Izložba - Mostra - Exhibition

Istra, lav i orao / L’Istria, il leone, l’aquila / Istria, the Lion and the Eagle

Pula - Pola, 02. 07. 2015. - 31. 01. 2016.

istra u novom vijeku istria in the modern period

monoGraFije i kataLoZiarheoLoŠki muZej istre

monoGraphs and CataLoGuesarCheoLoGiCaL museum oF istria

30

organizator i izdavač | organised and published by

Arheološki muzej Istre| Archaeological Museum of Istria

za organizatora i izdavača

| for the organiser and publisher Darko Komšo

recenzenti | reviewed by

dr. sc. Tea Perinčić, Pomorski i povijesni muzej Hrvatskog primorja RijekaAkademik Radoslav Tomić, Institut za povijest umjetnosti u Zagrebudr. sc. Nataša Štefanec, Filozofski fakultet u Zagrebu, Odsjek za povijest

prijevod na engleski jezik | english translation

Miloš Ilgodr. sc. Željka Mikloševićdr. sc. Tanja Trška

urednica | editor-in-chief

dr. sc. Tatjana Bradara

uredništvo | editorial bord Darko Komšo, Adriana Gri Štorga, Katarina Zenzerović

tajnica uredništva | editorial secretary

Adriana Gri Štorga

lektura hrvatskog jezika | croatian proofreading Dubravka Blaško

usklađivanje i tehnička priprema tekstova za oblikovanje | technical editors

Tatjana Bradara, Katarina Zenzerović, Milena Špigić, Irena Buršić

korektura | page proofs Aleksandra Mahić, Katarina Zenzerović, Milena Špigić, Giulia Codacci-Terlević, Irena Buršić, Adriana Gri Štorga

oblikovanje monografije | design and layout

Studio Sonda, Vižinada

priprema za tisak | preparation for print Studio Sonda, Vižinada

tisak | printed by

Kerschoffset, Zagreb

naklada | edition

1000 primjeraka | copies

tiskano | published inKolovoz | August 2017.

Tiskano uz potporu Ministarstva kulture Republike Hrvatske. | Published with financial support from the Ministry of Culture of the Republic of Croatia.

© Zaštićeno autorskim pravimaArheološkog muzeja Istre. Sva prava pridržana.Copyright © 2017 by theArchaeological Museum of Istria. All rights reserved.

CIP zapis dostupan u računalnome kataloguSveučilišne knjižnice u Puli pod brojem 140911015ISBN 978-953-8082-13-9

na korici | on the cover

Motovun, kameni reljef krilatog lava (15. stoljeće);Kašćerga, kameni reljef dvoglavog orla (16. stoljeće).| Motovun, stone relief of a winged lion (15th century); Kašćerga, stone relief of a double-headed eagle (16th century).

Istra u novom vijeku Istria in the Modern Period

monoGraFije i kataLoZi 30monoGraphs and CataLoGues 30

puLa 2017

UREDNICAEDITOR IN CHIEF

Tatjana Bradara

› 235miLena joksimović

Pula i njeni stanovniciu izvješću o vizitaciji biskupa Agostina Valiera Pulskoj biskupiji1580. godine

Pula and its Population in the Report on Bishop Agostino Valier’sVisitation to the Pula Diocese in 1580

preGLedni Znanstveni rad

UDK 930.85(497.571Pula):722.52 Valieri, A.>(047.2)”15”

sCientiFiC review

UDC 930.85(497.571Pula):722.52 Valieri, A.>(047.2)”15”

Veronski biskup Agostino Valier je tijekom 1580. godine obišao biskupije na području Istre. Izvješće o toj vizitaci-ji predstavlja povijesno vrelo od iznimnog značaja za po-znavanje povijesti Istre s kraja 16. stoljeća. U ovom članku iznijeti su podaci o Puli i njenim stanovnicima onako kako su opisani u izvješću o posjetu biskupa Valiera Pulskoj bi-skupiji. Opisan je sam posjet te društvene, gospodarske i crkvene prilike u onovremenoj Puli.

In the course of 1580, Agostino Valier, a bishop of Verona, conducted an apostolic visitation to Istrian dioceses. The report on the visitation represents an historic source of great importance for the knowledge of late 16th century Istrian history. This paper brings to light information about Pula and its inhabitants contained in the report on Bishop Valier’s visitation to the Pula Diocese. Descriptions in-clude the very visit and other social, economic and reli-gious circumstance in Pula of the period.

kLjučne riječi

Pula, Istra, vizitacija, Agostino Valier, 16. stoljeće, Tridentska obnova

keywords

Pula, Istria, apostolic visitation, Agostino Valier, 16th century, Tridentine reform

› 236

milena

joksimović

Krajem 16. stoljeća, 1580. godine, veronski biskup Agostino Valier posjetio je Pulsku biskupiju1. Izvješće o toj vizitaciji predstavlja izvor od iznimnog značaja za poznavanje povijesti onovremene Pule i Istre.

Biskupske vizitacije provode se od najstarijih vremena. One za cilj imaju nadzor nad životom i radom svećen-stva i naroda, stanjem Crkve, prijetnjama od hereze, gospodarskim prilikama unutar biskupije, stanjem vjerskih objekata i sl. Vizitacija biskupa Valiera bila je apostolska, što znači da je obišao istarske (i druge) biskupije po papinom nalogu (Perinčić 1998, 161).

Apostolske vizitacije postale su češće s protureforma-cijom, a naročito nakon Tridentskog koncila (1545.-1563.), na kojem su donijete odluke i date smjernice za temeljitu obnovu Rimokatoličke crkve. Jedan od glavnih ciljeva protureformacije bio je obnova mo-ralnih vrijednosti u Crkvi te jačanje njenog ugleda i utjecaja. Apostolske vizitacije trebale su biti jedan od glavnih instrumenata za provođenje nadzora nad kle-rom i svećenstvom. Jedan od glavnih ciljeva Valierova obilaska istarskih biskupija bio je provedba odluka do-nesenih na Tridentskom koncilu u mletačkom dijelu Istre (Krnjak 2016, 312; Perinčić 1998, 161-162).

Agostino Valier bio je strastveni zagovornik proture-formacije i programa reforme dogovorene na Trident-skom koncilu. Rođen je u plemićkoj obitelji 7. travnja 1531. godine u Veneciji ili Legnanu, a preminuo u Rimu 23. svibnja 1606. godine. Bio je osoba od veli-kog ugleda u Mletačkoj Republici, veronski biskup od 1565., kardinal od 1585. godine i kandidat za papu nakon smrti Urbana II. Kao član mletačke patricijske obitelji i čovjek u koga je Signoria imala povjerenja, Valier je bio pogodna ličnost za provođenje vizitaci-je na mletačkom teritoriju. Na zahtjev pape Grgura XIII. biskup Valier posjetio je biskupije u Dalmaciji (1579.), Istri (1580.), gradu Veneciji (1581.) te Padovi i Vicenzi (1583.) (Krnjak 2016, 334; Lavrič 1986, 2; Perinčić 1998, 162).

Pula se od 1331. godine nalazila pod upravom Mle-tačke Republike. Prvih pola stoljeća mletačke vlasti nad Pulom i istarskim gradovima predstavlja, općeni-to gledano, razdoblje prosperiteta. Međutim, nakon kratkog razdoblja uzleta uslijedio je period opadanja. Kada je 1380. godine, tijekom rata između Genove i Mletačke Republike, Pula spaljena i opljačkana, to je bio tek početak nedaća koje su se nastavile u 15. sto-

1 Vizitacija je počela krajem 1579. godine, 27. prosinca.

In 1580, Verona’s bishop Agostino Valier visited the Pula Diocese, the report of which represents an important source of historical knowledge about the city of Pula and the Istrian peninsula at the end of the 16th century1.

Apostolic visitations, have been conducted since the earli-est times. Their aim is to gain insight into and make in-spection of the work and life of the clergy and the con-gregation, to examine the condition of the church, heretic threats, economic circumstance within the diocese, con-dition of religious facilities and the like. Agostino Valier’s visit was indeed apostolic, which means he was ordered by the pope to visit Istrian (and other) dioceses (Perinčić 1998, 161).

