ISSN: 2016-280X ournai of Intra-African Studieseprints.covenantuniversity.edu.ng/2461/1/Darfur...

ISSN: 2016-280X

ournai of Intra-African Studies

Derridean Thought and Kiswahili Proverb Issa Y Mwamzandi

Africa's Political Groupings and Voting on Cold War Issues at the UN Ehimika A. Ifidon

Music and the Challenge of Democracy in Ghana Godwin Kwqo At!Jei and Kqjo Opoku Aitko

Ibadan and the Beginnings of the Nigerian Bar Association CBN Ogbogbo and Olayinka D. /ijqyi

Sustainable Tertiary Educational Development in Africa Patrick Ukase

Darfur Conflict: Analysis of the Obstacles to Peace Segun Joshua

Democracy 'and Virtual Grassroots Movements in Nigeria Akin Iwilade

The World Bank, IMF, and Development in Africa M.M. Wader and Philip Akpen

Social Crises and Internally Displaced Persons in Nigeria Maimuna YusufSadiq and Mukhtar Abdullahi

The Crisis of Democratization in Kabba Division Aduke TG. Ekundayo

Portrayal and lmageable Influences of Women in Nollywood Film~ Rose Akaaer and John Ochitrya Onah

Overcoming Cultural Barriers to Peace in Nigeria Ibaba Samuel Ibaba

Governance and Leadership Values in Nigeria Muhammad Bello Umar

Ghana's 2008 General Elections Ziblim Iddi

Implementation of Niger Delta Master Plan James Okolie-Osemene and Samuel 0. Aghalino

Intonation Patterns in English and Jju Rita Bossan

Peace Culture and the Nigerian Economy Chris 0. Opukri and Ambi!J Etekpe

The Unsettled Boundary of Post Independent Senegambia Ousman Mamakeh Br!fang

Rock Art Sites of Northern Nigeria

Joseph Mangut and Benedicta N Mangut

Reviews

Journal of Intra-African Studies 2011 NumberS

Editorial Board

Editor Toryina Ayati Varvar, PhD, Benue State University, Makurdi, Nigeria.

Reviews Editor Terhemba Wuam, Ibrahim Badamasi Babangida University, Lapai, Nigeria.

Members Pro£ J.F. Jemkur, University of Jos, Jos, Nigeria. S.G. Nyityo, PhD, Benue State University, Makurdi, Nigeria. Aondofe Joe I yo, PhD, University of Belize, Belize, Central America. I.S. Jimada, PhD, Ahmadu Bello University, Zaria, Kaduna State. Apegba Ker, PhD, Ibrahim Badamasi Babangida University, Lapai, Nigeria. Joseph Ushie, PhD, University of Uyo, Akwa Ibom State, Nigeria. Prof. Bayo Lawai, University ofllorin, Ilorin, Kwara State. Talla Ngarka Sunday, PhD, Taraba State University,Jalingo, Taraba State. Simon Adewale Ebine, Ibrahim Badamasi Babangida University, Lapai, Nigeria. Joseph Mangut, PhD, Ibrahim Badamasi Babangida University, Lapai, Nigeria. Kwaghkondo Agber, PhD, University of Abuja, FCT, Nigeria. Pro£ S.I. Okoduwa, Ambrose Ali University, Ekpoma, Edo State, Nigeria.

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Submissions, correspondences and enquiries should be addressed to The Editor, Journal of lntra-Mrican Studies, Department of History and Archaeology, Ibrahim Badamasi Babangida University, PMB 11 , Lapai, Niger State, Nigeria, West Africa. Email: [email protected]

ISSN: 2016-280X Collection as a whole© Journal oflntra-African Studies 2011. JIAS objective is to contribute to knowledge on and about Africa through the work of scholars and academics working within and outside Africa. The journal focus is on history, literature, politics, economics, institutions, culture, religion, sociology, geography and other related subjects. Papers expected by the journal can dwell on regional issues within individual African nations, or treat national, subregional or pan-African issues.

Contents

Derridean Thought in Practice: An Examination of the I<iswahili Proverb Issa Y. Mwamzandi 1

Africa's Political Groupings and Voting on Cold War Issues in the United Nations General Assembly, 1960-1962 Ehimika A Ifidon 15

Music and the Challenge of Democracy in Ghana Godwin Kwafo Ac/jei and Kqjo Opoku Aidoo 34

Ibadan and the Beginnings of the Nigerian Bar Association CBN Ogbogbo and Olqyinka D. Ajqyi 55

A Re-Examination of the Challenges of Sustainable Tertiary Educational Development in Africa in the 21st Century: The Nigerian Experience Patnde Ukase 73

Darfur Conflict: An Analysis of the Obstacles to the Implementation of the Comprehensive Peace Agreement S egun Joshua 9 5

Democracy and Virtual Grassroots Movements in Nigeria Akin Iwilade 113

The World Bank, International Monetary Fund, and the Development of Africa: Issues, Challenges and Prospects M.M. Wader and Philip Akpen

Social Crises and the Resultant Internally Displaced Persons (IDPs) in Nigeria: A Case Study of Bauchi State IDPs Maimuna YusufSadiq and Mukhtar A bdullahi

The Crisis of Democratization in Kabba Division Aduke T. G. Ekundayo

ii

134

156

166

The Politics of l Women in N oil) Rose Akaaer and"

Harnessing the I Overcoming Cu Ibaba Samuel Ibm

Governance/ Le: Violent Resistan• Muhammad Bello

Regional Balanc( Fourth Republic Ziblimlddi

Interrogating tht Conflict Transfo James Okolie-Osem

Intonation PatteJ RitaBossan

Peace Culture an Ijo (Ijaw) Ethnic Chris 0. Opukri a;

The Unsettled B< Ousman Mamakeh

The Inability to I Nigeria for Tour: State Joseph Mangut and

Review Five Centuries of n by Hamza Muha Samaila Suleiman

Contributors

Issa Y. Mwamzandi holds a Ph.D. from Egerton University, Kenya. He is a Senior Lecturer at Moi University where he teaches Kiswahili Literature as well as its expressive culture. His main area of specialization is the interface between I<iswahili literature and literary theory as well as systems of signification.

Ehimika A. Ifidon, PhD, is with the Department of History and International Studies, University of Benin, Benin City, Nigeria.

Kojo Opoku Aidoo, PhD, is with the History and Politics Section, Institute o f African Studies, University of Ghana, Accra, Legan, Ghana.

Godwin Kwafo Adjei, PhD, Research Fellow/Coordinator, Music and Dance, Institute of African Studies, University of Ghana, Accra, Legan, Ghana.

CBN Ogbogbo, is an Associate Orofessor with the Department of History, University of Ibadan, Ibadan, Nigeria.

Olayinka D. Ajayi is with the Department of History, University of Ibadan, Ibadan, Nigeria.

