Japan’s International Cooperation for Endogenous ...A Study on Establishment of Administration...
Transcript of Japan’s International Cooperation for Endogenous ...A Study on Establishment of Administration...
Japan’s International Cooperation for
Endogenous Development of Asian Countries
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Environmental infrastructure planning with stakeholders’ preferences
—Water demand projection for appropriate water supply system—
Multi-Agent Simulation on International Kyousei Society
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A Study on Establishment of Administration System for Endogenous Development in Developing
Countries -A Study on the point of Governance on Transportation sector-
Lessons Learned from Three Decades of Japan’s ODA Experiences
in Municipal Solid Waste Management
Research on International Regime for Climate Change
Research on Development Patterns in Asian Countries
NGO Mental Health in Developing Countries—A Mental Health NGO in Goa, India—
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Study on the Housing and Improvement Projects of Urban Poor Communities in Lao PDR
Continuity and Changing Approaches to the Urban Poor Movements and Community Development in
Korea
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Study on Process of Community Development in Thailand
A Study of Urban Spatial Structure Based on Spatial Weight Matrix
Research on Ulaanbaatar
Analysis on Economic Measures for Efficient Water Allocation
The Responses to Global Crisis of Women, Elderly, and Children in Southeast Asian
Communities
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A Study on Efficacy of Community Development Based on Activities of Small Neighborhood Groups
A Research on Alternative Medical Tourism in Philippines
Outline of Tourism Development in Cambodia
IC Introduction of IC Ticket to Remote Island in Shikoku
Tourism Development's Probable Contributions to the Internal Development in Developing Countries -an
Comparative Study on Thai and Fiji Islands-
IV RA
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A Study on management of Hot Spring as Common Resources in Resort Area
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A Study on the sustainable water use in the Qigen Lake Basin in Inner Mongolia of China
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A Study on the Influence of the Capital Market in the Development of the Western Region in China
A Case of Shaanxi
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A Study on Living Environment of Asia City—The Case Study of Taipei,Taiwan —
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A Study on the Safe Water Supply in Rural Bangladesh
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A study on rural activization by the sustainable tourism development with utilization of rural
resources in China-The case study in Dalian & Jianchang, Liaoning province-
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A Study of Development of Agricultural Organization and Institutional Arrangement in the Chinese Farming
Management
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A study on hostesses emotional labor and identity in the Japanese style karaoke club in Thaniya street
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Study of Tourism Carrying Capacity (TCC)
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Study on citizen consciousness of Energy saving and renewable energy in Dalian, China
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Report of the Research Trip in Japan
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1-1
Multi-Agent Simulation on International Kyousei Society
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IEA[1] OECD[2]
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MAS[4] MAS artisoc[5]
SimTaKN2artisoc[6]
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A Study on Establishment of Administration System for Endogenous Development in Developing Countries -A Study on the point of Governance on Transportation sector-
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Lessons Learned from Three Decades of Japan’s ODA Experiences
in Municipal Solid Waste Management
1. INTRODUCTION More than three decades have passed since Japan's first ODA projects in SWM. During the period, it has
contributed much to the betterment of urban environment and public health. However, it also encountered technical, economical and sociological difficulties which made project implementation difficult. Since 1984, the author has been engaged in Japan's various ODA projects in Asian, African, Latin American and Middle East countries. In retrospect, a number of good practices, stories behind stories, suggestions for the betterment of forthcoming project have been arisen. In this paper, such lessons learned from Japanese experiences are reviewed. 2. CONDITIONS OF RECIPIENT COUNTRIES Sages of SWM Development Level: SWM can be improved step-wise as if improvement stages are upgraded like a ladder. They can be classified as follows (Kitawaki, 2004); Stage 1: SWM is at a primitive stage in which public sector is not involved. Stage 2: Systematic waste collection is introduced but final disposal sites are not controlled. Stage 3: Sanitary landfill is implemented but candidate sites becomes scarce. Stage 4: Intermediate treatment is introduced and separate collection becomes necessary. Stage 5: Maturation of society causes complicated technical/sociological problems in SWM. Stage 6: Material-cycle society with 3Rs becomes target of SWM. In some countries, SWM is improved following above mentioned stages chronologically. However, other countries have these stages simultaneously. For example, even in the same countries, stage 6 may be demanded in the capital cities or tourism spots, but 1st stage still remains in rural areas. In lower stages, a provision of equipments is an urgent need and in higher stages an environmental education plays an important role. Various Constraints of Recipient Countries: Each recipient country has its own climate, topography, economic and socio-cultural features, according to which appropriate assistance measures should be chosen. Economic and financial constraints are always problem yet there are other problems as below (Kitawaki, 2000); -Topographical constraints: In hilly areas, collection services have difficulties because of poor operation efficiency of vehicles and poor land availability for treatment/disposal facilities etc. In low-land, inundation becomes obstacle to collection services and cover soil is difficult to obtain at landfill sites. Erosion of solid waste occurs in coastal area. -Climatic constraints: Dry climate causes lack of vehicle washing water and spontaneous combustion at disposal sites. Heavy rainfall reduces accessibility to landfill sites and increases leachate amount. Cold climate prevents