Apostolic visitation became more frequent in the Coun-ter-Reformation period, and especially after the Tridentine Council (1545-1563) which brought to the fore decisions and guidelines for a thorough renewal of the Roman Cath-olic Church. One of the main goals of the Counter-Refor-mation was to reestablish moral values within the Church and thereby strengthen its image, reputation and impact. Apostolic visitations were supposed to be one of principal instruments for implementing supervision over the clergy. In accordance with the guidelines, one of the goals that Valier was to achieve in his visitation to the Istrian dioceses was to implement decisions of the Council of Trent in the Venetian part of Istria (Krnjak 2016, 312; Perinčić 1998, 161-162).

Agostino Valier was a passionate advocate of the Counter-Reformation and the Tridentine reform programme. He was born into an aristocratic family residing in Venice or Legnano on 7 April 1531, and died in Rome on 23 May 1606. He had a great reputation in the Republic of Venice, having served as Bishop of Verona from 1565 and cardinal from 1585, and having been considered a can-didate for Pope after the death of Urban II. Belonging to the Venetian nobility and enjoying the trust of the Vene-tian Signoria, Valier was a suitable candidate for conduct-ing visitations in the Venetian territory. On Pope Gregory XIII’s request, Bishop Valier visited dioceses in Dalmatia (1579), Istria (1580), the city of Venice (1581), and Padua and Vicenza (1583) (Krnjak 2016, 334; Lavrič 1986, 2; Perinčić 1998, 162).

In 1331, Pula found itself under the jurisdiction of the Venetian Republic. The first fifty years of the Venetian ad-ministration in Pula and Istrian cities represents in general terms a prosperous period. However, the relatively short

1 The visitation began on 27 December 1579.

› 237

milena

joksimović

ljeću. U drugoj polovici 16. stoljeća Pula i Istra bile su zahvaćene sukobima, siromaštvom, glađu i bolestima. Utjecaj Mletačke Republike na području današnje Hr-vatske postupno je slabio, a posjedi se smanjivali pod pritiskom dviju sila u usponu – Osmanskog Carstva i Habsburške Monarhije. Na području Istre Habsbur-govci su kontrolirali Pazinsku grofoviju; budući da nije bila pod mletačkom kontrolom, Valier tu oblast nije posjetio. Plaćenička uskočka vojska iz Pazinske grofovije povremeno je napadala mletačke komune. Naselja u Istri napadale su i osmanske akindžije, pu-stošeći i pljačkajući (Perinčić 1998, 158, 163).

Kuga je od 15. stoljeća u nekoliko navrata pokosila stanovništvo Poluotoka. Brojna naselja stradala su i zbog malarije, koja je u ono vrijeme bila smrtonosna bolest: nije postojao lijek niti joj se znao uzrok. Zbog močvarnog tla i Pula je bila pogođena malarijom. Ljeti se gotovo cjelokupno stanovništvo sklanjalo iz grada u okolna mjesta (Bertoša 2005, 47; Krnjak 2016, 333). Iz Valierova izvješća doznajemo da grad nije imao stalnog liječnika (Visitatio Ecclesiae Polensis, fol. 171v, 173v, 175v, 176v).

Stanovništvo velikog broja istarskih naselja bilo je de-setkovano. Mletačke vlasti nastojale su sanirati nega-tivne posljedice depopulacije naseljavanjem ljudi koji su tražili utočište pred Osmanlijama. U Istru su tako doselili Morlaci iz jadranskog zaleđa te Grci s Cipra i iz Moreje. Migracije su za posljedicu imale sukobe između starosjedilaca i doseljenika (Bertoša 1995, 56-145; Perinčić 1998, 158).

Teške društvene i gospodarske okolnosti odrazile su se i na stanje u Crkvi. Crkvena dobra i prihodi bili su mali, a naknade za svećenike skromne i sastojale su se pretežno od davanja u naturi (Perinčić 1998, 159). Zato se mali broj ljudi odlučivao za svećenički poziv, a svećenici su bili podložni korupciji. Nisu bili rijetki slučajevi da su živjeli u divljim brakovima sa župljan-kama i imali djecu s njima. O tome svjedoče i suđenja opisana u Valierovu izvješću (u Pulskoj biskupiji: Visi-tatio Ecclesiae Polensis, fol. 260r-281v).

Mletačke su vlasti na biskupska mjesta postavljale sebi odane ljude iz mletačkih patricijskih obitelji. Njih su često više zanimali prihodi biskupske stolice nego pa-stva, a nerijetko nisu ni stolovali u svojim biskupija-ma. Stoga često nisu uživali poštovanje i naklonost ži-telja. Nije bilo dovoljno ni knjiga, a u Puli, doznajemo iz izvješća o vizitaciji, nije bilo ni tiskarskih strojeva (Visitatio Ecclesiae Polensis, fol. 172r, 174r, 175v).

period of progress was followed by a period of decline. In 1380, when Pula was burned in the midst of war between Genoa and the Republic of Venice, it was merely the be-ginning of mishaps that continued far into the 15th cen-tury. In the second half of the 16th century, Pula and Istria were generally caught in war waging, poverty, hunger and diseases. The influence of the Venetian Republic in the ter-ritory of present-day Croatia gradually decreased as well as the ownership of the land, which increasingly came under the influence of the two growing powers – the Ottoman Empire and the Habsburg Monarchy. In Istria, the Hab-sburgs gained control over the Pazin Earldom, and since it was not under the Venetian administration, Valier did not conduct his visitation there. The Earldom of Pazin was the seat of Mercenary Uskok troops that occasionally at-tacked Venetian communes. Towns and and cities in Istria were also under the attack of pillaging Ottoman akinjis (Perinčić 1998, 158, 163).

From the 15th century on, inhabitants of the Peninsula were stricken by plague on several occasions. Numerous settlements suffered heavily due to malaria, which was at the time a deadly disease with no cure or knowledge of its cause that could help prevent it. Due to the marshy land around it, Pula was also hit with malaria. In sum-mer time, almost all inhabitants moved from the city to its neighbouring areas (Bertoša 2005, 47; Krnjak 2016, 333). Valier’s report informs us that the city had no permanent medical doctor (Visitatio Ecclesiae Polensis, fol. 171v; 173v; 175v; 176v).

The population of numerous Istrian cities and towns was decimated. The Venetian authorities tried to mitigate these negative demographic consequences by populating the ar-eas with people seeking refuge from the invading Otto-mans. Morlachs from the Adriatic hinterland and Greeks from Cyprus and Morea settled in Istria. These migrations led to conflicts between the indigineous people and the settlers (Bertoša 1995, 56-145; Perinčić 1998, 158).

Difficult social and economic circumstances had the same negative impact on the Church in that its assets and in-come decreased, and benefice for priests was modest and mostly took the form of payment in kind (Perinčić 1998, 159). That is why a small number of people decided to join priesthood while priests active at the time were sus-ceptible to corruption. Quite frequently, priests lived in illegal forms of marital arrangements with their parishiners who had bore their children. This can be attested by trials described in Valier’s report (report on his visit to the Pula Diocese: Visitatio Ecclesiae Polensis, fol. 260r-281v).

› 238 Sveta Stolica imala je saznanja o nedoličnom životu velikog dijela svećenstva i klera u Istri. Još je jedan razlog činio posjet istarskim biskupijama hitnim: Istra je, naime, u ono vrijeme bila podijeljena između Se-renissime i Austrije; preko austrijskog su dijela prote-stantske ideje prodirale na mletački posjed (Krnjak 2016, 313). S doseljavanjem Slavena i Grka koji su bježali pred Osmanlijama slavenski liturgijski jezik je ojačao, a dio stanovništva u pojedinim središtima pridržavao se istočnog obreda. Sve je to povećavalo opasnost od krivovjerja i činilo potrebu za vizitacijom hitnom (Krnjak 2016, 313; Štoković 1987, 132).

