Iroko and Ara-Kole: an exegetical commentary on a Yoruba...

Ciberteologia - Revista de Teologia & Cultura / Journal of Theology & Culture

[The following text was taken from the book A fé do povo, by Orlando O. Espín, São Paulo, Pauli-

nas, 2000, chapter 7]

Iroko and Ara-Kole: an exegetical commentary on a Yoruba-Lukumi myth

Contribution to the dialogue with Afro-American religions*

The Yoruba religion, both in America and in Nigeria, is rich in myths. Nevertheless, in Brazil

and Cuba, since in a bit more than a century ago, the appatakis1 suffered a reformulation process,

not only because of the inevitable syncretism, but also due to the oral transmission. Today, with the

myths’ slow transcription process into written notebooks and collections, texts and their similar

communication in different areas are beginning (in a generalized way) to be fixed.2 The continuing

* This article was originally published in Perspectiva Teológica, n. 44, jan.-abr., 1986. pp. 29-61. 1 Appataki is the term used in Cuba, among the Yoruba, to designate myths and sacred stories. It

can also be spelled patakí. Originally, from odús of Ifá and Dilogum. Cf. CABRERA, L. Anagó. Vo-

cabulário Lukumi. Miami, Chicherekú, 1970. (The spelling of the Yoruba words that have no

equivalent in the English language follows the one used by CACCIATORE, O.G. Dicionário de cul-

tos afro-brasileiros. Rio de Janeiro, Forense Universitária • SEEC/RJ, 1977.) Terms not found in

Cacciatore’s dictionary follow the spelling used in this book’s manuscript and used by most

Cuban Lukumi.) [TN] 2 Among believers, the validity of the written fixation of myths is discussed. The oral transmission

has always been the rule, not by the lack of the written form, but because of the religious value

of the spoken word. Nevertheless, at least in the Antilles (and in religiously dependent areas), it

is evident that the written fixation process is increasing. The sacred texts are commonly found

in handwritten notebooks, for the exclusive and private use of ialorixás, babalawos etc., and

they are passed from one generation to another within the priesthood. It seems (but that is an

assumption of ours) that the need to memorize hundreds of odus of Ifá (over four thousand)

forced many babalawos to start a written fixation and pass them on to the new initiates in the

priesthood of Orumila. Although not too orthodox • for the purists •, the babalawos are surely

the ones who have written and carefully kept more notebooks and the ones who most defend

the right to do it. Given the prestige and importance of such priesthood in Cuba (and Puerto

Rico), it is possible to find in their group the beginning of the written fixation process, although

it was not limited to the babalawos. The first notebooks we know of appeared in Cuba in the

beginning of the 19th Century. A circumstantial evidence of our hypothesis for the beginning of

the writing process among the babalawos is that, in Brazil, where the authentic priesthood

does not exist, the need to memorize or the use of over four thousand odus of Ifá (and their

transmission to new generations) were not intense and thus not forcing them to find in note-

books an alternative to memorization and the risk of forgetting. Perhaps that is why the written

Edition n. 5 – Mai / June 2006 2


of such process will enable the Yoruba myths in America to be studied and valued, while being pre-

served from oblivion or adulteration.

But whatever the reality within twenty or thirty years, only the myths transmitted now or in the

future will be able to be fixed in writing. That is, the oral transmission process gradually reformu-

lated the text in such a way that, when it reaches its written stabilization, it will not appear in its

original form, but in the one known in the moment of f ixation. In order to know the original texts or

interpret the fixed ones, one must resort to exegesis.

DIFFICULTIES AND PROBLEMS OF AN EXEGESIS OF THE YORUBA MYTHS

Many are the difficulties one finds in any attempt of exegesis. Firstly, slavery managed to

weaken the coherence of the Yoruba ethnic group in America and, certainly, in that concerning its

religion. It is amazing that a great deal of the religious universe has been kept, but not without suf-

fering serious deviations that somehow modified contents and expressions. As an example, we can

mention the disappearance of the authentic Orumila’s priesthood in Brazil (in spite of babalawos

having been and still being indispensable for religion both in Nigeria and Cuba); the oblivion of

dozens of Nigerian orishas amongst Latin-American Yoruba; and, mostly in Cuba, the mythology’s

re-elaboration in order to transform the orishas into akin groups (thus making those “divine beings”

that had no family bonds in Africa appear in Antilles as members of a great clan or family).

