 The purpose of this measure was to prevent shifting of the boundaries and to keep evidence of the real course of a village boundary in case another group tried to shift it. Since, however, the destruction of the marks of a ceremonial boundary of the Buddhist Sangha does not render the sfma itself invalid (Sp 1043.9-11), there would be no need for this procedure.

The fact that only stones are used as nimitta reminds one of the usage connected,;with the khalJq.asima. Though the khalJq.asima is only a special form of a baddhasima and on account of this the eight objects allowable as marks of a sima could have been used for the khalJq.asima as well, only stones are mentioned as its nimitta in the Pali texts. This

7. See No NA PAKNAM 1981, and GITEAU 1969.

8. Later texts have not yet been edited or examined.

9. It should be mentioned that these decorated stone slabs were not only used to demarcate the sIma but also other buildings within the monastery. To be certain that a sIma was indicated, one therefore has to dig below these relief stones for the actual nimitta.

10. Ganganatha JRA, Hindu Law in Its Sources, vol. 1, Allahabad 1930, pp. 346-348.

KIEFFER-PULZ 147

supports the assumption that the Thai simii originates in the khmJejasimii (see below).

Whereas according to WELLS (see above) unhewn rocks are used as nimitta, VAJIRANA:t:-l"AVARORASA (1983, p.14 fn.l) mentions round stone balls. This tallies with the observation by WIJEYEW ARDENE, who describes the nimitta as consisting of "black granite, round, with a diameter of about two feet" (1986, p.96).

The use of a ninth nimitta in the centre of the place - not found in any Pali Vinaya text so far known to me - is also attested to for Java (BIZOT 1988, § 88). This nimitta plays a role within the ordination ceremony of the Mahiinikiiya, and probably also the other nikiiyas, since the up ajjhiiya , i.e. the monk leading that ceremony, sits in front of it (BIZOT 1988, § 10).

The ceremony of announcing the nimitta (called dak nimitta) deviates from that described in the Samantapiisiidikii in so far as the ninth mark has to be included. Instead of beginning in the east and of moving around clockwise till they again reach the east, the main body of monks remains in the middle of the place while four monks go to the eastern, southeastern, southern, etc., and eastern nimitta, where they, in question and answer, establish each nimitta, and then return to the middle (WELLS 1975, p.183; WIJEYEWARDENE 1986, p.97). This simple cere­mony corresponding to what is prescribed in the Atthakatha is embedded in a ritual in which lay people also participate. The most important feature in this connection is that the stone balls serving as nimitta hang over the holes dug in advance, supported by a tripod and suspended by threads. Only after the dak nimitta has taken place and in the presence of a great number of lay people are these threads cut, and the stone nimitta fall into their respective holes (WIJEYEWARDENE 1986, pp.96, 98f.).

6. Before a monastery can be built in present-day Thailand royal per­mission must be obtained. The same is true if one wishes to determine a simii (WELLS 1975, p.180; ISHII 1986, p.74). Two types of monasteries are differentiated: monasteries which have obtained a royal grant of visungiimasimii, i.e. which have permission to establish a simii and build an uposatha house within it; and monastic residences (t. samnak sangha) which do not possess an uposatha house (WELLS 1975, p.27; ISHII 1986, p. 104).

The place granted by the government within the precincts of the monastery is called visungiimasimii and is generally not larger than

JIABS 20.2 148

260 x 130 feet (i.e. ca. 80 x 40 my This area is to be marked off by nimitta and determined as simii space. Thereafter, normally within that area, the uposatha hall is erected. This serves for all ecclesiastical acts of the community - not only for the uposatha ceremony. The are'a granted by the government can only be recalled if the simii determined there is removed by the monks in an ecclesiastical act (WELLS 1975, p.179).

The visungiimasimii is explained as: " ... given to the Sangha as visungamasimii land, - removed from the status of government land, being a special place devoted to Sangha ceremonies according to the Vinaya." (WELLS 1975, p.179).