Na području Istre Valier je posjetio Porečku, Pićansku, Pulsku, Novigradsku, Tršćansku i Koparsku biskupiju. Nadzor nad Pulskom biskupijom proveden je u siječ-nju 1580. godine (od 9. do 22. siječnja).

Biskup Valier (sl. 1) je Pulsku biskupiju obišao s veli-kom pratnjom. Na prvome mjestu tu je bio veronski kanonik Taffello Taffelli (Taffello de Taffellis), doktor kanonskog i civilnog prava. On je bio auditor i sudac i vodio je sve parnice protiv osumnjičenih svećenika. Teolog Girolamo Ottello (Hieronymus Ottellus) bio je zadužen za ispitivanje klera. Valiera su pratili i doktor teologije Ascanio Randoli (Ascanius Randolus), arhi-prezbiter iz Caldiera u veronskoj biskupiji, i veronski svećenik Luigi Locatelli (Aloysius Locatellus), kapelan sa-mog Valiera. U slučajevima kriminalnih djela pomagao je odvjetnik Giovanni Francesco Tinto (Joannes Francis-cus Tinctus), doktor kanonskog i civilnog prava2.

Valierovi ljudi ispitivali su duhovna i svjetovna lica, nastojeći steći uvid u duhovno i materijalno stanje u biskupiji. Raspitivali su se kako žive biskup, svećenici, svjetovna vlast i puk, u kojoj mjeri svećenstvo poznaje teologiju, vjerska pitanja i pravila svećeničke službe te provode li se mjere predviđene Tridentskim koncilom. Obišli su katedralu i druge crkve, samostane, ubožnice i bratovštine. Vizitator je na kraju dao upute za ukla-njanje nepravilnosti i poboljšanje postojećeg stanja.

O provedenoj vizitaciji sačinjeno je izvješće koje sa-drži brojne vrijedne podatke o životu u tim mjestima – o crkvenoj upravi, gospodarskim prilikama, broju stanovnika i etničkoj strukturi, itd. Izvješće obuhva-ća i prateću prepisku, naloge i odluke, opise sudskih procesa, popise svećenika, crkava i crkvene opreme,

2 Perinčić (1998, 163) navodi još neke osobe, koje se u vizitaciji grada Pule ne spominju. Nasuprot tome, Perinčić ne spominje Giovannija Francesca Tinta, koji se spominje u izvješću o posjetu Pulskoj biskupiji (Visitatio Ecclesiae Polensis, fol. 172r).

The Venetian authorities appointed loyal members of Venetian aristocratic families as bishops. Such bishops were more interested in the income of their diocesan office than their flock. They often did not even live in cities that were diocesan seats, because of which they lost sympathies of the congregation. Lacking were also books and accord-ing to the report, Pula had no printing machines (Visitatio Ecclesiae Polensis, fol. 172r, 174r, 175v).

The Holy See was aware of the inappropriate conduct of numerous Istrian priests. Another reason for visiting the Is-trian dioceses seemed urgent: Istria was at the time divided between the Serenissima and the House of Austria. Protes-tant ideas reached into the Venetian territories through the Austrian lands (Krnjak 2016, 313). With the growing set-tlements of Slavs and Greeks, who had escaped areas under the Ottoman threat, the Slavic liturgical language increased in importance and a part of the settlers in certain areas ad-hered to Orthodox liturgical practices. All that posed the threat of heresy, which in turn, made visitations urgent and necessary (Krnjak 2016, 313; Štoković 1987, 132).

Valier’s visitations in the Istrian territory included the fol-lowing dioceses: Poreč, Pićan, Pula, Novigrad, Trieste and Koper. The Pula Diocese was inspected in January 1580 (9-22 January).

Bishop Valier (Fig. 1) arrived in Pula with a big entourage. Firstly, there was Taffello Taffelli (Taffello de Taffellis), a Verona-based canon and doctor of canon and civil law. He also served as Auditor and Judge presiding over all trials against accused priests. The theologian Girolamo Ottello (Hieronymus Ottellus) was in charge of interviewing the clergy. Valier was also accompanied with Ascanio Randoli (Ascanius Randolus), a theologian and the arch priest of Caldier in the See of Verona, and Luigi Locatelli (Aloysius Locatellus), a Verona-based priest and Valier’s chaplain. In criminal cases, assistance was provided by Giovanni Francesco Tinto (Joannes Franciscus Tinctus), a layer and doctor of canon and civil law2.

Attempting to get insight into the spiritual and material circumstances in the diocese, Valier’s people talked to both the clergy and the laity. They wanted to learn about the living habits of the bishop, priests, secular authorities and the masses, the level of knowledge about theology among the clergy, religious issues and regulations of the priesthood, and whether the Tridentine reform measures were being

2 Perinčić (1998, 163) mentions some other people not mentioned by the report on Valier's visit to Pula. Converesly, Perinčić does not mention Giovanni Francesco Tinto whose name can be found in the report (Visitatio Ecclesiae Polensis, fol. 172r).

milena

joksimović

› 239

Slika 1Agostino Valier, portret, oko 1700. (preuzeto iz: https://commons.wikimedia.org/wiki/File:Agostino_Valier_Via.jpg)

Figure 1Agostino Valier, portrait, ca. 1700.(taken from: https://commons.wikimedia.org/wiki/File:Agostino_Valier_Via.jpg)

samostana, bratovština i ubožnica, njihove imovine i inventara. Jedan primjerak izvješća čuva se u Tajnom vatikanskom arhivu (Archivio Segreto Vaticano), a dru-gi primjerak u biskupijskom arhivu u Veroni. Dijelovi izvješća pisani su latinskim, a dijelovi starim talijan-skim dijalektom, specifičnim za mletačko područje. Općenito, jezik vizitatora i njegove svite bio je latinski pa su tekstovi koje su oni sačinili bili na latinskom – unaprijed pripremljena pitanja, pisma, opisi stanja u

implemented. They visited the cathedral and other church-es, monasteries, almshouses and confraternities. In the end, the visiting bishop presented instructions in how to tend to irregularities and improve the current state of affairs.

The visitation was documented and the report con-tains a great amount of valuable information about the life in the visited areas – the church administra-tion, economic circumstances, number of inhabitants,

milena

joksimović

› 240 posjećenim mjestima, opisi crkava, bratovština, njiho-ve imovine i opreme, zatim nalozi, ugovori, odluke i slično. Narod nije poznavao latinski jezik već se služio talijanskim. Stoga su na talijanskom jeziku zabilježeni odgovori ispitanika.

Izvješće o posjetu Pulskoj biskupiji počinje pregledom posjećenih župa, crkava i bratovština u biskupiji: u Puli, Mutvoranu, Labinu, Barbanu, Vodnjanu, Bri-junima, Peroju, Štinjanu, Pomeru, Medulinu, Šišanu, Ližnjanu, Galižani, Fažani, Loboriki, Krnici, Marčani i Plominu (Visitatio Ecclesiae Polensis, fol. 168r-252r). Poseban dio izvješća čine opisi građanskih parnica, odnosno sporova koji su vođeni pred vizitatorom i članovima njegove pratnje (Visitatio Ecclesiae Polensis, fol. 252r-259v). U tim je sporovima jedna strana cr-kveno lice, a druga strana svjetovno lice. Pretežno su to imovinske i brakorazvodne parnice. Na koncu, iz-vješće se sastoji i iz opisa sudskih procesa koje je Crkva vodila protiv heretika, protestanata i svećenika optu-ženih za bludničenje (Visitatio Ecclesiae Polensis, fol. 260r-286v).

Vizitacija Pulske biskupije otpočela je dolaskom u Vodnjan, koji je prema izveštaju imao 6000 stanovni-ka i bio najnapučenije mjesto u Istri (Visitatio Ecclesiae Polensis, fol. 168r). Dio Valierove pratnje ostao je u Vodnjanu radi pripreme suđenja protiv protestanata i svećenika koji su se upustili u bludne radnje, dok su ostali nastavili dalje prema Puli.

