isLAy

l$LAli (A.), r e f o r m , refor iu is in .

i.—THE ARAB WORLDIn modern Arabic, the term isldfr is used for

"reform" (cf.: RALA, xxi (1386/1966), 351, no. 15)in the general sense: in contemporary Islamic litera-ture it denotes more specifically orthodox reformismof the type that emerges in the doctrinal teachingsof Muhammad cAbduh, in the writings of RashidRiola, and in the numerous Muslim authors who areinfluenced by these two masters and, like them,consider themselves disciples of the Salafiyya (seebelow). I slaty will be examined under the followinggeneral headings: A. Historical; B. Fundamentalprinciples; C. The principal doctrinal positions;D. I slab in tne contemporary Arab world.

A.—HISTORICAL.—i.—Background.—The ideaof i§.ldfr, so widespread in modern Islamic culture, isalso very common in the vocabulary of the Kur'an,where the radicals s-l-ty. cover a very wide semanticfield. Amongst the derivatives of this root employedin the Kur'an are: a) The verb aslafra and the corres-ponding infinitive, isldfy, used sometimes in the senseof "to work towards peace (sulk)", "to bring aboutharmony", "to urge people to be reconciled with oneanother" and "to agree" (cf. II, 228, IV, 35,114, XLIX,9, 10), and at others in the sense of "to perform apious act (Carnal sdlifr)", "to perform a virtuous act(saldfr)", "to behave like a holy man (sdlifr, plur.sdlibunlsdlitMt)" (cf. II, 220, IV, 128, VII, 56, 85,142,XI, 46,90); b) The substantive muslifr, plur. muslifrun:those who perform pious acts, who are saintly inspirit, who preach peace and harmony, who are con-cerned with the moral perfection of their neighbours,and strive to make men better. It is precisely in thissense that the modern Muslim reformists can bedefined, reformists who proudly claim the title ofmuslifaun, upon which Revelation confers a certainprestige (cf. ]£ur>an, VII, 170, XI, 117, XXVIII, 19)The adherents of isldfr consider themselves in thedirect line of the reformer-prophets whose lives arequoted as examples in the Kurgan (cf. especiallysuras VII, X, XI, XX); but they claim to be in-fluenced above all by the example of the missionof the Prophet Muhammad, whom they consider tobe the Reformer par excellence (cf. al-Shihdb, May1939, 183: Muhammad, al-muslifr al-a^am). Thusisldfr is deeply rooted in the basic soil of Islam, andcannot therefore be viewed solely in relation tothe intellectual trends that appeared in the Muslimworld at the beginning of the modern period.

2.—The h is tor ica l c o n t i n u i t y of isldh.—In so far as it is on the one hand an individual orcollective effort to define Islam solely in relation toits authentic sources (i.e., the Kur'an and the Sunna[q,v.] of the Prophet) and on the other an attemptto work towards a situation in which the lives ofMuslims, in personal and social terms, really wouldconform to the norms and values of their religion,isldb is a permanent feature in the religious andcultural history of Islam. This two-fold approachcharacterizing isldh is quite justified from a fcur'anicpoint of view. For a) Islam is simply that whichRevelation contains, as it is transmitted and ex-plained by the Prophet (see below: The return tofirst principles), b) To work for the Good, and aspireto improve (aslafr), is simply to attempt to restoreIslamic values in modern Muslim society. From thispoint of view, isldh can be seen as an intellectual,and frequently practical, response to the injunctionof "commanding what is good and prohibiting whatis evil" (see on this subject the two fundamental

references, Ivur'an III, 104, no). This canonicalobligation (far#, Jaritfa)—a major obligation onthe head of the Community (imam)—is constantlyinvoked by the reformers, both as a justificationfor their action, and as an appeal to the faithful, whoare also bound, each according to his social standingand means, to play his part in "commanding thegood". (On this important question of Muslim ethicssee the classic text of al-Ghazali in I fry a* 'ulumal-din chap.: Kitdb al-amr bi 'l-ma'ruf wa 'l-nahy*an al-munkart trans. L. Bercher, De I'obligationd'ordonner le Bien et d'interdire le Mai selon al-Ghazdli, in IBLA, ist and 3rd trim. 1955; the neo-IrlanbaUte doctrine (so illuminating for. reformistteaching) in H. Laoust, Essai sur les doctrines .. .d'Ibn Taymiya, 601-5; the position of Mufo. cAbduhin: Risdlat al-tawfyid, 113 (Fr. trans., 121), and Tajsiral-Mandr, ix, 36; a complete account of the questionby Rashid Ricja: ibid, iv, 25-47 on sura III, 104, and57-64, on siira III, no; L. Gardet, Dieu et la destintede I'homme, Paris 1967, 445 ff.).

Like all Muslims who cherish an ideal of the piousand virtuous life (saldfr), the reformists like to referto the many fcur'anic verses which praise "those whodo works of isldfr" (VI, 42, VII, 170, XXVIII, 19) andparticularly to XI, 90, which they hold to be theperfect motto of Muslim reformism: "0 mon peuplel. . . Mon unique desir est de vous rendre meilleurs"(trans. Savary)—"Je ne veux que reformer" (trans.Blachere)—"I desire only to set things right."(trans. Arberry). These scriptural statements areillustrated by the tradition that the Prophet in-timated that Islam would need to be revitalized

i periodically and that in each century Providencewould raise up men capable of accomplishing thisnecessary mission of moral and religious regeneration.(On this tradition, cf. Wensinck, Handbook, 204 b:"At the end.. .").

The Community has never lacked men willing toassume precisely this prophetic mission. In its earlystages and also in its later developments, isldfyhas been identified with the service of the Sunna,which is thought to provide the best model for theIslamic way of life (cf. Kur'an, XXXIII, 21), aswell as supplying the essential elements which lieat the base of the earliest orthodoxy of Islam. TheKur'an is without doubt the most important pointof reference for modern isldfr; yet, in its earliestmanifestations, it appears to be above all the ex-pression of a total allegiance to the Prophet's Tradi-tion. This active, sometimes militant, allegiance isbest expressed in its defence of the Sunna against"blameworthy innovations" (bida*- [q.v.]) which arejudged incompatible with the objective facts of theBook, the unquestionable teachings of the Prophet,and the testimony of the "pious forefathers" (al-salaf al-sdlib). Upholders of strict primitive ortho-doxy were particularly aware of the increase of bida*:a) at the dogmatic level: cf. the speculation nurturedby the dawning rationalist theology (kaldm [q.v.]);kur'anic exegesis of Batini tendency; the theses ofextremist Shicism; and b) in the sphere of worship:asceticism, excessive piety, par a liturgical practicesinspired by Sufism (tasawwuf [q.v.]), all of whichthey believed indicated a spirit of exaggeration(ghulu) contrary to the essence of Islamic spiritualitySuch innovations were held to be blameworthybecause they were looked upon as sources of errorand seeds of heresy; they therefore seemed to con-stitute a serious threat to the confessional unity andmoral and political cohesion of the Umma.

The historical development of isldh must, it seems,

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be related to that new spirit which gave rise to bida*throughout the cultural evolution of the Communi-ty. The following are a few milestones:—i. Thepolitical and moral crisis following the battles of$iffm (37/657 [q-v.]) and Nahrawan (38/658 [q.v.])engendered ardent political and religious polemics be-tween the Khawaridj [q.v.] and the Shica [q.v.] on theone hand and the supporters of the establishedauthority on the other. In this climate of schism thedoctrinal tendencies which classical Sunnism decriedas heretical to a greater or lesser extent began to grow(cf. al-Shahrastani, Milal, i; 27). The period of theProphet's companions was hardly over (ca. 90/708)when the theologico-philosophical speculations whichwere to disturb the Muslim conscience for many yearsbegan to appear.—2. At the end of the ist/7thcentury, the general evolution of the Muslim commun-ity was sufficiently advanced for the unity of faith andmonolithic convictions of the first decades to bereplaced by a diversity of intellectual and religiousattitudes towards the fcur'anic revelation and theproblems posed by it (predestination and free will,the problem of evil, the attributes of God, the natureof the I£ur3an, etc.). Despite its dominant position(at least in theory), official Sunnism was neitherdynamic nor homogeneous enough to conditioneffectively the moral and religious behaviour of thenew generations. Many factors (especially socio-cultural and political ones) gradually weakened thereligious and cultural impact of the Sunna, whosesociological base was anyway being diluted amongthe diverse populations of the vast empire. It isworth noting in this respect the geographicaldispersion and gradual extinction of the main wit-nesses of primitive Islam, those who were latercalled the "pious forefathers". These were essentiallythe Prophet's Companions ($0#a&a)and the mosteminent of their immediate successors (tdbi'un)—3. Al-yasan al-Basri (died 110/728 [q.v.]) marksthe end of the Sunna's first era, before the spreadof the great controversies which were to divide theMuslims (in the field of fcur3anic exegesis, and as aresult of a free philosophical enquiry on the revealedBook). The famous break between al-Iiasan al-Basriand Wasil b. cAta (d. 131/748 [q.v.]) prefigures thedoctrinal disputes and later conflicts which resultedabove all in the creation of a Traditional Party (ahial-sunna), the "pious forefathers" (td'ifat al-salaf),as a reaction against the new sects and tendencies(Shica, Khawaridj, Djahmiyya, Muctazila, etc.)which were judged more or less heretical (cf. H.Laoust, Schismes, 84 ff.).—4. Ahmad b. ftanbal(d. 241/855 [q.v.]) represents a strongly entrenchedSunnism ready to fight the new schools of thoughtwhich questioned the dogma of the primitive ortho-doxy (cf. his Radd 'ala 'l-zanddifra wa 'l-diahmiyya).

The desire to refute the errors of their century,to combat those sects believed to have introducedblameworthy innovations into Islam, to bring thefaithful back to the purity of primitive faith andworship, and to restore the Sunna by the study andimitation of the Prophet's Tradition, these are theaspirations of many reformers who appear period-ically in the religious history of Islam from the verybeginnings of Sunnism. For Rashid Ri<la, in eachgeneration men emerge who are firmly committed tothe defence of the Sunna and the struggle againstbid'a (Tafsir, vii, 143); each century has produceda "regenerator" (mudiaddid} of the faith and theSunna, men like "the imam Ibn tfazm [q.v.]f themudiaddid of the 5th century. . ., the doctor of Islam,Ahmad b. Taymiyya [q.v.], the mudiaddid of the 7th

century. . ., the great traditionist (hdjiz) Ibn I.Iadjaral-cAskalaiiI [q.v.] in the pth century. . ., and thefamous imam Muhammad b. CA1I al-Shawkani (ii73/1760-1260/1834), the Yemeni mudiaddid in the i2thcentury." (Tafsir, vii, 144-5). All these men, and eachin his own way, were indisputable architects of isldh',among the many others who share this honour, al-Ghazali springs to mind. Rashid Ricla notes withregret (Tafsir, vii, 143), however, that such ex-ceptional men were generally alone (ghurabd3) in theworld, like Islam itself. (Cf. the fradith: "Islam wasborn alone, and will become alone again, as at itsbeginning. Happy the solitary men. Those are theywho will come to reform that which will be debasedafter me" [cf. Wensinck, Handbook, 114 A: "-Origin-ated"]). Although solitary, because of their oppositionto the spirit of their times, and often the butt ofauthoritarian arrogance, worldly scepticism, andthe hostility of conformist c«/awa3 and sycophants,the reformers nonetheless committed themselves tosafeguarding the Sunna and, through it, the con-tinuity of the original values of Islam. It is in thisspirit, that of the reformers and renovators whoanimated the religiouis and cultural evolution of theUmma, and in tune with the defenders of the Sunnaand the community's cohesion, that modern Muslimreformists are attempting to carry out their mission,over and above all ideologies, tendencies, and sec-tarianism. On the historical continuity of isldti fromthe age of the Salaf to the dawn of the modern era,cf. CA1I al-Hasanl al-Nadawi, Rididl al-fikr wa 'l-da'wafi 'l-isldm, Damascus 1379/1960 (ends with Djalal al-Din Rumi 672/1273); cAbd al-Mutacal al-Sacidi, Al>Mudjaddidun fi 'l-isldm. . . (100-1370 H.), Cairo1382/1962; A. Merad, Le Reformisme musulman . . .,29 ff . ; H. Laoust, Schismes.

3.—Is ldh in modern Islam.—Viewed as partof the historico-cultural process outlined above,the modern reformism of the Salafiyya is an excep-tionally fruitful period. In the breadth of its firstmanifestations, the diversity and stature of thetalents it employed, the energy of its apostolate, andthe relative speed of its diffusion in the Arab worldand even far beyond, isldh constitutes one of the mostremarkable phenomena in the evolution of Islam sincethe end of the igth century. It is a result of the cul-tural movement born of the renaissance (nahtfa [q.v.])which marked the reawakening of the Arab East(along with that of the Muslim world in general) as aconsequence of the influence of Western ideas andcivilization. This awakening has been interpretedas a direct result of the actions of several forcefulMuslim personalities living in the second half ofthe i9th century. Those most frequently mentionedare Djamal al-Din al-Afghani (1839-97 [q.v.]), Mu-kammad cAbduh (1849-1905 [q.v.]) and Abd al-Rabman al-Kawakibl (i854?-i9O2 [q.v.]). However,the awakening of Arabo-Muslim consciousness waspreceded by a period of gestation which was encour-aged by a combination of internal and externalfactors; most decisive of these were:

a) The pressure of Wahhdbism [q.v.], which aimed(initially in Arabia) at restoring Islamic piety andethics to their original purity and cultivated a sortof idealization of the primitive Islamic social organ-ization, that of the "pious forefathers" al-salaf al-sdlib (hence the tendency called Salafiyya). Despitetheir zeal (which sometimes seemed excessive) indefence of their conception of the Sunna, their in-transigence and their occasionally intolerant strict-ness, the Wahhabis never lost sight of the need for amoral and political renewal of modern Islam. While

ISLAtf 143

appealing to their co-religionists to recognize onlythe authority of the I£ur5an and the Sunna in mat-ters of religion (din), they urged them to abandonsuperstitions inherited from the Middle Ages andcountered the general tendency to fatalistic resigna-tion, reacting against the spirit of tafrlid [q.v.] whichpredominated at that time (end of the i8th- beginningof the 2oth century). Through these efforts and theirattempt to modernize the values of primitive Islam,djihdd [q.v.], in particular, in the hope of rousingMuslims to a political dynamism equal to their pastgreatness, the Wahhabls played an important rolein the evolution of modern Islam, thus deserving aplace among "the first of those who worked togethertowards the Arab renaissance" (L. Massignon, inRMM, xxxvi (1918-19), 325).

b) The development of the printed word throughthe press and publishing, principally in the Arabiclanguage. In this respect the remarkable role playedby the Egyptian printing house at Bulak [seeMATBACA] must be stressed. From 1822 onwards,this became one of the most important tools of theArab intellectual renaissance. The Egyptians andSyro-Lebanese contributed to the growth of a seriousand informative press which reflected the politicaland cultural aspirations of the nationalist and pro-reformist sectors of the population. (Cf. cAbd al-Latif al-JIbawl, American interests in Syria 1800-1901, Oxford 1966, 247-53; Ph. K. Hitti, Lebanon inHistory3, New York 1967, 452-64).

c) The influence of Western culture. Europeanpenetration of the Arab world in the first decadesof the 19th century soon made itself felt, especiallyat an intellectual level. Cf. H. Pe"res, Les premieresmanifestations de la renaissance litteraire arabe enOrient au ige siecle, in AIEO Algiers (1934-5),233-56; A. Hourani, Arabic thought (Bibl.); the suc-cinct statement of the problem by liusayn Mu'nisLa renaissance culturelle arabe, in Orient, nos xli-xlii(1967), 16-27; J- Heyworth-Dunne, An introd. to thehist, of education in modern Egypt1, London 1939,reprinted 1968, 96-287.

d) The liberal evolution of the Ottoman regime.This first occurred under the sultan cAbd al-Madild I[q.v.], who inaugurated a policy of reforms (tan$imat[q.v.]) with the Khapp-i sherlf of Nov. 3 1839 whichgranted his peoples the first imperial charter guar-anteeing civil liberties. Despite the opposition of thetraditionalists, these Western-inspired reforms wereprogressively put into effect, particularly afterthe Khaft-i humayun of Feb. i 1856, which finallyopened the Near East to the ideas and influencesof the modern world. Cf. TANZ!MAT; F. M. Pareja,Islamologie, 339 if., 583.

e) The structural renovation of the Eastern churchesand their awakening to Western spirituality andideas. Cf., e.g., on the exemplary case of the Uniatechurches, the monograph by Joseph Hajjar, LesChretiens uniates du Proche-Orient, Paris 1962.As well as the renewal of local Christianity, thanks toa favourable concourse of religious and diplomaticevents, the energy of Catholic and (above all) Prot-estant missions must be taken into account. Onthese missionary activities on Islamic soil, see theimportant material in RMM, xvi (1911), A laconquete du monde musulman (i vol.); Kenneth ScottLatourette, A hist, of the expansion of Christianity,vi: The great century (1800-1914), London 1944,chap. II (Northern Africa and the Near East), 6-64;A. al-Tibawl, American interests in Syria, 316-24).

This missionary activity did not simply provokea defensive reaction in the Muslim world. In the eyes

of many <-ulama>, it was exemplary from two pointsof view: it was a remarkable example of zeal inthe service of a faith, and the actual content of itspreaching was of value. Thus, in imitation of theProtestants, the reformists attached paramountimportance to the Scriptures, though without everlosing sight of cultural needs and working towardsan ethical and spiritual renewal of Islam. At the sametime they aimed at the social and intellectual eman-cipation of the Muslim population by tirelesslyadvocating the popularization of modern knowledge.

These different factors (which must be placed inthe general context of the Eastern question) gaverise to the intellectual ferment which led to the nahda.After centuries of cultural stagnation, the Arabrenaissance provoked a lively intellectual curiosity inthe East. From the beginning of the i9th century,the Arab elites began to acquire modern knowledge,some through translations, others by direct contactwith European scientific culture and techniques. Adecisive role was played by Arab student missionsin Europe, by Western schools (religious and secular)in the Near East, and by national institutionsorganized on the European model. Cf. on this sub-ject: C. Brockelmann, S II, 730 ff.; Djurdii ZaydauTd>rikh ddab al-lugha al-*arabiyya*, Cairo 1914, iv186-217; Jak Tadjir, ftarakat al-tard^ama f l misrkhildl al-frarn al-tds? ^ashar, Cairo [1944]: the im-portant study by J. Heyworth-Dunne, An introd. tothe hist, of education in modern Egypt', Ph. K. Hitti,Lebanon in History, chap. xxxi.

For Arab writers this intellectual activity wasaccompanied by a historical and sociological enquiryin an attempt to analyse their social and culturalsituation in order to determine the exact causes oftheir backwardness, naturally with a view to re-medying it. This is the dominant theme of articlesin al-'Urwa al-wuthfcd (1884), then in Mandr (from1898 on), especially those by Rashid Ritfa andMuhammad cAbduh (cf. for instance, the series ofarticles in vol. v (1902), under the general title: al-Isldm wa 'l-Nasrdniyya ma^a 'l-^ilm wa 'l-madaniyya(136 p.). This is also the central topic of Ummal-frurd,in which al-Kawakibl attempts a precise diagnosisof the evils and that sort of general indolence (futur)which characterized the Muslim community at theend of the i9th century (cf. the 7th session, 109 ff.passim); on the theme of the "backwardness" ofthe Muslim peoples, see also two accounts: Mu^am-mad cUmar (d. 1337/1918), lid^ir al-misriyyinwa-sirr ta^akhkhurihim, Cairo 1320/1902; ShaklbArslan, Limddha ta^akhkhara 'l-Muslimun wa-limddhatakaddama ghayruhuml (Cairo ed. 1939).

