Jaafar - Time for Arab History to Follow Its Course

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The Fletcher School Online Journal for issues related to Southwest Asia and Islamic Civilization Fall 2004, Article 3

TimeforArabHistorytoFollowitsCourseRudyJaafar

Americaisnowmorethaneverengagedina

historicaldynamic ithas so far failed to fathom.

Atpresent,

the

single

most

important

source

of

international instability is Americas

problematicalrelationshipwiththeMuslimworld

generally,andwith theArabworld inparticular.

The sheer volume of American news headlines

concerning this relationship eclipses all other

world issues. However, to the majority of

Americans, the true causes of this conflicted

association remain inscrutable. From their

worldview, all would be well if one were to

simplyeliminatetheviolentminority,epitomized

byUsamabinLaden,whichsubscribestoradical

Islam and engages in terrorism, and dictatorial

governmentsweretoembracedemocracy.Indeed,

such a simplistic belief is enforced by

Washingtons rhetoricon theWaronTerrorand

on the latest IraqWar.Surely, the thinkinggoes,

none could refuse Americas liberal democratic

ideals and its vibrant culturehence the

American bewilderment at the recent violent

resistance to Americas benevolent travail in

Iraq,once againblamedon terrorist elementsor

radicalclerics.

ToMuslimArabs, however, the perceptionandunderstandingofthepresentsituationisvery

different. TheMuslimworldview finds its roots

over a millennium ago, in the Prophet

Mohammeds effort to establish an Islamic state

where the divine laws of God would be

implemented as prescribed in the Quran and

Sunnah,.All latter Islamicpolitical and religious

endeavors, by the Prophets companions or

subsequent followers, sought to emulate the

functioningof

that

perfect

first

Islamic

polity.

With the death of the

Prophet in 632 AD a

predicamentwasborn that

has proven exceedingly

difficulttoresolve,andthat

hasdirectconsequences for

the present state of affairs.

The predicament revolves

around the Muslims

struggle to balance the

exigencies of temporality

with the transcendental

requirements of the

Shariah, the Muslim holy law. Muslimsbelieve

their polities must be governed by the divine

regulations dictated to the Prophet.1

However,

with some exceptions, these provide only finite

genericprinciples;whatareGodsanswerstothe

increasingly complex necessities of life? To

respond to the specific contingencies of their

governments,Muslim rulers in thepast adopted

an expediential principle called Siyasa, where

worldly utility was used for state policy andpublic law positivization, as long as it

contradictednoexplicitShariahstatement.Onthe

otherhand, theMuslim clerical classmaintained

itsautonomy todictate theapplicationofIslamic

principles in the private sphere, acting as the

ultimateauthorityontheconcurrenceoflawwith

the Shariah. This uneasy equilibrium remained

At present, the singlmost important sourc

of internationalinstability is America

problematicalrelationship with the

Muslim worldgenerally, and with th

Arab wor ld inparticular.

Al Nakhlah The Fletcher School Tufts University160 Packard Avenue Medford, MA 02155-7082 USA Tel: +1.617.627.3700


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Al Nakhlah2

untiltheseventeenthcentury,whenthebalanceof

power between Europe and the Muslim world

shifted,andtheChristianWestexpanded.

The slowly intruding Western influence

upsetan Islamicpoliticoreligiouspoise thathad

taken centuries to develop, and set inmotion a

transformationprocess,theeffectsofwhichcanbe

felt today. In the eighteenth and nineteenth

centuries, several Muslim polities witnessed a

rapidchange in their legalsystems.Forexample,

amodernizingOttomanempire,eagertocatchup

with its European competitors, gradually

displaced the traditional Islamic legal system,

adopting a Western penal code and expanding

Western legal positivization. The shockwaves of

such Western interference

reverberated in theMuslim

worldparticularly amongthe intellectual elitesand

revivified the debate on

Islamic governance and

legislation. The nineteenth

century crusading activist,

Jamal alDin alAfghani,

traveled tirelessly across

theMuslimworld,warning

his coreligionists of the

threat of European

domination,

while

preaching the necessity of

aninnerrevival.Indeed,al

Afghani was instrumental

in formulating a line of

thought later carriedbyMohammadAbduh.He

postulated that Islamicsocietywasundergoinga

particulardecay;Muslimshadtoreform,andthe

answers to their predicamentwere tobe found

within the allencompassing and comprehensive

sourcesof the Islamic scriptures.2

From thiswas

born

the

movement

for

an

Islamic

development

orthogonal to the European path, one that

differentiated itself from itsWestern antagonist,

and sought to divest Muslim societies of

perniciousEuropeansecularinfluence.