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smooth operation of collection vehicles. High generation rate of coal ash from heating equipments becomes burden to collection services. -Socio-cultural constraints: Existence of waste pickers is a commonly recognized problem in developing countries. The problem is linked with poverty, religion and social problems. The governance, management of SWM should be improved, otherwise the best use of available fund cannot be attained. 3. CAN JAPANSE EXPERIENCES HELP RECIPIENT COUNTRIES? As the Japanese archipelago extends from north east to south west with a length of about 3,000 kilometers, its climate varies from subarctic in north to subtropical in south. It means that Japan has a potential to transfer technology to many countries with different climates. For example, experts in Hokkaido can offer expertise for cold countries whereas Okinawa can help Pacific Island. Nevertheless, what is appropriate in Japan is not always appropriate to other countries. Japanese technology has adapted itself in order to cope with Japan's constraints. For example, Incineration is Japanese main treatment system which is best to reduce disposal rate because land scarcity is the main problem. As Japanese ODA projects are implemented in various areas with different constraints, Japanese experiences cannot be directly applied but should be adapted to local situation. Six stages of development in SWM were already shown in this paper. Japan's development stage is already at the final stage now, however, there were stories behind stories before present situation has been actualized. It's not before 30-40 years ago that SWM situation was improved as the current situation. During the development process, Japan has experienced all above stages including stage 1. Japanese experiences in such a development process are compiled into a documentary film and made full use in group training courses etc. Trainees in developing countries are happy to see such movies whereas they are discouraged if only a very sophisticated technologies are introduced. Senior volunteers over 60 years old can also effectively disseminate such information because they have seen such improvement stages as their own primal experiences. Semi-aerobic landfill method or "Fukuoka method" is one of the most successful technologies which has been transferred to many developing countries with various climates. Disaster waste management is another important area which Japan has expertise acquired from two great earthquakes which took place in 1995 and 2011. As disasters like earthquake or hurricane damages may happen any time at any country, Japan is in a position to disseminate its own bitter experiences to raise awareness and to minimize forthcoming damages. 4. LESSONS LEARNED AND CONSIDERATION TOWARDS SUSTAINABILITY During three decades, many donor countries have been enthusiastically involved in ODA projects in Asian, African and Latin American countries. During the process they have faced a lot of difficulties to leave "ruins of foreign aid", which are negative legacies of inappropriate technology transfer. For example, many fully mechanized treatment facilities have been abandoned due to high operation and maintenance cost, which are known as "white elephants". With this concern, Japan's ODA is not keen to construct treatment facilities. However, if appropriate supporting measures are taken, even sophisticated technologies have potential to become "leap frog". In this paper, such lessons learned and some recommendations are described. However, appearance of real names is avoided not to cause inconvenience to relevant authorities. Features and Constraints in Japanese ODA Schemes: Japanese ODA projects have some typical features. Large projects have been formulated basically on the base of recipient country's request. In the finding and formulation process of such projects, of course, various Japanese public/private organizations are involved. However, final decisions are made by the government of recipient countries in which sometimes SWM projects have lower
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priority. This makes it difficult to forward ODA request to Japan even if Japanese side is keen to implement one. In addition, it takes years to formulate, plan and implement an ODA project, which is a concern of recipient countries. On the contrary, a PFI projects is fast in the implementation because it doesn't require diplomatic formalities. It sometimes becomes ODA's competitor even in SWM. PFI projects extend services to the most profitable parts of capital cities, whereas ODA projects have to take care of excluded areas with difficulties like urban slam areas. Another constraint for an ODA projects is a rigid time frame for project implementation because its budget should be executed within the fiscal year if no extraordinary event happens. In a SWM project, there may be critical paths such as community involvement or behavior change. Most of such time consuming activities are followed by additional follow-up projects. Project Cycle Management: In the earliest yeas of Japanese ODA in SWM began, the idea of project cycle management was not introduced, however, nowadays project design matrix (PDM) is used in a process of project management from a preparation stage of proposal through an evaluation stage. In the finding/formation stage of projects, various parties are involved. Each entity has its own aim and priority which sometimes has contradiction. It may sometimes cause competition among parties. In a planning stage, steering/advisory committee plays an important role not only for offering technical advice but for providing pressure on study teams to enforce projects smoothly. As for an implementation stage, project teams face numerous difficulties and obstacles including security problems and interferences. In an operation/maintenance stage, normally ODA projects are already over and recipient countries/municipalities are responsible. However, even at this stage donor country's monitoring mission, if possible, seems to be effective in pushing recipients to manage and maintain their assets from cooperation projects. At an evaluation stage, evaluation missions are dispatched for the comprehensive evaluation of the projects, however, it is rather difficult to evaluate long range efficiency. Government Structure and SWM Sector: Each country has its own administrative formation, which sometimes causes confusion. SWM is under the jurisdiction of Environmental Ministries in a country, however, in another country it may be mandatory of other ministry such as Health Ministry or Public Works Ministry etc. Actually in Japan, the supervising ministry of SWM is the Ministry of the Environment whereas the Ministry of Health and Welfare was in the position before 2001. What makes the matter complicated is that many of the ministries have something to do with SWM in various manners. For example, 3R activities involve Industrial Ministries, Education Ministries, Agricultural Industries, Science Ministries and Home Affairs Ministries etc. In ODA projects, sometimes supervising ministry of a recipient country is different from that of a donor country, which makes discrepancy in the aim of the project. Intersectoral coordination is easy to advocate, however, difficult to actualize. Development of Japanese Experienced Personnel: Many of individual experts to be sent to developing countries have been selected from the public sector, which sometimes became obstacles for them to become repeaters. Public service personnel follow personal rotation of their affiliation. Technical know-how is accumulated rather in private sector such as consulting firms, which implement projects under the order of aid agencies. Therefore, it is important for an aid agency to have in-house consultants. For this purpose, JICA has "development specialists" system to give technical support to program officers who are mainly consisting of administrators. Importance of "Soft Component": There are a number of important key words with which we can make aid projects successful. For example, project team should consider genuine demand, awareness raising, introduction of peer pressure, raising willingness to pay, strengthen ownership, community participation, etc. In the International Drinking Water Supply and Sanitation Decade in the 1980's, much emphasize was placed on such "soft components" since it had been proved that hardware alone did not work. A sound balance of such "hardware and software" is a key to the success. Too much emphasis should not be placed on one over another.