Patrick Ukase, PhD, is a lecturer in the History and International Relations Unit of Department of Arts and Theological Studies, Veritas University Ahuja, The Catholic University of Nigeria.

Segun Joshua, is a lecturer in the Department of Political Science, College of Business and Social Sciences, Covenant University P.M.B 1023, Ota, Ogun State, Nigeria.

Akin Iwilade holds a MSc. in International Relations of the Obafemi Awolowo University, Ile-Ife, Nigeria. He recently won a Graduate Fellowship of the Advanced Consortium on Cooperation, Conflict and Complexity (AC4), The Earth Institute, Columbia University, USA and is 2011 Laureate of the CODESRIA Democratic Governance Institute. He is widely published in the area of civil society and democratization in Africa.

M.M. Wader, PhD, Department of Political Science and International Relations, University of Ahuja, Ahuja, Nigeria.

IV

Philip Akpen, PhD, is: of Ahuja, Ahuja, Nige

Maimuna Yusuf-Sadi Abuabakar Tafawa Bal

Mukhtar Abdullahi, i~ Tafawa Balewa Univer~

Aduke T.G. Ekunday Niger Delta University,

Rose Akaaer, PhD, is Benue State University,

John Ochinya Onah, Arts, Benue State Univ·

lbaba Samuel Ibaba, Science, Niger Delta Ur where he lectures Polit conflict analysis resolut

Muhammad Bello l Ibrahim Badamasi Bab

Ziblim Iddi, PhD, Uni

James Okolie-Osem Institute of African Stu

Samuel 0. Aghalino, Studies, University of I

Rita Boss an is a lecture Ibrahim Badamasi Bab:

Chris 0. Opukri, PhD, Niger Delta University, Ambily Etekpe, PhD , Science, Niger Delta Ut Nigeria.

Ousman Mamakeh Humanities and Social S

1n University, Kenya. he teaches I<iswahili area of specialization ~rary theory as well as

J.ent of History and :ity, Nigeria.

,!itics Section, Institute .egon, Ghana.

ordinator, Music and ::;hana, Accra, Legon,

1 the Department of

-Iistory, University of

International Relations ies, Veritas University

>litical Science, College ·sity P.M.B 1023, Ota,

tions of the Obafemi ttly won a Graduate )eration, Conflict and t University, USA and 3overnance Institute. nd democratization in

nee and International

Philip Akpen, PhD, is a lecturer in the Department of History, University of Abuja, Abuja, Nigeria.

Maim una Yusuf-Sadiq, PhD, is with the General Studies Directorate, Abuabakar Tafawa Balewa University, Bauchi, Nigeria.

Mukhtar Abdollahi, is with the General Studies Directorate, Abuabakar Tafawa Balewa University, Bauchi, Nigeria.

Aduke T.G. Ekundayo, PhD, Department of History and Diplomacy, Niger Delta University, Bayelsa State, Nigeria.

Rose Akaaer, PhD, is a lecturer with the Department of Theatre Arts, Benue State University, Makurdi, Nigeria.

John Ochinya Onah, is a lecturer with the Department of Theatre Arts, Benue State University, Makurdi, Nigeria.

Ibaba Samuel Ibaba, PhD, is affiliated to the Department of Political Science, Niger Delta University, Wilberforce Island, Bayelsa State, Nigeria where he lectures Political Science and engages in research focused on conflict analysis resolution, peace building and sustainable development.

Muhammad Bello Umar, Department of Public Administration, Ibrahim Badamasi Babangida University, Lapai, Niger State, Nigeria.

Ziblim Iddi, PhD, University of Ghana, Legon, Ghana.

James Okolie-Osemene, Peace and Conflict Studies Programme, Institute of African Studies, University of Ibadan, Nigeria.

Samuel 0. Aghalino, PhD, Department of History and International Studies, University of Ilorin, Ilorin, Nigeria.

Rita Boss an is a lecturer in the Department of Languages and Linguistics, Ibrahim Badamasi Babangida University, Lapai, Niger State, Nigeria.

Chris 0. Opukri, PhD, is a lecturer in the Department of Political Science, Niger Delta University, Wilberforce Island, Bayelsa State, Nigeria. Ambily Etekpe, PhD is a lecturer in the Department of Political Science, Niger Delta University, Wilberforce Island, Bayelsa State, Nigeria.

Ousman Mamakeh Bojang, is a lecturer in the Department of Humanities and Social Sciences, University of The Gambia, The Gambia.

v

Joseph Mangut, PhD, is a lecturer in the Department of History and Archaeology, Ibrahim Badamasi Babangida University, Lapai, Niger State, Nigeria. Benedicta Mangut, PhD, is a lecturer in the Department of Archaeology, Ahmadu Bello University, Zaria, Nigeria.

Samaila Suleiman, Department of History, Bayero University, Kana, Nigeria.

VI

Derridean T An Examin2

Issa Y. Mwamzan· Moi University, Eld.

This paper argues Derridean thought\ that is permeated v.

value. I argue that rat on the I<iswahili pr• proverbs under discu at work. To read ant that a person is well bad, speech/writing operate in these pr constructed by thes metaphysics of pres privileged over the c in the I<iswahili pro' hierarchy becomes v: longer at ease and un and by extension me grain. The emerging that of the Waswahil

Introduction The proverb is a verl: of linguistic compete use by any speaker in and finesse in the maE 1999) . Often regard I<iswahili proverb is ;

R 5

Expenditure cited in ing a Paradigm Shift nar paper, University

the Achievement of :National Education for the Achievement and Towers, Abuja-

;-Salaam: Tanzanian

~velopment Report,

J), Higher Edumtion in \!ESCO. 1erous Visions: The nber 23,2007. to Deliver," cited in e Myths, Realities and

on Produced by the

Darfur Conflict: An Analysis of the Obstacles to the Implementation of the Comprehensive Peace Agreement

Segun Joshua Covenant University, Ota, Ogun State, Nigeria.

The war in Darfur, Sudan has had grave consequences on the peaceful co-existence of the Arabs and non-Arabs in the country and the

neighbouring states. Consequently, concern of world and African bodies has led to many peace initiatives without any of them yielding the desired results. Using the spoiler approach as an explanatory tool, this paper finds, selective implementation of the Comprehensive Peace Agreement

as the major problem bedeviling the peace initiatives. However, in spite of obstacles the CPA achieved the goal of ending civil war in Darfur, Sudan through the conduct of elections and a referendum which led to the emergence of South Sudan as an independent state. The independence

of South Sudan has thrown up new problems like dispute over the distribution of oil resources among others. Therefore, it recommends that each state should be allowed to exercise right of ownership and control over resources within its border.

Introduction When warring factions in a civil war sign a peace accord, what can international actors do in order not to leave room for a repeat occurrence?