The situation of Islam in the modern world thusbecame one of the most important themes in reform-ist writings. After Ernest Kenan's famous lectureon Ulslamisme et la Science (Sorbonne, March 291883) and the subsequent controversy betweenRenan and Djamal al-DIn al-Afghanl (cf. on thissubject Homa Pakdaman, Diamdl-Ed-Din, Si ff.),one of the major preoccupations of reformist authorswas to refute the thesis that Islam is contrary tothe scientific spirit and can thus be held responsiblefor the cultural backwardness of the Muslim peoples."We wore out our pens and our voices", cries RashidRi(Ja "through writing and repeating that the mis-fortunes of Muslims cannot be blamed on theirreligion, but rather on the innovations that they haveintroduced into it, and on the fact that they 'wear'Islam like a fur coat turned inside out" (Mandr.iii (1900), 244). Cf. also the pleas of MuhammadcAbduh, al-Islam wa 'l-Nasrdniyya, and Muhammad

144 li?LAH

Farid Wadjdi, Tajbib al-diydna al-isldmiyya <ala'l-nawdmis al-madaniyya, Cairo 1316/1898.

Having established their view of the situation, thereformists planned ways to stir up a new spirit intheir co-religionists and to arouse in the Communitythe will to break out of its cultural and social stagna-tion. For this purpose, they continually referred tothe kur'anic verse: "Allah altereth not what is in apeople until they alter what is in themselves" (cf.al-^Urwa al-wuthfcd, no. xvii (Sept. 1884), editorialreproduced by Rashld Riola in his To/sir, x, 46-52;Muhammad cAbduh, Risdlat al-tawfrid, 178 (Fr.trans., 121); Rashld Riola, Tafsir x, 41-5, on suraVIII, 54). From this point of view, reformist thoughtseems to have crystallized around the idea of improve-ment (isldfr) of the existing situation. To achievethis goal, the adherents of i$ldfr advocated a struggleagainst those religious forces (in particular thebrotherhoods) and social groups (conservative andtraditionalist forces) which they saw as the incarna-tion of obscurantism. They also supported the re-form of archaic teaching methods and courses andthe popularization of scientific disciplines and moderntechniques. Since they had no training in these lasttwo fields, the reformists could do no more thanstress the usefulness of Western sciences and techni-ques as essential instruments for the material andintellectual progress of the Muslim peoples. However,they devoted the greater and most effective part oftheir efforts to action in the moral and social fields,where they had more ready access to an adequatevocabulary.

Reformist appeals for social and intellectualevolution (tabaddum, tarabfri) concentrated on theneed to improve, correct, reorganize, renovate andrestore: all these infinitives corresponding, grossomodo, to the different meanings of the masdar, isldfr(cf. Lane, i/4, 1714: SL&). From then on islafybecame a sort of leitmotiv in reformist literature.In the texts of Muhammad cAbduh, for example,we frequently find this term used as the mark ofan impelling idea even in his earliest writings; cf.his first articles in the paper al-Ahrdm (ist year, 1876)reproduced by Rashld Ritfa in Tcfrikh al-ustddhal-imdm, ii, 20, 22, 34; his articles in the officialpaper al-WafrdW al-misriyya, 1880-1 (ibid., 175-81).Isldfr also appears at every opportunity and inits different meanings in the review al-Mandr (whosefirst no. dates from 22 Shawwal 1315/16 March1898). We find, for example, the following usages:al-isldb al-dlnl wa 'l-iditimd'i ("religious and socialreform", i (1898), 2); isldfr kutub al-cilm wa-tarlfratal-ta'lim ("improvement of textbooks and reformof teaching methods", ibid., n); isldfr ddkhiliyydtal-mamlaka ("reform (or reorganization) of the inter-nal affairs of the Empire", ibid., 736); islafr al-nufus("regeneration of souls", ibid., 737); i?tik al-ka&Pasds al-isldfr ("law reform, as a basis for generalreform", ibid.); in the editorial of the 4oth no.(1898), Rashid Riola calls for a "renovation fromthe pulpit eloquence" (isldfr al-khifdba); in no. 42,p. 822, he proposes: muhdwara fi isldfr al-Azhar("exchange of views on the reform of al-Azhar").

These few references show the variety of uses towhich the concept isldfr was put. However, the fol-lowing areas seem particularly to have attracted theattention of reformist authors: a) Teaching. Thequestion of the reorganization of Muslim teaching,especially in institutes of higher education like al-Azhar, occupied an important place in the work ofMuhammad cAbduh and Rashid Ritfa (cf. the accountof the action carried out in this sphere by shaykh

cAbduh in Ta^rikh al-ustddh al-imdm, i, 425-567).This problem can be linked to that of the reorganiza-tion of the mosques and wafyf possessions. Bettermanagement of these would supply the educationalsystem with increased means and new buildings.(Cf. Rashld Riola, op. cit., i, 630-45; al-Mandr wa'l-Azhar, passim), b) Law. The reform of the Muslimlegal system was also one of the constant preoccupa-tions of the reformists (see the numerous articles inMandr on this subject and the Report made by Mutiam-mad cAbduh, Mufti of Egypt, Tafrrir mufti al-diydral-misriyya fi isldfr al-mafrdkim al-shar'iyya, Cairo1318/1900; cf. on this subject Ta'rikh al-ustddh al-imdm, i, 605-29). c) The Religious Brotherhoods. Thereformists never ceased to press for the reform (ifnot for abolition pure and simple) of the brother-hoods, which they accused of maintaining blame-worthy innovations in religious life, of encouragingthe people in superstitious beliefs and practices,and of continuing to use a reactionary system ofteaching in their educational establishments (cf.the articles in Mandr, under the heading: al-Bida*wa'l-khurdfdt; Rashid Riola, al-Mandr wa 'l-Azhar,passim). In their attempt to reform Muslim education-al and legal systems and religious practice, thesupporters of isldfr were aware that they wereattacking the traditional structures of Muslimsociety, yet they felt it was essentially to renovatethese structures so that a new much-needed socialand cultural dynamism should be given to theCommunity. But their task did not stop there. Forthe isldfr advocated by Muhammad cAbduh and hisclose supporters necessitated a vast movement ofrenovation which would embrace all sectors ofMuslim life. Thus we see them advocating isldfcin purely secular domains (for example, languageand literature, the organization of schools, theadministration, the military regime, etc.). Theybelieved that the culamd* worthy of the name shoulddevote themselves to an overall reform of Muslimsocial organization, and not just to a limited religionsreformism.

These calls for a general isldfy were fairly wellreceived in Arab and Muslim intellectual circlesat the end of the igth and beginning of the 2othcentury. From the period of al-'Urwa al-wuthfcd (1884)on, the combined efforts of al-Afghanl and 'Abduh,and other propagandists of the quality of al-Kawa-kibi, succeeded in definitively integrating the ideaof isldfy into modern Muslim thinking. From thenon, no intellectual in the Arab world could remainindifferent to the reformist phenomenon (cf. al-Mandr, i, (1899), 949: al-isldfr al-isldmi wa 'l-sihdfa:isldfr had become one of the principal and mosttopical subjects in the Arab and Turkish press; Ummal-frurd, 3). In Literary circles, many profoundlysecular writers and poets joined forces with theadvocates of isldfr. Their sympathies did not lie withthe religious movement, but with the powerfulferment that it then represented for Muslim societyand for Arabs in general. For them, isldjt signifiedan appeal for progress, a breath of renewal and thepromise of a better future for the Arab nation. Itsfundamental call for religious renovation and moralregeneration was blurred in the eyes of many in-tellectuals by its social and cultural implications.Gradually isldti acquired the shape of a sort of mythwhich attracted all, believers and unbelievers,Muslims or not, who were struggling for the socialand cultural emancipation of their people. (The im-pact of isldfi in non-Muslim circles is apparent inwriters like Salama Musa; cf. Tarbiyat Saldma Musd,

ISLAIi H5

Cairo 1944, 52 [Hug. trails. Schuinan, The educationof Saldma Musd, Leiden 1961, 35]). This is why,concurrently with the religious reformists (theSalafiyya), some concerned secular intellectuals tookup the cry for isldfy, though with a purely socialand cultural connotation. The most typical figureof this secular reformist current is the clrafcl poetDjamll Sidkl al-Zahawi (1863-1936 [q.v.]), whoadvocated a form of isldfr devoid of any religiouscontent (his beliefs are expressed in: nashartu fi'l-ndsi ard*an uridu bi-hdlisldha dunyd-humu Id'l-fa'na fi 'l-dini).

The relative receptivity of Arab intellectualcircles (more or less influenced by Western culture)was a determining factor in the diffusion of isldfr. Thereformists found allies, if not true sympathizers,among publicists and men of letters who wereexasperated by the conservatism of the "old tur-bans", the defenders of clerical and university tradi-tion (of al-Azhar, al-Zaytuna, etc.), by the apathy ofthe masses, and by the sluggishness of the politicaland administrative machine. Thus in the East as inthe Maghrib, the younger progressive intellectualsdrew close to the reformists, who in their eyes rep-resented a dynamic party which, in the face ofdifferent forms of foreign domination, proclaimed theright of their peoples to education, progress andnational dignity.

But isldh also benefited from a measure of supportin liberal Sunni circles. Frightened by the prospectof society drifting away from Islam in the more orless distant future, and by the dynamism of Christianmissionary work in Muslim lands, they were happyto witness the birth of a movement which wasprofoundly attached to the Sunna, and firmly com-mitted to the defence of the faith, while at the sametime recognizing the need for social evolution andmodern scientific and technical development inthe Arab world.

Yet, despite the interest that it aroused in theyoung progressive generation and enlightenedSunnls, isldfy encountered some difficulties at theoutset. From its inception, the movement was suspectto the powers then ruling the major part of the Arabworld (Turkey, England, France), because of itscultural and political orientation (exaltation ofArab ism, Panislamism). Its social and political standbrought down on it the hostility of the ruling classesand the administrative authorities of the status quo(university, magistrates, religious hierarchy, brother-hoods). By its declarations of war on every sort ofbid*at on magical and religious superstitions, oncustoms "worthy of paganism" (d[dhiliyya), and bythe rigorously monotheist theology (tawhid], whichled it to see manifestations of shirk in many naiveforms of popular piety, isldfr distressed conformistcircles. For the same reasons is was mistrusted byordinary people, who were attached to traditionsand rites that they regarded as an integral part ofreligion.

Inevitably, isldh was strongly attacked on severalfronts (cf. for example, the long quarrel betweensupporters of isldfy against the defenders of the edu-cational and doctrinal traditions of al-Azhar, inRashld Ricla, al-Mandr wa 'l-Azhar). After all, it wasa movement vowed to political resistance (anti- im-perialist, if not anti-Ottoman) and social change(aimed at the traditional framework of Muslimsociety), and geared to moral and spiritual reform,attacking in particular certain ecclesiastical structureswhich were held as sacred (notably the brotherhoodsand religious orders) and certain aspects of popular

Encyclopaedia of Islam, IV

religiosity. Lacking a single magistrature amongst theumma and unable to invoke the moral authority of areforming Church, the Salafiyya were open to thecharge that they were changing and destroying theholy Sunni tradition. They had to wage an unceasingstruggle for acceptance of the sincerity of theirintentions and what they saw as the eminentlyIslamic character of their attempts at reform. Never-theless, neither the traditionalist Sunnls nor themembers of the brotherhoods were disposed to rec-ognize the legitimacy of their efforts (cf. Mandr, i,807, 822; Rashld Ricla attacked by his adversaries;Rashld Ricla, Ta*rikh al-ustddh al-imdm, passim:the difficulties Muhammad cAbduh met with whenhe was Mufti of Egypt; ?afir al-Kasiml, Dj^amdl al-Dln al-Kdsimi, 594; the bad reception given toRashld Ricla by the *uldma* of Damascus, 603-4;the lack of success of the Salafiyya in Syria; A. MeradLe Rtformisme musulman . . . Book i: the resistanceof Algerian Sunnism and brotherhoods to reformistpropaganda}. Whether presented as a "road to dam-nation" (#aldla) in the wake of the Wahhabi "heresy",or hastily assimilated to the progressive trends thatwere more or less favourable to the secularizationof Muslim society, the Salafiyya movement met withstrong opposition in Egypt and Syria, as in Algeriaand Tunisia. Its adversaries rejected it in the nameof the Sunna, which, in their eyes, could have noother form than that of classical Sunnism. Thereal meaning of isldfr appears when we examineits fundamental principles and its main doctrinallines.

B.—FUNDAMENTAL PRINCIPLES.—In origin, isldfris a religiously inspired movement. Yet an examina-tion of the roots of the movement reveals that the argu-ments put forward by its proponents sounded a lessprofoundly moral and spiritual note than a social andcultural one. In the first reformist manifestos—thearticles of Muhammad cAbduh (and al-Afghanl) inthe paper al-^Urwa al-wuthfrd (1884)—social, culturaland even political considerations are more importantthan religious ones. In his Umm al-kurd and inhis TabdW al-istibddd, al-Kawakibi made similarefforts. In the early stages of his review al-Mandr(1898), Rashld Ricla also paid a great deal of attentionto social and cultural questions. Like his masters,he wished to persuade Muslims that the improvementof their moral and material condition depended upona regeneration of Islam; this was to be accomplishedby a "return to first principles", in order to rediscoverIslamic teachings and values in all their authenticityand richness. The whole of the later reformist debatehinges on this essential theme.

The Return to First Principles.—The theme of ther e tu rn (rudiu*) to first principles is omnipresentin reformist literature. This constant reference tothe beginnings of Islam is one of the most strikingcharacteristics of isldfr, and the reason why the re-formists of the Salafiyya have sometimes beenaccused of "addiction to the past". The need for areturn to first principles is justified, in the doctrineof isldh, by arguments of a canonical and historicalnature. The former, drawn from the Kur'an, canbe resumed as follows: Islam in its entirety is con-tained in the Scriptures (Kur'an, V, 3, VI, 38); theteaching of the Prophet—inspired by God (LI 11,3-4)—is the natural complement of revelation. TheReligion can be received only from the hands of Godand his Messenger (IV, 59), and Muslims must abideby what the Messenger of God has transmitted, inall matters of command and interdiction (LIX, 7).For the reformists, consequently, fidelity to Islam

10

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is essentially defined by faithfulness to the two Sour-ces, Revelation and the Prophet's Sunna.

The canonical argument, supported by an argu-ment borrowed from historical tradition, is in facta maxim attributed to Malik b. Anas (d. 179/795[q.v.]): "The later success of this Community willonly ensue through those elements which made forits initial success" (Id yaslufru dkhiru hddhihi 'l-ummailia bi-md salufra bihi awwaluhd}. Now, we are told,the objective basis of the historical success of theArabs was Islam (that is the Rur'an and the Sunna)authentically received and fully accepted (cf. RashldRi<la, To/sir, x, 437, xi, 210 (important) ix, 293;Shihdb, March 1939, 58). Like their far-distant pre-decessors (Salaf), Muslims of today could achievetemporal power (siydda) and know the happiness ofmoral well-being (sa'dda), provided that they armedthemselves with those moral convictions that con-stituted the strength and grandeur of the Salaf,and that they strove to demonstrate to contemporaryMuslim society the values of faith and the generalteachings of Islam, in their authentic purity (cf.Rashld Ri<la, To/sir, ii, 339-41, x, 210; A. Merad,Le R&formisme musulman, 287 ff.). What exactlyis this authenticity ? The reformist reply is clear andsimple: the whole of Islam is contained in the Scrip-tures and the Sunna, with the addition, solely as aguide and not as a canonical source, of the traditionof the Salaf. This position is not fundamentallydifferent from that of traditional Sunnism. Whatdistinguishes isldfr from the classical doctrine in thisrespect is the meaning given by the reformists toeach of these three basic references.

i.—The reference to the I£ur3an.—On thispoint, isldfr has, in principle, the same position asthe Salaf. This is true of the nature of the Kur'an,its status as a canonical source, and the way ofapproaching its exegesis.

a) Isldfr identifies the tfur'an with the Word ofGod, uncreated, intangible, unalterable (Kur'an,XLI, 42, XV, 9), and affirms the eternity and uni-versality of its message (XXXIV, 28, VI, 90; Mandr,i, i; Rashld Ritfa, Tafsir, ii, 163, iii, 289). Holdingstringently to the dogma of the "uncreated I^ur'an" itrejects the harmonizing synthesis of Ashcarism, sincethis does not simply reaffirm the stance of the Salaf(cf. Rashld Ritfa, To/sir, ix, 178). This explains whythe Salafiyya have never been able to supply the Mus-lims of their time with an original interpretation ofthe Kur'an, despite the return to favour of reason inmodern Islam (cf. R. Caspar, Le renouveau du Mo-Hazilisme, in MIDEO, iv (1957), 141 ff.), and despitethe historical investigations and psychological ana-lyses made in the light of the Sira by Europeanorientalists and a few contemporary Muslim authorswhich have given us a better knowledge of the Proph-et's personality. Their doctrine, immobilized bya desire to remain faithful to the past and to thepositions—sometimes negative—of the Salaf, hasprevented them from acquiring a deeper knowledgeof the historical, sociological and psychologicaldiscoveries which would have given them a truerunderstanding of the problems of revelation andinspiration. (On the subject of the wafyy [q.v.], cf.the decisive statement by Rashid Ritfa, Tafsir, xi,146-94, in which he reaffirms the thesis of the revela-tion "that came down from God", without attemptingto introduce any nuances into the traditional explana-tion; hence his long rebuttal (ibid., 169-78) of theideas expressed on this subject by certain authors,notably by E. Dermenghem (in La Vie de Mahomet,Paris 1929, chap, xviii)).

When discussing the nature of the Kur'an, Muham-mad cAbduh attempted to go further than traditionaldogma in the original edition of his Risdlat al-tawhid(Bulak 1315/1898). The original text (28, l<r. trans.,33,1.2, to 34,1.4), expurgated at this point by RashldRi<la (2nd ed., Cairo 1316/1908), is once more avail-able in the ed. of the Risdlat al-tawjiid prepared byMatimud Abu Rayya (Cairo 1966, 52-2). Rashid Riolahimself vigorously affirmed the divine character ofthe Book (Tafsir, i, 132-3, 220, vi, 71, viii, 10,280, 303, ix, 178, xii, 499), wholly discounting anyrationalist interpretation. The same stance is clearin the works of Ibn Badls, in his kur'anic commentaryon the Shihdb: "The Kur'an is the Word of God andHis Revelation" (Jan. 1934, 55).

b) The Kurgan, primary canonical source. TheI<ur3an is "the foundation of the religion" (asds al-dint Tafsir, i, 369, vii, 139, 198, ix, 326; Ibn Badls,Shihdb, Feb. 1936, 95); more than that, it reallyconstitutes religion in all its richness, bal huwa 'l-dinkulluhu (Tafsir vi, 154-67, vii, 139, 198, ix, 326). Withthe kur'anic revelation, religion was accomplished,according to the divine proclamation: "Today I haveperfected your religion. ." (V, 4). By "religion",explains Rashid Ritfa (taking up "the opinion of IbncAbbas and the majority of the Salaf"), is meant thefollowing: "matters of faith fafrd^id), legal injunc-tions (afakdm) and ethical ones (dddb)" (Tafsir, vi,166, at the foot of the page).