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Encouragement of Behavior Change: In SWM projects, people's behavior change is always required. For example, ban of littering, separation of solid waste for recycling etc., is crucial. However, behavior change is one of the most difficult thing and it may require a long time and big efforts before people change their attitude. In ODA projects, awareness program and campaign are designed to stimulate people's curiosity. Videos and teaching materials were prepared and meetings were held actively. However, continuation is more important than temporary promotion. For example, solid waste education should be involved in primary school formal textbooks so that environmental education could reach all children. They become parents in ten years and teach their own children what they have learned at school, only when environmental education is completed. ODA project cannot continue for such a long time, however, such systems can be established within a project period. To encourage behavior change, legal action such as the enactment of ordinances will be helpful. ODA projects can help counterpart officials to draft such regulations. Change in People's Concept towards SWM: People may have objection if SWM facilities are located near their premises. It ranges from slightest NIMBY (not in my backyard) to medium strong LULUS (locally unwanted land uses) and strongest BANANA(build absolutely nothing anywhere near anybody). One reason why such a phenomena occur is that there is the reduction in the value of people's property such as real estate because the environment becomes deteriorated by the influences from SWM facilities. In many cases, affections are magnified by widespread rumors. To ameliorate this vicious circle, it is necessary to introduce environmentally sound technology together with environmental education to raise people's awareness change their concept towards SWM. Tariff Collection: People's willingness to pay (WTP) for SWM is relatively low compared with that for electricity, water supply etc. It is because payers and service receivers are identical in the latter whereas payers and beneficiaries are different in SWM. Therefore, nonpayment of solid waste charge is always a serious problem. However, the charge can be collected with electricity charge, with some commission to an electricity company. In such a case, information telephone lines should be increased because users' complaints are expected to increase. Likewise, community organization can also be a tool to collect tariff. Community chief knows everybody in the community, which makes it possible to collect tariff efficiently. In an Asian city, solid waste tariff was collected by the community and 10% of commission was paid to the community organization, which used the portion in purchasing insecticides to be sprayed in the community. 5. CONCLUSION
In this paper, conditions and constraints of recipient countries were reviewed. Furthermore, discussion was made whether Japan’s domestic experiences can help recipient countries. Subsequently, main discussions were made with focus on the difficulty Japan has faced during their ODA activities. From above mentioned discussion, recommendations were made on future research needs. Although it is not an easy job to make a change, efforts should be continuously paid to make future ODA project successful and sustainable. REFERENCES H., Kitawaki (2000): Appropriate Aid for Solid Waste Management in Developing Countries, Journal of Japan Environmental Facilities Manufactures Association No.43, 25-31 (In Japanese) H., Kitawaki (2004): Solid Waste Management in Developing Countries, Proceedings of the 19th Symposium of Joint Environmental Engineering, Science Council of Japan, 107-114 (In Japanese)
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1 1
Research on International Regime for Climate Change
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Research on Development Patterns in Asian Countries
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Mental Health in Developing Countries—A Mental Health NGO in Goa, India—
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The Challenge of Slums UN-Habitat 2003
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The Responses to Global Crisis of
Women, Elderly, and Children in Southeast Asian Communities
Women, elderly, and children are the most adversely affected by poverty , and more recently, by the global crisis. In Southeast Asia, women constitute close to half of the population while children (ages 14 and below) range from 16%-37%. While the elderly population in most of the Southeast Asian societies is not yet as high as the over 20% evident in Japan and other developed countries, they are considered among the needy dependents in poverty-stricken communities of the world. Our past research showed women and children investing more time in engaging in more and diverse forms of work for insufficient income, including engaging in local and foreign migration. Women, including the girl-child, have been expanding their public spaces (for household survival and community engagements) resulting in less private time and resources for themselves. So far, very few researches have been done about the responses and policies for the elderly in communities affected by poverty and the ongoing global crisis. These 3 groups have long responded to the challenges posed by poverty and development policies. This research would like to document their present engagements with poverty within the present global crisis and consider research and policy suggestions for the improvement of the lives of these 3 groups affected by gender, age, and class.
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Continuity and Changing Approaches to the Urban Poor Movements and Community Development in Korea
1. Introduction
There have been radical spatial transformations in Seoul since the late 1960s. The changes have been mainly affected by a rapid transition of the Korean economy and the polarized development that emphasizes the growth of large cities and pursues unequal development as matter of policy. As a result, they brought about a massive migration from the rural areas to Seoul city. The city population had quadrupled in only three decades: from 2.5 million in 1960 to 10.6 million in 1990, which accounts for one fourth of the national total population. The rapid and explosive population influx into the city had created a chronic
housing shortage and a steep rise in housing prices. It had caused the growth of squatter and substandard settlements in the city during the period. Although these areas did not accommodate all of the urban poor, they had frequently been recognized as a symbol of poverty by visible concentration of poor people. Particularly, squatters and tenants living in the settlements were among the most disadvantaged. They had been ignored and excluded from housing rights and security of tenure. It was not unusual to find forced evictions of them in redevelopment project areas.
Even though there had been continuous resistance and struggles against the forced evictions, they were sporadic, less organized and isolated. However, the urban poor people’s movement after the late 80s that was mainly initiated by the evictees has witnessed a dramatic change. A new political environment, new actors and a new social movement have been central to the changes in the practice and strategy of the movement. It is also noteworthy that the movement has not ended up only struggle level for securing their rights, but it has continuously played the role as a leading model and driving force for innovative community development in Korea. This paper is concerned with the relationship between socio-politico environments and prevailing community development practices in urban areas and changing approaches to the movement. First of all, the paper will examine the history of the urban poor movement in Seoul. Second, it will explore changing patterns of practices and strategies adopted in the movement. Finally, it will analyze its impact on community development in Korea.
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2. Beginning of the Urban Poor Movements As mentioned before, urbanization in Korea during the last five decades has been
characterized by unprecedentedly rapid pace in comparison with other countries and urban concentration around the capital city of Seoul. The degree of urbanization increased almost five times between 1950 and 2000. The pace and scale of urbanization and over-concentration in a few cites have resulted in remarkable economic growth, but has also driven up serious urban problems, particularly overcrowding and lack of adequate housing in Seoul. In 1970, about one third of the total housing units in Seoul were squatter housing. Since the late 1960s, the central and city governments have responded to the squatters through several approaches ranging from a forced eviction to resettlement and self-help housing. The early policy response focused on protection against squatting by strict demolition policy, which often led to strong resistance and confrontation from the squatter residents. The treat of eviction and their housing rights has promoted groups of the