Steadman posits that this is a life-or death question for millions of people (Stedman, 2002). Cases of massive violence orchestrated by failure of implementation of peace agreements are rife, especially in Africa. This is predicated on the fact that, Africa continent served as the theatre of war for two of the most horrific cases of massive violence in the 1990sAngola in 1993 and Rwanda in 1994, brought to the fore by failure of implementation of peace agreements. In both cases, the death tolls were

96 JOURNAL OF INTRA-AFRICAN STUDIES, NUMBER 5

quite disturbing. According to Steadman, (2002), an estimated 350,000 were killed in Angola while that of Rwanda took a quantum leap to 800,000. The war in Liberia lasted for eight years and left behind 150,000 dead -all because the multiple peace agreements struck failed to end the civil war in that country. In 2001, Angola found itself in another gamut of war after the failure of another peace accord. Unimaginable wanton destruction and killings continued unabated in the Congo despite a peace accord reached in 1999.

The civil war in Darfur which is of genocidal proportion, (Dagne 2006) has added to the catalogue of civil wars perpetuated by failure of implementation of peace agreements. This is because International Crisis Group (2008) posits that, Dafur peace agreement is a failure. While sustained U.S pressure on Sudanese government helped to secure the comprehensive peace Agreement, both the government and rebel groups have been violating the tenet of agreement (Dagne 2006;Wikipedia 2008; ICG, July 2008; Human Rights Watch 2006)

In all the aforementioned cases of civil war, International actors mediated the agreements and were also given roles to play in implementation. However, the question that will agitate the curious mind of any serious analyst (especially as relating to Sudan, Darfur crisis) is that, why did they fail? Extrapolating from Stedman, what exactly could they have done differently? Was implementation bedeviled with unworkable peace agreements? Was the failure situated within the context of unfulfilled mandate? Was it a problem of difficult environment? Was it because one of the warring factions assumed the status of a spoiler? These and many other pertinent issues germane to Darfur crisis would

be considered in this paper.

Conceptual Discourse With out any form of agreement between or among parties 1n

conflict, conflict resolution will be a mirage. This underscores the prime place of peace agreement in conflict resolution. However, it is essential to state that although peace agreement is a necessary step to a lasting peace arrangement that may not necessarily mean it is sufficient to guarantee a durable peace. Before peace agreements are struck, there is need for pre-negotiation agreement which defines how the peace will be negotiated. It also determines tl1e procedural issues like schedules, agenda, participant, location, and also the peace maker role and the procedure

DARFUR COt

for drafting the fact that it pr negotiations an

Peace Trea with agreement governments t} an armistice, wl which an army

In the same as "a formal unc conditions". He Put differently, I dispute accept e in the future. It and also nobod' word "accept" i1 to everything or accept the other by the opposing

Peace agree warring factions agreement is inc negotiations, the comprorruses, a1 In a nutshell, pe; violent conflic constructively.

Compreher of the underlyin ground between substantive issue

Peace Im] implementation a It focuses on the

case of Zimbab"' parties to compl~

JMBER 5

, an estimated 350,000 ::>k a quantum leap to nd left behind 150,000 ;truck failed to end the tself in another gamut Unimaginable wanton Congo despite a peace

al proportion, (Dagne rpetuated by failure of 1se International Crisis ~nt is a failure. While t helped to secure the ment and rebel groups ~ 2006;Wikipedia 2008;

r, International actors ren roles to play in gitate the curious mind udan, Darfur crisis) is .an, what exactly could ttion bedeviled with a ted within the context :ult environment? Was he status of a spoiler? to Darfur crisis would

or among parties in Jnderscores the prime Iowever, it is essential ssary step to a lasting ~an it is sufficient to 1ts are struck, there is how the peace will be like schedules, agenda, )le and the procedure

DARFUR CONFLICT AND THE COMPREHENSIVE PEACE AGREEMENT 97

for drafting the later comprehensive peace agreements. Apart from the fact that it provides a platform for negotiation, it also structure negotiations and keep them on track, (www.beyondintractability.org)

Peace Treaty or Agreement according to Quellet (2003) has to do with agreement between two parties that are hostile usually countries or governments that formally ends an armed conflict. It is different from an armistice, which is an agreement to cease hostilities or a surrender, in which an army agrees to give up arms, (www.beyondintractability.org)

In the same vein, Wallensteen (2002) sees a peace treaty or agreement as "a formal understanding, a document signed under more or less solemn conditions". He asserts iliat, iliis formal document is vital for peace process. Put differently, Peace Agreement depicts situations in which the parties in dispute accept each other also as parties in their dealing with one another in the future. It simply denotes that nobody wins all that there is to win and also nobody loses all that there is to lose. Wallensteen posit that the word "accept" in the definition does not imply that, the disputants agree to everything or that they like each other, it only connotes that that they accept the other only to the extent for the agreement to be implemented

by the opposing sides. Peace agreement regulates the contentious issues, stuck to by the

warring factions so as to bring an end to fighting between them. Peace agreement is indeed a joint assignment for warring parties involved in negotiations, the mediator summaries the terms of discussion, negotiated compromises, and makes it available to parties drafting the agreement. In a nutshell, peace agreement is a contractual agreement struck to end a violent conflict, transforming it in a way that can be addressed

constructively. Comprehensive peace agreements: This focuses on the substance

of the underlying issues of a dispute. It seeks to look for a common ground between the needs and interests of the disputants and resolve the substantive issues in dispute (Wallensteen 2002).

Peace Implementation Stedman (2002:2) defines peace implementation as "the process of carrying out a specific peace agreement. It focuses on the narrow, relatively short-term efforts (three month in the case of Zimbabwe, over five years in the case of Bosnia) to get warring parties to comply with their written commitment to peace"


Theoretical Framework Scholars have enunciated different perspectives to account for why

some peace agreements fail and others succeed in ending civil wars. Fen Osler Hampson evolved an approach christened "Nurturing peace." The argument of Hampson is premised on the fact that, success in peace agreement is based on the following: the extent of international nurturance of the peace process; whether the conflict is ripe for resolution epitomized by the intrinsic desire of warring parties to make peace; regional power balances favourably disposed to peace; and the quality of the peace agreements. In order to actually evaluate these four strands, H ampson engaged in a controlled comparism of five cases; two failures , Angola and Cyprus 1992-1994; two successes El Salvador and Namibia and one that can be said to be partially successful, Cambodia, (Hampson1996).

Based on his research work, he submitted that, the outcome of peace agreement is a function of the quality and level of support of the third party or parties in peace process, more importantly during implementation of peace agreement. In addition, Hampson also stressed the need for regional actors. If regional actor or outside great power is antithetical to the peace process, the success of peace settlement mediated by the third parties will be a herculean task (Hampson 1996; Stedman 2002).