Simultaneously, however, these Muslim

reformists admired other European ideas, and

realized the strengths of such concepts as

parliamentary democracy or public opinion.

Consequently, the reformers absorbed these

tenets, creating a parallel development to the

West. Nonetheless, these European ideas were

made tobederivable from Islamicprinciples for

purposesoflegitimacy;inotherwords,theywere

said to be taken from Islamic scriptures and

traditions so as tobe acceptable toMuslims.An

instance of this integration of Western concepts

into an Islamic idiom can be seen with the

transformationoftheoldIslamicShuracustom,or

consultation,intofullparliamentarydemocracy.3

The shock of expanding European power

thereforeresultedinanIslamicrevivalandreform

movement which has until today only defined

itself in relation to the West. Moreover, this

revivalhasconsistedof thesuperpositionof two

mutually antagonistic componentsthe

orthogonal antiWestern and the parallel proWesternthat have produced an inherent

contradiction. The West became simultaneously

the object of emulation as well as of revulsion.

The tension between these two contending

perspectives characterized all subsequent

reformist Islamic legal and political thinking.

Always measured by its deviation from, or

proximity to, Western principles, it has thus

become impossible to analyze Islamicpolitical

andbyextensionlegalthoughtonitsownmerit.

TheWest

is

always

the

lens

through

which

it

is

considered. Western imperialism and Western

freedomdriveIslamiccivilizationaldiscourse.

Always measured by

its deviation from, orproximity to, Westernprinciples, it has thusbecome impossible to

analyze Islamicpoliticaland byextension legal

thought on its ownmeritWesternimperialism and

Western freedom driveIslamic civilizational

discourse. The seed of reform, with its internalcontradiction visvis the West, produced two

extremes, each supporting maximum efforts to

respectively adopt or removeWestern influence

from Muslims lives. Indeed, a liberal wing,

epitomized nowadays by Abdulahi AnNaim4

and Khaled Abu elFadl,5

calls for a secularism

and liberal democracy not unlike the American

experience.

These

reformers

see

no

contradiction

between the principles of the Shariah with

Western concepts such as individual freedom,

humanrights,andliberalism.Infact,theybelieve

the tenets of Islam would find their finest

expressionwithintheframeworkofsecularliberal

democracy. On the other side exists a radical

currentfor lack of a better adjectivewhose

only purpose is to efface all Western intrusion.

Al Nakhlah The Fletcher School Tufts University


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Fall 2004, Article 3 3

Thismovement, representedby SayyidQutb6 in

the1960s,andUsamaBinLadentoday,carriesno

programmaticprojectforamodernIslamicpolity;

its revulsion of the West hasbecome its raison

dtre. This politically activist Islamic current

maintains thatnoreform,andnoIslamicstate, is

possible in thepresenceofanyWesternpolitical

interference, be it military or diplomatic. Only

when the West is forcibly extracted will the

developmentofMuslimpolitiesbepossible.The

spectrumofArabopinionspansthetwoextremes,

butAmerica is now playing the leading role in

shifting the balance away from the liberal and

towardstheradicalgroup.

For the sake of stability, maintaining the

statusquo, and ensuring a constant flow of oil,

America today supports authoritarian Middle

Easterndictatorshipsandmonarchieswhosesolepurpose ispoliticalsurvival.Muchas itdidwith

the Shahs Iran, America now provides the

sheikdoms of theGulf, alongwith authoritarian

rulers such asHosniMubarak ofEgypt orKing

Abdallah of Jordan, with high levels of

intelligenceandmilitaryassistance,mostofwhich

is used to suppress legitimate internal dissent.

Today, only Syria and Lebanon escape this

pattern.TheMuslimbeliefinanAmericanplanof

domination is further strengthened by the

unendingsupport

the

United

States

provides

the

colonial state of Israel, which subjugates the

Palestinians and expropriates Arab lands for

Jewish settlements. Given these circumstances,

there is no doubt among Arabs that Americas

activities in the region constituteanextensionof

historical Western subjugation and previous

European colonial domination. From this

perspective,heldbyamajorityofmodernArabs,

America isapredatoryentity that isabsorbed in

subjugating them for her interests by

expropriating

their

strategic

resources.

Furthermore, her support of tyrannical and

corruptgovernmentsispreventingtherealization

ofMuslimstruepotential.

In thismindset,America is inherently evil.

Consequently, the resistance to the new empire

mustbetotal.NogoodcanresultfromAmerican

principles,which areperceived tobe subtle and

subversivecolonial instrumentsaimedatruining

Muslimcivilization.Itishencenosurprisethatat

present, the liberal faction enjoys hardly any

support in the Middle East. Americas policies

have redirected the internal dynamic of Islamic

reform towards a resistance to Westernization.