U Pulu su Valier i njegova pratnja pristigli 10. siječnja 1580. godine. Ususret su im izašli mještani, predvođe-ni providurom i knezom. Otišli su u katedralu, gdje je Valier pročitao papinsku poslanicu i održao propo-vijed. Osnovano je karitativno društvo i prikupljen veliki iznos za siromahe. Dužna pažnja je posvećena i mrtvima pa je obiđeno groblje, a za mrtve održana molitva (Visitatio Ecclesiae Polensis, fol. 168v-169r).

U Valierovom izvješću se navodi da je ondašnji pro-vidur provincije Istre bio Giovanni Battista Calbo, a gradski knez Paolo Zane (Zanni) (Visitatio Ecclesiae Polensis, fol. 169r, 186r, na 177v - njegovo ispiti-vanje). Jedno od pitanja koje su vizitatorovi ljudi postavljali ispitanicima bilo je ograničavaju li svje-tovne vlasti slobodu Crkve. Pulski biskup se jedini odvažio pritužiti da se rektori miješaju u procese protiv svećenika i njihovo raščinjavanje te ometaju objavljivanje biskupovih odluka i ispitivanje svjedo-ka (Visitatio Ecclesiae Polensis, fol. 179r). Svi ostali ispitani ustvrdili su da svjetovne vlasti ne ometaju

ethnic structure of the people and the like. The re-port also contains the accompanying correspondence and documents illustrating decrees and decisions, ac-counts of legal procedures, lists of the clergy members, churches and church equipment, monasteries, confra-ternities, almshouses and their assets and furnishings. One copy of the report has been kept at the Secret Vatican Archives (Archivio Segreto Vaticano) and an-other at the Diocesan Archives in Verona. The report was written partly in Latin and partly in an old, Italian dialect characteristic for the Venetian area. In general, the official language of the visiting bishop and his en-tourage was Latin, so the documents they created were always written in Latin – questions that had been pre-pared before the visitation, letters, description of cir-cumstances in visited places, descriptions of churches, confraternities, their assets and equipment, decrees, contracts, decions and the like. Ordinary people did not speak Latin, only Italian. Therefore, conversations with the laity were recorded in Italian.

The report on the visitation to the Pula diocese starts with a list of visited parishes, churches and confraternities in Pula, Mutvoran, Labin, Barban, Vodnjan, Brijuni, Peroj, Štinjan, Medulin, Šišan, Ližnjan, Galižana, Fažana, Lo-borika, Krnica, Marčana and Plomin (Visitatio Ecclesiae Polensis, fol. 68r-252r). A particular section of the report comprises accounts of civil law suits, trials that were con-ducted before the visitator and the members of his entou-rage (Visitatio Ecclesiae Polensis, fol. 252r-259v). In these trials, one party was made up of clergy members while the other party was represented by lay people. They were mainly property or divorce-related proceedings. Finally, the report also contains descriptions of legal procedures that the Church conducted against heretics, Protestants and priests accused of lewdness (Visitatio Ecclesiae Polensis, fol. 260r-286v).

The Pula Diocese visitation began in Vodnjan which had been at the time the most populated place in Istria amounting, according to the report, to approximately 6.000 inhabitants (Visitatio Ecclesiae Polensis, fol. 168r). A part of Valier’s entourage remained in Vodnjan in order to prepare a trial against Protestants and a priests who had partaken in lewdness, while others continued to travel to Pula.

Valier and his entourage arrived in Pula on 10 January 1580. They were met by members of the local commu-nity preceeded by the governor and the duke of the city. They went to the cathedral where Valier read the papal epistle and held a sermon. A caritative association was

milena

joksimović

› 241autonomiju Crkve (Visitatio Ecclesiae Polensis, fol. 172r, 174r, 177r).

Na čelu Pulske biskupije se u doba Valierova posjeta nalazio biskup Matteo Barbabianca (1567.-1582.), podrijetlom iz Kopra. Stanovao je u Puli, ali je dio ljeta zbog lošeg zraka provodio u Vodnjanu i rodnom Kopru (Visitatio Ecclesiae Polensis, fol. 173v). Valierovi ljudi su pomno ispitali biskupov način života i uprav-ljanje biskupijom. Svi ispitani svećenici i građani po-hvalili su biskupa. Iz njihovih je odgovora jasno slje-deće: biskup živi s obitelji koja broji 10 do 12 članova. Nju čine teolog, učitelj i šest ili sedam slugu. Bisku-pova obitelj živi skromno i pobožno. Biskup se svake večeri moli s članovima obitelji i daje čitati duhovne knjige za stolom. Njegova kuća sadrži skroman namje-štaj, dostojan svetog čovjeka i biskupa. Ne uzurpira bi-skupijske prihode i ne prima mito za dodjeljivanje sve-ćeničkih položaja. Štoviše, morao je tražiti da mu od kuće pošalju onoliko novca koliko mu je nedostajalo. Redovno daje milodare. On osobno ne propovijeda, ali svećenicima nalaže da o blagdanima propovijedaju u katedrali (o biskupu: Visitatio Ecclesiae Polensis, fol. 171r-v, 172r, 173r-v, 175r, 176r-v).

Katedralna crkva u Puli posvećena je Uznesenju Bla-žene Djevice Marije. Misa u njoj slavila se po novom misalu i oficij se molio po novom brevijaru, koji su objavljeni kao dio reforme nakon Tridentskog koncila (Visitatio Ecclesiae Polensis, fol. 172r, 174v). U crkvi se propovijedalo o najznačajnijim blagdanima, ali ne i svake nedjelje (Visitatio Ecclesiae Polensis, fol. 170r, 171r, 173r, 175r, 176v).

Na Tridentskom koncilu zabranjeno je izvođenje svjetovnih pjesama i napjeva nereligijskog, a katkad i neprikladnog sadržaja u crkvi (22. zasjedanje, 17. ruj-na 1562., Fellerer, Hadas 1953, 576). Stoga je jedno od pitanja koje postavljaju vizitator i članovi njegove pratnje vezano i za glazbu svjetovnog karaktera. Slije-dom dobivenih odgovora, u katedralnoj crkvi u Puli takva praksa nije postojala. Svjetovne pjesme nisu se pjevale u zboru niti se svirale na orguljama (Visitatio Ecclesiae Polensis, fol. 172r).

Kaptol katedralne crkve sastojao se od 12 kanonika3. Rijetki su imali potpunu dokumentaciju o svećenič-

3 Imena većine su poznata: Mondino Marinono, Girolamo Bellonello, Hermes Bonassi, Martin Fabris, Giovanni Battista Bolis, arhiđakon, Nicolo Juba, đakon, Pietro Francesco Pervizza, Luca Cocius, Francesco Ottobon, skolastik i vikarij i Martin Pellizzari, akolit (popis: Visitatio Ecclesiae Polensis, fol. 182v).

then formed and a large amount of money collected for the poor. Due attention was paid to the dead and a prayer was said at the cemetery for the deceased (Visitatio Ecclesiae Polensis, fol. 168v-169r).

Valier’s report brings about the information that Gio-vanni Battista Calbo served at the time as the governor of the Istrian province while Paolo Zane (Zanni) was Duke of Pula (Visitatio Ecclesiae Polensis, fol. 169r, 186r, 177v - interview with the duke). One of the questions, which the visitator’s men asked people, was whether the secular authorities curtailed in any way the freedom of the Church. The bishop was the only person who was brave enough to complain about rectors’ interference in the procedures against priests and their defrocking, and their obstruction of the ways in which bishop’s de-cisions were communicated and witnesses questioned (Visitatio Ecclesiae Polensis, fol. 179r). All other inter-viewees claimed the secular authorities did not impede the autonomy of the Church (Visitatio Ecclesiae Polensis, fol. 172r, 174r, 177r).