This approach, however suffers from analytical premises; Hampson fails to give a guide as regard the amount of resources needed in a given case to make peace process successful with reference to getting international attention, Hampson refuse to ask why some cases get more attention than others; and why international actors at times, provide resources to one case as against another. Finally, he fails to give specific advice in respect of how resources should be used by international actors to bring about success.

In her own view, Barbara Walter hinges the success or failure of peace agreement implementation on the third -party security guarantee which she defines as "any implicit or explicit promise given by an outside power to protect adversaries during the treaty implementation period", (\V'alter 1997:345).

Security guarantee can be scaled down into three layers; weak, moderate, and strong. A weak guarantee "involves a formal promise to intervene should the treaty break down." It is necessary for such a promise to be "widely known and (cannot) be recanted without negative

DARFUR C

reputational c of at least five

strong guaran unambiguous success of neg of outside sec

This pers1 who argued d intent, which guarantee to c implementers to deter violati (Stedman 200: commitment. Nations had 2

unilaterally an soldiers in Me Sri Lanka in 1 S imply credibili

Penutimat< of troops cou] avers that usin: the sense that,

third party imJ soldiers and wa factors of the

guarantees in • success of inter Africa, N amil provision of sc

Anotherp success 111 tmp "Enhanced Co Cambodia and outsiders in pea to bring about approaches foe

5

account for why 1g civil wars. Fen 1rturing peace." success 1n peace :.ional nurturance 1tion epitomized ; regional power ty of the peace ·ands, Hampson failures, Angola 1d Namibia and

Hampson 1996) .

the outcome of

f support o f the ;rttantly during :o~ lll~o ~ tt'¢S $~d

e great power is

lcmcnt mediated 1996! SN!dWI !\~

nises; Hampson eeded in a given :nee to ge tting e cases get more times, provide to give specific

:rnational actors

ss or failure of :urity guarantee :n by an outside 1tation period",

e layers; weak, mal promise to :such a promise :hout nega tive


reputational effects" . A moderate guarantee requires" the deployment of at least five hundred soldiers prior to the implementation period". A strong guarantee consists of the deployment of massive ground forces" unambiguous and indisputable demonstration of intent". She argues that success of negotiation to civil wars should "vary directly with the strength of outside security guarantees."

This perspective has been punctured by critics like Stedman, (2002) who argued that, numbers of troops do not necessarily signify strategic intent, which is very pivotal to the concept of guarantee. For security guarantee to be a powerful explanatory tool of implementation success, implementers must be in possession of explicit strategy to apply force to deter violations, compel compliance, or protect would-be peacemakers (Stedman 2002) . Second, numbers of troops may not be tantamount to commitment. Stedman contends that, United States and the United

Nations had about 25,000 troops on ground wh en the United States IJnilaterally annm.m-;ed @i<i-nwnth di1i~ngag~m~nt aftet it lo~ t eighteen ~oldierG ift M ogncliGh u . T h e sntne with ! ft dit'l w ieh d:i!4'!wiftg t:l!oop ~ fJ:om.

Sri Lanka in 1990. In a nurshell, troop s deployment docs not necessarlly imply br~dibility of wmmitmcnt. (StGdman ~006) ,

Fenmimatt:1ly. Wnl tt=~ 1' fnil§ to m!'amirw ~onw ea ~ g~ wh ~t i'Q l at•~e numhet·~

of twop~ ~;ould not pw Y.idc a credible eomn1itmcnt. Ln:J tly, Stedman aveJ:s that usln~ numbct:s as itl.diccs fot: ci'cdibk eccui'ity ls J.llislcadlttg itt the sense that, civil wars vary in terms of the challenges they pose for third party implementers. A hostile regional environment, numbers of soldiers and warring factions involved, size of the country are determinant factors o f the number of troops required to credibly provide security guarantees in a peace agreement. Stedman (2002) concluded that, the success of international actors in implementing peace agreement in South Africa , N amibia, Zimbabwe and Mozambique were no t based on provision of security guarantee as postulated by Walter.

Another perspective that has been put forward to explain failure or success in implementation of peace agreement is what Doyle tagged "Enhanced Consent and Multidimensionality." Based on research on Cambodia and E l Salvador Doyle argues that, the onus lies on the outsiders in peace agreements to choose from among a range of strategies to bring about compliance. H e stressed that, traditional peacekeeping approaches focus on monitoring and verification of compliance. At the


extreme end is the peace enforcement, in which the outsiders depend on the instrument of force to elicit compliance.

Doyle however, criticizes both approaches. One traditional approach is not sufficient in a situation where the warring factions have weak consent. Conversely, peace enforcement has proven to be risky and costly to troops contributing countries, who may ipso facto be unwilling to go to war in order to make peace. Thus, according to Doyle an alternative to the aforementioned approaches is the strategy of enhanced consent in peace agreements implementation. To put this strategy into practice will involve putting in place arrangements such as " friends of the Secretary General," establishing "ad hoc semi-sovereign bodies composed of representatives of the warring parties" and following a transformative strategy, making appeal that transcend to the masses that are favourably disposed to making peace and needed to be assisted in changing political and social institutions. Thus, he concluded that these strategies are germane in winning and keeping the warring factions consent, (Doyle 1996).

This perspective has been subjected to severe criticism. Stedman contends that, the phrase multidimensional strategy apart from telling implementers to do quite a number of things, it did not give guidelines about the dimension that ought to be given priority in resource allocation and should take precedence above basic security factors in implementation. Stedman equally criticized the use of the concept "strategy" in such an approach as it is irrelevant

Doyle (1997) equally argues that transformation has to do with content and strategic direction, that in a situation in which compliance of the parties is endangered and their consent to the mission is weak or eroding, implementers should make efforts to improve the lives and Institution governing the mass of people in a society this will compensate for weak consent of the parties in conflicts. The problem is that not all civil wars are amendable to strategy, if at all it does, what is the yardstick to substantiate that implementers are really pursuing such a strategy? In addition, since transformation can take different dimension which institutions and practices should be given priority?

Lastly, if outsiders only engage in monitoring and verification in the transformation effort, then such transformation falls within the orbit of confidence building. (Stedman 2002).

The last approach that would be considered in this paper is the spoiler approach developed by Stedman. His argument is premised on

DARFUR CONFLIC

the fact that, civil \l

of spoilers who se' violence.