squatters to come together and organize themselves to protect their settlements. In 1971, there were two large protests and riots against ill-prepared massive relocation of existing squatters to outer region and construction of small-scale public apartments on the sites that the squatter residents left. The two protests were the first large collective actions by the urban poor in Korea. But it was insufficient to say that they were a type of social movement which means a large informal group action of organization or individuals, focused on carrying out or resisting social change. They were just a short term and an expression of dissent against adequate compensation without systematic ways and a sense of specific purpose. The urban poor movements slowly started to systemize as the Seoul Metropolitan
Community Organization supported by Christian churches trained community activists and dispatched them into these informal settlements since the large protests. However, their activities were extremely constrained by strict limitations on freedom of speech and civic rights. Furthermore, since government saw their agendas as threatening and labeled them communistic, they had to be secretive and remain underground. Under such a socio-political environment, the community activities taken by the community mobilizers were as follows: settlement enumeration and community mapping to identify their problems by themselves, legal and physical support with eviction issues in the communities, programs to deliver the urban poor’s basic services, and programs to strengthen people’s empowerment. Thus, the urban poor movements in 1970s were characterized by community
organizing centering Christian churches and universities, and reflecting organizing techniques of Saul Alinsky on their movements. Alinsky organized the poor to fight for their right as citizens through collective direct action. But, he tried to get a better deal for those living at its margins, not to transform society. As the result, the activists in the informal settlements didn’t take consideration the transformation of society. Their strategies were mainly focused on organizing the
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self-reliant community under the dictatorial government. 3. Rise of the Poor Movement and Community Development The military authoritarian regime held for 18 years was ended in 1979 and
replaced by a new military authoritarian government soon. But, the new regime exercised more rigid and repressive control over social, economic and political life of population with enactment of anti-democratic laws than the previous regimes. Intense student movement and protests against the government oppression and toward democratization had continued since the beginning of the government. This new regime faced a serious political crisis with the Great Uprising in June,
1987, a national movement and rally which sought the restoration of democracy. This was an important transitional stage in the pursuit of political democracy in Korea. With the Uprising that ended Chun regime, the scope of participation of the broad urban middle class was enlarged. Thus, the 1980s was a period of great transformation in the democratization of political systems and in social development. Since 1987, the evolution of urban poor movements based on community is
rooted in three traditions and ideologies: the people’s movement that began in informal settlements in 1970s, movement by mass organizations appearing in the late 1980s with democratization and co-operative movements. The community organizing movements in the informal settlements that started in the early 1970s also continued in 1980s. The trained organizers were working for community organizing in most of the informal settlements in the early 1990s, particularly designated as urban redevelopment project, although their affiliation and programs are different. As the dimension of democracy movements was developed in quantity and quality, and scope of groups participating in the movements enlarges, the theories, practices and strategies of movements became sophisticated and systemized. In the meantime, government policy toward the squatters and slum communities faced a new turning point by “the joint redevelopment program” established in 1983 (known as partnership renewal program). The program was a strong instrument for the clearance and redevelopment of informal settlements and has dominated evictions. This program is based on a voluntary contract between property owners’ cooperative and a construction company. In return for the land provided, each property owner was given a new apartment unit, and construction company secured its property through sale he remaining units. The most fundamental problem with this program was that they completely isolate and marginalize the tenants. This resulted in the majority of tenants and squatters being evicted. Between 1985 and 1988, over 700,000 urban poor were evicted. The urban poor movements began with the tenant resistance to demolition and eviction in the redevelopment. A large scale of protests and struggles to Mokdong redevelopment project by the renters ignited anti-eviction movements in redevelopment areas in the 1980s. The renters associations were actively
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organized and formed large-scale networks with the some kind of urban poor groups such as street vendors as well as Evictees. It was at this time that the Federation of Evicted People of Seoul and the Federation of National Street Vendors were organized. Since mid-1980s, anti-eviction campaigns have been the main the urban poor movement in Korea. NGO, CBO and renter anti-eviction movements have achieved some results such as qualifying eligibility for public rental housing and better housing. A new policy of “residential environmental improvements program” was put forth in 1989, with purpose of providing infrastructure to communities that otherwise did not qualify for redevelopment. Such a radical departure by the government brought changes in strategies and activities in the urban poor movements. 4. From Confrontation to Negotiation With the direct election of local governments in 1995, a new era of NGOs and CBOs emerging from civil society seemed to have arrived. What began for these embattled communities as a short-term, defensive response to a crisis, gradually grew into more proactive process of focusing on the long-term goal to realize better livability through preparation, participation, dialogue and negotiation. Differently from existing groups that have focused on class struggle and confrontation, new intermediary organizations paid attention on education, gender, social welfare and consumer protection. In the urban poor movements, one of major changes was diversification of movement organizations. As lessons derived from practice and action in field was regarded as more important than discourse on movement, practice and learning in individual community was more emphasized than setting up goal of the movements. Second, area of the focus of the movements shifted from issues on political power and class to the realm of livelihoods. Third, the targets and subjects of the movement became diversified from resistance to eviction to environmental improvement, gender and social welfare. Fourth, the paradigm on the NGO approach to the poor community development is moving from controlling to facilitating, from providing to enabling, and from giving to empowering the people. Finally, spatial unit of the poor community has been changed from Dong to Gu for the purpose of enhancing the bargaining power with local government. Campfens, Hubert (Ed.), Community Development around the World: Practice, Theory, Research, Training, University of
Toronto Press, 1999. Pp28-29 Ha, Seong-Kyu, “The Role of NGOs for Low-Income Groups in Korean Society,” Environment and Urbanization, Vol. 14, No 1,
2002, pp.219-229 Shin, Myong-Ho, “History of the Urban Poor Movements in Korea (2),” City and Poverty, Vol. 39, 1999.8, pp. 67-75.
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Study on Process of Community Development in Thailand
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A Study of Urban Spatial Structure Based on Spatial Weight Matrix In spatial statistical analysis of geographical phenomena, a region or a city under study might be
divided into some small areal units such as a regular square tessellation or administrate units emerged in irregular shape and have different spatial characteristics. If we are using GIS to support the analysis, irregular areal unit such as cho in Japan is usually represented as one such polygon with geometric attributes. In spatial statistics, an areal unit that has special geometric attributes and maintains significant spatial correlation and spatial interaction close to adjacent units is called a prominent areal unit or important areal unit. The prominence of areal units can be measured by a prominence or influence-centrality index which is obtained by using eigenfunction or Markov chains method from a spatial weights matrix (Bavaud, 1998, Zhang and Murayama, 2003) In this study, after a review of creating spatial weight matrix, we will take up a weight function