The United States recent war in Iraq only

intensified this process: it is a further proof of

Americasrapaciousanddeceitfulcharacter,forit

claimstobringfreedomtotheIraqis,allthewhile

supporting Israel and other tyrannical clients in

their oppression of Arabs. Given the present

environment,where Islamic reformdefines itself

inopposition toAmerica,everyAmericanpolicy

is doomed to fail. The messenger is distrusted,

andhermessagesare thusconsidered inherently

treacherous.

The case of IranTheIranianexperience

highlights other

consequences of Western

influence on Islamic

thought, and perhaps

suggests a solution to the

present AmericanArab

predicament.Asmentioned

earlier, America had been

heavily involved with the

Shahof

Iran,

providing

his

government with a

tremendous military and security organization.

As a result, the Shah was very successful in

clampingdownonallpoliticaldissentwithinhis

realm. Most severely hit were the Communists

andtheMuslimclericalopposition,amongwhom

RuhollahKhomeiniwaspreeminent.Fromforced

exile,Khomeinidevelopedhispolitical ideas,all

heavily infused with the spirit of resistance to

Western imperialism.7 Once again, Islamic

political

and

legal

discourse

was

defined

in

relation to the West. Indeed, in a very close

paralleltootherSunniIslamicthought,Khomeini

advocated the removal of the Shah of Iran, an

imperialist agent, in order to end the spread of

Western values in Iranian society. In 1979, for

reasons beyond the scope of this essay,

Khomeinis revolutionary effort succeeded in

The Iranian experienchighlights other

consequences ofWestern in fluence oIslamic thought, andperhaps suggests a

solution t o the preseAmerican-Arab

predicament.



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Al Nakhlah4

deposingtheShahandcapturingthereignsofthe

state.

This eventmarked awatersheditwas the

first instance of a Muslim state shedding all

Westernpoliticalinterferencesincethebirthofthe

Islamic reform movement. A government

emergedthatwaspreparedtofullyimplementan

Islamic ideology. Most importantly, this event

separated the West from the development of

Islamic thinking. Islamic legal and political

thoughtcouldnowstandonitsownanddevelop

naturally,by itselfand in itself,asopposed to in

reaction toexteriorWestern stimuli. Khomeinis

Iranian Islamic Republic, however, was faced

with the same conundrum mentioned earlier:

How does one implement

the transcendental

principles of Islam in thetemporal context of a

nationstate?Howdoesone

interpret, then positivize,

the indefinite Islamic

Shariah, all the while

responding to the

contingencies of a modern

state? Islamic thought,

having met its first

challengeofdivesting itself

ofWestern

interference,

nowfaceditstruedilemma.

The Iranian Islamic

revolutionary state has, so

far, failed toovercome this

obstacle. The present Iranian government has

applied mixtures of Western and Islamic legal

systems,allofwhichhave createdmuch friction

intheworkingsofthestate.TheRepublichasalso

reverted to the classical Sunni Siyasapractice to

solve the need for expediential legislation. The

failure

of

the

Iranian

Islamic

state

is

further

compoundedby its growing illegitimacy in the

eyes of its people.8 Iranians today, in their

majority, have lost faith in their Islamic

government, questioning the very essence of its

legitimacy.WritingsbyAbdolkarimSoroushand

Mohsen Kadivar9

advocating a secular liberal

democracy are most popular in Iran, especially

among the young, in blaring contrast to the

unpopularity of such liberal discourse in Arab

states.

Lessons for the United States

What lessons does the evolution of Islamic

political

and

legal

thought

in

the

case

of

Iran

hold

for theUnited States in thepresentday?Firstly,

America must realize and admit to itself that,

nolensvolens, ithas inheritedacolonial legacy intheArabworld.Itsactionsareperceivedthrough

thehistorical lens ofpast experiences.Americas

worldview clashes with the Arabs and it is

importantthatAmericaunderstandthat itsevery

actionwillbe perceived as reinforcing the neo

colonial structure. Even if formulated with

genuinely good intentions, Americas policies

canonlyhavenegativeeffectsinaworlddefined

by its opposition to Western intrusion. Current

Arab reactions to events in Iraq and elsewhere

onlyprovethispoint.

America must realize

and admit to it self that,nolens volens, it hasinherited a coloniallegacy in the Arab

worldEven ifformulated with

genuinely goodintentions, America'spolicies can only have

negative effects in aworld defined by itsopposit ion to Western

intrusion.