In his article or and implementatio Put differently, par gains, but rather as the parties to a peac accord that is mutua. who are not neces~ effort to destroy th< face major uncertai command and con1

Stedman (2002 their position in the 1

and the focus of bt of the party. Of gre spoiler. The questio what can be met th1 sees power as indiv capitalize on any inc some goals that ex essential for internat the type of spoilers to manage the spoil through socializatio through coercive st1

John Darby (201 postulated that, then They cited example: 1970s, the Irish Rep1 a settlement after m:

total spoiler that he problem lies with a may lead to change

IMBER 5

e outsiders depend on

te traditional approach g factions have weak 1 to be risky and costly cto be unwilling to go ) Doyle an alternative f enhanced consent in ttegy into practice will iends of the Secretary bodies composed of ving a transformative es that are favourably ::1 in changing political strategies are germane nt, (Doyle 1996). :e criticism. Stedman gy apart from telling id not give guidelines in resource allocation )rs in implementation. "strategy" in such an

.cion has to do with which compliance of e mission is weak or 1prove the lives and r this will compensate roblem is that not all what is the yardstick

tg such a strategy? In 1t dimension which

nd verification in the ls within the orbit of

in this paper is the nent is premised on


the fact that, civil wars can be differentiated by the presence or absence of spoilers who seek occasion to undermine peace agreement through violence.

In his article on spoiler problem, (1997), he posits that negotiations and implementation during civil war are rife with strategic deception. Put differently, parties sign agreement, not for envisaged co-operative gains, but rather as a means to prevaiL Second, even in situations where the parties to a peace accord have a sincere intention to implement peace accord iliat is mutually beneficial, they may have confrontation wiili spoilers who are not necessarily parties to the agreement and yet make frantic effort to destroy the initial coalition for peace. Third, implementers may face major uncertainties like the sincerity of the parties in conflict, their command and control, (Stedman 1997)

Stedman (2002) has come up with a typology of spoiler based on their position in the peace process their numerical strength, their intentions and the focus of behaviour whether it lies with the leader or followers of the party. Of great importance is the motivation and intention of the spoiler. The questions to ask are: is the demand of the spoiler limited to what can be met through inducement? Is the spoiler a total spoiler who sees power as indivisible, cleaves to immutable preferences, wanting to capitalize on any inducement? Or is the spoiler greedy, that is, possessed some goals that expand based on the prospect of inducement? It is essential for international implementers to possess the skills of diagnosing the. type of spoilers it faces so as to be able to choose effective strategy to manage the spoiler. While limited or greedy spoiler can be addressed through socialization or inducement, total spoiler can only be managed through coercive strategy.

John Darby (2001) and Marie -Joelle Zahar cited in (Stedman 2002) postulated that, there is the possibility of so-called total spoilers to change. They cited examples of Palestine Liberation Organization (PLO) in the 1970s, the Irish Republican Army (IRA) who became willing to negotiate a settlement after many years. This call to question whether there can be total spoiler that holds immutable preferences for total power. If the problem lies with a single leader of a party, then change of leadership may lead to change in type of spoiler.


Background to the Darfur Conflict Sudan has been described as a bridge between the Arab world and

sub-Sahara Africa, denoting peaceful trade and cultural meddling; however, it has equally been described as the advance guard for Islamic conquest of Africa (Peterson 2002) . Sudan is enmeshed in a series of division manifesting in the form of Christian-Muslim; Africa-Arab and the north-south. The north is made up of Arabs who are Muslims, while the south is predominantly composed of Africa, with a mixture of Christians and Muslims population. The Sudanese conflict is indeed Africa longest civil war. The sources of the conflict are deeper and more complex than most political leader and observers claim. Sudan has fluctuated between military regime and democratic rule (UN Report 2005) . It is essential to note that from independence till date either the civilian or military heads of state has always been from the Northern Sudan who are Arabs and Muslims. (UN Report 2005; Wikipedia 2008)

One thing that characterized the reign of various leaders from Northern Sudan is that they always gave robust support to the spread of Arabic language and Islam in the entire Sudan. Southern resistance to this has often been met with repression by Sudanese governments. (UN Report 2005)

The intermittent civil war between the Government of Sudan and the Sudan People Liberation Movement (Army) (SPLM) was brought to an end by Nimeri regime in 1972, by granting the South autonomy in the Addis Ababa peace Agreement (Peterson 2002) . Deng called this Southern autonomy, Southern province, Regional self government Act of 1972 (Deng 1995).

However, the conflict cropped up again in 1983 as a result of the abrogation of 1972 Addis Ababa agreement (Dagne 2006) . In addition, the discovery of oil in the south propelled Nimeri to implement some measurers to ensure the incorporation of the oil-rich areas in the south to the north leading to the cancellation of southern autonomy. The matter was exacerbated with the introduction of sharia rule in the country by the government. Nimeri appointed a provincincial governor for Darfur who was not of the local population. This appointment sparked riots across Darfur in which three students were killed (Wikipedia 2008).

In essence, the combination of these factors led to another war with the south in 1983. The present president of Sudan (Omar Hassan alBashir) came into power via a military coup supported by the Muslims

DARFUR CC

brotherhood. 1 Islamic ideolog within Sudan:~ Darfur. Ali a! I division. The g be able to forr stage for Islam

A Clandes Black Book ir domination by Many of the\ Justice and Eq1

The Current ( Political lea

civilian and mili efforts to addr the northern do 2006). Based o rebel groups, tt troops, togethe: a force number Government of neglect in the I government of group known a culminated into spread of weap

Some obse (NIF) governm1 marginalization by giving suppo as a threat to it: people have bet people sought sr Quite a numbt resolution witho

, NUMBER 5

iTeen the Arab world and and cultural meddling; dvance guard for Islamic enmeshed in a series of

::viuslim; Africa-Arab and s who are Muslims, while frica, with a mixture of ;e conflict is indeed Africa :leeper and more complex n. Sudan has fluctuated (UN Report 2005). It is late either the civilian or he Northern Sudan who kipedia 2008) )f various leaders from support to the spread of

outhern resistance to this iovernments. (UN Report

1vernment of Sudan and ty) (SPLM) was brought g the South autonomy in 2002). Deng called this

nal self government Act

1 1983 as a result of the lagne 2006). In addition, neri to implement some il-rich areas in the south rn autonomy. The matter ia rule in the country by cia! governor for Darfur pointment sparked riots ed (Wikipedia 2008). sled to another war with udan (Omar Hassan alpported by the Muslims


brotherhood. His government has also been influenced by the political Islamic ideology. In 1994, Darfur was balkanized into three federal states within Sudan: Norhern (Shamal), Southern Qanus), and Western (Gharb) Darfur. Ali a! Haj, Minister of federal Affairs was the brain behind this division. The goal was to make sure that, the Fur by this division will not be able to form a majority in any state which will also orchestrate the stage for Islamic candidates to be elected. (Wikipedia 2008)

A Clandestine group made up mostly of Darfuris published the Black Book in 2000. The manuscript is a detailed chronology of domination by the north and the impoverishment of the other regions. Many of the writers came together to form rebel groups christened Justice and Equity Movement QEM) (Wikipedia 2008).