definition to create measure of prominent areal units and use it to analyze the urban spatial structure in Matsudo City, Chiba Prefecture. 1. A review of creating spatial weights matrix The spatial weights matrix formed by weight coefficient is an integral part of spatial modeling. It
is defined as the formal expression of spatial dependence between observations (Anselin, 1988). To think about the type of spatial weights matrix W, Getis (2009) indicated that at least three ways exist that could be theoretical, topological, and empirical points of view. According to theoretical point of view, the W matrix is exogenous to any system, and should be based on a preconceived matrix structure. Usually this structure is based on a theory of distance decay, however defined. The theory of distance may come from notions of spatial interaction and gravity models. The topological viewpoint arose from a need to depict the actual configuration of the areal units contained within a study region. For example, a long, narrow areal unit would be represented in differently than a short, wide unit. In this case the matrix W might be specified in different ways that might be number of neighbors, length of side in common, and proportion of perimeter in common. Cliff and Ord (1969) said, “With a flexible system of weights, the researcher can highlight those features of a study area which he believes to be important. The empirical viewpoint of approach implies that one detects spatial dependence in variables under study. One must use a local autocorrelation point of view to identify the exact level of spatial autocorrelation surrounding any given observation then creates a W matrix. Since 1961s, most researchers have made every effort to attempt to create proper dependence
representation in spatial weights matrix. When data are in a raster model, W was constructed in the rook’s case or queen’s case definition of neighbors. Using vector data, popular were two types of W to be used. The first is called a simple binary connectivity definition and uses a discrete function where spatial entities are assumed to be adjacent if and only if they share a common boundary. The nature of interaction for the spatial phenomenon under study cannot always be captured by a simple binary proximity measurement. In this case, based on theoretical and conceptual considerations, a generalized weight function can be used as advanced by Cliff and Ord (1981)
91
which offers flexibility in defining spatial proximity. Typical functions incorporate the distance between the geographical centroids of areal units and/or the length of common boundary between areal units (Can, 1996). Getis and Aldstadt (2004) summarized previous attempts to create a spatial weights matrix and
identified many different types of weighting schemes. That are 1. spatially contiguous neighbors;
2. inverse distances raised to some power; 3. length of shared borders divided by the perimeter; 4. bandwidth as the nth nearest neighbor distance; 5. ranked distances; 6. constrained weights for an observation equal to some constant; 7. all centroids within distance d; and 8. n nearest neighbors, and so on Some of the newer schemes are: 1. bandwidth distance decay;
2. Gaussian distance decline; and 3. “tri-cube” distance decline function. Furthermore, Getis and Aldstadt (2004) also proposed a spatial weights matrix based on the Gi* local statistic (Ord and Getis, 1995) which accounts for the spatial association extant within any region that has been divided into its constituent parts. In a series of simulation experiments the matrix is compared to well-known spatial weights matrix specifications two different contiguity configurations, three different inverse distance formulations, and three semi-variance models and performed best according to the AIC (Akaike Information Criterion) and the autocorrelation coefficient evaluation. Zhang and Murayama(2000) suggested a concept and algorithm of k-order neighbours based on
Delaunay’s triangulated irregular networks (TIN) and redefined Getis & Ord’s (1992) local spatial autocorrelation statistic as Gi (k) with weight coefficient wij (k) based on k-order neighbours for the study of local patterns in spatial attributes. Although the choice of a spatial weights matrix specification for spatial statistical analysis is not
clear-cut and seems to be governed primarily by convenience or convention, Griffith (1996) proposed some explicit guidelines on specification of the spatial weights matrix and concluded that relative large numbers of areal units should be employed (n>60) in a spatial statistical analysis and low-order spatial models should be given preference over higher-order ones. 2. Spatial weights matrix formed by weight coefficients In this section, we definite a weight coefficient and create the spatial weight matrix formed by this
coefficient for a simple hypothetical region. If we are studying spatial interrelationships distributed over a set of areal units, the spatial
structure of units might be defined as the spatial contiguity which is treated as a n×n spatial weights matrix with binary variable (Cliff & Ord, 1981; Zhang and Murayama, 2003). The binary weight is represented as follows:
otherwise0
contiguous are j and iarea if1
ijw (6.1)
The binary spatial weights matrix is a symmetric form. If the is row-standardized:
92
Jjij
ijij w
ww*
where J is the set which includes all areal units that are contiguous with i. the wij* is satisfying non-negative wij* 0 and 1*
Jjijw (for all i 1, … ,n). The binary weight is often used in spatial
autocorrelation analysis with regular and irregular areal units. A hypothetical example will clarify the use of this index. Imagine a region that is divided into four units (Figure 6.1), unit 1 and 2, 1 and 3, 1 and 4 2 and 3 are contiguous.
Fig 6.1 A hypothetical region The binary spatial weights matrix and its standardized form of figure 6.1 are
0001001101011110
bW
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3. Prominence of irregular areal units The standardized spatial weights matrix * with elements of row-standardized variable wij* is
identical to the Markov chains transition matrix. Assuming the chain is ergodic ( 0)( ijnw for
some n >0 and all i, j ), we can obtain a unique stationary distribution 0jp , )0.1(j jp
solution:
ppW T (6.2)
or jijj j pwp
The vector p, )( ,1 nT ppp is an eigenvector of TW with a corresponding eigenvalue of 1.
Whereas wij is a measure of the relative influence of unit j on unit i, pi can be interpreted as the total influence of unit i on the total region of city. pi will be further referred to as a prominence index (Bavaud, 1998). We also call the index as spatial prominence pi here because the spatial attributes are necessary to calculate it. As mentioned above, prominence can obtained from the spatial weight matrix. We use the
standardized spatial weight matrix to calculate the prominence of units of figure 6.1. The elements
93
of eignvector p of binary spatial weights matrix Wb* are
p1 0.375 p2 0.250 p3 0.250 p4 0.125. Areal unit 1 has the largest value of prominence, because it is contiguous to three other units. The
prominence of unit 2 is just the same value as unit 3, because they are all contiguous to two units. As the unit 4 is only contiguous to unit 1, it has the least prominence. 4. Application Matsudo is a midsize city located in north-eastern part of Tokyo metropolitan area. Its
administrative division was formed when the municipality was established in 1953. The cho is the fundamental administrative areal unit and the variation of its geometric attributes is very large. For example, the area of the biggest cho is 185 times as large as the smallest, and the longest distance from the center of a cho to the neighboring cho is 22 times as long as the shortest. The standardized binary spatial weight matrices Wb* can be derived from topological attributes of
the polygons of chos which are built by GIS e.g. ArcGIS and digital map 2500 constructed by Japanese Geographical Survey Institute (Can ,1996; Zhang, 1999). Then the spatial prominences pi
can be calculated according to the equation (6.2). Figure 6.2 shows distribution map of classified prominence of chos in Matsudo city. We can consider Figure 6.2, which shows that the prominent chos with larger than 0.006 of pi are
concentrated on the triangular region formed by the eastern side along the JR Jouban Train Line, the western side along the JR Musashino Train Line, and the northern and southern sides along the Keisei Subway Line. There are a large number of large and non-compact chos in the region. In contrast, small and compact chos show lower value of prominence and are located on the periphery of Matsudo city.