The I£ur3an is thus the supreme source of the re-ligion. Moreover, it contains, in prototypal form,everything needed for the historical life of the Com-munity. Paraphrasing XVII, 13, Ibn Badls concludes:"All that the servants of God have need of to acquirehappiness in the two worlds, that is true beliefs, solidmoral virtues, just laws, generous sentiments, allthis has been clearly expressed in the Rur'an" (Shi-hdb, Dec. 1929-Jan. 1930, 7). As far as the politicalorganization of Muslim society and the running ofits affairs are concerned, the Km°an only givesgeneral indications, leaving to the lawful rulers ofthe Community, the ulu 'l-amr, the task of makingdecisions according to circumstances and in the bestinterest (maslafya) of Muslims (cf. Mandr, iv (1901),210; Tafsir, iii, 10-1, 12 (important), iv, 199-205(important), vi, 123, vii, 140-1, 191, xi, 264). TheI£in°an is the supreme authority of Islam, and, assuch, the problem of its understanding (and conse-quently of its exegesis) is of capital importance, forthe way in which the Revelation is understoodgoverns the manner in which the message is trans-lated into action.

c) The exegesis of the %ur*dn. Linguistically, thecontent of the Kur'an is presented in two categories(cf. Ill, 7). Most of the verses have a self-evidentmeaning (mufrkam) and pose no problems of inter-pretation. Certain other verses can be the cause ofsome uncertainty (mutashabih) if their apparentsense is adhered to. In this case, the Believer mustaccept the revealed fact as it is presented (imrdr)in its most literal sense, showing a confident beliefin the truth it contains, a truth which transcends theimmediately perceptible linguistic message (cf. Tafsirviii, 453, x, 141). God being the only one to know thereality of the mutashabih, the Believer must havethe wisdom and humility to commend himself toHim (tafwid, taslint). In the eyes of Muhammad cAb-duh this act of faith acquires the value of a canonicalobligation (Tafsir, i, 252). This is also the positionof Rashid Ritfa and Ibn Badls (cf. Tafsir, iii, 167,iv, 256, vii, 472, viii, 453, ix, 513, x, 141, xii, 378;Shihdb, Jan. 1934, 6 June 1939, 206).

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The reformist doctrine 011 the subject of fcur'anicexegesis can. be defined in relation to the problemsof interpretation, ta^wll [q.v.]t and commentary,tafsir [q.v.].

Isldfr severely condemns subjective interpretationta*wil), which claims to analyse a "hidden" sensebeyond the literal sense, and a more or less gra-tuitous symbolism beyond the apparent images. Onthe subject of III, 7, Rashid Riqla clearly defines thereformist position (Tafsir, hi, i66ff .) . Ta*wil isa typical example of bid'a (ibid., x, 141), since itcannot be justified either by the Sunna or by thetradition of the Salaf, who avoided interpretinguncertain passages (mutashdbih) of the Scriptureby relying on their own understanding (see alsoMuhammad cAbduh, Risdlat al-tawfrid, 7 [Fr. trans.,8]). The Salafiyya's distrust of tcfwil includes allesoteric and mystical interpretations and those ofthe supporters of a rational explanation at anycost. Cf. Tafsir, i, 252-3, iii, 172-96: an explanationof the reformist doctrine of the subject of the ta*wll,with lengthy quotations from Ibn Taymiyya; critic-ism of the tendentious exegesis of the "men of bida*-"(Djahmiyya, Kadariyya, Khawaridj, Batiniyya,Babiyya, Baha'iyya, etc.), ix, 131-2; the "heretical"exegesis of the Batiniyya and of excessive Sufism;iv, 191; exegesis which is "orientated" in favour ofone sect or another, and which in fact results ingiving a purely arbitrary sense to the revealed state-ment. This is tafyrif itself [q.v.}, a concept appliedin the Kur'an to the "Possessors of the Scriptures"(ahl al-kitdb) and applied by the modern reformiststo stigmatize the use of the kur'anic exegesis forpartisan ends (cf. Tafsir, i, 430, iv, 97, 282, vii,506; Shihab, Sept. 1935, 344-5). Included in theterm tafarif are pseudo-erudite commentaries whichembroider the text with "false legends" (abdfil wa-khurdfdt), in the style of the isrd*iliyydt [q.v.] sofrequently denounced by the reformist authors(Tafsir, i, 8, 18, 347, ii, 455, 471, iv, 466, vi, 332,355-6, 449, ix, 190, 4*4, x, 384, xi, 474; Shihab,July 1939, 254). The same warnings were issuedagainst interpretation of the kur'anic passagesdealing with the unknowable, ghayb [q.v.] (cf. Tafsiri, 252, iii, i66ff., iv, 254 ff. on III, 173, IX, 513;Shihab, Oct. 1930, 534; Jan. 1934, 1-9).

Reformist exegesis tends to banish td>wil in favourof simple commentary, tafsir, and lays down the prin-ciple that, apart from a few verses containing acertain mystery (particularly on the subject of divineattributes, sifdt, and the states of future life, ahwalal-dkhira), ^ur'anic revelation can be made just ascomprehensible to contemporary Muslims as itwas to the Salaf. Thus, the function of tafsir isrevitalized. Freed from its historico-legendary huskand from commentaries of a largely grammaticaland rhetorical nature, tafsir becomes a preparationfor reading and meditating upon the Kur'an. Thosecommentators whose primary interest was in thedidactic aspect of tafsir have woven a veritable screen(^idjab] between Muslims and their sacred book (Taf-sir, iii, 302). According to the reformists, the essentialaim of tafsir is to elucidate the moral values andspiritual "direction" (hady) which nourish religiousfeeling and guide the piety of the faithful (ibid., i,25); it must not be seen as a demonstrative disciplinecapable of establishing scientific and verifiabletruths and satisfying the modern mind which is avidfor rationality. The reformist commentators (andabove all Rashid Ri<Ja and Ibn Badis) were in noway tempted by scientific exegesis, and, with theodd exception, did not give in to the fashion for

compromise which was widespread in their day (cf.the typical case of a Jantawi Djawhari (1862-1940),in MIDEO, v (1958), 115-74)- Consequently RashidRicja criticizes the lack of discernment with whichFakhr al-Din al-RazI [q.v.] appeals to the scientificculture of his time to pad out his important com-mentary. He deplores an identical tendency amongst"contemporary commentators [. . .] who display somuch seemingly scientific erudition in their tafsirsthat they succeed in diverting the reader from theobject of the Revelation" (Tafsir, i, 75). Moreover,when speaking of the biblically inspired storiesrecounted in the Kur'an, Rashid Ricja, quotingMuhammad cAbduh, criticizes those who would liketo base the truth of the Book on the veracity of thefacts it offers to the meditation of the Believers."The Kur'an is no more a historical work (ta*rikh)than a narrative work (frasas): it is only a moralguide and a source of edification" (Tafsir, ii, 471).The historicity of the kur'anic story is less importantthan its moral content and its virtue as a source ofinspiration. The role of the reformist commentatoris above all to bring the kur'anic message as close aspossible to the minds and hearts of Muslims. In histask, his goal will of course be to establish the mean-ing of the verses as exactly as human understandingpermits. This implies a profound knowledge of all theresources of Arab lexicography and philology. Thereare some verses whose message is readily apparent;in some cases, what is revealed can be made moreexplicit with the help of references and parallelsfound in the Kur'an itself (tafsir al-I(ur*dn bi 'l-Kur*dn); in other cases it is necessary to employearly exegesis by returning to the versions givenby the Great Companions and their principal disciplesamongst the tdbi^un, following the explanationssupplied by the Prophet in person as part of therevelation. Any exegesis not based on proofs (dald*il)taken from the Sunna (in the absence of explicitscriptural reference) is suspect and thus unacceptab e(Muhammad cAbduh, Risdlat al-tawfrid, 129 (Fr.trans., 137); Tafsir i, 8, 174-5, iii, 327). Hence theidea of the fundamentally complementary nature ofthe Scripture and the Sunna.

2.—The Sunna.—From the standpoint of isldjithe Sunna must be placed next to Revelation assecond canonical source. However, reformist teachingis not in complete agreement on whether it is aconstitutive source, like Revelation, or simply anexplanation of the latter. The following are the maindoctrinal positions:

The Sunna is of the same essence as the Kurgan.—This is the point of view of Ibn Badis, who affirmsthe profound unity that links the Sunna and theScriptures. "The expression: 'Revelation of the Lordcompassionate', [Kur'an, XXXVI, 58] means that thereligion is, in its entirety, a revelation from God.. .for the source of Islam... is the Kur'an, which isa divine revelation, and the Sunna, which is also arevelation, as these words of the Almighty prove[quotation of LIII, 4]" (Shihab, Feb. 1936, 95). Thisradical position is similar to that of,the Zahirite IbnHazm, who also held the Sunna to be on a par withRevelation (cf. his Ifykdm fi usul al-ahkdm, Cairo1345/1927, i, 121-2. Ifadlth provides an argument infavour of this thesis (cf. Wensinck, Handbook,223 A: "—revealed to Muhammad by Djibril justas the Kur'an was revealed"). It was only partiallyshared by Rashid Ri4a, but he admits that "revela-tion is not limited to the Kur'an" (Tafsir ..., ii, 139,v, 279, 470). Some of the Prophet's teachings, onthe inspiration of the Holy Spirit (al-rujt al-fyudus)

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have the same importance as the Kur'an, but theirlevel of expression does not assume the inimitablenature of the latter (ibid., v, 279, § 3).

The Sunna makes Revelation explicit.—All thereformist authors agree on this point. The Kur'anclearly says that the Prophet's mission is to makemanifest to men (li-tubayyina li Jl-nds] the truemeaning of the Scriptures (Tafsir . . ., ii, 30, vi, 159,472, vii, 139, viii, 255, 309; Shihdb, Oct. 1930, 532;Feb. 1932, 73). The Sunna is second in importanceto the Book, since it is an explanatory instrument(Tafslr. .., iv, 18, on III, 101); the Rur'an con-stitutes the totality of the religion, and the Sunna isan integral part of the latter only in the sense that itexplains what was revealed (ibid., ix, 326). Hereinlies the status of the Sunna as the second canonicalsource.

By Sunna is meant only the texts of tfadith theauthenticity of which has been duly established (cf.Muhammad cAbduh, Risalat al-tawfrid, 129 [Fr.transl., 132]), a very limited number of traditionswhich refer above all to the dogmas of faith and theforms of worship (e.g. prayer, pilgrimage). Beyondthese descriptive traditions of holy acts, the remain-ing traditions about which there is no doubt (e.g.those with a moral content) "do not number morethan a dozen" (Risalat al-tawhid, ed. Rashid Ri^a 202note 2; Tafsir. . ., v, 365). A tradition is not nec-essarily to be believed just because it is attributedto the Prophet, even if it carries the authority of aneminent traditionist or famous teacher. RashidRitfa cites the example of Ghazali, who gave asauthentic traditions which were "insignificant orsimply invented" (Tafsir, vii, 31). He was alsoseverely critical of the apocryphal traditions (maw-4uc), attributing their origin to various factors:zandaka [q.v.], sectarianism, flattery towards rulers,human error, and senile forgetfulness. Moreover,rigorism and puritanism encouraged the traditioniststo incorporate into tfadith moral maxims which theyconsidered just as edifying as certain traditionscalled "weak".

The problem of the authenticity of Jfadith is ex-tremely important from the reformist point of view,for the authenticity of a sunna is the basis of itsauthority as a canonical source. All that is trans-mitted by the Prophet originates from God andmust therefore be an article of faith for Believers(Kur'an, IV, 80: "Whoever obeys the Messenger hasobeyed Allah"). Thus Muslims have every right toreject any normative tradition the authenticity ofwhich is not absolutely beyond doubt, as is theKurgan. Hence the necessity of great care in dis-tinguishing between the Sunna, which carries thesame authority as Scripture, and the traditions whoseauthenticity has not been completely established,even if they are in harmony with the "spirit" ofthe Salaf. In fact, the Salafiyya only recognize thenormative value of a very small number of frddithswhich are held to be rigorously authentic: atiddithmutawdtira, wa-fralUun ma hi (Mandr, iii, 572). Bystating that Muslims are obliged to follow "theKur'an and the Sunna, and them alone" (al-Kawa-kibi, Umm al-^ura, 73J Rashid Ritfa, Tafsir...,passim-, Ibn Badis, Shihdb, Feb. 1936, 95), the re-formists based their doctrine on the teachings of theProphet (cf. Wensinck, Handbook, 130 A: "Clingingto Kur'an and Sunna alone"; 223 A: "Confiningoneself to Kur'an and Sunna"). But, bearing inmind their very limitative conception of the Sunna,they maintain in fact that Islam as a religion (din)can essentially be reduced to the Kur'an.

The doctrine of isldfr tends to attach a greaterimportance to the JCur'an as a source than to tfadithas it has generally been accepted in classical dogmas.This trend is taken to its logical conclusion in theworks of recent authors, who reduce the authorityof IJadith almost out of existence in favour of theJ£ur5an and idjtihad [q.v.] (cf. Mabmud Abu Rayya, aformer disciple of Rashid Riola: Agwd *ala 'l-sunna al-muframmadiyya, Cairo 1958; and on present positionson the subject of Hadith: REI, 1954, Abstracta, 117-23; G.H. A. Juynboll, The authenticity of the traditionliterature, Leiden 1969).

Logically, Islam could no doubt be defined exclu-sively in relation to the Kur'an, a thesis upheld byanother disciple of Rashid Ri<Ja, Muhammad Tawflk$idfci, in his work al-Isldm huwa 'l-Kur^dn wafrdahuwhich is a programme in its own right (Mandr ix(1906), 515-25, 906-25). For this author, the foun-dations of Islam are the Book of God and Reason.Any doctrinal element imputed to Islam whichsatisfies neither the criterion of the given facts ofthe Kur'an nor the fundamental demands of reasonmust be declared unacceptable. Elsewhere, M. T.Sidkl demands complete freedom in evaluatingthe Sunna. It must be limited in so far as it is indisagreement with the objective facts of the Book,but where it puts forward principles of wisdom(fyikma) there is nothing to prevent the Believerfrom referring to it, as he might to any (profane)source. The Salafiyya certainly do not go to quitethese lengths. The thesis of Muhammad Tawflfc Sidfcl(presented with some reservations by Rashid Ri<la)was immediately refuted by a defender of the classicaldoctrine (cf. Taha al-Bishrl, Usulal-Isldm: al-Kur*dn,al-Sunna, al-idj[md<, al-friyds, io Mandr, ix, 699-711).In the eyes of the Salafiyya Islam cannot be reducedto matters of faith and canonical obligation (ibdddt)which can only be held to be true in so far as theyoriginate from Revelation and the very small numberof fradiths shown to be authentic (mutawdtir}. Islamis also a political and social system, a complex ofethical values, a culture. In matters of usage ('dddt)and human relations (mu'dmaldt) determined by asocio-cultural framework which is not ruled byscriptural dispositions (nass), the Sunna and thetraditions of the Salaf are helpful and instructive;they are indeed exemplary and worthy of the atten-tion of Muslims as an excellent reference for bothaction and moral life. Beside these two sources, isldhattaches great value to the tradition of the Salaf,which it holds to be eminently representative of theProphet's tradition and thus indispensable for any-body who wishes to grasp the authentic message ofIslam at its source.

3.—The tradition of the Salaf.—To a largeextent, isldfr appeals to the tradition of the Salaf asan explanatory source for the Sunna and an impor-tant reference point for understanding the generalmeaning of Islam. The term salaf designates a factthat is both historical and cultural. It implies firstlythe idea of anteriority (cf. Rur'an XLIII, 57), whichin classical usage is naturally linked with the ideaof authority and exemplariness. The Salaf areprecisely the "virtuous forefathers" (al-salaf al-sdlib},the predecessors whose perfect orthodoxy, piety,holiness, and religious knowledge make them menworthy of being taken as models and guides. But, inthe absence of sure and sufficient biographicalreferences, these are difficult to ascertain. It is notso. much their personal qualities, however striking,that make for the authority of the Salaf, but rathertheir historical experience, their contact with the

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Prophet in some cases and with his Companions andSuccessors in others. Among the innumerablewitnesses of primitive Islam, the Salaf are exemplary.They represent a certain form of Islamic orthodoxyat a given period of history. Hence the need to sketchthe historical context of the Salaf. The chronologicalpoints of reference are inexact and often contradicto-ry. By salaf was meant, for example:—a. the"Mother of the Believers", cA'isha, and the Patriarc-hal Caliphs, as well as Talha and Zubayr (Lane,Book iv, 1408 C);—b. the principle tdbi'un (ibid.);—c. the Prophet's Companions (al-Tabarl, Tafsir, ed.Macarif, i, 93);—d. The Companions and theirsuccessors (tdbi'un, on the one hand in relation tothe founders of the four madhhabs (cf. Ahmad b.IJanbal who talks of "our pious forefathers", salaf Unaal-sdlih, Wensinck, Concordances...., i, 5056);and on the other the latter and their immediatedisciples in relation to succeeding generations (al-Tahanawl, Kashshdf isfildhdt al-funun, ed. Khayyat,iii, 676-7). In the works of modern reformist authorsthe definition of the Salaf is just as vague. For RashidRi<Ja they are the most eminent representatives ofthe primitive Islamic community, al-sadr al-awwal(Tafsir, ii, 81, vii, 143,198), those of the "first epoch",al-*asr al-awwal (ibid., vi, 196, iii, 572), whichcovers the first three generations, karn (this termis not to be taken in the modern sense of "century"but in that of a "generation of men" (djtt) who livedduring the same period of seventy to eighty years[ibid., xi, 314, xii, 190]). In the works of RashidRi<Ja and Ibn Badis we find the same traditionaldefinition of the three first generations; i.e., that ofthe Prophet and his Companions (sahdba), that oftheir Followers (tdbi*un) and that of the Successorsof the latter, atbd* al-tdbPin (Tafsir, viii, 50; Shibdb,April 1937, 434), generations "which surpass in ex-cellence (khayriyya) all others, as is witnessed bythe Impeccable [i.e., Muhammad]" (Shihab, Feb.1932, 66, allusion to the hadith: "the best of genera-tions is mine, then the following, then that whichcomes after", cf. Wensinck, Handbook, 48A, Ig. 40:"the best. . .". This is worth comparing with theother jiadith, quoted by al-Shafi% Risdla, ed. A. M.Shakir, 474, no. 1315: "Honour my Companions andthose who follow them and those who follow these;after which untruth will appear", cf. Wensinck, Hand-book 48B "Muhammad admonishes. . .").

A few chronological points of reference will serveas rough definitions of the three groups which makeup the Salaf:—a) The sahdba (or ashdb), who datefrom the first conversions (at Mecca in 610 andMedina in June 621) until the death of Anas b. Malik(91/710 or 93/712), considered to be the last survivorof the Prophet's Companions (cf. Ibn Hadjar al-'Askalanl, Tsdba, i, 138; Ibn Hazm, Ifrkdm, iv, 152);—b) The tdbi*un: a large number of these werecontemporaries of the Prophet's Companions; somemight even have been alive during the Prophet'slifetime but without satisfying the conditions whichwould have permitted them to be classed among thesahdba. The last of the tdbi'un died around 180/796(e.g.: Hushaym b. Bashlr al-Sulaml, d. 183/799. Hetransmitted to Malik and Sufyan al-Thawri amongothers).—c) The atbdc al-tdbicih. There are nosufficiently precise criteria enabling us to defineexactly this group of men; the reformists refer tothem less frequently than to the other two, especiallyon the important question of kur'anic exegesis (cf.Tafsir, iii, 179, 208). In fact, they are essentiallythe most eminent disciples of the great tdbi'un, kibdral-tdbi'in (like al-Kasim b. Muhammad b. Abl Bakr,101/720; al-Shacbi, d. 104/723; al-Hasan al-Basri,

d. 110/729; Ibn SMn, d. 110/729). The middle ofthe 3rd/9th century can be taken as the terminus adquern of this last group of Salaf. Also covered bythe term Salaf are "the doctors of the second andthird generations" (Tafsir, ii, 82), notably thefounders of the four Sunni madkhabs and a certainnumber of their contemporaries, the strongestreligious personalities from the early days of Islam,such as al-Awzaci (d. 157/774), Sufyan al-Thawri (d.161/778), al-Layth b. Sa'd (d. i75/79i) and Isriak b.Rahwayh (d. 238/853, cf. Tafsir, vii, 552, viii, 453).Ahmad Ibn Hanbal (d. 241/855) would appear to beone of the last representatives of the age of the Salaf.