At the time of Valier’s visitation, the office of bishop was held by Matteo Barbabianca (1567-1582). The bishop lived in Pula but due to the bad quality of air in the city, he spent one part of his summers in Vodnjan and his hometown Koper (Visitatio Ecclesiae Polensis, fol. 173v). Valier’s people were thoroughly investigated about the bishop’s life habits and his management of the diocese. All of the questioned priests and laymen hailed praises to the bishop. Their responses show that the bishop lived with a family of 10 to 12 members that include a theologian, teacher and six or seven serv-ants. They lived modestly and piously. Every night, the bishop prayed together with his family mambers and asked them to read religious books at a table. His house was modetly furnished, deserving of a holy man and a bishop. The bishop did not usurp the diocesan income and did not accept bribe for ordaining priests. Quite the contrary, he had to ask additional amount of money to be sent from his relatives back home. He regularly made donations. He personally did not hold sermons but he instructed priests who preached in the cathedral during religious holidays (on the bishop: Visitatio Ec-clesiae Polensis, fol. 171r-v, 172r, 173r-v, 175r, 176r-v).

The Cathedral church in Pula is dedicated to the As-sumption of the Blessed Virgin Mary. Mass was cele-brated according to new Missal, and the Liturgy of the Hours were held based on a new Breviary, which had been published as part of the Tridentine reform pro-gramme (Visitatio Ecclesiae Polensis, fol. 172r, 174v).

milena

joksimović

› 242 kim redovima i kanonikatu. Glavna vizitatorova za-mjerka odnosila se na način odijevanja pojedinih sve-ćenika. Naime, mnogi kanonici rado su nosili kićenu odjeću, za koju je bio karakterističan izvrnuti ovratnik s ukrasnim resama od svile i/ili baršuna. Vizitator je svećenicima naredio da više ne nose razmetljivu odje-ću već jednostavan ovratnik (Visitatio Ecclesiae Polen-sis, fol. 244r-245r). Jedna od glavnih stvari koja se, sukladno odlukama Tridentskog koncila, iziskivala od kanonika, bilo je to da stalno borave, odnosno rezidi-raju u mjestu službe. Svi pulski kanonici rezidirali su u mjestu službe (Visitatio Ecclesiae Polensis, fol. 170r, 171v, 173v, cf. 197r). Problematičan je bio samo slu-čaj Francesca Ottobona.

Ottobon se ističe među kanonicima, na žalost po zlu. Primao je nadarbine za kanonikat u Puli i one u žup-noj crkvi svetih Kuzme i Damjana u Fažani. Vizitator ga je opomenuo da su te dvije nadarbine u međusob-noj suprotnosti, jer obje iziskuju rezidiranje u mjestu službe (Visitatio Ecclesiae Polensis, fol. 244v-245v). Ottobon je bio umiješan i u određenu “mutnu” kupo-prodaju kuće izvjesne Domenice de Bardis. Vizitator je 11. siječnja saslušao Ottobona i zastupnika gospođe De Bardis, nakon čega je odlučeno da kanonik mora oštećenoj vratiti kuću koju je za mali novac na pri-jevaru kupio od nje prije 18 godina, a ona će njemu vratiti ono što joj je za kuću platio (Visitatio Ecclesiae Polensis, fol. 180r). Domenica de Bardis je na pravdu morala čekati gotovo 20 godina, ali joj se čekanje na koncu isplatilo.

Pri katedrali su djelovala i tri svećenička pripravnika. Biskup je sam od svojih sredstava plaćao učitelja koji ih je podučavao; potužio se vizitatoru da ta tri pripravnika ne uče onako marljivo kako bi trebali (Visitatio Ecclesiae Polensis, fol. 169v, 171r, 173r). Protestanti su zbog neu-kosti kritizirali rimokatoličko svećenstvo i rugali mu se, stoga je Rimokatolička crkva nastojala obrazovati svoj kadar. Sukladno tome, vizitator je 14. siječnja donio odluku da se za obrazovanje svećenika, kojih u gradu nedostaje, u Puli osnuje sjemenište, dovoljno veliko za obrazovanje barem osam svećeničkih pripravnika (Visi-tatio Ecclesiae Polensis, fol. 182v-183r).

Jedan od načina na koji se Rimokatolička crkva obra-čunavala s protestantskim idejama bila je i cenzura. U svijetu koji se pokoravao odlukama Svete Stolice objavljen je popis zabranjenih knjiga. Vizitatorovi lju-di su kod ispitanika provjeravali je li taj popis objav-ljen i u Puli, što su ovi potvrdili (Visitatio Ecclesiae Polensis, fol. 172r, 174r, 175v, 177r).

Sermons were held in the church for the most signifi-cant feasts and sometimes on Sunday (Visitatio Ecclesiae Polensis, fol. 170r, 171r, 173r, 175r, 176v).

The Tridentine Council banned secular songs and chants of non-religious and sometimes inappropriate content in churches (22nd session, 17 September 1562, Fellerer, Hadas 1953, 576). One of the questions asked by the visitator and the members of his entourage was thus related to secular music. In accordance with peo-ple’s responses, the Pula Cathedral never supported the practice of allowing secular songs. They were neither sung by the choir nor played on the organ (Visitatio Ecclesiae Polensis, fol. 172r).

The cathedral’s chapter consisted of 12 canon priests3. On rare occasions was there a complete documenta-tion on monastic orders and canons’ service and office. The main complaint of the visitator was the way certain priests were dressed. Quite a large number of canons liked to wear adorned clothes that had a characteristic overturned collar with decorative tassels made from silk and/or velvet. The visitator ordered priests to replace these ostentation elements with simple collars (Visitatio Ecclesiae Polensis, fol. 244r-245r). Following the deci-sions of the Tridentine Council, priests were asked to have permanent residence in the city or town of their ser-vice. All Pula’s canons fulfilled that requirement (Visitatio Ecclesiae Polensis, fol. 170r, 171v, 173v, cf. 197r) except for Francesco Ottobon.

Unfortunately, Francesco Ottobon held a prominent place among the canons in a negative way. He received benefice for the canonic service in both Pula and the par-ish church of SS. Cosmas and Damian in Fažana. The visitator warned Ottobon that those were two mutually exclusive types of income because both required perma-nent residence in the city of the service (Visitatio Ecclesiae Polensis, fol. 244v-245v). Francesco Ottobon was also involved in a “dodgy” deal connected to the property of a certain Domenica de Bardis. On 11 January, both Ot-tobon and a representative of Mrs De Bardis were heard by the Visitator, after which he decided that the canon, who had tricked Domenica into selling him the house greatly under its true value 18 years before, had to return the house to the wronged party, while she had to return

3 The names of the majority of the canons were documented: Mondino Marinono; Girolamo Bellonello; Hermes Bonassi; Martin Fabris; Giovanni Battista Bolis, an archdeacon; Nicolo Juba, a deacon; Pietro Francesco Pervizza; Luca Cocius; Francesco Ottobon, a scholastic and vicar; and Martin Pellizzari, an acolyte (List: Visitatio Ecclesiae Polensis, fol. 182v).

milena

joksimović

› 243Vizitator i njegovi pratitelji proveli su nadzor i nad pulskim bratovštinama. U zadnjim desetljećima 16. stoljeća u Puli su postojale sljedeće bratovštine: Gospe od milosrđa od Horvatov (La Madona della charita dei Schiauoni, prijevod Benussi 2002, 346), svetog Tome, svete Marije od milosrđa, svetog Roka, svetog Stjepa-na, Presvetog sakramenta i Tijela Kristova (u izvješću o vizitaciji opisuju se kao dvije odvojene bratovštine), svetog Petra, svetog Antuna i crkovinarstvo pulske ka-tedrale (Visitatio Ecclesiae Polensis, fol. 247r-v, 248v). Biskup se pritužio da se bratovštinama ne upravlja do-bro i da upravitelji bratovština ne polažu račune kako bi valjalo (Visitatio Ecclesiae Polensis, fol. 179v). Una-toč tome, Valierovi ljudi nisu našli veće nepravilnosti u radu bratovština. One su veliki dio svojih prihoda trošile na organizaciju velikog objeda, što je Valier na-stojao zabraniti. Članovi nekih bratovština pjevali su napjeve koji su bili “nedostojni, isprazni i lažni” pa je naloženo njihovo uklanjanje (Visitatio Ecclesiae Polen-sis, fol. 247r).