Fig 6.3 Prominence distributions 5. Conclusion and future prospects In regional science, an areal unit which has special geometric attributes and keeps significant spatial correlation and spatial interaction closely to adjacent units is called prominent zone. The prominence of irregular units can be measured by prominence index which is a stationary distribution of Markov chains transition matrix identical to a spatial weight matrix. In this study, to identify the strength of the potential interaction and correlation between spatial
94
units, we reviewed previous researches to create the spatial weights matrix and discussed some explicit guidelines on specification of the spatial weights matrix and many different types of weighting schemes. Then a definition of spatial weights are showed as binary and prominence is obtained from this weight matrix. Finally we used it to analyze the spatial structure and pattern in Matsudo City. As we know that the spatial structure of city is determined by not only geometric attributes and
topological attributes, but also social and economic thematic attributes of areal units in city, it is necessary to create some definitions and measures for prominent unit and to use them to analyze the urban spatial structure. The definitions propose begin with confirming the relationship between the prominence index and geometric attributes of areas, expand to include all spatial attributes of areas: geometric attributes, topological attributes and thematic attributes. Furthermore, an approach to implement the definitions will be tested and evaluated to analyze the spatial structure of a city. References Anselin, L. (1988). Spatial Econometrics: Methods and Models. Dordrecht: Kluwer. Bavaud, F. (1998). Models for spatial weights: a systematic look. Geographical Analysis, 330, 153
171. Can, A. (1996). Weight matrices and spatial autocorrelation statistics using a topological vector
data model. International Journal of Geographical Information Systems, 10, 1009 1017. Cliff, A. D. and Ord, J. K. (1981). Spatial processes: Models and applications. London: Pion. Cliff, A. D. and Ord, J. K. (1969). The problemof spatial autocorrelation. In A. J. Scott (Ed.) London
Papers in Regional Science, Volume 1, Studies in Regional Science (pp. 25 55). London: Pion. Getis, A. (2009). Spatial weights matrices. Geographical Analysis, 41, 404 410. Getis, A. and Aldstadt, J. (2004). Constructing the spatial weights matrix using a local statistic.
Geographical Analysis, 36, 90 104. Getis, A. and Ord, J. K. (1992). The analysis of spatial association by use of distance statistics. Geographical Analysis, 224, 189 206. Griffith, D. A. (1996). Some guidelines for specifying the geographic weights matrix contained in
spatial statistical models. In S. L. Arlinghaus et al. (Eds.) Practical Handbook of Spatial Statistics (pp.65 82). Boca Raton: CRC.
Ord, J. and Getis, A. (1995). Local spatial autocorrelation statistics: Distributional issues and an application. Geographical Analysis 27, 286 306.
Zhang, C. (1999). Development of a spatial analysis tool for irregular zone using the spatial data framework. Geographical Review of Japan, 772, 166 177. (in Japanese with English abstract)
Zhang, C. and Murayama, Y. (2000). Testing local spatial autocorrelation using k-order neighbors. International Journal of Geographical Information Science, 14, 681 692.
Zhang, C. and Murayama, Y. (2003). Evaluation on the Prominences of Irregular Areas Based on Spatial Weight Matrices. Geographical Review of Japan 776A: 777 787 (in Japanese with English abstract).
95
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The Responses to Global Crisis of Women, Elderly, and Children in Southeast Asian Communities
Introduction Already burdened by the continuing global economic and financial crisis, all
throughout the world, people and communities are confronted by additional afflictions brought about by increasing disaster risks associated with natural hazards such as earthquakes, tsunamis, tropical cyclones, floods and droughts.
Global disaster risks and impacts have been reported to be greater for the poor , for the poorer communities, for the poorer countries ( United Nations, 2009). Children have also been reported to be among the victims of disasters ( Salim, 2011). Regrettably, disaster reports have rarely been, if at all, gender-specific.
In 2011, the October flooding in Bangkok as well as the December typhoon damage in the Philippines, as well as other disasters experienced elsewhere in the world again dramatized the massive destruction and loss of lives and assets.
Continuing disasters call serious attention to the urgency not only to the need for understanding and better management of disaster risks and their causes but also to the need to realize, more importantly, that disaster management significantly links with and therefore need to be mainstreamed together with policy related to poverty reduction and with sustainable development as well.
To positively move further in mitigating the adverse impacts of this additional crisis- driver, especially on the marginalized groups already burdened by the continuing global economic crisis, this paper shares several discussions presented in various selected literature ( see References) about disasters, trends, and impacts, especially for Asia which has been affected by almost half of all natural disasters between 1990 and 1999, with 43% to 70% of all lives lost ( UNISDR, 2004) In 2010, some 89 per cent of all people affected by disasters lived in Asia (IFRCRCS, 2011).
This paper will conclude with the recommendations of a 2009 United Nations report (United Nations, 2009) about the need for policy to recognize and incorporate disaster within the sustainable development nexus. Understanding Disasters
A. Disasters : Definition and Types
105
Disaster, according to the Centre for Research on the Epidemiology of Disasters (CRED), is “ a situation or event, which overwhelms local capacity, necessitating a request to national or international level for external assistance.” (IFRCRCS,World Disaster Report, 2011).
Disasters can be both natural and technological. Natural disasters consists of “five sub-groups, which in turn cover 12 disaster types
and more than 32 sub-types as follows: ( Ibid.) (i) Biological disasters: Insect infestations, epidemics and animal attacks (ii) Geophysical disasters: Earthquakes and tsunamis, volcanic eruptions, dry mass movements (avalanches, landslides, rockfalls and subsidence of geophysical
origin), (iii) Climatological disasters: Droughts (with associated food insecurities), extreme temperatures and wildfires, ( iv) Hydrological disasters: Floods (including waves and surges), wet mass move- ments (avalanches, landslides, rockfalls and subsidence of hydrological origin),and, (v) Meteorological disasters: Storms . The technological disasters comprise three groups: ( Ibid) (i) Industrial accidents: Chemical spills, collapse of industrial infrastructure, explo- sions, fires, gas leaks, poisoning, radiation (ii) Transport accidents: Transportation by air, rail, road or water (iii) Miscellaneous accidents: Collapse of domestic/non-industrial structures, explo- sions, fire. B) Disaster Trends ( 2001-2010) There were 4,022 natural disasters and 3,048 technological disasters for 2001-
2010 for a total of 7,070 for the time period given. (IFRCRCS 2011 World Disaster Report). Natural disasters, specifically earthquakes/tsunamis killed about 1, 221,332 with a total of 2,674,889 reported affected while technological disasters claimed 91,851 lives.
According to the 2011 World Disaster Report. Asia had a total number of 2,872 disasters from 2001-2010 followed by Africa ( 1,729 ), Americas ( 1,332), Europe ( 962), and Oceania ( 175). Asia also had the highest total number of people ( 2,268,070) affected by disasters within the same time period , 2001-2010. Asia also had the highest number of victims( 84%) for 2010 ( 255,995 of 304,388 victims).
Tables 1 and 2 below show the total number of disasters by type and by continent and the total number of people reported killed by type of disaster by continent, for 2001-2010. ( Ibid).