In reformist usage, the Salaf are sometimes men-tioned in opposition to the Khalaf or "later genera-tions", under whose influence the message of Islamhas been obscured, if not distorted, by innovation,the fanaticism of the Schools, and the mushroomingof sects (cf. Tafsir viii, 269). This conceptionmight appear simplistic, implying that reformistsshould cut themselves off from the cultural currentwhich has never ceased to refresh the body of theUmma throughout the centuries. In fact the positionof the Salafiyya is more subtle: outside the periodof the Salaf defined above, the modern reformistsdo not refuse to take into consideration the contribu-tions made by the "independent" (mustakill) doctors—independent of the Schools and Parties—who,following the example of the Salaf, were free fromall sectarianism and all narrowmindedness, and whoseonly concern was to safeguard the integrity of theSunna and the unity of the Community. Thus AbuIshak al-Shatibi (d. 790/1388) is highly esteemed byRashid Ricja (cf. the eulogistic article that he devotedto him in K. al-IHisdm, Cairo 1332/1914, i, 1-9;Tafsir, vi, 156-63, vii, 193). Moreover, the Salafiyyavenerate a number of outstanding Sunn! teachersand mystics such as al-Ghazali (d. 505/1111), al-Djuwayn! (d. 438/1047), his son the Imam al-Haramayn (d. 478/1085), and Ibn Taymiyya (d. 728/1328), even though they came later than the Salaf(cf. Tafsir, xi, 378). These they consider as "guidesto salvation" (a^immat al-hudd), seeing them asbearers of the light which brought about the periodicrevival of Muslim spirituality. In the line of suchmen who rejuvenated Islam and faithful transmittedthe ideas of the Salaf is Muhammad cAbduh; to thesupporters of modern reformism he is the master(al-ustddh al-imdm) the one who really inauguratedthe renewal of Islam at the dawn of the 2oth century.

Fidelity to the moral and religious tradition ofthe Salaf is a fundamental demand of isldh. Besidesthe two sources, the reformists proclaim this tradi-tion as their only basic point of reference, justifyingtheir attitude by the following arguments:—a)The Salaf received the sacred inheritance from theProphet (the dogmas of the faith, the form of worship),and transmitted it faithfully, in word and deed,bawl** wa-*amala» (Tafsir, vi, 277). They are theguarantors of the Sunna (ibid., ii, 30, 82), and theirliturgical tradition must be adhered to as an idealnorm, in the sense that it actualizes the spirituality ofthe Prophet, and to imitate this must be the highestambition of every Muslim.—b) The Salaf best under"stood and followed the kur'dnic message, as it was hand-ed down to them fresh from the Revelation (gha#4an

kamd unzila). After the Prophet, they are mostqualified to interpret the Scriptures (Tafsir, iii,178, 182, vi, 196; cf. R. Blachere, Introd. au Coran,225 ff.). Their reading and their meditations onthe Book are indispensable for a modern understand-ing of the Kur'an, which must avoid being bothtoo literal or too subjective—and thus arbitrary—

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c) The Salaf are the best source of information we haveabout the life of the Prophet and about the way heput the Revelation into practice. On many factualpoints their unanimous accounts (idimd1) are irre-placable, rounding off information given by the twosources. The Salaf thus provide the necessary frame-work for an understanding of the Revelation andthe Sunna.

A complement to the Sunna and a source of in-spiration in Islamic life (in spiritual matters as wellas in secular acts), the tradition of the Salaf ismore than an object of veneration for the modernreformists. The Salafiyya do not wish to be a groupfrozen in admiration of an ideal image of Islamreflected by the Salaf. They aspire rather to liveIslam within modern society, in a simple and truemanner, following the example of the Salaf. Moreover,for the theoreticians of isldh, this ideal expresses theirdesire to rebuild the Muslim personality, not bycopying foreign values and cultures but by drawingfrom the moral and cultural tradition of early Islam.It is this ideal that Ibn Badls defended in his columnin Shihab: Rididl al-Salaf wa-nisd^u-h ("[famous]Men and Women in early Islam"): "Our aim is tomake our readers aware of a number of our piousforefathers—men and women—underlining theeminent qualities they owed to Islam and the loftyacts they performed in its service; for their examplecan strengthen the hearts of Muslims, contributeto their moral improvement, inspire them withgreat projects, and breathe new life into them.There is no life for the generation of today withoutthe life of the Salaf, which is nothing but theirliving history and the everlasting memory of them"(Shihab, Jan. 1934, 14). In like manner, reformistauthors tended to exploit systematically the histori-cal and literary facts relating to the Salaf in orderto point moral as well as social and political lessons.(Cf. the examples given in Tafsir, iii, 92: CA1! b.Abl Talib, 374: Abu Jalha Zayd b. Sahl; 375: cAbdAllah b. cUmar; 376: cAbd Allah b. Dja'far; vii,21-23: cUthman b. Mazcun and CAH b. Abl Jalib;viii, 225: Zayd b. CA1I and his companions, cited asmartyrs (fidd^iyyuri) of religious and political isldh',*> 654-5: eAbd al-Rafcman b. cAwf; see also theexamples presented in A. Merad, Le Rtformismemusulman, 287 ff.; cUbada b. al-$amit and his wifeUmm Haram, Abu Dharr al-Ghifari, Bilal b. Rabah,al-Nucman b. cAdi al-cAdawI; 325-6: Layla al-Shifa3

bint cAmr). Biographical literature concerning the

beginnings of Islam (beyond that of the Sira itself)became an inexhaustible mine of historical and moralmeditation for the reformists (cf. the column ofMandr: Athdr al-salaf Hbra li 'l-khalaf: that ofShihab (already referred to): Rididl al-salaf wa-nisd^u-h (from 1934 on); the lyrical and moralizingodes to the glory of the Patriarchal Caliphs like thecUmariyya (Feb. 1918, 190 lines) by Hafiz Ibrahim(d. 1932) and the 'Alawiyya (Nov. 1919, more than300 lines) by Muhammad cAbd al-Muttalib (d. 1931);Muhibb al-Din al-Khatib, Maca 'l-ra'U al-awwal*,Cairo, 1378/1958).

The historico-cultural importance of the Salaf inthe methodology of isldh is considerable. Even thoughthe Salafiyya give priority to the two sources, theyput forward the principle that the Revelation andthe Sunna inaugurated a new order in human history,and that that order became a complete living realityin and through the acts of the Salaf. Thus the reform-ist conception of Islam could be summarized in astatement of the following type: "The constituentsof Islsm are the kur'anic revelation, Muhammad'sSunna, and the tradition of the pious forefathers(wa-md kdna 'alayh al-salaf al-saUti)", viewingthis tradition from the aspect of its moral and dog-matic content (Tafsir, vii, 143, 198, ix, 132, xi, 378;Ibn Badfs, Shihab. Feb. 1934, 99). Because they feltit was the concrete expression of the ideal "way" ofIslam, the reformists continually cite the traditionof the Salaf in support of their missionary activity(da'wa] and their teaching in matters of kur'anicexegesis or social and political ethics. This fidelityto the Salaf governs one of the main doctrinalpremises of isldft.

C.—THE PRINCIPAL DOCTRINAL POSITIONS.—Isldfr aims at a total reform of Muslim life.

i.—For the reform of worldly matters, isldh em-ployed oral teaching (wa'z, irshdd) in mosques andthrough cultural circles well-disposed toward theSalafiyya movement. Screened by their educationaland scholastic (al-tarbiya wa 'l-ta'lim} or charitable(khayriyya] works, these associations attempted toimplement the great aims of the reformists. In addi-tion, isldlj, was diffused by means of many publica-tions and periodicals, some of which, like the Mandrin the East (1898-1935), run by Rashid Rida, or theShihab in the Maghrib (1924-39), edited by cAbd al-tfamld b. Badls, had a deep and lasting influence.

The general reformist themes propagated amongthe masses can be summarized as follows: the restora-

8 5 5

610

I§LAtf 151

tion of worship to its original form (which entailedcertain liturgical changes, minor in themselves, butextremely irritating to traditionalist Sunnls);preaching against a host of practices which seemedreligious but had no foundation either in theProphet's Sunna or in the tradition of the Salaf(funeral rites such as the public recitation of theKur>5n over the tomb, the celebration of the mawlid[q.v.] etc.); and warning against pious beliefs andpractices which the Salafiyya felt bore traces of thesurvival of paganism or the manifestation of shirk[q.v.'] (cult of the saints, invocation of the dead, etc.).The reformers also exhorted the faithful to unite,to worship in solidarity aside from the divergencesof Schools and to overcome the traditional oppositionbetween Sunnism and Shicism; and they encouragedthe development of a moral censorship designed bothto ensure the canonical obligation to obey God andeliminate Evil, and also to cleanse Muslim societyof vice, gambling, the use of alcoholic beveragesand drugs, etc. The education of Muslim men (andespecially women) in elementary hygiene and dom-estic economy (including the encouragement tosave) was important, as was the cultivation of ataste for order and work well done. Other educationalaims were the awakening of the Muslims' intellectualcuriosity, so that they might study modern scienceand foreign languages; and the support of projectsfor youth such as scouting, artistic activities, culturalactivity within the many circles (nddl) and associa-tions of Young Muslims (dj[am*iyyat al-shubbdn al-muslimln). All this comprised an attempt to hastenthe birth of new Muslim men, capable of facingfearlessly—and without the risk of alienation—theproblems of the contemporary world.

2.—For theoretical reform. It is important tostress that the principal reformist authors were aboveall men of action who did not have the time to elab-orate well-developed doctrinal works. The main re-ligious ideas of Muhammad cAbduh are set out in hisRisdlat al-tawhld, in 133 small pages. The rest ofhis teachings can be found scattered piecemealthrough the bulky Tafslr by Rashld RidS, where hiswork cannot easily be distinguished from his disci-ples'. Al-KawakibI (who died prematurely in 1902)produced no more than two essays: TabdW al-istibddd and Umm al-kurd, which contain only asmall proportion of theoretical thought. The Algerianreformer, Tbn Badls, who, like cAbduh, introducedmany new ideas throughout his life, left no more thana series of articles of kur'Snic commentary (that is,about 500 octavo pages), published in the Shihab(cf. A. Merad, Ibn Bddls, commentateur clu Coran).There remains the considerable work of RashfdRid§, in particular his Tafslr (Tafslr al-Mandr),which is the most important source for the studyof the dogmatic positions of modern isldh. The manysecondary reformist authors simply developed theideas of their masters when they were not simplyimitating their writings and teaching.

The efforts of the Salafiyya centered particularlyon criticism of the fashionable doctrines of theirtime, either on the grounds that they were a rigidform of classical doctrine (that of the Sunn! schools),or that they were rash analyses and formulations,the result of a modernism that was dubious in prin-ciple and incompatible with the criteria of orthodoxywhich isldJi had set up. At the same time, the reform-ists attempted to work out "ideal" Islamic positions,bearing in mind the objective facts given in the twosources and the fundamental conceptions of theSalaf; the latter were essentially viewed through theinterpretation of Ibn Taymiyya and his pupil Ibn

Kayyim al-Djawziyya (d. 75i/i35<>), whom theyconsidered the soundest authorities on the traditionof the Salaf (cf. Tafslr, i, 253: it is thanks to thesetwo that the author adhered so serenely (itma*annakalbl) to the doctrines attributed to the Salaf).From the critical works and commentaries of thereformists (cf. Bibliography) we can distinguish thefollowing doctrinal positions:

I.—Methodology.—The dominant SunnI doctrinebased canonical knowledge (Him) on four fundamen-tal sources (usul [q.v.]): the Kur'Sn, the Sunna, theidimd* and the id^tihdd (cf. al-ShaficI, Risdla, 478-9,nos. 1329-2; J. Schacht, usfJL, in JE71; idem, FIKH,in E/1). Starting from these four sources, juridicaland moral rules (ajikdm) are deduced according towell-defined criteria which are the subject-matterof the science of the usul. Isldh adheres to the classicaltheory of the four sources (Tafslr v, 187, 201, xi,267), without accepting traditional criteria in theirentirety (ibid.,v, 187,201,203,208,417). The reformiststance can be summarized under the following head-ings : the authority of the two Sources; the rejection oftaklld; a new conception of idjtihddo.nd. id[mdc; and thenecessary distinction between the *ibdddt and the cdddt.

i.—The two Sources (Kur'Sn and Sunna) constitutethe basis of the whole legal system in Islam. Theirauthority frees Muslims from exclusive submissionto traditional doctrinal authorities, thus effectivelywiping out the divergences (ikhtildf) between Schools(madhdhib), the secular opposition between Sunnis 0and ShI'ism, and the hatred nurtured in Sunn*circles for sects felt to be heretical (particularly a"Kharidjism, in its present form of the IbSdiyya [q.v.])>By returning to first principles, Muslims will beable to overcome the divisive effect of the Schoolsbut will still be able to take up all that is best fromeach of the many contributions (Ibn B5dls, Shihab.March 1936, 654, Nov. 1938, 230). This would permit,for example, the possibility of an eventual unificationof Muslim legislation. By preaching tirelessly for areturn to first principles, the reformists were led tovoice severe criticism of the orthodox Schools andtheir teachers, the fukahd* (cf. al-Kaw5kibI, Ummal-kurd, 72 ff. ; Muh. cAbduh, Risdlat al-tawhld, 15,IOT, (Fr. trans. 19, 107); Rashld Ri<JS, Tafslr, ii,258-9, iii, 9-ii, iv, 49, 280, vii, 145 and followingreferences). In their eyes, the Schools generallyidentified themselves with trends hostile to reasonand science (Tafslr, ii, 91-3); they hindered theresearch carried out by id^tihdd and consequentlyhelped to stop the cultural progress of the Communi-ty; they in fact gave priority to the study of fikhover knowledge based on the Kur'Sn and on theProphet's Sunna (ibid., v, 106, 120, ix, 129-30, x,429); they placed the authority of the "doctors"higher than the authority of the only legitimate andworthwhile madhhab: that of the Salaf (ibid., ix,133). By encouraging the unconditional submissionof the masses to their doctors, the Schools ignoredkur'Snic teaching, which says that Muslims mustcling together (dj[aml<an) to the one and only ropeof salvation, the rope of Allah (}iabl Allah), which isthe Kur'Sn (cf. the commentary of Rashld Ri<J5 onthis kur'anic ref. (Ill, 98): Tafslr, v, 20 ff.). Thereturn to the two sources (and to the tradition of theSalaf) would thus be a unifying and reconciling factorfor Muslims. Freed of their fanaticism and mutualprejudices, Muslims could reunite in the fundamentalunity of their Umma, rediscovering their originalfraternity, over and above their ethnic and culturalties. (The theme of the return to first principles was apowerful argument in favour of pan-Islamism, anidea dear to the reformist authors).

152 ISLAtf

Can the return to first principles advocated bythe Salafiyya be seen as reactionary ? The reformistswere not trying to restore to the old symbols (suchas sunna, umma, diamd'a, imam, ddr al-isldm, idimd*,iditihdd) the exact same significance they had hadat the time of the Salaf. Rather, such a return ex-presses their desire to take the two sources as anessential (but not exclusive) basis for their reflection,in order fo solve the moral problems that the modernworld poses to Muslims. The use to which they putcertain symbols found in the Kur'an or the Sunnasometimes corresponds to preoccupations arisingfrom daily life in the modern world. Behind whatappears to be a fundamentalist return to the sourcesof Islam, the Salafiyya are in fact attempting towork towards a moral and doctrinal renewal bysearching for subtle concordances between theScriptures and present-day realities (see, e.g., theconcepts of shurd (Kur'an, II, 233; III, 159) and ofulu 'l-amr (Kur'an, IV, 59) and their respectiveinterpretations by Rashid Ritfa, Tafslr ii, 414, iv,199-205, v, 180-190). A logical consequence of theprinciple of a return to the sources is the rejectionof taklid [q.v.] and the search for new ways of practis-ing iditihdd.

2.—Taklld. The reformists vigorously criticizedthe spirit of servile dependance upon traditional doc-trinal authorities (notably in the orthodox Schools).The concept of taklld obviously does not apply eitherto the pious imitation of the Prophet, which is heldto be a canonical obligation (cf. Kur'an IV, 59,XXXIII, 21), nor to the trusting acceptance of thetradition of the Salaf, whose moral and doctrinalauthority is loudly proclaimed by the reformists (seeabove). In these cases, the word ittibd* (activefidelity) to the traditions of both the Prophet andthe Salaf was used instead of taklid. (Cf. in thisrespect the distinction made by Rashid Ri<la, Tafslr•,v, 238). Such a fidelity regulates and inspires thegeneral mission of isldji, which offers the imitationof the Prophet as an "ideal of knowledge and action"(H. Laouist, Essai, 226). For Ibn Badls, the betterthe imitation the better is the reformist mission(da'wa) accomplished (Shihdb, April 1935, 8). Ittabd*is the attempt to reach authenticity; it is the oppositeof the spirit of speculation and innovation (ibtiddc),which is as reprehensible at a religious level as is thepassive acceptance of the teachings of authority.In any case, taklid is quite different from the attemptto model one's life on the exemplary lives (ifytida3)of people who, because of their piety or holiness, areworthy of imitation (Tafsir,.vi, 415). Finally, theconsidered acceptance of interpretations supplied bythe most eminent muditahid cannot be described astafrlid, since they do not claim to be legislators(shdri'un) independent of God and His Prophet, butonly sound guides to a better understanding of thedivine Law and the Sunna (ibid., v, 238). The sameapplies to the obedience which is normally due to theulu 'l-amr (Kur'an, IV, 59), who work together inexplaining the Law, in applying it and, generally,in putting kur'anic values into practice at everylevel of Muslim life. The reformist criticism of tafrlidis aimed both at mindless conformism and the deliber-ate support given to social and political structureswhich prevent progress and personal initiative inthe name of a static vision of religion and culture.For the mukallid, the reformists feel, religious lifeis merely the expression of acquired habits and thepassive acceptance of the status quo; their worshipis reduced to verbal formulae which have no profoundmeaning; and religious rites dwindle to mechanically

repeated acts which have no reforming and sancti-fying value. Looked at in this light, tafrlid is theopposite of the spiritual and ethical demands madeby the Kur'an.