Pod okriljem bratovština u Puli djelovale su i dvije ubožnice, odnosno dva hospicija. Prva, svetog Tome, bila je u izuzetno lošem stanju. Biskup Valier nalo-žio je hitne mjere: kupnju osnovne opreme, popravak krova i podova, kao i da se muškarci odvoje od žena te da se prvima dodijeli prizemlje, a ženama gornji kat (Visitatio Ecclesiae Polensis, fol. 247r-v, 248r, 249r-v). Druga ubožnica, svetog Antuna, bila je dio samosta-na svetog Mihovila na brdu, i ona je već u vrijeme Valierove vizitacije bila ruševna, bez prihoda (Visitatio Ecclesiae Polensis, fol. 208r, 248v-249r).

Veliki utjecaj Crkve u životu onovremenih stanovnika Pule i njene okolice ogleda se u činjenici da svećen-stvo vodi glavnu brigu o moralu u gradu. Za ćudoređe brine biskup; on na raznim mjestima ima vikare koji ga izvješćuju o prijestupima i grijesima u biskupiji. U gradu, ustvrdila je većina ispitanih, nije bilo heretika i javno osvjedočenih bludnika (Visitatio Ecclesiae Po-lensis, fol. 170r, 172r, 174r, 177r-v). Ipak, doznajemo da Francesco Busetto ima bludnice, Menegu Paulatu i Batussu, od kojih je potonja čak udana (Visitatio Ecclesiae Polensis, fol. 175v-176r).

Zbog prirode vizitacije iz izvješća saznajemo malo o drugim aspektima svakodnevnog života u biskupiji. Tijekom blagdana puno se trgovalo, a naročito su se prodavale cipele. Biskup se potužio da su o blagda-nima u središtu pažnje mještana razonoda i trgovina, umjesto slavljenja Boga (Visitatio Ecclesiae Polensis, fol. 178v). Štoviše, tvrdi biskup, prvog dana korizme pri-

to him the money she had received (Visitatio Ecclesiae Polensis, fol. 180r). Domenica waited almost 20 years for justice to be served, but the waiting paid off.

Pula’s cathedral also had three apprentice priests for whose education bishop paid from his own funds and about whose lack of diligence and progress he complained to the visitator (Visitatio Ecclesiae Polensis, fol. 169v, 171r, 173r). Protestants’ criticism and ridicule of the Catholic clergy’s ignorance led the Catholic Church to make necessary steps towards better education of their ecclesiastic members. On 14 January, the visitator decided to deal with the problem of insufficiently educated priests in Pula by establishing a seminary that would be large enough to provide educa-tion to at least eight apprentice priests (Visitatio Ecclesiae Polensis, fol. 182v-183r).

One of the ways in which the Catholic Church contended with Protestant ideas was through censorship. In a system subservient to the Holy See, there was a list of banned books that were supposed to be made publicly known. The visitator’s people therefore investigated whether such a list had been published in Pula, to which the interviewees confirmed positively (Visitatio Ecclesiae Polensis, fol. 172r, 174r, 175v, 177r).

The visitator and his entourage also carried out inspection of the confraternities that were active in Pula. In the last decades of the 16th century, Pula was the home of the fol-lowing confraternities: Our Lady of Mercy of Croats (La Madona della charita dei Schiauoni, translation Benussi 2002, 346), St. Thomas, St. Mary of Mercy, St. Rocco, St. Stephen, the Holy Sacrament and the Body of Christ (the last two were mentioned in the visitation report as two separate confraternities), St. Peter, St. Anthony and the fabrica of the Pula cathedral (Visitatio Ecclesiae Polen-sis, fol. 247r-v, 248v). Pula’s bishop complained about the poor management of the confraternities and about their administrators not reporting to the diocese the way they should (Visitatio Ecclesiae Polensis, fol. 179v). Despite that, Valier’s people could not detect substantial irregularities in the activities of the confraternities. They spent a large part of their income of organizing communal meals, which Va-lier tried to ban. Members of certain confraternities sang songs that were “inappropriate, baseless and spurious”, due to which it was ordered to dispense with such practices (Visitatio Ecclesiae Polensis, fol. 247r).

Two almshouses, or hospices, operated under the admin-istration of the Pula-based confraternities. The first, the hospice of St. Thomas was in exceptionally bad condition. Bishop Valier gave instructions for its renovation, namely,

milena

joksimović

› 244 ređuju se bakanalije kao u danima karnevala (Visita-tio Ecclesiae Polensis, fol. 179v). Nepoštovanje naroda prema Crkvi naročito se očituje u tome što se crkvena dobra uzurpiraju i otuđuju (Visitatio Ecclesiae Polensis, fol. 179v). Postoje i zelenaši, što naročito uznemiruje biskupa (u Labinu i Barbanu: Visitatio Ecclesiae Polen-sis, 179r). Dvoboji su u gradu bili zabranjeni. Pitanje u vezi s dvobojima postavljeno je gotovo svim ispita-nicima pa je očito to bila značajna tema za vizitatorov tim (Visitatio Ecclesiae Polensis, fol. 172r, 174r, 175v, 177r).

Jedan od značajnijih zadataka vizitatora i njegove pratnje bio je obilazak sakralnih građevina. U izvje-šću o vizitaciji spominju se brojne crkve, od kojih je većina bila razrušena već u vrijeme Valierova posjeta. Predstavnici svjetovnih vlasti obratili su se vizitatoru s molbom da se dopusti rušenje crkava koje ne mogu biti obnovljene, “da se ukloni tako grozan prizor koji ne pobuđuje nimalo poštovanja prema Božjem obre-du” (Visitatio Ecclesiae Polensis, fol. 183r-v). Predložili su, među ostalim, da se sruši i crkva svetog Tome. Ta je crkva, međutim, u 4. i 5. stoljeću bila prva pulska katedrala. Zato se vizitator založio za njenu obnovu. Popravljanje, natkrivanje i obnova crkve povjereni su pulskom arhitektu Marcu Taliamonteu, a rok obnove bio je svibanj. Izvješću o Valierovoj vizitaciji pridodan je i ugovor sklopljen s tim arhitektom (Visitatio Eccle-siae Polensis, fol. 187r-v, 188r). Dogovoreno je da ar-hitekt prilikom obnove mora u svemu sačuvati formu postojeće crkve, osim što će se krov središnjeg broda sniziti zbog stabilnosti.

U gradu su se nalazila četiri samostana, dva benedik-tinska ženska i dva muška, franjevački i augustinski (sl. 2). Vizitator je posjetio ženske samostane sve-tog Teodora (Visitatio Ecclesiae Polensis, fol. 180r-v, 183v) i svete Katarine (Visitatio Ecclesiae Polensis, fol. 180v-181r). U samostanu svetog Teodora u ono je vrijeme živjelo 16 redovnica i imao je prihod veći od 150 dukata. U samostanu svete Katarine živjelo je 11 redovnica, koje su bile vrlo siromašne. Živjele su od milodara i svog rada, naročito od prihoda koji je donosio samostanski mlin. Ranije je, navodi se u izvješću, samostan bio jako bogat, ali su brojna njego-va polja otuđena. Redovnice su namjeravale zatražiti povrat otuđenih imanja i vizitator je obećao da će se založiti za to. Biskup Valier je samostanu udijelio mi-lodar i donio dodatne mjere koje su imale unaprijediti materijalno stanje samostana: odlučio je da se nove djevojke više ne smiju primati u samostan bez dote već moraju imati sredstva dovoljna za vlastito uzdr-

the purchase of basic furnishings, and the repair of the roof and floors. He also enjoined the separation of men and women by insisting to place men on the ground floor and the women on the first floor (Visitatio Ecclesiae Polensis, fol. 247r-v, 248r, 249r-v). The hospice of St. Anthony be-longed to the monastery of St. Michael on the Mount, and at the time of Valier’s visitation, it was a ruined hos-pice with no income (Visitatio Ecclesiae Polensis, fol. 208r, 248v-249r).