In the Pali commentary to the Vinaya the term visungiimasimii, "boundary of a village (having been) separately (given to someone)", is used as the antithesis of pakatigiimasimii, "boundary of a common village" (Sp 1052.1-4). There the term visungiimasimii describes an area given to a certain person, monastery, etc., who then receives all taxes, etc., originating from this area. The land can be recalled by the king whether or not a ceremonial boundary (simii) of the Sangha has been determined within it. In the Samantapiisiidikii the visungiimasimii is enumerated together with other types of the same simii form, i.e. a non­determined boundary (abaddhasimii) consisting of the boundary of a settlement, viz. giimasimii, nigamasimii, and nagarasimii. This indicates that the visungiimasimii is named there as a possible abaddhasimii only. The question whether or not the determination of a baddhasimii within this area is possible, is not dealt with. But in analogy to the rules for the pakatigiimasimii this should be no problem. Thus the questions of who the visungiimasimii is given to, whether it is used as an abaddhasimii by any community or whether a community determines a simii there are irrelevant,in this respect. The simii determined by a Buddhist community has nothit;.g to do with any boundary indicating ownership. Thus, if a person were granted a visungiimasimii and one or more baddhasimiis existed within this area, this did not at all affect that person's right to receive taxes, etc. This seems to be different in Thailand. There the land given as visungiimasimii cannot be recalled by the king or government if a ceremonial boundary of the Buddhist community has been determined within it. Only after the ecclesiastical act for the regular removal of a ceremonial boundary is the king or government able to withdraw the land.

Among the monasteries with an uposatha house, there are some which do not possess an area granted by the government. These monasteries are

KIEFFER-PULZ 149

called· baddhaslmii wat, and it is assumed that they received their original grant from some past ruler (WELLS 1975, p.28). They only differ from the viswigiimaslmii wat in that they do not own a written document regarding the area used as slmii compound.

Another, according to WELLS (1975, p.28) comparatively rare, type of monastery is the mahiislmii wat. This wat owns a great slmii (mahiiszmii) enclosing the whole monastic area. If we consider these different types of monasteries with uposatha houses, it is evident that the mahiislmii wat represents the monastery which according to the Pali texts is the regular one, since normally the residence where the monks lived (iiviisa) was included within the slmii along with all buildings belonging to the monastery. The problem that, on account of this, all monks had to assemble for each ecclesiastical act was alleviated by the introduction of the "by-slmii" (khm:ujasimii; see above, § 3).

The visungiimaslmii wat, which seems to be the regular type of monastery in Thailand, is not represented in the Pali texts at all - the term visungiimasimii being used in a slightly modified sense in the Pali texts as indicated above. Whereas in the Pali texts a place for the uposatha house is provided within the simii enclosing the whole monastery, the Thai slmii generally has become so small (except in mahiisimii wats) that it often includes only the uposatha house itself. As a consequence, the uposatha house is the place for all ecclesiastical acts of the community, whereas according to the Pali texts at least uposatha and upasampadii may be performed in different places, viz. within the uposatha house and within the khwujasimii respectively.

7. In Thailand slmiis are found with a single and with a double line of marks (nimitta) (BrZOT 1988, § 87). Whereas the single line of nimitta is easily explained, the double line presents some problems. BrZOT, basing himself on DAMRONG, suggested that they could be the sign of a reno­vation by the Sinhalese nikiiya (BrZOT 1988, § 87). This assumption is most improbable. For, if even the destruction of the real nimitta of a simii is unimportant with respect to the validity of that simii (see above, § 5), how much less would the disappeareance of only the decorative flat stones count. The doubling of the pai simii as a renovation measure also seems strange, since in the case of renovation one normally only restores something already existing, but does not double it.

A slmii enclosing the whole monastery, i.e. a mahiislmii, only has a single line of nimitta. Contrary to this the khar;tj.asimii, which is situated

JIABS 20.2 150

within the miihasimii and separated from it by a sima interval (simanta­rika), seems at first sight to have a double line of nimitta. In reality the inner line of stones indicates the course of the kha1Jc!asima, whereas the outer line points to that of the simantarikii (this at least is valid for all Theravada traditions).!! The earliest traces of the institution of the kha1Jc!asima go back to the Dipavarpsa (4th century A.D.). Thus this sima type could well have been known in Thailand by the 6th century ..