Table 1:Total number of reported disasters, by type of phenomenon, by continent (2001-2010)
Droughts/food insecurity Earthquakes/tsunamis Extreme temperatures Floods
106
Forest/scrub fires Insect infestations Mass movement: dry Mass movement: wet Volcanic Eruptions Windstorms
Total Natural disasters Industrial accidents Miscellaneous accidents Transport Accidents Total Technological disasters Total
Source: EM-DAT, CRED, University of Louvain, Belgium in IFRCRCS, 2011.
Table 2:Total Number of people reported killed by type of phenomenon, by continent (2001-2010)
Droughts/food insecurity Earthquakes/tsunamis Extreme temperatures Floods Forest/scrub fires Insect infestations Mass movement: dry Mass movement: wet Volcanic Eruptions Windstorms
Total Natural disasters Industrial accidents Miscellaneous accidents
107
Transport Accidents Total Technological disasters Total
Source: EM-DAT, CRED, University of Louvain, Belgium in IFRCRCS, 2011.
According to a January, 2011 PRESS RELEASE of the United Nations
International Strategy for Disaster Reduction, for 2010, “of the list of top 10 disasters with the highest death counts, 5 occurred in Asia – China, Pakistan, and Indonesia. Earthquakes killed 2,968 people in China in April and 530 people in Indonesia in October. From May to August, floods killed 1,691 people in China, and a further 1,765 were killed by mudslides, landslide or rock fall triggered heavy rains and floods in August. Nearly 2,000 people were killed by massive floods in Pakistan that covered one-fifth of the land mass, due to rains which pelted the northwest from July to August”.
C) Disaster Impacts
The impacts of disasters are often described demographically, in terms of number
of people killed or affected as shown in the earlier Table 2, and economically, usually in terms of total amount of disaster estimated damage. Mckenzie et al ( 2005) offered 3 types of impact of natural disasters: direct, indirect, and intangible. Direct impacts are effects on assets caused by a natural disaster that occur during or immediately after a natural hazard event. Direct impacts include damage to buildings, infrastructure, crops, and equipment. Indirect impacts are flows of effects that occur over time after a hazard event and are caused by the direct impacts of a disaster. Some examples of indirect impacts include losses of income and production, increased operating costs, costs of debris clearing, costs of repair of buildings. Finally, intangible impacts are the effects of a disaster that are difficult to assign a monetary value, usually because there is no market for the good or service affected. Examples of intangible impacts (both direct and indirect) include environmental damage, emotional and psychological trauma, lost learning opportunities, and positive impacts on community spirit. A 2009 United Nations Report noted that mortality and economic loss are concentrated in certain areas. For example, 75% of global flood mortality are concentrated in 3 countries: Bangladesh, China, and India. The same report observed that disaster risks are unevenly distributed based on the level of development of countries, communities, and sectors. The same report noted that “ within developing countries, poorer communities are also more at risk than wealthier communities. Furthermore, poor households are often less resilient as they are unable to access or mobilize the assets necessary to buffer disaster losses and are rarely covered by insurance or social protection measures.” ( Ibid.) Mainstreaming Disaster-Development Nexus
108
Disaster experience and data all throughout the world, and particularly for Asia show, as earlier noted by the 2009 UN report, “ that disaster risk is not just a consequence of hazard severity and exposure” but must consider a range of “other drivers related to a country’s economic and social development that not only income and economic strength but also governance factors such as the quality of institutions, transparency, and accountability. Significant observations of the 2009 UN Report point to the need to consider disasters within an integrated framework related to development. Some of these important observations include:
(i) Countries with vulnerable economies have “ the higest economic vulnerability to natural hazards. Many also have extreme trade limitations.
(ii) low-intensity damage to housing, local infrastructure, crops and livestock, which interrupts and erodes livelihoods, represents a significant yet largely unaccounted for facet of disaster impacts.
(iii) Poorer communities suffer a disproportionate share of disaster loss. Poor households are usually less resilient to loss and are rarely covered by insurance or social protection. Disaster impacts lead to income and consumption shortfalls and negatively affect welfare and human development, often over the long term.
(iv) Climate change will magnify the uneven distribution of risk skewing disaster impacts even further towards poor communities in developing countries.
The 2009 UN report noted that “ while progress has been noted in strengthening capacities, institutional systems and legislation to address deficiencies in disaster preparedness and response and in the enhancement of early warning, very little progress is reported in mainstreaming disaster risk reduction considerations into social, economic, urban, environmental and infrastructural planning and development.
Particularly, the following difficulties in mainstreaming disaster within the wider development nexus were noted:
(i) The governance arrangements for disaster risk reduction in many countries do not facilitate the integration of risk considerations into development. In general, the institutional and legislative arrangements for disaster risk reduction are weakly connected to development sectors.
(ii) The policy and institutional frameworks for climate change adaptation and poverty reduction are only weakly connected to those for disaster risk reduction, at both the national and international levels. Countries have difficulty addressing underlying risk drivers such as poor urban and local governance, vulnerable rural livelihoods and ecosystem decline in a way that leads to a reduction in the risk of damages and economic loss.
(iii) Despite proven and documented experience in upgrading squatter settlements, providing access to land and infrastructure for the urban poor, strengthening rural livelihoods, protecting ecosystems, and using microfinance, microinsurance and index-based insurance to strengthen resilience that show it is possible to address the underlying drivers of disaster risk, in most countries, these experiences are not integrated into the policy mainstream.
As disasters continue, the risks increase especially for the already economically
109
Vulnerable groups and communities in Asia and throughout the world, urgent, decisive action , one that needs to integrate disaster knowledge and policy with the rest of the interrelated development concerns, is immediately needed. The 2009 UN report urged to “ invest today for a safer tomorrow.” Recognizing and integrating disaster and development ,soonest, within an integrated policy and implementation network can go a long way to ensure that safer, better future. Selected References: Castles, Stephen ( 2002). Environmental change and forced migration: making sense of the debate, Working Paper No. 70 , NEW ISSUES IN REFUGEE RESEARCH , Refugees Studies Centre , University of Oxford. International Federation of Red Cross and Red Crescent Societies (IFRCRCS) ( 2011) World Disaster Report, Geneva, Switzerland. Emily McKenzie, Biman Prasad and Atu Kaloumaira ( 2005) ECONOMIC IMPACT OF NATURAL DISASTERS ON DEVELOPMENT IN THE PACIFIC , Volume 1: Research Report in http://www.ausaid.gov.au/publications/pdf/impact_pacific_report.pdf accessed January 6, 2011. Salim, Dizery ( 2011) “Children’s needs a priority after Philippine floods,” in http://www.unisdr.org/archive/24380 accessed December 28, 2011.