A strong influence of the Church on the pople living Pula or its surrounding areas could be discerned in the fact that the clergy represented the main moral authority in the city. On the other hand, piety was the main concern of the bishop; his vicars reported to him about transgressions and sins in various places in the diocese. The majority of the interviewed people confirmed that there had been no heretics or publicly known lechers (Visitatio Ecclesiae Po-lensis, fol. 170r, 172r, 174r, 177r-v). Nevertheless, we can find out that Francesco Busetto supported two women, Menega Paulata and Batussa, both of whom were prosti-tutes, and the latter of whom was even married (Visitatio Ecclesiae Polensis, fol. 175v-176r).

Due to the nature of the visitation, we can find out lit-tle about other aspects of everyday life in the diocese. On religious feasts and holidays, commercial activities were blooming, especially the sale of shoes. The bishop com-plained that the locals were more interested in amuse-ment and shopping during holidays than worshiping God (Visitatio Ecclesiae Polensis, fol. 178v). Moreover, the first day of Lent, according to the bishop, often saw locals’ debauchery similar to that in the days of carnivals (Visitatio Ecclesiae Polensis, fol. 179v). People’s disrespect of the Church was especially evident in the usurpation and theft of church properties (Visitatio Ecclesiae Polensis, fol. 179v). The existence of usurers made the bishop especially vexed (in Labin and Barban: Visitatio Ecclesiae Polensis, fol. 179r). Duels, which had been banned from the city, was a rather significant topic for the visitator and his team since questions about them were posed to everyone (Visitatio Ec-clesiae Polensis, fol. 172r, 174r, 175v, 177r).

One of the most significant tasks of the visitator and his entourage was vising churches. The report mentions nu-merous churches most of which had already been derelict at the time of Valier’s visit. Representatives of the secular authorites turned to the vistitator asking him to allow for the demolition of the churches that could not be reno-vated and thereby “to remove an appalling sight that does not inspire any respect of the Service of God…” (Visitatio Ecclesiae Polensis, fol. 183r-v). They had proposed to take

milena

joksimović

› 245

žavanje: za Puljanke je ta svota iznosila 150 dukata, a za djevojke iz svih drugih mjesta 200 dukata (Visitatio Ecclesiae Polensis, fol. 184r-v).

Izvješće sadrži zanimljiv dodatak – pismo u kojem se biskup vizitatoru žali na neposlušnost redovnica iz tih samostana (Visitatio Ecclesiae Polensis, fol. 177v-178r-v). Redovnice, negodovao je biskup, po svom nahođe-nju napuštaju samostan, što je on zabranio. Zabranu su poštovale dok nije zatoplilo, ali s ljepšim vremenom ponovno su stale izlaziti kako im se prohtije (prisjeti-mo se, biskup bi ljeti odlazio u Kopar i Vodnjan pa je moguće da su redovnice bile ohrabrene njegovim odsustvom). Redovnice su, žali se dalje biskup, bez ikakve diskriminacije u samostan primale žene i muš-karce. U samostanu su čak boravile djevojke stasale za udaju, a među njima i jedna zbog koje je u gradu došlo do sablazni. Stoga je biskup naložio da se u samostan smije ući samo uz njegovo pisano dopuštenje. Toga su se mještani i redovnice neko vrijeme pridržavali, ali otkad se biskup vratio iz Rijeke nitko nije tražio dopu-štenje pa je on stoga (rekli bismo, opravdano) sumnjao da se u samostane ponovno počelo ulaziti bez njegove

down a lot churches among which there was St. Thomas’ Church. However, since this church served as the first ca-thedral of Pula in the 4th and 5th centuries, the visitator did not agree with the idea of its demolition. Quite the contrary, he advocated its renovation. Repair, roofing and refurbishment of the church were entrusted to the Pula-based architect Marco Taliamonte, and the deadline for the renovation was set to be the month of May. The report on Valier’s visitation was supplemented with a contract with Taliamonte (Visitatio Ecclesiae Polensis, fol. 187r-v, 188r). It was agreed that the architect would keep the ex-isting form of the church except for the nave roof, which was to be lowered down for the reasons of stability.

There were four monasteries in the city: two of them were female Benedictine convents, while the other two be-longed to male Franciscans and Augustinians respectiely (Fig. 2). The visitator paid visit to the female monaster-ies of St. Theodore (Visitatio Ecclesiae Polensis, fol. 180r-v, 183v) and St. Catherine (Visitatio Ecclesiae Polensis, fol. 180v-181r). St. Theodore’s Convent had 16 nuns, and its income went over 150 ducats. St. Catherine’s Convent housed 11 nuns and they were very poor. They lived off donations and their own work, especially the work in the monastic mill. This convent used to be very prosperous but it was, as the report mentions, before their lands were allienated. The nuns intended to ask for the restitution of their property and the visitator promised to intercede for their cause. Bishop Valier made donation to the monas-tery and issued additional measures that were to improve its physical condition. He decided that new postulants should not be admitted into the monastery without an en-dowment. They should possess an amount of money large enough to enusre their own sustenance. This amount was set at 150 ducats for women that came from Pula, while the amount for women coming from outside the city was set at 200 ducats (Visitatio Ecclesiae Polensis, fol. 184r-v).

The report contains an interesting supplement – a letter in which the bishop complains to the visitator about the disobediance of nuns from both convents (Visitatio Eccle-siae Polensis, fol. 177v-178r-v). According to the bishop, the nuns would leave the convents at their own discretion, which he had banned. The nuns respected his decision until it became warm outside and they started going out as they pleased (it should be mentioned that the bishop would leave to Kopar and Vodnjan in summer and the nuns might have been encouraged by his absence to go out of the monastery). The bishop goes on with his lamenta-tion in the report that the nuns did not discriminate be-tween men and women when allowing them an entrance into the convent. There were even girls fit to be married,

milena

joksimović

Slika 2Pula, nekadašnja augustinska crkva Gospe od Milosrđa. (foto: T. Bradara)

Figure 2Pula, former Augustinian Church of Our Lady of the Mercy.(photo by: T. Bradara)

› 246 dozvole. Biskup je predložio i dodatne mjere koje bi osigurale izolaciju redovnica, ali su one odbile provesti ih. Još jedan problem u samostanu predstavljalo je to što je bivši upravitelj činio što je htio i nije polagao račune; taj isti čovjek je u samostanu imao dvije kćeri, od kojih je jedna, po biskupovim riječima, bila “pra-vi tiranin” i nije se pokoravala ni opatici, uvjerena da cijeli samostan ovisi samo o njezinom ocu. Biskup je nastojao preseliti redovnice iz siromašnog samostana svete Katarine u bogatiji samostan svetog Teodora i napraviti solidan samostan s klauzurom, ali se narod tome usprotivio.

Vizitator je izgrdio redovnice oba samostana što su napuštale samostan. Redovnice su klečeći molile za oproštaj pa ih je oslobodio izopćenja, ali je naložio da samostani moraju imati klauzuru i da redovnice ne smiju napuštati samostan, pod prijetnjom izopćenja. Svi posjetitelji osim oca, majke i braće morali su dobiti pisanu dozvolu za posjet. Razgovor se imao obavljati kroz željezne rešetke i perforirane ploče, a redovnice su na razgovor morale ići u pratnji starije slušateljice. U samostan nije smio ulaziti nitko osim biskupa (mjere za samostane: Visitatio Ecclesiae Polensis, fol. 184r-v).