There is one possible explanation for the phenomenon of the double line of nimitta which would agree not only with present-day usage, but also with the information drawn from the Jinakalamali: The simas with these double lines of nimitta could have been kha1Jc!asimas, situated within a mahasimii enclosing the whole monastery (this would fully correspond with the prescriptions in the Pali Atthakatha). The marks for the mahasima might have been chosen in accordance with the Pali Atthakatha from among natural objects such as rivers, trees, hills, etc. Possibly the kha1Jc!asima had mostly been used for the various ecclesias­tical acts, so that the mahasima fell into oblivion and, since it had only natural boundary markers, nothing remained to remind one of its exis­tence. Another possibility is that the inhabitants of such a monastery left and later newcomers did not know of the existence of a mahasima at all. All that survived visibly for others then would have been a small sima marked by a double line of boundary markers. One should also keep in mind that the possibility of removing old and unknown simas was intro­duced only after the time of the Atthakatha, i.e. after the 5th and before the 13th centuries, so that in earlier times there would have been no way of removing such simas. With this hypothesis information from the

. Jinakalamali (1529 A.D.), a chronicle of Northern Thailand, agrees fully. Th.e,~conly form of a baddhasimii mentioned in this text is the kha1Jc!asimii.12 This kha1Jc!asimii enclosed the uposatha house as is the case in Thailand up to the present. Nothing is said about a mahasimii,

11. Other Vinaya traditions do not have such an interspace, e.g. the Miilasarvasti­vadin, cf. Jin-il CHUNG and Petra KIEFFER-PULZ, "The karmaviicaniis for the determination of simii and ticfvarelJa avippaviisa", Dharmaduta, Melanges offerts au Venerable Thich Huyen-Vi a l'occasion de son soixante-dixieme anniversaire, ed. by Bhikku Tampa1awela DHAMMARATANA and Bhikkhu PASADIKA, Paris 1997, pp.13-55.

12. N. A. JAY A WICKRAMA, The Sheaf of Garlands of the Epochs of the Conqueror.Being a translation of JinakiilamiilfpakaralJarrz of Ratanapafiiia Thera of Thailand, London 1968, pp. XXV, 132, 134, 147, 162.

KIEFFER -PULZ 151

the existence of which would be a prerequisite for the existence of a khm:ujasIma. Furthermore in present-day Thailand only few monasteries with a mahasima exist (see above, § 6). The fact that only stone nimitta are used for the Thai sima also point in this direction.

8. The question of when the tradition of determining a sIma including only the uposatha house had its starting point cannot be answered. Possibly it is a consequence of the tradition that the relevant area had to be granted by the government or king (though we do not know when this usage dates from either). Since this piece of land was henceforth alienated from the crown or government it was in the interest of these institutions to grant only small areas. Considering the great number of monasteries and the tendency among the lay population to prefer the erection of new ones instead of repairing older ones (because more merit would so accrue) this can easily be understood.

9. In the secondary literature it is stated that " ... traditionally, there appear to have been no bod (uposatha-house) in the monasteries within the city walls. The entire city being consecrated, ordination could be conducted, technically, anywhere within the city." (WIJEYEWARDENE

1986, p.91). One reason for this could have been that in the Thai tradi­tion the uposatha-house itself was enclosed by a sima in most cases, so that if a great sIma was to be determined, the bod within the city was avoided in order not to mingle or overlap one sima by another one.

A determined sima enclosing a whole city like Anuriidhapura or Chieng Mai (WIJEYEWARDENE 1986, p.91) is a mahasima. It could therefore include various khwujasimas. Though the sIma enclosing the uposatha house is called kha1J.tjasima, it seems not to have been under­stood as kha1J.tjasIma in the sense in which this word is used in the Pali Vinaya texts. Otherwise it would have been no problem to place a bod encircled by a sima (kha1J.tjaszma) within a city enclosed by a sIma (mahZis'ima)

The Iinakiilamiili shows the same understanding of the term kha1J.tjasima as that prevalent in present-day Thailand, in that it is used for the place, where the uposatha house is situated, though no mahasIma exists.