The Kur'an contains many statements condemningmindless submission to those who went before, tothe "fathers" (dbd*), a theme much used by reformistwriters: Tafslr, i, 425, iv, 63 (the refusal to see taklidas the distinctive mark of Islam); viii, 21, (ref. tosura XC), ix, 570, x, 428 (taklid is condemned by theKur'an); i, 425, ii, 83, vii, 143 (it is strongly dis-couraged by the Salaf and the first great thinkers);v, 296, viii, 30, 144 (it is a source of error); i, 448,iii, 236, v, 296 (it is an obstacle to personal medita-tion on Revelation); ii, 76, viii, 169, ix, 179, x, 432(it encourages a new form of idolatry: the excessiveveneration of authorities and masters); i, 429, iii,202, 258, iv, 49, vii, 145 (it leads to sectarianism andfanaticism); ii, 76, 108, viii, 399 (it is a cause of dis-union and weakness in the Community). Since itsets greater store on arguments from authoritythan on personal thought and experience, taklidis contrary to the spirit of Islam, which recognizesin reasoning beings the faculty of taking decisions inall conscience (ibid., xii, 220-1; see also MuhammadIkbal's remarks in The Reconstruction. . ., 125-9[Fr. trans., 136-41]). The reformist argument makescontinual appeals to this sort of objection when de-nouncing the illegitimate (bufldn) and illicit (tajirim)nature of taklid and stressing its negative effects onMuslim teaching and ethics. Taklid is also blamedfor the cultural stagnation of Islam and the passivesubmission of the Muslim masses to traditional re-ligious structures (*ulamd> and shaykhs of the brother-hoods); cf. Tafslr, iii, 325-7, x, 425-35, xii, 221;Rashid Ritfa, al-Wahda al-isldmiyya, passim-, IbnBadls, Shihdb, Nov. 1932, 552-57; A. Merad, LeRtformisme musulman, 275-6. In the reformist view,the concept of taklid inevitably brings to mind thatof iditihdd, with which it forms one of the antitheticalcouples (tawhidfshirk, sunnalbidca, ittibdclibtidd',salaffkhalaf) around which the doctrine of isldh isfirmly articulated.3-—Iditihdd. IsldTi affirms the necessity and legi-timacy of the use of the iditihdd, which RashidRi(Ja sees as "a life-force in religion" (haydt al-din,Tafslr, ii, 399). The fiction of the "closing of thegate" of iditihdd (from the 4th/ioth century on)is thus abandoned and with it the whole heritageof interdictions and myths which weighed heavily onthe Muslim conscience for so long. But the reformistsdid not regard the opening of the mind to iditihddas absolute freedom for the critical spirit to calleverything into question. Complete liberty of con-science in religious matters would lead to speculationwithout end (ibid., viii, 317), which was not what theSalafiyya wanted. Conservative Sunnism neverthelessblamed isldh for encouraging innovation and favour-ing doctrinal "anarchy" (ibid., ii, 273, *i, 253)- The

theme of taklid has been a constant source of mis-understanding between the reformists and theirtraditionalist adversaries, because neither agreedon the definition of this principle nor on the extentto which it can be applied. The traditionalists, whothought of religion (in its broadest sense) as a divinework which is perfectly complete (Kur'an, V, 5),were afraid that modern criticism might use iditihddto undermine the essential foundations of Islam.But the reformist conception of iditihdd also hadits limiting conditions.

Firstly, isldh defined an intangible sphere, whichincluded the dogmas of the faith ('afrd'id), fundament-

ISLAH 153

al worship (Hbdddt) and canonical prohibitions(talirlm dini), which are all based on the Scriptures,either because of their explicit and formal nature orbecause of the irrefutable authenticity of their inter-pretation (ma huwa kafi 'l-riwdya wa 'l-daldla:Tafslr, i, 118 (bis), xi, 268, 265; al-Wahda al-isld-miyya, 136). In this domain there is no room foriditihdd (Tafslr, v, 211, viii, 217, x, 432, xi, 268),for it would be intolerably presumptuous to attemptto question fundamental religious facts, which form"a divine institution, revealed by God" (ibid., ii,18, x, 432). Apart from these sacred matters, isldhpermits the use of iditihdd, while placing it on twodistinct planes, each with a particular significance.

a)—As an effort to understand the two sources.iditihdd is part of the right—and duty—of everyMuslim to seek to understand by himself Revelationand the Sunna (ibid., ii, 399). One of the fundamentalideas of reformist preaching was that Muslims mustfeel personally concerned with the Word of God andthe teaching of the Prophet which illuminates it.Constant meditation on the Scriptures, patient effortsto analyse and understand all the resources that itoffers, should permit every Muslim to steep himselfin the divine message and draw from it principlesof moral and spiritual conduct (hiddya). This purelyinterior form of iditihdd helps to nourish the Mus-lim's spirituality and guide his conscience in hismoral judgements and practical choices. Its implica-tions are largely personal (cf. Tafslr, i, 118,: theindividual iditihdd in matters of worship, Hbdddtshakhsiyya}. Iditihdd is also very important for theCommunity, which should employ a constant effortto interpret the two sources to determine the generalprinciples of its "politics" (social, economic, foreign,etc.), in accordance with the fundamental commandsof the Kur'an and the Sunna.

b)—In so much as it is a constructive effort withimplications both for the Community and in practicalaffairs, at a legislative rather than dogmatic level,iditihdd comes under the authority of the ulu 'l-amr[q.v.]. These latter are the legitimate holders ofauthority (Kur5an, IV, 59) and because of theirresponsibilities, their religious knowledge, and theirparticular abilities are in charge of "binding and un-binding" (ahl al-hall wa 'l-<akd}, that is the right todecide in the name of the Community and in its bestinterests. (On the definition and role of the ulu 'l-amr,cf. H. Laoust, Essai, 596, and Traitt de Droit Publicd'Ibn Taymiyya (on the latter's point of view); al-Kawakibi, Umm al-kurd, 58; Rashld Rida, Tafslrii, 492, iii, 11-12, iv, 199-205 (important), v 180-1Muhammad €Abduh's position), 211-2, vii, 140, 198,viii, 102, xi, 164). The acts of the ulu 'l-amr shouldaim to bring about the moral good (isldh) andmaterial welfare (masdlih) of the Community. Theircompetence extends to affairs that are normally theresponsibility of political leaders, but does not in-clude matters of worship and personal status (ibid.,v, 211). In these matters, iditihdd would constitutea veritable heresy (ibid., xi, 253). Muslims couldrefuse to recognize the ulu 'l-amr (political and re-ligious chiefs) who attempted to use their iditihddin the sacred domain (ibid., viii, 308), which is the"right of God" (faW Allah) over men (ibid., viii, 288).Hence those attempts at iditihdd suggested by someArab heads of state in order to reform certain aspectsof Muslim personal status which they consideredincompatible with the spirit of contemporary civili-zation were invalid. In all that concerns canonicalprescriptions which are authentically founded on thetwo sources, the role of the ulu 'l-amr is essentially

to safeguard orthodoxy, by making sure that theSunna, as it was formulated by the Salaf, is respectedin its entirety (ibid., iii, 11-12). This is a naturalcorollary of the reformist doctrinal principle main-taining that iditihdd is incompatible with certainty(ya&n) emanating from the absolutely evident factsof the Scriptures (ibid., ii, 18, 109). The Salafiyyaonly allow the use of iditihdd in the absence of anyexplicit scriptural reference (nass), prophetic tradi-tion (sunna) or general consensus (idimd*)—in thiscase the consensus of the Prophet's Companions—that would resolve a given problem (ibid., viii, 219).

Given this important restriction, we can distinguishtwo types of problems to which the idjtihdd of theulu 'l-amr is normally applicable, i)—Purely secularbusiness (administrative organization, scientific andtechnical questions, military and diplomatic affairs,etc.). In these fields, the ulu 'l-amr are quite freeto chose and decide, in so far as their choices aregoverned by the overriding interests of the Communi-ity, in line with the specific goals of Islam, ii)—Onthe other hand, in business which has some connectionwith canonical doctrine, the iditihdd of the ulu 'l-amrcould necessitate the interpretation of kur'anic textswhose apparent sense is not certain, zannl al-dildla(Tafslr ii, 109). In this case, to be acceptable, theinterpretation must lead to conclusions that are inagreement with the two sources in spirit and letter,for it is understood that iditihdd can only be used inthe context of the two sources and can only referto the textual sources and different indications(dald'il, kard'in) that they offer. It is a basic principlein isldh that consideration of the best interests ofthe Umma would never result in solutions incompat-ible with the spirit, and even more, the objectivefacts of the Kur^n and the Sunna.

In this light, iditihdd is not unlike the method ofkiyds [q.v.1 as it is defined, for example, in the Risdlaof al-ShaficI (cf. J. Schacht, Origins, 122 ff.). Isldbdenounces the "false iditihdd and the bad kiyds"(Tafstr, iii, 238, v, 203), which would allow the in-corporation into religious law (shar*) of elementsbased merely on individual opinion (ra*y [q.v.]) oron more or less arbitrary preferences (istihsdn [seeISTIHSAN and ISTISLAH]). In religious matters ra'y isheld to be a sort of "calamity" (baliyya), for it onlyserves to hide dangerous innovations (ibid., viii,398). While the reformists are very suspicious ofkiyds, rayy and istihsdn according to the technicaluse of the fukahd*, they nevertheless accept thesevery modes of reasoning and judgement in certainclearly la id-down conditions (e.g., the ra'y of the mosteminent religious men among the Companions('ulamd* al-sahdba) ; explanatory ra*y on the subjectof kur*anic exegesis; the ra*y of the members of theshiird (diamd'at al-shurd), those responsible for thetemporal affairs of the Community (ibid., vii, 164)).On the different aspects of this question cf. Tafslrvii, 164 (on the recommended ra*y, mabmud); vii,190 (on the acceptable kiyds, sahihY, vii, 167 ff. (onthe evil of rejecting kiyds totally [cf. Ibn Hazm,Ihkdm, vii, 53 ff., viii, 2 ff.] or of using it with-out restriction or intelligence). Throughout this de-bate, Rashld Rida adopts—grosso modo—the neo-Hanbalite point of view, according to Ibn Kayyim al-Djawziyya (Warn al-Muwattki'in). In short, ra*yand kiyds are only particular aspects of iditihddand, like the latter, are only acceptable in mattersoutside worship (*ibdddt). When determining rulesand legal statutes (ahkdm), iditihdd in all its formsis only to be used when there are no antecedents ineither the Kur'an or the Sunna nor in the irrefutable

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practice, of the Patriarchal Caliphs (Tafsir, vii,164). Beyond the attempt at personal interpretationof the divine Word, and the desire to be open to thegrace (hudd) which flows from it, reformist doctrinelimits idjtihad to the type exercised by the ulu 'l-amrin public affairs of a secular nature. But so that itshould not be a source of quarrel and conflict, theidjtihad of the ulu 'l-amr must be derived frommutual consultation (shurd) in accordance withthe ethical demands of the Kur'an (XLII, 36). TheCommunity is not bound by the personal and may-be even contradictory opinions of individual mudi-tahids. Its acceptance by the ulu 'l-amr is a con-dition sine qua non of the validity of their idjtihad.Moreover, from the reformist point of view, thisrepresents the most perfect form of idimd* [q.v.],by means of which the Umma will be able to solvethe innumerable problems of its adaptation to therealities of the modern world.

4.—Idimdc. On this point (as on iditihdd), the re-formist position is very different from the doctrineof the classical theoreticians of the usul (cf. al-Shaficl, Risdla, 471 ff.; Ibn tfazm, Ifrkam, iv, 132-235(a criticism of tfanafl, Malikl, and Shafici ideas onthe subject); H Laoust, Contribution a une itudc dela mtthodologie canonique d'Ibn Taymiya, Cairo,1939; idem, Essai, 139 ff . ; J. Schacht, Origins, 82-94; Muhammad Ikbal, Reconstruction..., 164 ff.;L. Gardet, Introduction . . ., 403 ff.; idem, La CiteMusulmane, 119-29; see also: IDJMAC). Idjma*- isrecognized as third of the fundamental sources ofIslam (and not only of the "Law"; cf. al-Kawakibi,Umm al-kurd, 104; Tafsir, v, 187, xi, 267); but thereformists do not accept the traditional classificationand formulations which arose from it (Tafsir, v,203-9). For them, classical conceptions of the subjectare not justified by the two sources, (ibid., v, 213)even though the idea of idimd* is implicitly containedin the Kur'an (IV, 115) and the Sunna (cf. Wensinck,Handbook, 48A; Ibn Hazm, Ihkdm, iv, 132 ff.). Thismethodological principle must not be defined interms of the concept of "unanimity" (id[md') butrather in terms of that of "community" (dj[amd*a),the latter being understood as "the legitimate cus-todians of authority" (ulu 'l-amr) instead of in theusual sense of the Muslim community as a whole(Tafsir, v, 213-4). Thus the reformists do not conferon idimd* the status of either a general consensus ofthe Community (cf. al-Shafici, Risdla, 403, no. 1105and 471 ff.), or that of a unanimous agreement ofthe muditahids of a given period on a given question(ibid., v, 417). Like the doctrinal line of Ahmad b.tfanbal and the neo-IJanbalite school, the Salafiyyalimit (jiasara) id[md' at a canonical level to that ofthe Prophet's Companions (al-Kawakibi, Umm al-kurd, 67, 103; Tafsir, ii, 108, 454, v, 187, 206, vii,118, viii, 254, 428). Any tWfma* later than the eraof the Companions is without value, particularly ifit ratifies doctrines that contradict the tradition ofthe latter: id[mdc al-mukhdlifin (Tafsir, v, 206, vii,198). Just as matters concerning worship (Hbdddt) areto be judged with reference to the consensus of theCompanions (including, if need be, that of thetdbi*un,}, which is the sole criterion of orthodoxy,the agreement of the ulu 'l-amr on secular matters isa criterion of legality, for they are the custodians ofthe Community's legitimacy (ibid., iii, 12: the ulu'l-amr are those whom the Umma recognizes as havingcontrolling power over the leaders and their publicacts, tadfaluhum musayfirin *alu frukkdmihd wa-ajtkdmihd). The obediance due to the ulu 'l-amr (byvirtue of sura IV, 59, constantly invoked by the

reformists) is justified not by the argument of infal"libility (*isma [q.v.]) but by considerations of publicinterest (maslalia; ibid., v, 208). To summarize re-formist thought on the matter, Rashid Ritfa definesthe consensus of the ulu 'l-amr as the "true id^md*that we hold to be one of the bases of our Law(shari'a)" (ibid., v, 190).

In the absence of any consultative system in Islamthat would enable the function of the shurd to beexercised at Community level, most reformistauthors have felt the need to fill the gap by usingid^md*, modernizing its form and content. But thethinking of the Salafiyya on this theme was neversufficiently elaborated for us to be able to define acoherent reformist doctrine on the practical appli-cation of idimd* in the contemporary Muslim world.Muhammad Ikbal (1934) expressed the wish thatthe idimd*- should be organized in the form of "apermanent legislative institution" (Reconstruction . . ,164). Rashid Ri<la (1922) considered the idea ofusing the Djama^a, a consultative body appointedto assist the supreme head (al-imdm al-a*?am) of theCommunity (cf. H. Laoust, Le Califat dans la doc-trine de Rashid Rida, 1938, 21 ff.), but such a notionhas meaning only within the perspective of a restorat-ion of the Caliphate. With greater realism, Ibn Badlssets aside the problem of the Caliphate ("that vainfancy") and suggests the establishment of a Diamd'atal-Muslimin, a sort of permanent assembly composedof men of learning and experience, which would bedesigned to study specifically Muslim problems inorder to find Islamic solutions. This important moraland religious body, acting in the name of the wholeCommunity, would serve no one state and wouldbe of a totally apolitical nature, so that its essentialindependence and liberty would be guaranteed(cf. A. Merad, Rtformisme, 376 ff.; idem, Ibn BadisCommentat., Chap. IV).

Though they never managed to agree on thepracticalities of its establishment, the reformists didtend to see the institutionalization of id[mdc as adecisive step in the evolution of the Umma in accord-ance with Islamic principles and the ideals of theSalafiyya All who wrote on these lines held incommon the idea that the Djamcf-a would be theprivileged setting of the Community's idimd*. Itwould play two roles: at a religious level, it wouldeffect regulations by stating the orthodox position onmatters that gave rise to serious disagreement (ikh-tildf}\ in secular affairs, it would be the instigatorof action, through applying the principle of idjtihad inthe vast area within its competence. It would thuswork towards preventing any confusion between therespective levels of the Hbaddt and the cdddt, andwould contribute to encouraging the free enquiry thatthe Community requires in the spheres of appliedscience and material progress.

5.—The distinction between the cibadat and thecadat. Following the neo-tfanball school (cf. AHMADB. MANUAL; H. Laoust, Essai, 247-8, 444), modernisldh tends to make a clear distinction betweenthe concerns of the Hbdddt [q.v.} and those of the'dddt. Once again they justify their stand by theprinciple that in matters of worship everything hasbeen completely and definitely decided by God(Kur'an) and the Prophet (Sunna)] for the rest,that is to say everything concerned with the orga-nization of material life, the ulu 'l-amr are free tocome to their own decisions (see above: id^tihad).

a)—The Hbdddt come under commands (or inter-dictions) originating from the Kur'an or from formalprescriptions laid down by the Prophet. They cover

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all acts (including those of worship) and observances(of haldl and tiardm [q.v.]} which constitute the serviceof God (ta'abbud). It is out of the question for any-body to introduce the slightest innovation, eitherbecause of an iditihdd or out of simple religious zeal.The fact of recognizing the inalterable quality ofthe Hbdddt, the very centre of faith, is itself an act offidelity in what the Believers hold in certainty fromGod and his Prophet; it is the sign of a sincere andtotal belief in the latter's Sunna.

b)—The cdddt (habits, customs, usage) cover avast field of "earthly affairs" (umur dunyawiyya]"which are individual or communal, particular orgeneral" (Rashid Rida, Tafslr, vii, 140), and aboveall affairs of a political and legal nature (ibid., iii,327, vii, 140, 200) which vary according to time andplace. It is thus not a matter merely of the traditionallegal rules (mu*dmaldt} or matters of "customaryright", as the term *dda [q.v.'] is understood in theusual classical sense of fikh. In the domain of thet-dddt, the reformists counsel tolerance fafw) andclaim for the ulu 'l-amr, if not for private individuals,freedom of decision and the free exercise of idjtihdd(al-Kawakibl, Umm al-kurd, 67; Manar, iv, 210,vii, 959; Tafslr, iii, 327, vii, 140-41, 191).

By virtue of this distinction, the reformistsshowed a prudent reserve about everything that hasnot been expressly decided by God or prescribed bythe Prophet. For RashTd Rida that which has notbeen prohibited by God cannot be prohibited byMan; that which God has made licit, Man cannotmake illicit (Tafslr, vii, 169); that which God haspassed over in silence must be held to be tolerable,*afw (ibid., iii, 328, vii, 169). The "wise men" of thereligion have no right to make things permitted orforbidden. Their role is simply to put into practicethe revealed Law (shared): in this function only isobedience due to them. As for the kur'anic or proph-etic references to certain secular matters (the use offood and remedies, etc.), they cannot be taken asbinding: they are simply "suggestions" about what ispreferable and not canonical prescriptions, irshdd Idtashrl* (ibid., vii, 201).

The distinction between the Hbdddt and the cdddtpermitted the Salafiyya to condemn the prolif-eration of devotional practices and interdictionspropagated throughout the centuries in the nameof Sufism and eventually adopted by popular religion,even though they are not based on the Kur'an andthe Sunna. It enabled them, moreover, to point totheir pruning of classical judicial and moral doctrine(by means of fatwds) and the reduction of traditionalobservance, in support of their claim to be theapostles of a disciplined and discreet religioustemper, which they believed to be closer to thespirit of moderation that had characterized au-thentic Islam (the "gentle religion", al-hanlfiyya al-samha), and more in harmony with the modernworld. This distinction would also encourage a moretolerant view of local legal and social usage throughclassifying them as *dddt, and permit the toningdown of doctrinal differences (ikhtildf) between theimportant currents in the Islamic world; perhapsit would also weaken the religious quarrels inheritedfrom old schisms. Taken to its logical conclusion,this attitude would make it possible to envisage calmlythe coexistence—in the bosom of the Umma—ofdifferent political, socio-economic and idealogicalsystems, provided that the fundamental unity ofMuslims in faith and worship was safeguarded andtheir common attachment to the essential content ofIslamic law (sharl*a) unimpaired.