The Current Conflict in Darfur Political leaders in the southern Sudan argued that, under successive

civilian and military governments, the northern has made only spurious efforts to address the grievances of the south without compromising the northern domination in economic, political and social spheres, (Dagne 2006). Based on the aforementioned reasons, in February 2003, two rebel groups, the Sudan Liberation Movement (SLM) made up of 2,500 troops, together with the Sudan Justice and Equality Movement (SJEM) a force numbering several hundred men organized rebellion against the Government of Sudan in a bid to end political oppression and economic neglect in the Darfur region of Western Sudan. (Ofcansky 2005). The government of Sudan in Khartoum responded by organizing a militia group known as Janjaweed to confront the rebel groups. This action culminated into "spiral of state sponsored violence and indiscriminate spread of weaponry," (Mandami 2004:38).

Some observers are of the view that the National Islamic Front (NIF) government is pursuing systematically and deliberately a policy of marginalization and discrimination of the African communities in Darfur by giving support to Arab militias to suppress non- Arabs, whom it saw as a threat to its hold on power (Dagne 2006). More than two million people have been killed, four million were uprooted and some 600,000 people sought shelter beyond Sudan's borders as refugees. (www.unis.org). Quite a number of agreements have been reached to bring about resolution without total success.


Peace Initiatives Quite a number of peace initiatives have been employed to broker

peace in Darfur, Sudan. The earliest among these were the Juba conference of 194 7, the round table conference in 1965, the Addis Ababa Talks of 1972, (Deng, 1995). Others include the Koka Dam Declaration of March 24,1986; the Sadiq-Garang talks of July 31, 1986; the Harare (Zimbabwe) meeting of March 20-22, 1988, under the leadership of the Global interAction Council of the former heads of state and government; the Mirghani-Garang Agreement of November 16,1988. Two meetings were held between the SPLM-SPLA and Al-Bashir's Revolution for National Salvation, the first in Addis Ababa on August 19-20, 1989 and the second in Nairobi (Kenya) on December 1-5, 1989 under the auspices of former U.S president Jimmy Carter, ( Deng 1995), and several meetings mediated by Chad and Nigeria, (Deng, 2006; Ofcansky 2005) .

Peace Agreements The aforementioned peace initiatives and many others have

orchestrated the stage for peace agreements reached in an effort to bring about lasting peace in Sudan. Some of the peace agreements namely are: the Machakos Protocol, dated July 20'\ 2002; the Agreement of security arrangement, dated September 25'", 2003; the agreement on wealth sharing, dated January 7'", 2004; the protocol on power sharing, dated May 26'", 2oo4; and the protocol on the resolution of conflict in the Abyei Area, dated May 26'", 2004,(www.unip.org;www.unmis.org)

The parties in dispute had met in Nairobi and Naivasha, Kenya, between November 26'", 2004 and December 31 ", 2004 under the auspices of the Intergovernmental Authority and Development (IGAD), there they agreed that the aforementioned peace agreement, together with the agreement on permanent cease fire and modalities for implementing the above mentioned protocols shall form part of the comprehensive peace agreement which shall be binding on the parties, (www.usip.org).

In this resolution, Mr. Sayed Elkhatib represented the government of Sudan, while Dr. Samson Lukare Kwaje stood for the Sudan Liberation Movement/ Army and Lt. General Sumbeiywo (rtd) ambassador and Kenya special envoy for the Sudan peace process served as a witness, (www.usip.org) .

DARFUR

Sudan Com It has be

on the Sudar Peace AgreeJ the Bushadn dialogue and of the Nortl: bilateral relat

Apart fn bring an end

Armed} forces. The ~

from the sou eight months which forms 21,000 soldie from SPLM) troops are to These units a1 and control s1

the interim P' Autonon

be followed l Oil weal

the Sudanese Econom

context of dl pound, while Dinar. The es different win<

Adminis are to be shar 55:45 also in Nile state, Ab the Head of s A governmen

Islamic I the north, par

NUMBER 5

een employed to broker were the Juba conference 1e Addis Ababa Talks of tm Declaration of March ; the Harare (Zimbabwe) ship of the Global intere and government; the 6, 1988. Two meetings Bashir's Revolution for August 19-20, 1989 and . 1989 under the auspices 95), and several meetings )fcansky 2005) .

nd many others have hed in an effort to bring agreements namely are: e Agreement of security ~ agreement on wealth n power sharing, dated Jtion of conflict in the rg;www.unmis. or g) and Naivasha, Kenya,

r 31 ", 2004 under the Development (IGAD), ce agreement, together :e and modalities for shall form part of the binding on the parties,

sented the government or the Sudan Liberation (rtd) ambassador and

ss served as a witness,


Sudan Comprehensive Peace Agreement It has been mentioned before that it was the U.S sustained pressure

on the Sudanese government that helped to secure the Comprehensive Peace Agreement. While maintaining U.S bilateral sanctions on Sudan, the Bush administration also engaged the Sudanese government in critical dialogue and thereby gave the resolution of Darfur crisis and settlement of the North-South conflict as a condition for the normalization of the bilateral relations between the U.S and Sudan, (Deng, 2006).

Apart from disarming the janjaweed other provisions were made to bring an end to Darfur and north-south crisis:

Armed Forces: the North and South are to maintain separate armed forces. The Sudanese government is to withdraw 91,000 of it troops from the south within two and a half years, while the SPLM was given eight months to withdraw it forces from the north. TheN aivasha Protocol which forms part of the CPA contains provision for integrated units of 21,000 soldiers (of which government will have half and the other half from SPLM) is to be formed during the six years interim period the troops are to be deployed to sensitive areas such as the disputed areas. These units are to be commonly stationed albeit under separate command and control structures. However, if the south decides not to secede after the interim period, both sides will unify into a 39,000 strong force.

Autonomy: the south is to have autonomy for six years which will be followed by referendum in 2011 as regards secession from Sudan.

Oil wealth: the oil wealth is to be shared on a 50:50 bases between the Sudanese government in Khatoum and the SPLM.

Economic issues: two separate currencies are to be used in the context of dual banking system. The north is to retain the Sudanese pound, while opportunity is given to the south to opt for the Sudanese Dinar. The essence of the dual banking system is to give room for two different windows of service.

Administration: the central and transitional government positions are to be shared on a 70:30 in favour of the Sudanese government, and 55:45 also in government favour in the contentious areas of the Blue Nile state, Abyei and the Numba Mountains. While Bashir's position as the Head of state is maintained, Garang is to serve as the vice president. A government of national unity is to be formed.

Islamic Law: the application of Sharia Law is to remain in force in the north, parts of the Sudanese constitution is to be rewritten so as to


forestall application of Sharia Law on non-Muslims in the entire Sudan. In addition, an elected Assembly is to decide the status of Sharia in Khatoum.