Prilikom posjeta biskupa Agostina Valiera u Puli osno-vana je crkva grčkog obreda. Pred vizitatora su izašli građani koji su u Pulu doselili s Cipra, na čelu s plemi-ćima Calceranom Rechesiom i Pietrom Musconom, i zahtijevali da im se ustupi crkva u kojoj bi grčki sve-ćenik obavljao grčki obred na grčkom jeziku, što su im, po njihovim riječima, zajamčile mletačke vlasti. Tvrdili su da mnogi od njih ne razumiju latinski pa ne mogu sudjelovati u obredu na latinskom jeziku. Za njihovu stvar založili su se Mletačka Republika, biskup i providur pa je vizitator odlučio da se Grcima ustupi jedna crkva (danas crkva svetog Nikole). Valier je pokazao veliku brigu oko pravovjernosti obreda, odnosno svećenika. Stoga je dopustio da u crkvi služi jedan grčki svećenik, ali pod uvjetom da prvi sveće-nik bude poslan iz Rima, iz grčkog sjemeništa, “da ne dođe do zablude” (o crkvi istočnog obreda: Visitatio Ecclesiae Polensis, fol. 181v-182r, 188r-v).

Izvješće o Valierovoj vizitaciji sačinjeno je radi jednog glavnog cilja – da Svetu Stolicu obavijesti o stanju u posjećenim biskupijama. Najviše podataka iz izvješća odnosi se na vjerske prilike – stanje u Crkvi, crkvenoj upravi i među svećenstvom. Znatno manje doznaje-mo o svjetovnim prilikama i svakodnevnom životu. Najmanje informativan i zanimljiv je unaprijed pri-premljeni model pitanja kojima se provjerava pravo-

one of whom even caused scandal in the city. The bishop therefore enjoined that the premises of the convent could be entered only with his written permission. The locals and the nuns conformed to that rule only for some time. However, when the bishop came back from Rijeka, no-body asked for permission so the bishop suspected (jus-tifiably, it might be added) that the convent was being entered again, without his permission. Additional meas-ures were imposed to secure the isolation of the nuns but they refused to implement them. Another problem at the convent was the fact that the former steward did whatever he wanted and never reported on his actions. That man had two daughters in the convent, one of whom was, ac-cording to the bishop, “a true tirant” who did not obey even Mother Superior, confident that the entire convict depended on her father. The bishop tried to move all the nuns from the poor convent of St. Catherine to the bet-ter one, the convent of St. Theodore, and create a decent, enclosed complex. Yet, the idea was met with opposition.

The visitator reprimanded the nuns for leaving the con-vents. The nuns prayed for forgiveness on their knees so he saved them from the expulsion from the convent, but he also ordered the convents should have enclosures and he banned the nuns from going out of the convents un-less they wished to be excommunicated. All visitors except for fathers, mothers and brothers had to receive a written permission for their visit. The nuns could communicate with their visitors only through iron lattices or perforated plates and accompanied with their older peers. Noone ex-cept bishop could enter the convicts (Convict Measures: Visitatio Ecclesiae Polensis, fol. 184r-v).

Agostino Valier’s visitation to Pula resulted in the establish-ment of a church of Greek ritual. Cyprian settlers in Pula, together with the noblemen Calcerano Rechesio and Pietro Muscono, welcomed the visitator and his entourage de-manding to be given a church building where a Greek priest could perform the liturgy in the Greek language, which had, according to them, been assured by the Venetian authorities. They claimed that a lot of them could not understand Latin and thus could not participate in the worship. Their cause had won the support of the Venetian Republic, the bishop and the governor, which facilitated the visitator’s decision to grant them the use of a church building (the present St. Nicholas’ Church). The visitator showed a great concern about the regularity and properness of the rites and the priest. That is why he allowed for one Greek priest to serve in the church, but only if the first priest was sent from a Greek seminary in Rome, in order to “prevent misinterpre-tation” (About the Orthodox church rites: Visitatio Ecclesiae Polensis, fol. 181v-182r, 188r-v).

milena

joksimović

› 247The report on Valier’s visitation was drafted for one main reason – to inform the Holy See about the circumstances in the visited dioceses. The largest amount of information in the report is related to religious policies – conditions within the Church, church administration and among the clergy. A lot less can be found out about secular cir-cumstances and everday life. The least informative and interesting is the model of questions, prepared in advance, that were supposed to ascertain the proper adherence to the guidelines set by the Tridentine reform and responses to these questions. The responses were dull and simple, usually short and uniform, and often, so it seems, also prepared in advance. Since Valier first visited Dalmatian dioceses, the questions could have spread to the Istrian territories before his arrival. Notes that were taken dur-ing the visitation are the most interesting part and they include the aforementioned bishop’s complains about the nuns’ insubordination, the contract on the renovation of St. Thomas’ Church and the foundation of the Greek Or-thodox church. Although not written primarily to serve as a source of historic information, the report is nevertheless of great significance for gaining knowledge about circum-stances in the visited dioceses in the late 16th century.

vjernost u kontekstu tridentske obnove te odgovora na njih. Ti su odgovori suhoparni, obično kratki i uni-formni, a nerijetko, kako se čini, i unaprijed pripre-mljeni. Valier je prije istarskih biskupija posjetio one u Dalmaciji pa se unaprijed moglo znati kakva pitanja postavljaju vizitator i njegova pratnja. Zanimljiviji su prilozi sačinjeni na licu mjesta, koji predstavljaju lo-kalne osobitosti. Takva su biskupova pisma, u kojima se on žali na neposluh redovnica, ugovor o obnovi cr-kve svetog Tome i bilješka o osnivanju crkve istočnog obreda. Premda mu to nije bio primarni cilj, izvješće o vizitaciji predstavlja povijesno vrelo od velikog zna-čaja za poznavanje prilika u posjećenim biskupijama krajem 16. stoljeća.

milena

joksimović

› 248

Archivio Segreto Vaticano, Agostino Valier, Congr. Vescovi e Regolari, Visita Ap. 86. Visitatio Ecclesiae Polensis. Fol. 164r-186v, 200r-210r, 244r-245r, 247r-249r.

BENUSSI, B. 2002. Povijest Pule u svjetlu municipalnih ustanova do 1918. godine. Pula.

BERTOŠA, M. 1986. Mletačka Istra u 16. i 17. stoljeću. Pula.

BERTOŠA, M. 2005. Usponi i sutoni. Pula, tri tisućljeća mita i stvarnosti. Pula. 47-55.

FELLERER, K. G. – HADAS, M. 1953. Church Music and the Council of Trent. The Musical Quarterly 39, 4. Oxford. 576-594.

GRAH, I. 1987. Izvještaji pulskih biskupa Svetoj Stolici (1592.-1802.), I. dio. Croatica Christiana Periodica 20. Zagreb. 26-68.

KRNJAK, O. 2016. Vjerski život / La vita religiosa / Religious Life. TEMPORIS SIGNA: Arheološka svjedočanstva istarskog novovjekovlja / Testimonianze archeologiche dell’età moderna in Istria / Archaeological evidence of the Istrian moder era, Monografije i katalozi, Arheološki muzej Istre / Monografie e Cataloghi, Museo Archeologico dell’Istria / Monographs and Catalogues, Archaeological Museum of Istria 26. Pula. 307-412.

LAVRIČ, A. 1986. Vizitacijsko poročilo Agostina Valiera o Koprski škofiji iz leta 1579 – Istriae visitatio Apostolica 1579, Visitatio Iustinopolitana Augustini Valerii. Znanstvenoraziskovalni center Slovenske akademije znanosti in umetnosti – Umetnostno zgodovinski inštitut Franceta Steleta. Ljubljana.

PERINČIĆ, T. 1998. Prilog istraživanju apostolskih vizita Agostina Valiera u dalmatinskim i istarskim biskupijama. Povijesni prilozi 17. Zagreb. 157-176.

ŠTOKOVIĆ, V. 1987. Poreč i Poreština u jednom izvještaju iz 1579/80. godine. Zbornik Poreštine 2. Poreč. 131-141.

TACCHELLA, L. – TACCHELLA, M. M. 1974. Il cardinale Agostino Valier e la riforma tridentina nella diocesi di Trieste. Udine.

https://commons.wikimedia.org/wiki/File:Agostino_Valier_Via.jpg (30.11.2016.).

literatura literature

izvori sources

milena

joksimović