However, such a distinction between the *ibdddtand *dddt has more of an apologetic value than anyreal practical implication. The fragmentary (andrather vague) notions on this subject put forward byRashid Ri<Ja and al-Kawakibl do not enable us tomake an exact analysis of which aspects of traditionalMuslim legislation must be considered fundamental,and thus untouchable, and which can be subsumedunder the <dddt. The postulated tolerance in mattersof *dddt is itself ambiguous, because of the restrictiveconditions—derived from the Kur'an—which wereput forward by the Salafiyya each time they wereobliged to define their political, economic, socialor cultural standpoints (although these are, intheory, the field in which *dddt can be used). Inthe reformist perspective, indeed, there are fewmatters that can be envisaged independently of themoral commands and general principles contained inRevelation and the Sunna; and whatever creative ac-tivity is envisaged, its goal must be examined in thelight of the ethical and religious criteria of the twosources. Isldh admits of the possibility of adaptingMuslim institutions and life to the realities of themodern world, so long as this adaptation does notresult in the destruction of the fundamental valuescontained in the two sources. Thus, on the subjectof feminism and the relations between the two sexes,the Salafiyya declare themselves favourable to theemancipation of Muslim women, but not to the extentthat the liberalization of their legal status wouldcome into conflict with the legal dispositions estab-lished in the Kur'an, or the family and sexual ethicsof Islam (cf. on this subject, Tafslr, xi, 283-87:"Islam confers on women all human, religious andcivil rights"; Rashid Rida, Nidd* li 'l-diins al-latlf,Cairo 1351/1932; A. Merad, Le RSformisme musulman,315-31 ("Les Re"formistes et le Fe"minisme")).

Although they claim the necessity of distinguishingbetween profane and religious matters, betweenman's relations with God and merely human activi-ties (which are not ruled by scriptural commands),the Salafiyya did not make any decisive contributionto the separation of theology and law. From theirpoint of view, the ambiguity of the relationshipdlnfsharl*a (which they never really attempted toclarify) makes any systematic criticism of traditionallegal and moral doctrine that attempts to establisha clear-cut distinction between purely religious andsocial matters extremely difficult and a priorisuspect. (It is worth noting the vigorous reactionof the reformists against the attempts made byCA1I cAbd al-Razik (1888-1968), in his al-Isldmwa-usul al-hukm, Cairo 1343-44/1925, to dissociateinstitutional and political problems from moral andtheological ones; cf., Kerr, Islamic Reform, 179 ff.).Rashid Rida notes in passing the respective valuesof the concepts din and sharl'a, which he considersit unjustifiable to confuse (Tafstr, vi, 147), buthe does not draw any logical conclusion from thedistinction. The distinction dinlsharl'a (which is noless vital than that between the Hbdddt and the*dddt] could have had important consequenceshad it been the point of departure for serious re-search into the possibilities of rigorously limitingthe field of application of "religious law", and thusremoving from the "sacred" domain everythingthat did not have a fundamental link with belief orworship and should therefore come under idjtihad.It was left to Modernism (tadjdld [q.v.] to undertakethis research (cf., e.g., the essays of MuhammadAhmad Khalaf Allah, in particular his al-Kur^dnU'a-mushkildt haydtind al-mu^dsira (Cairo 1967), in

156 ISLAtf

which he proclaims the legitimacy of "a new inter-pretation of the fundamental principles of the shari'a,in the light of modern experience" (31)). Incompletethough it be, the distinction between the Hbdddtand the 'dddt suggests a need for rationality and adesire to be pragmatic, which served the Salafiyyaas an argument against the stubborn conservatismof the traditionalists (diumud) and in support of thebroadmindedness of isldfr on the subject of progressand the modern world. At the same time it is areply to those who preach out-and-out modernism,to the detriment of fidelity to authentic Islam (asit was illustrated by the tradition of the Salaf).The reformists see in this modernism a renunciationof the "spirit of compromise" which their apologeticspresent as the ideal tendency of Islam.

II—Apologetics.—Alongside criticism of thetraditional aspects of Islam as they appear inconservative Sunnism, in the magical and super-stitious beliefs of popular religion and in the religioussystems of the brotherhoods, apologetics form animportant part of the principal reformist works.Though centred on internal problems of Mus-lim society, and often argued with missionary zeal,reformist apologetics are also addressed to the "ad-versaries" of Islam either directly (cf. MufcammadcAbduh, al-Isldm wa 'l-radd 'aid munta&dlh, art.of 1900, Cairo 1327/1909 (Fr. trans., T*lcat Harb,VEurope et VIslam, Cairo 1905); idem, al-Isldm wa'l-Nasrdniyya, art. of 1901, in Mandr), or indirectly,in the form of warnings to Muslims against the se-ductions of Western civilization and ideologies. Inboth cases, the reformists attempted to demonstratethe excellence of Islam, as a "religion", as an ethicalcode, and as a legal, social and political system. Suchapologetics develop along the following broad lines:

i.—The liberating message of Islam.—a. As aspiritual message. Here the argument is confinedessentially to the exaltation of tawfrld [q.v.] as aprinciple of human liberation. Moral l iberat ion:the affirmation of divine unity abolishes all worshipthat is not directed to God (the Unique), and all pre-tension to infallibility, since the only infallible sourceis the Revelation and the Prophet, who is inspiredby God (this argument is elsewhere used to refutetaklld [q.v.], to the extent that the latter supposessubmission to an authority which is believed, orpretends to be, infallible). On the other hand, theaffirmation of divine transcendance condemns anydomination based on the principle of intercession(shafd'a [q.v.]}. Consequently, tawftld denies anylegitimacy to intermediary structures between manand God (as in institutional Churches), and destroysany need for the belief in the mediating function ofcertain categories of men (saints, mystics, etc.).Social Liberation: belief in the omnipotence ofGod is the basis of men's equality, for all men areequally subject to God and all men participate equallyin the eminent dignity of their condition (cf. Mufcam-madcAbduh, Risdlat al-tawfyld, 155-6; Fr. trans., 106;Eng. trans., 125); it emancipates minds from allresigned or passive submission, either to argumentsbased on authority (taklld)tor to a status of inferior-ity or slavery imposed by the "great" (cf. Kur'dn,XXXIII, 67, XXXIV, 31-4,; alladhln ustutfifu). Theform of worship itself (common prayer, pilgrimage,etc.) underlines the egalitarian character of Islam.—b.The liberating message of Islam is also illustrated bythe ethics of the Kur'an and the Sunna which ac-cept the fundamental unity of mankind and reject alldiscrimination based on differences of race or socialcondition (cf. Muhammad cAbduh, Risdlat al-tawhid,

172; Fr. trans., 116-7; Eng. trans., 135; Tafslr, 448 ff . ;an identical position in Muhammad Ikbal, Recon-struction 89; Fr. trans.., 103).

2.—The universal quality of Islam.—a. As areligion (din). Reformist apologetics merely take upthe traditional theme of the universality of Mufcam-mad's mission (cumum al-ba'tha). For the Prophetwas "elected to guide all nations towards Good (. . :)and call all men to a belief in the One God" (Muljam-mad cAbduh, Risdlat al-tawhid, 139; Fr. trans., 95;Eng. trans., 114; cf. also, Tafslr, vii, 610, on sura VI,90). Like many other Muslim thinkers in our owntime, reformist authors believe that Islam is theperfect universal religion, since it incorporates whatis essential in previous revelations (and especiallyJudaism and Christianity) and perfects their message(cf. Mufcammad cAbduh, Risdlat al-tawhid, 166 ff., Fr.trans., 112 (bottom) ff.; Eng. trans., 132 ff.; Taf-slr ..., x, 448-456).—b. As a social, legal andpolitical system (shari'a). The reformists proclaimthe excellence, eternal nature and universal characterof Islamic law, in opposition to human legislation,which is always imperfect, despite constant revisionand correction. The shari'a—at least in those partsthat are based on the Revelation—draws its essencefrom divine wisdom; it is thus the legislation bestsuited to the needs (masdlih) of men (bashar) in allplaces and at all times (Ibn Badis, Shihdb, Jan. 1934,57; Tafslr, vi, 146) for it envisages man's well-being from two points of view, those of earthly hap-piness and of their future salvation (an idea dear tothe reformists and developed at great length byRashid Ri(la, Mandr, i, (1898), i, v, (1902), 459-65;Tafslr, i, n, ii, 330-41, x, 210, 437; cf. also Mufcam-mad cAbduh, Risdlat al-tawhid, 124, 169; Fr. trans.,84, 115; Eng. trans., 104, 134). This does not meanthat the Salafiyya think of Muslim legislation asa closed system, sufficient unto itself in its definitivetruth and perfection. Though they believe thatcertain rulings of the shari'a (e.g., the personalstatus of woman) are ideal norms, which neitherthe old legislations (of the biblical sort for example),nor modern legislation (inspired by western concepts)are capable of matching, they do not dismiss the ideathat Muslims can copy certain doctrines upheld inadvanced countries. However, the Salafiyya refuseto admit that all aspects of western progress are good,and that one has to accept en bloc the triumphantcivilizations of Europe or America, for fear ofseeming reactionary (Ibn Badis, Shihdb, Jan. 1932,n). Moreover, the ulu 'l-amr ought to co-operatein the adaptation of Muslim legislation (by means ofreciprocal consultation (shurd} and idjtihdd), takinginto account new realities, but respecting absolutelythe fundamental aspects of the Law and observingthe general ethics of Islam. The Salafiyya constantlyrepeat that in areas of every-day life, Islam givesman entire freedom (fawwa<i) to act according to hiswell-being in the world (Tafslr, ii, 205: ref. to thefradith: "You are best placed to judge worldlyaffairs", vi, 140; Ibn Badis, Shihdb, Oct. 1930, 70).From the preceding, the reformists drew arguments toestablish the liberal nature of Islam and to justify itsability to adapt (not, of course, as a din, but asshari'a) to all human situations at any time and inany place.

3.—The liberal spirit of Islam.—Outside mattersof faith and the unalterable elements of the sharl€a(both of which were expressly laid down in Reve-lation), Islam assigns no limit to the exercise ofreason. This aspect of reformist apologetics, whichhas been amply dealt with by Muhammad cAbduh

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(Risdlat al-tawhid, passim), Rashld Ritfa (cf. J.Jomier, Le Comment, coran. du Mandr, chap. Ill),and Ibn Badis (cf. A. Merad, Ibn Badis, Commentat.du Coran, chap. II, Vth), will not be discussed indetail here. On the problem of faith and reason(ca£/), the reformist position is that the kur'anicmessage addresses itself both to the conscience(wudj[dn) and to the mind (fikr), and requires notonly acceptance by faith but understanding bymeans of reason. If the Kur'an limits reason, it isonly in those areas which are part of the unknowable(ghayb [q.v.]), and to prevent man from falling intoinevitable errors and attributing to God things whichare not part of His Being.

The reformists frequently invoke the argument ofreason in order to maintain not only that Islam putsno obstacles in the way of intellectual research andthe exercise of 'afyl, but even that it positively en-courages both and incites men to cultivate the giftof intelligence, which is a God-given privilege(Ibn Badis, Shihdb, March 1931, 78 if., ref. to suraXVII, 70). 'Afrl in reformist usage is not exactlythe knowing consciousness or reasoning reason, whichseeks to reach truth independently of faith and re-velation. Orthodox reformist writers understand 'aklin opposition to blind passion (hawd), which smo-thers the voice of "healthy nature" (fitra [q.v.]), anddoubtless in opposition to the (hyper-) critical mind.The cafril is not a man who can perform speculativeexercise with ease and is dedicated exclusively to thecult of reason, but a man capable of judicious bal-anced thinking, which implies a spirit of moderation,even a certain reluctance to attempt to submit every-thing to one's judgment, and to explain everythingsolely by the light of one's intelligence.

The debate on the subject of faith and reason pointsto one of the contradictions of reformist thought:i.e., its desire to adopt a language, and sometimeseven intellectual methods, that are in conformitywith the modern mind, while at the same timeclinging to principles and positions which they feel arein perfect agreement with the doctrines of the Salaf.It is notable in this respect that the liberal tendenciesof certain reformist writers are held back by thefear that reasoning reason will encroach on areasreserved to faith, and the temptations of humanpassion (hawd) will conquer progressively the direct-ing principles (hudd) of Revelation (cf. Tafsir, v,416: opposition hudd I hawd).

However, the reformists are not particularlyinterested in theological and philosophical specula-tion. Apart from the Risdlat al-tawfrid by MuhammadcAbduh (which describes a fundamental schemarather than a theological totality), and the Risdlatal-shirk by Mubarak al-Mill (which is a refutationof Marabou tic beliefs), no truly elaborated theologycan be found in the doctrinal system of the Salafiyya.They were satisfied with massive affirmations, basedon texts in the J£ur3an, which are, from their pointof view, decisive arguments. Thus they never fail tounderline everything in the Kur'an which seems toencourage intellectual research and constitutes anincentive for the exploration of nature and itsexploitation in the service of man. They underlinethose parts of the Revelation that encourage men tothink, to understand things, to persuade others bymeans of demonstrative proofs (burhdn); they makethe utmost use of all the resources of the fcur'anicvocabulary which deal with knowledge and theactivity of the mind (cf., the Concordantiae by G.Fliigel, in which we can see the richness of the themesformed from the radicals cfer, cfc/, *lm, hkm, fkr,

fbh)', in short they attempt to show that Islam letshuman reason play an important role, and that itencourages (in theory, if not in practice) humanprogress in the domains of knowledge and civilization(cf. the particularly vigorous doctrinal statement byRashld Ri<Ja in Tafsir, 244 ff., under the eloquenttitle: al-Isldm din al-fipra al-salima wa 'l-^afrl wa'l-fikr wa *l-cilm wa 'l-hikma wa 'l-burhdn wa '/-jiudidia).

The theme of knowledge and civilization plays animportant role in reformist propaganda (cf. J. Jo-mier, Le Comment, coran. du Mandr, chap. IV; A.Merad, Ibn Bddis, commentat. du Coran chap. IV,Illrd). Thanks to the intelligence with which Godhas endowed him, man can rise above erroneous be-lief and superstition, cultivate the sciences and adopthealthy beliefs: using it, he should also be able toincrease his power over nature, to profit by thevarious resources of Creation, in order to achievematerial power (cizz, kuwwa) and know a happymoral well-being. Presented in this way by thereformists, Islam appears as a religion which isparticularly attentive to the moral and materialprogress of humanity. It was therefore an effectiverefutation of arguments of the type put forwardby Renan (Islam is contrary to the scientific spirit)and useful in revealing the inadequacy of Marxist-orientated criticism (Islam is a reactionary doctrine).The reformists deplore the judging of Islam by thebehaviour and excesses of some of its followers whodistort its image through their innovations, by super-stitious beliefs born of ignorance, by the impostureof false "scholars", and by the immorality of itspoliticians (cf. the objections enumerated by Mu-hammad cAbduh, Risdlat al-tawfyid, 195-9; Fr- trans.,132-5; Eng. trans., 151-3). For when traced back toits authentic expression, to the Revelation and theSwnna, Islam is a religion compatible with scienceand civilization (Tafsir . . . , ix, 23); it encouragesprogress and science (ibid., iii, 26, 34,106); and exaltsscience and freedom of research, which are the con-ditions of man's greatness (ibid., v, 258); Islam iscapable of regenerating civilization in the East andsaving that of the West (ibid., ix, 22). What is more:

4.—Islam is the reforming principle of man-kind (isldh naw< al-insdn, Tafsir, xi, 206). As adin and as a shari'a, Islam is a progression beyondprevious religions (ibid., 208-88: the enumerationof the various domains in which Islam has beenbeneficial to mankind). Hence the Muslim duty toreveal the truth of Islam: this is part of the canon-ical obligation to "invite to Good" (MuhammadcAbduh, Risdlat al-tawfrid, 171; Fr. trans., 116; Eng.trans., 135; Tafsir iv, 26-46, on sura III, 104) and to"call to God" (Ibn Badis, Shihdb, April 1935, 6, ref. tosuras XVI, 125 and XII, 108). To call to God, inthis case, consists in proclaiming the values of Is-lam, refuting, through its "proofs", the false ideasascribed to it, and in making known its "beau-ties"; all this in order to fortify Muslims in theirfaith and to enlighten non-Muslims, less perhaps inorder to convert them than to dissipate their pre-judices and fanaticism. However, the notion ofmissionary work is not foreign to the reformists(cf. J. Jomier, Le Comment. Coran. du Mandr, chap.X). Nevertheless, Muhammad cAbduh gives prior-ity to the duty of Islamic tolerance over conversion:"Islam is capable, through its own light, of pene-trating the hearts of men" (Risdlat al-tawfrid, 172).In practice, the act of calling to God leads to acertain number of religious, moral and cultural at-titudes, towards both Muslims and non-Muslims.

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—a. Calling to God consists above all in leadinga life that is in perfect agreement with the generalcommands of Islam. This is the best way to ensurethat the influence of the ideals contained in theKur'an will grow. On a spiritual as well as a morallevel, the Prophet's example, and that of the "piousforefathers", must inspire believers: "the moreperfect their imitation, the more perfect theiraccomplishment of the mission of calling to God"(Ibn Badls).—b. Preaching the truths containedin the I\ur3an and thus helping to transmit the reveal-ed message (tabligk al-risdla) is also "calling toGod": since this message has universal implications,each part of it must be made comprehensible to allmen. This theme can be related to that of the diihddthrough the Kur'an (cf. Shihdb, April 1932, 204 ff.):for Ibn Badls, this fcur'anic expression seems tojustify a militant theology and an energetic con-ception of religious preaching, both to rouse themasses from their inertia and indifference and todenounce the blindness of "bad religious teachers"(^ulama? al-su*) in the face of the spiritual richesof the Revelation and their reluctance to make themmanifest to men.—c. Calling to God also implies theattempt to bring back to the Islamic fold thoseMuslims who, seduced by secular ideologies orintoxicated with modern scientific knowledge,regard Islam as "a worn-out piece of clothing thata man would be ashamed to be seen wearing", andderide its dogmas and precepts (Muhammad cAbduh,Risdlat al-tawhid, 198; Fr. trans., 134-5; Eng.trans., 153). —d. The idea of calling to God alsoimplies a struggle against the corruption (fasdd)spread in Muslim society in the name of "so-calledmodernism" (Tafsir, x, 45) and against atheism likethat of Kemal Atatiirk (ibid., ix, 322-3); warningagainst excessive individual freedom, which generat-es all sorts of abuse (ibid., viii, 530-1) and is moreor less directly responsible for the "moral crisis of theWest"; enlightening people on the dangers inherentin the separation of science and religion, the cultof science per se, and the frantic quest for materialgoods without any moral goal (ibid.f xi, 243).—e.It also means unmasking professional politicianswho may not be sincere and practising Muslims,but nevertheless use Islam for demagogic ends,either in subservience to government, or to servetheir own personal ambition (ibid., ii, 440). Similarstrictures could be passed on recent tendencies touse religious arguments in support of some socio-economic ideology (cf. "Muslim Socialism" to whichsome theoreticians of "Arab Socialism refer) orpolitical doctrine (cf. e.g. Khalid Muhammad Khalid.La Religion au service du peuple, in Orient xx,(1961), 155-61). —f. In opposition to the type ofnationalism encouraged by jingoistic modernists,and beyond particular fatherlands, the call to Godgives pride of place to the religious link above ethnicand political ones (ibid., ii, 304). It means stressingthe fraternity of Islam (ibid., iv, 21) and persuadingMuslims that greatness and pride do not lie in theinsistence on particularities of race or nationality—that new form of the age-old clan-spirit fasabiyyatal'dj[dhiliyya)—but in belonging to the "Islamichuman community" (ibid., xi, 256). This is oneaspect of the ideology of panislamism (al-didnticaal-isldmiyya) which corresponds to the political andcultural doctrine of the Salafiyya. Since Diamalal-Din al-Afghanl and cAbd al-Rafcman al-Kawakibl,reformist authors have unceasingly called fornot only the elimination of doctrinal'disagreementsabove all in matters of the interpretation of religious

Law) between orthodox Schools and even between theSunnl and Shlcl worlds, but, by reminding Muslimsof their duty to confessional solidarity, they havepleaded the cause of a policy of strengthening politicalties and interislamic co-operation. Thus would theunity of the Umma be recreated, even if only symbolic-ally, through the mediation of a supreme moralassembly that would represent every Muslim country—for example in the form of the permanent assembly(diamd^at al-muslimin) which Ibn Badis suggested(cf. A. Merad, Le Reformisme musulman, 376 ff.).Even this would be second best compared with theorganic unity of the Community under the banner ofone supreme Imam, which had been Rashid Riga'sdream (cf. his Khildfa; trans. H. Laoust, Le Calif atdans la doctrine de R.R.).—g. In reply to those whoproclaimed the social and cultural values of theWest, the reformists exalted the values specific toIslamic ethics, if need be by referring to the "ac-counts" (shahdddt) of Western thinkers who were sen-sitive to the virtues of Islam and perturbed by themoral degradation that they perceived in the materi-alist civilization of the Western world (cf. Tafsir,x, 412, 420; xi, 243).