Other: each territory is to use it own flag: while the north will continue to use the current Sudanese flag, the south is to introduce it own flag.( www.iss.co.za)

Implementation and Constraints on Comprehensive Peace Agreement

The Drafting Commission finished its work in June, 2005, and presented the draft constitution to the Sudanese government and the SPLM. It was ratified by the National Assembly in K.hartoum and the council of SPLM leadership and was signed as the Interim National Constitution (INC) on July 9, 2005. The same day after signing INC, the presidency which consists of the president, first vice president, and a vice president was inaugurated, (Deng 2006).

The Abyei Commission Boundary established with the responsibility of demarcating the area of the nine Dinka chiefdoms, had finished it work and had also submitted its report to Al-Bashir

As per power sharing Agreement, the parties had accepted to a 28% SPLM and 52% National Congress Party (NCP) this arrangement cut across all sectors of government, with the legislature, executive and the judiciary inclusive. The SPLA had deployed an estimated troop of 1500 to be part of the Joint Integrated Units. Further more, the SPLA had equally deployed an estimated 1000 troops to Juba as requested for in the Comprehensive Peace Agreement (CPA), (Deng, 2006). The first vice president and chairman of the Sudan People Liberation Movement (SPLA/M) John Garang died in a plane crash, and was subsequently replaced by the SPLA/M leadership council with Salva Kirr.

The formation of cabinet in September, 2005 was contentious as dispute centered on distribution of key economic ministerial portfolios. The NCP was bent in keeping the energy and finance ministries, while the SPLM contended that it should be shared between them. In the long run the, the SPLM secured eight ministries, including Foreign Affairs, Cabinet Affairs, Labour, Transportation, Health, Education, Humanitarians Affairs and Trade, with two advisers. This development has been greeted with negative attitude by the southern Sudan. The

DARFUR (

argument is t positions we1

Apart frc state that the N CP exploiti of the SPL1 (In ternationa was suspendi1 the NPC wa (In tern a tiona

The ingl• assume the st< launched maj• In response tc of the rebel g leaving at leas destructive p prov1s1ons m that, the NPC of opposition janjaweed mil them, (Intern

The Sud< Africa Union resolving the had been pair (AMIS) vehic opposing reb< Report 2006). 2005 still used in October 2(

The AU equaU an attack aga government is a technical exF

provide insigh and also to int 2005) . Preside

:1 the entire Sudan. ;tatus of Sharia in

north will continue )duce it own flag.(

ehensive Peace

1 June, 2005, and vernment and the <hartoum and the Interim National r signing INC, the :esident, and a vice

1 the responsibility 1s, had finished it

accepted to a 28% > arrangement cut executive and the ted troop of 1500 re, the SPLA had s requested for in , 2006). The first :ration Movement was subsequently ·a Kirr. ·as contentious as isterial portfolios. ~ ministries, while them. In the long ~ Foreign Affairs, lth, Education, ~his development hern Sudan. The


argument is that in exception of the Foreign Affairs Minister, other key positions went to the NCP.

Apart from the dotted successes that are noticeable, it is essential to state that tl1e implementation process has been an uphill task, with the NCP exploiting the lapses within the CPA coupled with the weaknesses of the SPLM its junior partner to delay and frustrate the process, (International Crisis Group 2006). On October, 2007, the SPLM said it was suspending participation in the government of national unity, because the NPC was not implementing the key aspects of the 2005 CPA, (International Crisis Group 2008).

The inglorious role of the Sudanese government has made it to assume the status of a spoiler. In February, 2008, the Sudanese government launched major aerial bombardments and ground attacks on West Darfur. In response to this assault, the Justice and Equality Movement QEM) one of the rebel groups in mid- May 2008 retaliated by attacking Khartoum leaving at least 200 dead. The NCP led by Al-Bashir continued to pursue destructive policies in Darfur, while at the same time resisting key provisions in the CPA, (International Crisis Group 2008). The idea is that, the NPC wants Darfur in chaos so as to gag the room for emergence of opposition, thus, defying security council resolution by integrating its janjaweed militias into official security structures instead of disarming them, (International Crisis Group, 2008; Human Right Watch 2006) .

The Sudanese government is also making things difficult for the Africa Union (AU) and the United Nations Organization (UNO) in resolving the conflict. It was observed that the Sudanese government had been painting its vehicles in the colour of Africa Mission in Sudan (AMIS) vehicles, culminating in restrictions on AMIS patrols by the opposing rebel movements (Africa Union Report 2006; Africa Union Report 2006). The government of Sudan even after signing the CPA, 2005 still used helicopter gunship at the time of several janjaweed attacks in October 2005 with the dead toll well above thirty, (Tadesse, 2005). The AU equally attested to the fact that Sudanese government partook in an attack against AU compound in Tawika in October 2005. The government is also accused of assigning a regular army officer, christened a technical expert to monitor each AMIS sector headquarter, this was to provide insight for Sudanese government into AMIS sector operations and also to interfere with its operational activities, (Human Right \\latch 2005). President Al-Bashir has also been resisting UN peace keeping


force in Sudan. Thus, on June 19, 2006, he had said: "I swear that there will not be any international military intervention in Darfur as long as I am in power. Sudan, which was the first country south of sahara to gain independence, cannot now be the first country to be recolonised" (www.thesar.co.za 2006)

For peace to return to Sudan, the NPC government led by Al-Bishir must be committed to full implementation of CPA with the SPLA/M serving as a stronger and more effective implementing partner. However, the Al-Bashir government feared that full implementation of the CPA, and comprehensive political solutions to Sudan, Darfur conflict could lead to change of power locale with the NPC been ousted out via free and fair elections, or its control of the structures of government may whittle away to a minority stake, (International Crisis Group, 2006) .

In a bid to ensure its political survival, amidst these challenges apart from keeping the international community at bay, it has equally led to increase in chaos on ground and has also promoted divisions within the rebels. In addition, it has been implementing selectively elements of the CPA without reducing its grip on power or fundamental change in the way the country is governed to be weakened.

In an attempt to perpetuate chaos in Sudan, NPC has bought over SPLA/M faction of Minni Minawi. Thus, the leaders have been given government jobs and land, and as an astute supporter of the status quo have been responsible for numerous attacks on civilian, the Humanitarians, the AMIS and some of the violence in internally displaced person (IDP) camps, (International Crisis Group 2008).