Suda, Collette A., 2000, NATURAL DISASTER PREPAREDNESS, ENVIRONMENTAL DEGRADATION AND SUSTAINABLE DEVELOPMENT IN KENYA, African Study Monographs, 21(3): 91-103, July 2000. In http://www.africa.kyoto-u.ac.jp/kiroku/asm_normal/abstracts/pdf/21-3/91-103.pdf accessed January 6, 2012. United Nations (2009) 2009 Global Assessment Report on Disaster Risk Reduction. United Nations International Strategy for Disaster Reduction (UNISDR) ( 2004) Living with Risk: A Global Review of Disaster Reduction Initiatives. United Nations International Strategy for Disaster Reduction (January, 2011), “ Killer year caps deadly decade - reducing disaster impact is "critical" says top UN disaster official,” in http://www.unisdr.org/archive/17613 accessed January 7,2012. Upreti ishal Nath (2006) THE NEXUS BETWEEN NATURAL DISASTERS AND DEVELOPMENT: KEY POLICY ISSUES IN MEETING THE MILLENNIUM DEVELOPMENT GOALS AND POVERTY ALLEVIATION, Policy Paper 27, Economic Policy Network, Government of Nepal/ Ministry of Finance and Asian Development Bank.
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Hardin G. Cultural carrying capacity: a biological approach to human problems , Daily G.C. & Ehrlich
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3
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Hardin G. (1976). Carrying capacity as an Ethical Concept. Soundings, 59, 120-137.
Environmental Stewardship & Planning (2000). El Dorado County River Management Plan Carrying capacity White Paper, In: A Report prepared for Department and Services. EI Dorado County Placerville, California.
Seidl I, Tisdell C A. (1999). Carrying capacity reconsidered: from Malthus' population theory to cultural carrying capacity. Ecological Economics, 31, 395-408.
Population Information Network, the United Nations Population Division, Department for Economic and Social Information and Policy Analysis. Population and the Environment in Developing Countries: A Literature Survey and bibliography. The United Nations Population Division, 1994.
Price D. (1999). Carrying capacity reconsidered. Population and Environment: A Journal of Interdisciplinary Studies, 21(1), 5-26.
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V
1
Report of the Research Trip in Japan
Ms. Kanokrattana Netlomwong, Project Specialist,
Collage of Innovation, Thammasat University, Bangkok, Thailand
This is my first time in Japan and it was really great pleasure to receive an invitation as a joint researcher from the Center for Sustainable Development Studies of Toyo University. During two weeks in Japan, I had memorable experiences. From the 1st day visited, I had a chance to have a meeting with Prof. Makio Takemura Toyo University President together with Prof. Kitawaki Hidetoshi The Director of the Center for Sustainable Development Studies (CeSDes). I hope that there would be the collaboration between our universities in nearly future. I attended the International Symposium 2011; Tourism and Endogenous Development – In Search for Sustainable Tourism which organized by CeSDeS. I got fruitful information especially from important Tourism keynote of Japan and also Prof. Jamieson who presented his valuable experience on tourism. Unfortunately, there was no time to share our working experiences on Community-based Tourism Projects in the symposium. I think audiences would also like to hear some different case studies. The Workshop on Sustainable Tourism at Halusan campus of Toyo University was really interesting to share our experience on community-based tourism in Thailand and knew the alternative tourism in Japan and Cambodia especially the case study from Japan which presented by Dr. Takashi Shimakawa on The Past and Present on Tourism Development in Japan was quiet interesting by using ruin of Tsunami after match as a tourist attraction. It was thinking out of the box for creating a new alternative tourism. On the research trip with Dr.Kawasumi Atsushi in Oita was a great pleasure to see and meet with the most famous person of One Village, One Products: Dr. Morihiko Hiramatsu , The President, Oita OVOP International Exchange Promotion Committee. He initiated and introduced The One Village, One
189
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Product throughout the world. He presented his three principles of the One Village One Product Movement (OVOP) as follow;
1. Local yet Global; with distinct local flavors and cultures that create products that can be marketed throughout Japan and the rest of the world.
2. Self-reliance and Creativity; Local citizens can decide for themselves what is their OVOP will be. A village could choose two or three products could combine to produce a single product. Local government can provide assistance in the final stages in such activities as technical support and marketing.
3. Human Resources Development; the ultimate goal of this movement is the development of human resources. No success can come about without visionary of local leaders. It is important to develop a local community that responds creatively when challenged with difficult times.
I did try a product from Kabusu Limes called Lime juice. I had to admit that it was delicious indeed. I could still remember the motto “Bringing the spirit of the country to the city as well as “Think Globally Act Locally” he is amazing. Thailand is also one of the countries which adopted this concept which we called One Village One Product movement was originally started in Oita Prefecture in Japan. The purpose of this campaign was to improve upon or refine the locally available resources and produce goods that are acceptable internationally. Inspired by this idea, the Thai government has been promoting the local industry through the manufacturing of attractive specialty products based on the abundant native culture, tradition and nature. This campaign is called‚ One Tambon One Product (OTOP) in Thailand because the target area is the administrative unit called ‚Tambon, which is the equivalent of village or town in English. The OTOP Thailand has applied a five-stars grading system to the assessment of the local specialties. Five-star product can be export to other countries. Three-stars are marketed domestically and product with one-star can be sell only in the local area. I would like to convey my sincere thanking to Dr. Morihiko Hiramatsu who initiated the One Village, One Product movement spreading throughout the
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world. I would also like to thank for being with us for interview. It was really informative information and great experience to see him in person. I had visited Beppu City Traditional Bamboo Crafts Center. I was amazed by all bamboo products in the exhibition hall and all techniques which have endured the test of time. We met with the director of the crafts center who gave us all informative information of the craft center. I had a chance to meet up with Mr.Tsuruta Koichiro once again in Beppu for interview. He was the best tour guide to show us around the interesting attraction around Beppu. It was nice to walk around the city indeed. Also I had an opportunity to make two presentations for Prof.Takahashi Kozuo class, researcher and faculties, to share community-based tourism concept in Thailand and Community-Based Tourism project which I have done. I hope to do some research work together with collaboration between Toyo University and Thammasat University in the future. During these two weeks, I would like to say Thank you to the Center for Sustainable Development Studies (CeSDes) and faculties of Toyo University which gave me a great opportunity to gain my memorable experiences in Japan. I would also like to convey my sincere thanks to Dr.Kawasumi Atsushi for his arrangement in Oita. And Dr. Takabayashi Akinobu for his hospitality, arrangement and made my stay in Japan possible, also great hospitality from former Toyo Summer workshop students. THANK YOU!
191
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