Reformist apologetics reveal the attitude of theSalafiyya in the face of two realities: on the onehand the material and cultural seduction of Muslimintellectual elites and ruling classes by the West;and on the other the modernists' attempt at asystematic renewal of Muslim society so that itcould face, as immediately and effectively as possible,the necessities of modern life. It is thus not simplya defensive reaction against, or even rejection of,certain aspects of western civilization, but a wayof replying to Muslims who believed in progress andmodernism (tad/iaid) and who wanted to look for acompromise between the fundamental demands ofIslam and the necessary adaptation of Muslim life tothe realities of the modern world.

The apologetic work of the Salafiyya was not simplyepisodic, for it demanded that they make an effortto understand their adversaries' point of view anddevelop a measure of cultural open-mindedness (often,it is true, timid), and sometimes led them to moderatethose aspects of their theological and moral doctrinewhich might have seemed too fundamentalist. Butat the same time it revealed the diversity of theirtemperaments and attitudes in the face of practicalproblems, especially when they had gone beyonddiscussing the place of absolute fidelity to the twosources in the liturgical and dogmatic spheres, and tothe tradition of the Salaf in the general ethics ofIslam. Apart from the more or less favourablehistorical and cultural conjuncture, the success ofisldfy in the different parts of the Arab world hasbeen linked, to some extent, to the way in which theSalafiyya have been able to cope with the concreteproblems facing Muslim society as a result of itsprogressive entry into the social, economic, technicaland cultural norms of the modern world.

D.—ISLAH IN THE CONTEMPORARY ARAB WORLD.—At the end of almost a century of development, wecan assess the ground covered by the Salafiyyareformist movement from the time of al-^Urwaal-wuthfrd (1884) to the present day; at this momentthe Arab world is the scene of important debateson the methods of interpreting the Kur5an andthe authenticity of tfadith on the one hand, andthe function and autonomy of religion on the other.This is particularly true in countries in which researchand cultural activity are more or less "orientated"toward—if not "mobilized" in the service of—politic-

islah

ISLAH 159

al and social objectives that are held to be sacred,and in which national energy is often geared primarilytoward social reorganization and economic constructi-on in an attempt to overcome underdevelopment. Thedevelopment of isldfr in a changing Arab world can bedivided into three important stages:

1. — The heroic stage, during which Diamal al-Dln al-Afghani, Muhammad €Abduh and cAbd al-Rah-man al-Kawakibi laid the essential foundations of atotal reform of Islam (cf. the programme defined inUmm al-fcurd). Reformist action during this periodaimed above all at the material and moral improve-ment of the Community, which had barely emergedfrom the Middle Ages. The social, political and culturaldemands made by the three leaders of modern isldfyhad more effect than their doctrinal intervention(with the exception of Muhammad cAbduh's Risdlatal-tawfyid which is a sort of guide for a basic theology).The reformists' written and oral propaganda thuscontributed to the Community's growing awarenessof notions of evolution, progress and creative effort(idjtihdd) on a spiritual and practical plane. It is truethat the cultural climate of the period—end of theigth and beginning of the 2oth century—was favour-able to the adoption of these ideas in Muslim thought,for this was the era of scientism, the optimism broughtabout by technical progress, and the growth of theidea that efficiency was an essential element ofeconomic prosperity and social success. Yet thefunction of the Salafiyya was to confer on thesenotions—and at first the idea of iditihdd—a legitimacythat would satisfy the Umma, by assimilating them toauthentic principles of Islam (seen from an ethicaland cultural angle). In its initial form the reformistcurrent of contemporary Islam hastened the birth ofArabo-Muslim awareness of the modern world, butalso gave rise to aspirations (of a socio-cultural natureetc.) and questions which the succeeding Muslim gen-eration had to face.

2. — The second stage (approximately 1905 to1950).—This period saw the emergence of a doc-trinal system in which Rashid Ri<Ja and shaykh IbnBadis played a vital part. The example of these twostrong personalities inspired writers whose numerousessays (in reviews like al-Mandr, al-Shihdb, Madjal-lat al-shubbdn al-muslimin, al-Risdla, al-Mad^allaal-zaytuniyya) enriched the thought of isldfy and con-solidated its doctrinal positions. The principal re-formist authors during the first half of the aoth cen-tury will now be briefly examined.

a) In Syria Diamal al-DIn al-Kasiml (1866/7-1914) was a faithful disciple of the neo-IIanball tra-dition. His compatriot Jahir al-Djaza'iri (1851-1919)put his vast erudition at the disposal of isldfr (notablyin the publishing field).—cAbd al-^adir al-Maghribi(1867-1956), who in his youth was influenced by di-rect contact with Diamal al-Dln al-Afghani, made avery fruitful contribution to islafy in Syria.—ShakibArslan (1869-1946) a brilliant writer (called amiral-baydn, "Prince of Eloquence") and politician, was afirm believer in Arabism (cf. his monthly revue,LaNationArabe, Geneva 1930-9); a personal acquaint-ance of the editor of al-Mandri, he made a greatly ap-preciated contribution to that review.—MuhammadKurd CA1I (1876-1953), ex-president of the ArabAcademy at Damascus (1920-53), although notproperly speaking a reformist author, was a firmbeliever in Muhammad cAbduh's ideas and can becounted among the literary and political personalitiesof the Arab world whose moral support of isldfr wasgreatly valued.

b) In Egypt there were many "spiritual sons"

of Muljammad cAbduh, who were more or less faith-ful to the original ideas of their master: MuhammadFarld VVadjdl (1875-1954), the author of a kur'aniccommentary with concordist tendencies, was theenergetic editor of the review al-Risdla (founded in1933) and a fervent propagandist for Islam.—Mu-Ijammad Mustafa al-Maraghl (1881-1945) was twice(1928, 1935) principal of al-Azhar, where he contrib-uted to the spread of reformist ideals and struggledto strengthen the links between the orthodox schools;he attempted reforms in the spirit of MuhammadcAbduh, of whom he was a worthy successor.—Mahmud Shaltut (1893-1963): another grand masterof al-Azhar (cf. D^amd'at al-tafyrib bayn al-madhdhiband his trimestrial revue Risdlat al-Isldm, Cairo,1949- ). —Afcmad Amln (1886-1954), author ofan immense fresco of Islamic culture and history(Fadir-, Du^d- and guhr al-Isldm), was one of theprincipal artisans of the Arab-Islamic cultural renewalto which the promoters of modern isldfr aspired.By his teaching and his writing (cf. his revue al-Thafrdfa, Cairo 1939), he attempted, like MuhammadcAbduh, to guide Muslim thought towards a doctrinethat was a sort of neo-Muctazilism.

c) In Tunisia the main representatives of ortho-dox reformist thought were Bashir §far (d. in 1937),the much respected teacher of Ibn Badis, the twoshaykhs Muhammad al-fahir b. Ashur (born in 1879)—author of a kur'anic commentary (now being pub-lished, i-iii, Tunis 1956-71)—and his son Muhammadal-Fa<Jil b. c Ashur (1900-1970) (cf. Muhammad al-Facjil b. cAshur: al-tfaraka al-adabiyya wa 'l-fikriyyafi Tunis, Cairo 1956).

d) In Algeria, besides Ibn Badis, notable reform-ists were Mubarak al-MIlI (1890-1945), the theologianof the Algerian reformist school (see Biblio.}; Jayyibal-cUkbi (1888-1962), a supporter of isldfr who wasgreatly influenced by Wahhabi tendencies (he hadspent his childhood in the Uidjaz), and owned a news-paper, al-Isldk (Biskra 1927- ) which appearedirregularly; Muhammad al-Bashir al-Ibrahlmi (1889-1965) [see AL-IBRAHIMI] ; Afrmad Tawflk al-Madam(born in 1899), historian and politician, who wasvery active in the cause of Algerian national culturein the context of the reformist movement.

e) In Morocco, where the orthodox reformismof the Salafiyya was diffused at a relatively late date,few important names and workes emerged (cf. J.Berque, Qd et Id dans les dtbuts du rtformisme reli-gieux au Maroc, in Etudes... dediees d la mtmoired'E. Levi-Provencal, Paris 1962, ii, 471-94).

Amongst the representative personalities of isldfrin the Sherifian empire, we might mention: AbuShu'ayb al-Dukkall (d. 1937); Ibn al-Muwakfcit (1894-1949), who was more interested in censuring publicmorality than any real renewal of Islam (cf. the art.by A. Faure on Ibn al-Muwal&it in Hesperis,1952, 165-95); cAllal al-Fasi (born in 1910), a writerand political leader (Independence Party, frizb al-istikldl) who claims to be a SalafI (cf. his Autocritique,al-Nafrd al-dhati, Cairo 1952).

These various authors would seem to be continu-ators of the doctrinal and pedagogic work of the firstteachers of isldfr. It is nevertheless worth notingthat numerous writers and poets, such as tfafi? Ibra-him (1872-1932), Mustafa Lutfl al-Manfalutl (1876-1924), cAbbas Mabmu'd al-Afckad (1889-1964), Mu-bammad al-cld (born in 1904) etc., indirectly helpedto spread isldfr by employing its moral and socialthemes in their works.

Despite its undeniable fertility (which Brockelmannonly partially describes in S III, 310-35, 435-6), the

i6o I§LAy

fifty-year-long work of the reformists brought nosolutions which satisfied the problems of all socialclasses within the Community. Their doctrines—socialand political as well as theological and moral—seemedto correspond more closely to the aspirations of thenewly emergent urban middle class. As a group, itwas relatively enlightened, and sometimes combineda minimum Arab-Islamic culture with a gloss ofmodern culture in one of the European languages. Itwished to demonstrate its allegiance to a particulariorm of tradition—that of the Salaf as defined above—and at the same time to show a certain interest inthings modern. The ideals of this class were expressedin terms of moderation and compromise; in thereligious sphere they sought "reasonable" positionsthat excluded popular traditionalism (which they sawas the sign of ignorance or a reactionary spirit), aswell as intransigent fundamentalism (represented bycertain Muslim Brothers (al-ikhwan al-muslimun[q.v.]). They also rejected modernism which theyjudged excessive (such as the advocacy of a compl-etely secular state). The orthodox reformism of theSalafiyya was thus assured of a fairly wide publicwhich believed in order and prudent evolution, whichrespected the moral authority of the religious leaders,and was convinced that the Community needed"guides" to take it along the road of a progress thatwould be compatible with reformist faith. But theapparently harmonious development of i§ldfr was tosuffer from the political upheavals and social andmoral changes reulting from the Second World War.

3. — Recent developments (since the '505).—Thepost-war period marked the beginning of a completechange in the religious make-up of the Arab world.The make-up of the reformist camp underwent pro-found qualitative and quantitative changes. Thespokesmen of isldfr were no longer of the calibre ofRashld Ritfa (d. 1935) or cAbd al-Mmid b. Badis(d. 1940), and at the same time the Muslim Brothersmovement came to the forefront. It attracted attenti-on by means of political action and through thedoctrinal works of several remarkable personalities,like Hasan Ismacil al-Hucjlaybi, leading guide andsuccessor of liasan al-Banna [0.v.]; Mufoibb al-Dlnal-Khatib, a publicist of Syrian origin, ex-directorof al-Matbaca al-Salafiyya (in Cairo); the SyrianMustafa al-Sibaci (d. 1965); Sayyid IKutb (executedin 1966), author of a kur'anic commentary, Fizildl al-Kurgan] Muhammad al-Ghazali, whose apo-logetic and doctrinal works amount to more than7,000 pp. (cf. REI, Abstracta, 1961, 105-6); andSacld Ramadan, founder and still editor of the revueal-Muslimun (Cairo-Damascus, 1951- ; Geneva,1961- ).—b. The reformist movement lost that placein society which was its strength between the wars:the supporters of the main current of islafy (in directline from Rashld Ricjla, for example) were quickly re-garded as inheritors and supporters of a moral and so-cial order already described as "traditional"—c. Para-doxically, the historical success of the reformist move-ment—in Algeria and, up to a point, in Egypt—contributed to its disintegration and fall. Attractedby power (and some actually absorbed into publicoffice), many missionaries of isldb abandoned theirformer zeal for the triumph of Islamic values andsettled for a prudent opportunism. Forced by eventsto supply "official" religion with structures and adoctrine, they in their turn became a conformistforce. The defence of pure Islam, which had been theaim of isldb in opposition, was taken up by men whowere enemies of any compromise with regimes whichthey held to be unjust or illegal, the same men whom

their opponents happily called fascist or reactionary.—d. The younger generation, less and less restrictedby the ability to speak Arabic only, succeeded in dis-covering a new vision of social and moral realitiesaround the world (through the cinema, the illustratedpress, and foreign literature); new philosophies (cf.the success of Existentialism after the War and theincreasing dissemination of Marxism—which followedCommunist penetration—in Arab countries); newmore or less revolutionary ideologies (anti-colonialismand ariti-imperialisni, Arab Scoialism and unity); anda new political ethic inspired by the "Spirit of Ban-dung" (1955). All these factors made the younggeneration sceptical about the virtues of i$lal), anddoubtful of its fundamental principles, principleswhich had seemed as satisfying to the mind as theywere reassuring to the faith of the preceding genera-tion.—e. The rise to power of new social forces inthe newly independent countries (Syria-Lebanon:1946; Libya: 195 2; Sudan: 195 5; Morocco and Tunisia:1956; Algeria: 1962), or those whose monarchies weresupplanted by republican regimes (Egypt: 1952;clrak: 1958; Tunisia: 1957; Libya: 1969), relegatedto the background the notables and national bour-geoisie, who had held power in the shadow of theprevious regime. In taking over the apparatus ofstate, the younger generation naturally sought toextend its power to different sectors of public opinion,in order to gain control of the "national orientation".As a result, religion, wooed to an increasing extent bypolitics, found itself involved in a struggle—if not ina "revolution"—whose objectives were beyond itsscope. Religious leaders (muftis, culamd') can hardlyconstitute an independent class, as they did in thepast, which formulates doctrines (for example aboutpolitical ethics) in the name of an ideal Islam andindependently of the ideology in power, or of itsdirectives.—f. In those Arab societies engaged in aprocess of political liberation and social and econo-nomic transformation, islaty ceased to be a reformistand progressive ideology. Its doctrinal positions onsocial and economic matters seemed out of date. Itscalls for constant meditation of the Kur'an as a sourceof inspiration for Muslims, in both their private andtheir public acts, went unheeded by young people,who were presented by modern states with more im-portant (and in some ways obligatory) terms ofreference in the form of programmes, charters, etc.The tradition of the Salaf, which islah, attempted topresent in an exalted light, was received by the youngpeople without enthusiasm. For them concrete realitywith its social, professional and material problems,the collective tasks it imposes, the needs that itcreates (for consumer goods, leisure etc.), the amuse-ments it offers (entertainment, sport, travel) wasmuch more important. Reflecting the moral andaesthetic aspirations of their age, young people prefer-red to seek happiness in this world rather than to aimat the reformist goal of felicity in this world and thenext. In its values and in the problems it posed, islatygave the appearance of being out of harmony withthe rising generation, who tended to see economic,political and cultural problems as more important thanethical and spiritual ones. The younger generationwillingly identified with the principles of liberalismand secularism, seeing them the ideal guiding forces ofhuman relations and life in Muslim society today. Ifyoung people considered religion at all, it was as asecondary factor in the political strategy of theregime, especially applicable in questions of the civicand political education of the masses and as a meansof sanctifying national unity. Islah was thus often

ISLAH 161

invoked in support of official ideology, not for thereligious values it represented or for its references toIslamic authenticity.

This complex of phenomena which has become ap-parent throughout the Arab world over the last fewdecades clearly shows two things: the striking weaken-ing of isldfr as a "driving force" in Muslim society, andits replacement by politics, which is now becomingthe moving spirit on every level of national life.Politics is the most important factor of life today, for,considerably helped by the mass media and pro-paganda techniques, it seizes public attention, con-centrating it on the acts of its rulers; in this way thelife of a whole nation hangs on the "historic" speechesand oracular utterances of national leaders, thoseheroes and demi-gods of modern times. (Thus it is thatit is possible to talk of the charisma of such and suchan Arab chief of state who has become idolized by themasses). Political language itself has acquired suchprominence over other forms of expression (literature,religion, etc.) that it impregnates them with its con-cepts and its dialectic. (In many cases the religiousvocabulary seems to be nothing more than the simpletransposition of the political). New powers—the state,the party—have taken over the primary role in thelife of the Umma, and have directed its social andcultural orientations. Sometimes these powers,armed with totalitarian might, try to force the cit-izen's duties and beliefs on him. From this moment,religion ceased to be the most important factor inMuslim life and found itself dispossessed of itstraditional function as interpreter of symbols andrecord of the community's conscience.