As the 2009 national elections and the 2011 southern independence referendum draw near, the focus now is on a "partnership" arrangement, but there are numerous problems that dogged the CPA implementation in this regard. The NPC in an effort to protect its control over the state and the economy is trying to delay the elections. It needed a partnership for democratic victory, yet in favour of the one that will neutralize the SPLM as a national challenger and still be defined as a purely southern based junior partner, (International Crisis Group 2008). Furthermore, the SPLM remains internally divided on priorities. While some favour the 2011 referendum, others are inclined with Garang's new Sudan vision that is, a role in national politics, confronting the NPC so as to change the country's governance and thereby, address the grievances of the regions that are marginalized. This infighting has weakened the CPA and SPLM

DARFUR CO

positions vis-v internationalgt: on the way for help matters. 1 heavy monitor involved in the a guarantor of with the parties commitment. I on the guarant< as a leverage ov factions within 2008)

Another fa the fact that ot CPA like the Ju Party (DUP), l Salvation Front They argued th were not ready the CPA, (Den!

The fact tl: does not meant They have also example the SP like ambush, a commercial goo collection of t chairperson of abuse is a far w has led to a wa: crime against h Court (ICC) (In

In spite of of ending civil v April 2010 and referendum cub independent sta

UMBER 5

aid: "I swear that there t in Darfur as long as I ;outh of sahara to gain :y to be recolonised"

nment led by Al-Bishir PA with the SPLA/M ting partner. However, nentation of the CPA, Darfur conflict could ~n ousted out via free s of government may :isis Group, 2006) .

these challenges apart y, it has equally led to ~d divisions within the :tively elements of the amental change in the

~PC has bought over . ders have been given >rter of the status quo an, the Humanitarians, [splaced person (IDP)

mthern independence 1ership" arrangement, CPA implementation control over the state needed a partnership

1at will neutralize the I as a purely southern 2008). Furthermore,

;, While some favour ng's new Sudan vision JC so as to change the vances of the regions .i the CPA and SPLM


positions vis-vis NPC. In addition, the dangerous disengagement of the international guarantors on the CPA, partly as a result of lack of consensus on the way forward and/ or due to preoccupation with Darfur does not help matters. The fact that the international community is satisfied with heavy monitoring but weak on follow-through, as the keys countries involved in the negotiation of the CPA have not yet played their role as a guarantor of the CPA, made it lack coordinated approach in dealing with the parties majorly the NPC let alone enjoning them to keep to their commitment. Having come to conclusion that it may be unwise to rely on the guarantors, the SPLM has started building up its military capacity as a leverage over the NPC, as well as forming alliances with other rebel factions within Darfur that are marginalized, (International Crisis Group 2008)

Another factor that constitute impediment to the success of CPA is the fact that other rebel groups were neglected in the signatory of the CPA like the Justice and Equality Party QEM), the Democratic Unionist Party (DUP), Union Sudan African Parties (USAP), United Democratic Salvation Front (UDSF), Popular National Congress (PNC), and etcetera. They argued that, the CPA was negotiated by two parties and therefore, were not ready to participate in the national Assembly which is part of the CPA, (Deng 2006) .

The fact that the Sudanese government has been tagged a spoiler does not mean that the rebel groups like SPLM,JEM etcetera are innocent. They have also been involved in violence most especially the SPLM. For example the SPLM have been found to be involved in a range of abuses like ambush, assault and abduction of health workers; extortion of commercial goods; recruitment and arming of child soldiers, and unlawful collection of taxes, (Human Right Watch 2006; AU Report of the chairperson of commission on the situation in Darfur, 2004). But the abuse is a far cry to that of Sudanese government, whose spoiler posture has led to a warrant of arrest on President Omar Bashir for genocide, crime against humanity and war crime, by the International Criminal Court (ICC) (International Crisis Group 2008) .

In spite of the aforesaid obstacles, the CPA achieved the objectives of ending civil war in Darfur, Sudan through the conduct of elections in April 2010 and a referendum in January 2011 (Soderlund 2011). The referendum culminated in the emergence of the Southern Sudan as an independent state on 9'h July, 2011, the 193'd country to be admitted to


the United Nations (UN) with Salva Kiir as elected president (http:// www.auswaertiges-amt.de) . It is however, necessary to stress that there are other outstanding issues that needed to be addressed.

Other Outstanding Issues The Sudan and South Sudan are two of the poorest and most

indebted countries in the world. In many parts of both countries especially in Southern Sudan the problem of food scarcity is quite worrisome. Many people depend on humanitarian aid from the International community. Water shortages and desertification are widespread and hampered development of the two countries although both countries are rich in mineral resources like oil, Ore, precious metals like gold, water from the Nile and potentially fertile arable land.

The distribution of oil resources between the Southern and N orthern Sudan remain unresolved following independence of the South and the precise positioning of the borders most especially that of the region of Abyei to which both sides lay claim.

Conclusion and Recommendations This paper argues that the success or failure of comprehensive peace

agreements can be viewed from different perspectives. It however, uses the spoiler approach to analyze the obstacles in implementation of Darfur, Sudan Comprehensive Peace Agreements. This study found that, the Sudanese government inglorious roles have made it to assume the status of a spoiler thereby constituting a hindrance to implementation of the CPA. Other concomitant factors include; the division in the SPLA/M, the exclusion of other rebel groups in the signatory of the CPA and lack of co-ordination and commitment on the part of the international guarantors. However, in spite of the obstacles that dogged the implementation of the CPA, the pact still succeeded in bringing an end to the civil war in Sudan through the conduct of elections and a referendum, although this success is not without its accompany problems.

From the foregoing, it is therefore recommended that each country should be allowed to exercise right of ownership and control over the resources within its area of jurisdiction. There is need to develop viable state structures that will bring about socio-economic transformation of the two countries. The mineral resources should be well tapped and

DARFUR CONFLH

used judiciously fo found. The verdic Permanent Court c

upon in resolving tt should strengthen i supportive, but in Government. Such: services and divers the SPLM to give r for autocratic tend

NCP. Lastly, all per1 brought to book sc

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Liberation Maven Implementation www.usip.org retr

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NUMBER 5

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DARFUR CONFLICT AND THE COMPREHENSIVE PEACE AGREEMENT I I I

used judiciously for the benefit of the citizenry were such resources are found. The verdict on the demarcation of the border issued by the

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Democracy Movements in

Akin Iwilade Obafemi Awolowo Un

This paper examines t: movements in Nigeria.

between and among gn it is misleading to as sum

that 'movement' implies strategy, recognizable lea This is hardly the case w

to the extent that they a

thrive on exclusive socia virtual grassroots mov

generally held resistann evidence of mutual ex movements rather thar

grassroots movements role in democratization.

in a way that takes int< development and situate

mobilization. Important weaknesses in the archi leadership and attempts cross ethnic and cross st

Introduction At the core of this pap

movements in Nigeria. among grassroots organi to assume the existence<

Department of History and Archaeology, Ibrahim Badamasi Babangida University

PMB 11, Lapai, Niger State, Nigeria.

ISSN: 2016-280X ournai of Intra-African Studieseprints.covenantuniversity.edu.ng/2461/1/Darfur...

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