Realizing that every further involvement

only deepens the chasm in such a reactionary

environment, America should break its direct

linkagesanddisengage from theMiddleEastern

realm. America should end its military and

politicalcooperationwithArabdictatorshipsand

monarchies. Normal diplomatic or economic

relations could be maintained, as long as no

supportis

shown

to

any

party

in

Arab

internal

struggles. Potentially emerging popular Islamic

governments may very well be, at first, anti

American. However, over the longer term, this

shouldnotprevent the flowofoil to theUnited

States;MiddleEastern stateswillalwaysneed to

trade their most valuable commodity with the

worlds greatest consumer. Furthermore, if

Americaendsitssupportforcorruptgovernments

and colonial Israeli policies, there wouldbe no

reason for long termpopular animosity towards

the

U.S.

to

remain.

TheMuslimworldmust find,on itsown,a

native and natural system of governmentwhich

willallowittoexpressitscivilizationalspirit.The

efforttoreengineersocietiesoftheMiddleEastso

as to reflectWestern ideals isbut abaneful and

deadlydelusion.Toodefinedbyitsoppositionto

the West, the Muslim world will never permit

exterior reformation. External, and hence



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Fall 2004, Article 3 5

A direct intervention

to create a liberal Arab

orderwillonlybackfire,as

the Iraq case is slowly

proving to be. Americas

longingtoexport itsvalues

will be better served by

giving Arabs a real

opportunity for self

determination. Maybe it is

time the United States

practicedwhat it preached

and allowed Arabs to

determinetheirownfuture,

free from interference.

Maybe it is time to let go,

strip the neocolonial

mantle, and allow Arab history to follow itscourse.

artificial, political engineering only strengthens

the internal position of the radical camps.Arab

liberaldemocrats,viewedasTrojanhorses,have

virtually disappeared. Americansupported

governmentsare,andwillalwaysbe,perceivedas

colonialviceroys.

Only when genuinelnative governments

emerge will the internhistorical Muslim

debate redirect f rom present anti-Wester

vector towards asearch for genuineinner development.This may well meanthat several Islamicgovernments may

come to life.

Only when genuinely native governments

emergewillthe internalhistoricalMuslimdebate

redirect from its present antiWestern vector

towardsasearchforgenuine innerdevelopment.

This may well mean that several Islamic

governmentsmaycometo life.Nevertheless,this

maybethebestAmericacouldachievegiventhe

present situation. As the Iranian case

demonstrates,suchadevelopmentcouldproveto

bepositiveover the longrun.TheWesthaswon

millions of supporters for the principles of

democracy since the revolution of 1979; if giventhe choice, most Iranians would replace their

theocraticstatewithaMuslim liberaldemocratic

government in order to secure their personal

freedomsandenhancetheireconomicprosperity.

Turkey, whose regime does not depend on

Westernassistance,isalsogovernedbyanIslamic

party closely attached to theprinciplesof liberal

democracy.

The views and opinions expressed in articles arestrictly the authors own, and do not necessarilyrepresent those of Al Nakhlah, its Advisory andEditorial Boards, or the Programfor SouthwestAsiaand Islamic Civilization (SWAIC) at The FletcherSchool.

1ItisimportanttoemphasizeherethatIslamicpoliticalandlegalthoughtareintertwined,duetothe

MuslimbeliefthattheinterpretationandapplicationofGodslawsonearthnecessitateaproper

Islamicpoliticalsetting.

2AlbertHourani,ArabicThoughtintheLiberalAge:17981939(Cambridge:CambridgeUniversity

Press),2ndedition,136.

3Ibid,137.

4SeeAbdullahiAhmedAnNaim,TowardandIslamicReformation:CivilLiberties,HumanRights,and

InternationalLaw,(Syracuse,N.Y.:SyracuseUniversityPress);seealsoAnNaim,Shariaand

PositiveLegislation:IsanIslamicStatePossibleorViable?,inYearbookofIslamicandMiddle

EasternLaw,ed.EugeneCotranandChibliMallat(TheHague:KluwerLawInternational,2000),

vol.5,2942.

5SeeKhaledAbouElFadl,SpeakinginGodsName:IslamicLaw,Authority,andWomen,(Oxford:

Oneworld).

6ForasampleofSayyidQutbswritings,seeMilestones(originallypublishedasMaalimfialTariq)


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Al Nakhlah6

8ForacritiqueoftheIranianIslamicRepublicbyIranianIslamicscholars,seeCharlesKurzman,Critics

Within:IslamicScholarsProtestsAgainsttheIslamicStateinIran,InternationalJournalof

Politics,Culture,andSociety15,no..2(Winter2001):341359.

9ForasampleofMohsenKadivarswritings,seeTheVelayateFaqihandDemocracy,

http://www.kadivar.com/Htm/English/Papers/Velayat

e%20Faghih.htm,

last

accessed

18

November2004.


Jaafar - Time for Arab History to Follow Its Course

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