In this social and cultural context, the voice ofisldfr lost much of its strength and effectiveness. Thereformist public itself moved in the direction ofmodernism and atheism or became reformist groupswhose concept of the role of isldfr in the modernworld differed from that held by the Salafiyya. Suchtendencies seem to be the logical result of the ideasimplicit in the two main strands of reformist thoughtsince the beginning of the 2oth century—the liberaltrend, which favoured a global realignment of Muslimlife to the modern world, and a strictly orthodox cur-rent that hoped to preserve the initial message ofIslam in its entirety within contemporary civilization,despite all opposition and obstacles.

i.—The liberal tendency was already latent inseveral authors of the inter-war period. Claiming moreor less explicitly to be the heirs to the spirit—if notthe religious thinking—of Muhammad cAbduh, theyhad some success after the war, during a period inwhich the differences between reformism and mod-ernism made themselves felt more and more acutely.The de facto separation of political and religious af-fairs resulting from the institutional and culturaldevelopment of many Arab (and Muslim) countries—a development influenced by a certain liberal spirit—led some people to examine Islamic problems andsubjects which until then had been taboo. This sort offree inquiry no longer exposed them to the vengeanceof the administration or to persecution at the handsof conservative religious and university circles, ashad been the case for cAli cAbd al-Razik in 1925, andTahir al-Haddad in 1930. (Some delicate problemslike the nature and mode of interpretation of theKur'an or the authenticity of tfadith neverthelesscontinued to provoke violent arguments betweenorthodox <-ulama* and avant-garde representatives ofMuslim thought (cf., for example, J. Jomier, Quelquespositions actuelles de Vextgese coranique en Egypte . . .(1947-51), in MIDEO (1954), 39-72, on the subject of

Encyclopaedia of Islam, IV

a thesis by Muhammad Aljmad K^alaf Allah, Al-Fann al-frasasi fi 'l-Kur*dn al-karim, Cairo 1951).The idea of a social and cultural modernism thatwould respect personal belief was gradually accepted.This liberalism included matters of political organ-ization, but attempted to reform traditional teachingto eliminate those aspects of religion that wereholding back the evolution of Muslim society. On thereligious plane, this trend supported a more flexibleinterpretation of the Scriptures, which, whije satis-fying reason and the scientific spirit, would permit theresolution of difficulties arising between practical lifeand the principles of the sharPa, as they were for-mulated by traditional orthodoxy and taken over bythe Salafiyya. Taken to its logical conclusion, thistrend is identical to secular modernism, which hadonce been combatted vigorously by Rashld Ri<Ja,Ibn Badls and their respective schools.

2.—At the same time, the partisans of energeticreformism, worried by the success of secular tend-encies and by the growth of laxity in Muslim society,reacted in the direction of an Islamic renewal on thepart of the individual and the state. By reinvigor-ating the doctrinal positions of moderate i?ldfy, theyprovided sympathizers and followers for the MuslimBrothers, whose fundamental principles (discountingthe political activism of some of them) are very closeto the strict orthodoxy professed by the Salafiyya(cf. the brief account of their doctrine by the firstsupreme guide of the Muslim Brothers, IJasan al-Banna5 (1906-1949 [q.v.] in his pamphlet: lid ayyshay* nad'u '/-was?, Cairo, 1939 (?). Because it at-tempted to restore Islamic values in their originalpurity, and gave the appearance of deliberatelyignoring the new values of modern culture andcivilization, this trend did not gain the sympathy ofeither the modernists—fervent defenders of socialand cultural liberalism and freedom of conscience—nor that of the young who were still attached toIslam, but aware of the social and political changestaking place around them. Fully committed to the"logic of history" and hoping to avoid both theambiguities of a reformism that was not progressiveenough for them and the intransigent fundamental-ism of the religious movements, which they felt to bereactionary, the young opted for a populist isldfr,and, taking the part of the mass of the populationwhich previous regimes had for so long ignored,fought for social justice (one of the dominant themesin the politico-religious literature of the post-waryears; cf. Sayyid Kutb, Al-*addla al-id&timd^iyyafi 'l-Isldm, Cairo 1952; Eng. trans. J. H. Hardie,Social Justice in Islam, Washington 1953). Theypleaded for the socialization of culture (cf. theEgyptian "Cultural Library", aimed at the popu-larization of science and making it accessible to thecommon people). They attempted to establish a newArabo-Islamic humanism, based on a socialist statewhich would put and end to exploitation and op-pression, without itself employing terror (cf. in thisrespect the principles set down by one of the theoristsof Arab Socialism (Ba'th), $alak al-DIn al-Baytar,Al-Siydsa al-carabiyya bayn al-mabda* wa 'l-tatbifc,Beirut 1960; Fr. trans, by Marcel Colombe, in Orient,xl (1966), 173 ff.). Finally the reformist writers ofthis avant-garde group refused to adhere not only tosocial and political forms that they considered to bedecisively condemned by History, but also to col-lective representations and ideas that they felt werethe product of a medieval mentality. On the otherhand, to the extent that they express, in the languageof our day, something that is essential to the kur'anic

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message, they attempted to integrate with Muslimthought the leading concepts of contemporary culture(notably iu relation to the Third World), even in thecase of ideas that are the product of nominallyaetheistic ideologies such as socialism (ishtirdkiyya[q.v.]) and the revolution (thawra [q.v.]).

In conclusion, even though isldfy no longer ap-pears to be a religious and cultural current with theforce, homogeneity and unity of tone that it had hadin the iriter-war period, it continues to evolve dif-ferent forms, some vehement, others more moderate.Whether we consider the liberal isldb of the moderateintellectuals who claimed for Islam tolerance andfreedom of investigation, preached the emancipationof peoples through education and instruction, andbased their optimistic vision of human evolution of thetriumph of Reason and Science; or the militant isldhof the Muslim Brothers, with their mystique offidelity to the Mubammadan mission and theirdesire to give Islam an effective presence in theworld; or the isldji of the idealistic youth, expressedin "left-wing" terms and motivated by a desire forsocial justice and political morality; each of thesetrends represents one of the fundamental optionspreached by Djamal al-DIn al-Afghanl, MuhammadcAbduh, and cAbd al-Ragman al-Kawakibl, andcarried on by their faithful followers in the East andin the Maghrib.

At a time when cultures interact more rapidly thanever before, when the spirit of oecumenism is develop-ing not merely in a Christian context, Muslim re-formism could no longer remain enclosed within thestatic universe of the Salafiyya. By the very diversityof its current trends isldb can escape from the rigiddogmatism which always haunts monolithic move-ments. In this way isldfy becomes the meeting-ground where many thinkers and university teacherswho feel personally concerned with the future ofIslam in the modern world can attempt to giveIslamic culture a "new start". This has given rise to aproliferation of essays and critical works, claiming tobe inspired by isldfy, everywhere in the Arab world(Egypt, Lebanon, Tunisia etc.), and even in Pakistan,where the ideas of Muhammad Ikbal, for example,continue to be a fertile source of inspiration.

Bibliography: i. Background: C. Brockel-mann, S III, 310-55; F. M. Pareja et al., Islamolo-gie, Beirut 1957-63, 724-43; H. Laoust, Le Rtfor-misme orthodoxe des "Salafiya" et les caracteresgtneraux de son orientation actuelle, in REI, 1932,175-224; Ch. C. Adam, Islam and modernism inEgypt, London 1933, (reprinted American Univer-sity at Cairo, 1968); H. A. R. Gibb, Modern trendsin Islam, Chicago 1947 (on reformist and modernisttrends); A. Hourani, Arabic thought in the Liberal \Age—1798-1939, Oxford 1962; L. Gardet, La Citemusulmane, Paris 1i954, 3 1969 (especially AnnexeIII}', Muhammad Ikbal, The Reconstruction ofreligious thought in Islam, Oxford8 1934.

2. Historical account of modern isldfr: a)The neo-Hanbali influence: basic ref. H. Laoust,Essai sur les doctrines sociales et politiques de Tafa-D-Dln Ahmad b. Taymiya, Cairo 1939, 541-75-—b)The Wahhabi antecedents: H. Laoust, Essai. . .,506-40; 615-30, Bibliogr. 648-51; L. Massignon,Les vraies origines dogmatiques du Wahhabisme. . .,in RMM, xxxvi (1918-19), 320 if.; WAHHABIYA, in£/*; IBN CABD AL-WAHHAB, in £/a.

3. The main representatives of themodern reformist trend: a vast quantity ofliterature treats the subject from a general point ofview. Cf.: Ahmad Amln, Zu^ama* al-isldb fi 'l-asr

al-fradith, Cairo 1368/1949 (on tea reformist person-alities of the Arab world and the Indian sub-continent). Special studies: a) Djamal al-DIu al-Afghani (1838-1897): EP, s.v.; Brockelmaim, S III,311-5; At. Amln, Zu'amd* al-isldh. . ., 59-120;Nikki R. Keddie, Sayyid Jamdl ad-Din "al-Afghdni": a political biography, Los Angeles 1972;E. Kedourie, Afghani and CAbduh, London 1966;Homa Pakdaman, Djamal ed-Din Assad Abadi ditAfghani, Paris 1960, Bibliogr. . . 369-82 (tends todemystify the character by underlining the weak-ness in the man). Complementary study: A. AlbertKudsi-Zadeh, Sayyid Jamdl al-Din al-Afghani. A nannotated Bibliography, Leiden 1970.—b) cAbd al-Ratmian al-Kawakibl (i854?-i902): Brockelmann,S III, 380; R. Riola, Musdb 'azim. . . (In memoriam}t

in al-Mandr, v (1902), 237-40, 276-80; Ah. Amln,Ztfamd* al-isldfr. . ., 249-79; Muh. Ah KhalafAllah, Al-K., fraydtuh wa-dthdruh, Cairo 1962;Khalduii S. al-Husri, Three Reformers, Beirut 1966,55-112.—c) Muhammad cAbduh (1849-1905): El1,s.v.; Brockelmann, S III, 315-21; the basic ref. stillremains: R. Ritfa, Ta^rikh al-ustddh al-imam al-shaykh M. 'A., 3 vols. Cairo, i, 1350/1931 (essential-ly biographical, with autobiographical notes byMufc. cAbduh, 20-5), ii, 1344/1925 (list of works anddiverse writings), iii, 1324/1906 (funerary orations;obituary notices); H. Laoust, Essai..., 542 ff.;Aft. Amln, Zu^amd^ al-isldh. . ., 281-338; J. Jomier,Le Comment, coran. du Mandr, chap. I. Thepersonality of Mul?. cAbduh has been the object ofnumerous studies, unequal in interest and often inthe nature of an apologia, (cf. cAbbas Mahmud al-cAkkad, ^Abkarl al-isldfr wa 'l-ta^lim al-ustddh al-imam Mu}i. CAbduh, Cairo n.d.). A general bibliogr.on the life, work and thought of Muli. cAbduh stillremains to be compiled.—d) Muhammad RashldRitfa (1865-1935): Brockelmann, S III, 321-3;autobiographical notes in his al-Mandr wa '/-azhar, 129-200; Shakib Arslan, al-Sayyid R.R. awikhd* arbaHn sana, Damascus 1356/1937; H.Laoust, Essai. . ., 557 ff.; J. Jomier, Le Comment,coran. du Mandr, chap. I.—e) cAbd al-Hamld b.Badls (1889-1940). El2, s.v.; A. Merad, Le Refor-misme musulman en Algerie de 1925 d 1940, 79-86and Index', idem, Ibn Bddis, Commentateur duCoran, Paris 1971.—f) On secondary characterswhose names are still linked to the history of thereformist trend in contemporary history, seeabove (D).

4. Works on doctrine. We will restrictourselves here to the major works. For the rest, seethe refs. mentioned in the article, a) Afghani andMuh. cAbduh, al-^Urwa al-wuthkd, Beirut I328/1910, (new ed., Cairo 1958); Fr. trans. MarcelColombe, Pages choisies de Dj. al-D. al-A., inOrient, xxi-xxiv (1962). and xxv (1963).—b)Afghani, tfakifyat-i madhhab-i nayshari wa-baydn-ifidl-i nayshariydn (directed against Ahmad Khan[q.v.]}, liaydarabad 1298/1880 (Arabic trans, bythe author, same date and place); another Arabicversion, based on the original Persian, by Muh.cAbduh: Risdlat al-radd cala 'l-dahriyyin, Beirut1303/1886, then Cairo 1321/1903 (Fr. trans, basedon the Arabic text): A. M. Goichon, Refutation desMaterialistes, Paris 1944; (Eng. trans, based on theoriginal Persian): Nikki R. Keddie, An IslamicResponse to Imperialism—Polit. and Relig. Writ-ings of Sayyid J. al-D. "al-Afghani", Berkeley-Los Angeles 1968.—c) cAbd al-Raljman al-Kawakibi, Umm al-kurd, [Cairo 1899], fragmentsin al-Mandr, v (1902), Cairo 1350/1931, Aleppo

ISLAH 163

1959: this little work gives a summarized form ofall the main themes of reformist propaganda to bedeveloped by R. Ri<la and Ibn Badls.—d) Idem,TabdV al-istibddd, Cairo 1318/1900, enlarged re-ed., Aleppo 1957. This essay was to have less im-pact in reformist cirles than the preceding work.—e) Mufc. cAbduh, Risdlat al-tawfyid, Cairo, 1315;1897; new ed. (expurgated as far as the question ofthe "created Rur'an" is concerned), with notes, byR. Rio!a, Cairo 1326/1908. This ed. was consideredas definitive for more than half a century (i7th.reprint 1379/1960). A new ed. by Mahmud AbuRayya uses the text of the original ed. revised andcorrected by the author, Cairo, Macarif, 1966). Fr.trans, based on the ist. ed. by B. Michel andMoustapha Abdel Razik, Rissalat al-Tawhid—Expos^ de la religion musulmane, Paris 1925; Eng.trans.: [Isfcak] Musa'ad and K. Cragg, The Theologyof Unity, London 1966.—f) Idem, ftdshiya *aldshark al-Dawdni li 'l-*akd*id al-^adudiyya, Cairo1292/1875; re-ed. in Sulayman Dunya, Al-shaykh,M. M. bayn al-faldsifa wa-'l-kaldmiyyin, Cairo1377/1958, 2 vols. In the Introduction (64 pp.) theed. situates the thought of M. CA. in relation to theproblems of faith and reason, and criticizes the"excessive" rationalism of cAbduh. For the samesort of approach note his Risdlat al-wdriddt (writtenin 1294/1877), ist ed., Cairo 1299/1882. Accordingto R. Ricla the author reconsidered, towards theend of his life, a large part of his youthful work(which deals with kaldm, Sufism and the falsafa).—g) Idem, Al-Isldm wa 'l-Nasrdniyya ma*a 'l-Hlmwa 'l-madaniyya, Cairo 1320/1902 (replies andapologetic refutations).—h) Rashid Rida, Tafsiral-Kur^dn al-frakim al-shahir bi-Tafsir al-Mandr,in 12 vols., Cairo 1346-53/1927-34 (this commentarystops at verse 52, surah XII, and thus only covers2/5 of the kur'anic text).—i) Idem, Ta^rikh al-ustddh al-imdm al-Shaykh Muhammad CAbduh (seeabove, 3, c).—j) Idem, Al-Khildfa aw al-imdma al-cuzmd, Cairo 1341/1922-23 (Fr. trans. H. Laoust,Le calif at dans la doctrine de R.R., Beirut 1938.—k) Idem, al-Mandr wa 'l-azhar, Cairo 1353/1934(polemics with the conservative circles at al-Azhar). Many pamphlets which gather togetherthe art. extracted from Mandr, above all: i) Al-Wafyda al-isldmiyya wa 'l-ukhuwwa al-diniyya,Cairo 1346/1928 (on the themes of taklid andiditihdd).—m) cAbd al-Ilamid b. Badls, Madidlisal-tadhkir min kaldm al-frakim al-khabir, part,published with Introd. by M. B. Ibrahim!, byAhmed Bouchemal, Constantine 1948, 96 pp.;complete, but not critical ed., by Mul?. SalibRamadan and cAbd Allah Shahin, Cairo I384/1964, 496 pp.—n) Mubarak al-MIli, Risdlat al-shirk wa-mazdhirih, Constantine 1356/1937 (atheologico-moral work strongly influenced by Wah-hab! doctrine).—o) M. al-Bashir al-Ibrahlml, <Uyunal-Basd*ir, Cairo 1963 (editorials from the paperal-Basd*ir, Algiers 1947-56, on questions of relig.,soc., polit., and culture, in pure reformist tradition.—p) Mabmud Shaltut, al-Isldm 'a&da wa-shari'a,Cairo n.d. [1959].—q) Principal reformist papersand revues: al-Mandr (monthly, Cairo, 1898-1935;ed. Rashid Rida); al-Fatfr (weekly, Cairo, foundedin 1926; ed. Mufcibb al-DIn al-Khatlb); Madj[allatal-shubbdn al-muslimin (monthly, Cairo, founded in1928; organ of the Society of Young Muslims); al-Shihdb (Constantine, 1925-39; monthly from 1927on; ed. Ibn Badls); al-Basd*ir (weekly, Algiers1936-9; ed. Tayyib al-cUkbi; new series. 1947-56;ed. Bashir Ibrahim!).

5. Analytical and critical studies : Besidesthe names of Mufc. Ikbal, H. Laoust, H. A. R.Gibb, L. Gardet, J. Jomier, quoted above, cf.:I. Goldziher, Die Richtungen der islamischenKoranauslegung, Leiden 1920, repr. 1970 (Arabtrans. cAbd amalim al-Nadjdjar, Madhdhib al-tafsir al-isldmi, Cairo 1374/1955; The Introductionto the Fr. trans, of Risdlat al-tawfrid (p. IX-LXXXV); Osman Amin, Muh. CAbduh: Essai surses id£es philos. et relig., Cairo 1944 (Eng. trans.,Ch. Wendell, Muhammad CAbduh, Washington1953- Cf. the corrections made to this trans, by Fr.Rosenthal in JAOS, Ixxiv (1954), 101-2); idem,Rd*id al-fikr al-misri, M. *A., Cairo 1955 (enlargedversion of preceding title); R. Caspar, Le Renouveaudu MoHazilisme, in MIDEO, iv (1957), 141-202(very thorough study, indispensable ref. on thequestion); P. Rondot. L1Islam et les Musulmansd'aujourd'hui, Paris, i (1968), ii (1960) (work ofpopularization based on personal experience); J.Berque, J.-P. Charnay and others, Normes etvaleurs de r I slam contemporain, Paris 1966 (someinteresting judgements on reformist currents ofMuslim thought in the 2oth C.); M. Kerr, IslamicReform (The Polit. and Legal Theories of Muh.CAbduh and R. Ri$d), Berkeley-Los Angeles 1966(underlines certain contradictions in reformistthought); A. Merad, Le Rtformisme musulman enAlgerie de 1925 d 1940 (Book II, p. 211-432, is anexamination of the doctrine); idem, Ibn Bddis,Commentateur du Cor an (thematic analysis of thekur'anic commentary of the Shihdb).

6. Periodicals which frequently deal with theproblems of reformism in an Arab context:UAfrique et I'Asie; Cahiers de I'Orient Contempo-rain', IBLA-, Islamic Culture-, JAOS', MIDEO\Orient; OM\ the old Revue du Monde Musulman;the Revue des Etudes Islamiques and its Abstracta,etc. (A. MERAD)

ii.—IRANIslamic thought and expression bearing a dis-

tinctively modern stamp has been of less quantityand importance in Iran than either the Arab lands orthe Indo-Pakistan subcontinent. No figure has emerg-ed comparable in influence or literary output to, forexample, Sayyid Kutb or Muhammad Ikbal [qq.v.].This may be attributed in part to the relative isolationof Iran from intellectual currents in other parts ofthe Muslim world by virtue of its profession of Shi-cism, and in part, too, to the very nature of Shlcism.which being in its essence an esoterism, is less sus-ceptible to those storms of historical change thathave provoked modernist reaction elsewhere. Tradi-tional learning and institutions have, moreover, beenunusually well preserved in Iran, and while Islamicmodernism in other lands has frequently arisen from"lay" impatience with 'ulamd* attitudes to the faithand a desire to expound and implement its dictatesindependently of them, the Iranian culamd* have, bycontrast, maintained a high degree of influence andprestige. There have nonetheless been certain cur-rents of modernist expression in Iran, elicited hilarge part by the western impact and tending to thepresentation of Islam above all in terms of socialand political reform and compatibility with modernscience and rationality.

The beginnings of such expression are to be tracedto the reign of Fatl? CA1I Shah (1797-1834), whenthe crown prince cAbbas Mirza invoked l^ur'anic sanc-tion for the introduction of certain military reformsof western provenance. The depiction of social and