· nABs 20.2 152

10. It has already been mentioned above that the Vimativinodanitikii contains a rule on how. to remove baddhasimas whose course is unknown (above, § 4). This now generally accepted method is also adhered to in Thailand (VAJIRANANAVARORASA 1983, p.30; WELLS 1975, p.18lf.; WIJEYEWARDENE 1986, p.97). The removal of the sima (pa. simasamugghiita; t. suot than) is performed previous to any sima determination. The ceremony described by WIJEYEW ARDENE goes' as follows:

The monks fonn two rows from the stone inside the building to the one at the entrance and then to the one on the right. Two named senior monks chant at the central stone and, without the rows of monks moving, two others, also named, chant at the stone at the entrance (east). When these two are completed, the row of monks between the centre and the entrance move, and take up positions between the stone in the southeastern comer and the one in the southern position. The chant is then made at the southeastern stone. They go round the building in this fashion, repeat the chant at the eastern stone (at the entrance) and back into the building (WDEYEWARDENE 1986, p.97).

It is obvious that the course followed in performing this ceremony is the same as that used for the announcement of the marks, i.e. the goal is to connect all marks. The same is stated by VAJIRANANA V ARORASA (1983, p.31) "the chanting ... is done once at the centre, such as in the Uposatha hall, and then at each comer, corresponding to the nimitta, ... ". The method for the removal of a sima resembles that described in the Vimativinodanitikii (Vmv Be (Chs) II 156.1-14; KIEFFER-POLZ 1992, p.327 fn.590). However, VAJIRANANAVARORASA relates that he has heard "that in former times, the head of that ceremony used a bamboo lattice with spaces big enough to accomodate each monk, linking them together within a forearmslength throughout the area." (VAJI~NANAVARORASA 1983, p.30).

11. In the introductory part (above, § 3) it was mentioned that the abaddhasimas gained ground from the time of the commentaries onward (5th century A.D.). This is confirmed for the Thai tradition by the Jinakii1amali. Here various udakukkhepasimas are mentioned)3 Obviously this has been the most common simii form, being replaced by a determined sima, viz. a kha1J4asima, only in certain cases. It is, how­ever, evident from secondary literature that in present-day Thailand this sima form is no longer used. WIJEYEWARDENE (1986, p.99ff.) quotes a

13. Op.cit., pp. XXV, XXVII, XXXII, 130, 138, 154.

KIEFFER-PULZ 153

sermon given the evening previous to the determination of the sima. This sermon consists of a dialogue between two monks. The one asks the other what "ubosat on the water" is, and receives the reply that it is an uthak 'ukkhepana sima form, which was popular in ancient times (WIJEYEWARDENE, p.l02f.).

ABBREVIATIONS

BIZOT 1988

GlTEAU 1969

IsmI1986

Fran~ois BIZOT, Les traditions de la pabbajja en Asie du Sud-Est (Recherches sur Ie bouddhisme khmer, IV), G6ttingen, 1988 (Abhandlungen der Akademie der Wissenschaften in G6ttingen, phil.-hist. Kl., 3. Folge, Nr. 169).

Madeleine GITEAU, Le Bornage rituel des temples bouddhiques au Cambodge, Paris, 1969 (Publication de l'Ecole Fran~aise d'Extreme-Orient, 68).

Yoneo ISHII, Sangha, State and Society: Thai Buddhism in History, Honolulu, 1986 (Monographs of the Center for Southeast Asian Studies, Kyoto University).

KlEFFER-PtrLZ 1992 = Petra KrEFFER-PULZ, Die Sima. Vorschriften zur Regelung der buddhistischen Gemeindegrenze in iilteren buddhistischen Texten, Berlin, 1992 (Monographien zur indischen Archiiologie, Kunst und Philologie, 8).

NAPAKNAM 1981 No NAPAKNAM, The Buddhist Boundary Markers o/Thailand, Bangkok, 1981.

V AJlRANA~A VARORASA 1983 = V AJIRANA:t~A V ARORASA , The Entrance to the Vinaya. Vinayamukha, vol. 3, Bangkok, 1983 (original Thai version 1921).

WELLS 1975 Kenneth E. WELLS, Thai Buddhism its Rites and Activities, Bangkok, 1975 (3rd updated edition; 1st ed, 1939).

WlJEYEWARDENE 1986 = Gehan WlJEYEWARDENE, Place and Emotion in Northern Thai Ritual Behaviour, Bangkok, 1986 (Studies in Thai Anthropology, 2).

JIABS 20.2 155

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