Another difficulty for an exegesis of the Yoruba texts in America is the lack of a central religious

authority that would somehow regulate or establish the orthodoxy and the contents so they could be

universally admitted. The fact is that��DQG�HYHQ�ZLWK�JUHDWHU�XQLIRUPLW\�WKDQ�RQH�ZRXOG�H[SHFW��each cult house and each geographical region has kept and conveyed its own oral traditions, which

not always coincide with one another. But, in spite of that, some priests or priestesses’ prestige in

the Yoruba people’s collective memory in Latin-America was probably the best means to preserve a

certain minimum unity and a high degree of allegiance to the sources.

The problems that an appatakis exegesis faces are numerous; the foregone statement serving as a

sample of the difficulties. However, we would like to highlight an obstacle we found when attemp-

ting an interpretation or recovery of texts: syncretism. It not only caused the reformulation of Nige-

rian manuscripts, or the creation of new myths in America due to the confrontation with the Catho-

lic Church and as a means to survive within a much adverse context, but also was the result of mis-

cegenation between several African ethnic groups. The intra-African syncretism had already begun

in the other side of the Atlantic before the beginning of slave traff ic to America. An example of this

is the rich mutual influence observed among the Ewe-Fon, from Dahomey (now Benin), and the

Yoruba-Nagô, from Nigeria. But it was in Latin America that the intra-African syncretism speeded

fixation process is not so advanced in Brazil as it is in Cuba, for example, and that the oral

transmission is still the common way of teaching in the Candomblé-Nagô.



up, creating new religious syntheses, new mythical and ritual elaborations, with the contribution of

ethnic groups brought to our continent. However, at least in Brazil and Cuba, the Yoruba undoubte-

dly exerted the religious-cultural hegemony and acted as the matrix within which new syntheses

were generated.1

That is why the Latin-American appatakis cannot be understood as a pure and simple transmis-

sion of the Nigerian appataki, although the Yoruba matrix is obviously predominant. In America,

myths suffered the influence of such intra-African syncretism, but they also suffered the penetration

of obligatory and environmental Catholicism. Thus, it is not easy to separate the more recent (syn-

cretic) layers of an appataki’s text to search for its original Yoruba form or contact. If one wants to

know what comes from Africa, one has to remember that even that is not the pure Yoruba.

And more: here, in America, the Yoruba met other ethnic groups already known by them (for

example, the Ewe-Fon), and here they carried on the syncretic process already started in Africa.

Hence, how can we distinguish the Yoruba from other African influences, when such influences

occurred in different moments and under diverse circumstances on both sides of the Atlantic? What

is the fruit of intra-African syncretism on its continent of origin, and what is the fruit of intra-

African syncretism in Latin America? Which criteria should we use to distinguish them? Therefore,

facing any appataki, one must ask: What is undeniably Yoruba? In a same appataki, what are the

contributions of other ethnic groups both before and during (or after) slavery? What effects aboli ti-

on may have caused, due to its provided mobili ty, in the more recent syncretic process?

Besides, the presence of Catholic elements in a myth is sometimes easier to detect. For example,

a sign of such influence would be the evidently Christian or Iberian religious symbols; or text for-

mulations that include references to events, things or explanations historically provable to be im-

possible or unknown in Africa, or contradictory regarding the ancient slaves’ religion; or also evo-

lutions of previous myths that obviously occur in a Catholic context or that intend to protect the

Yoruba religion from Catholic accusations.2 However, we should always take into consideration

that ethnical prejudices can interfere in the exegesis in case the exegete believes that some idea,

explanation, etc. is too “sublime” or “elaborate” to be Yoruba. First, it is necessary to prove that the

sophistication of ideas or explanations was impossible or difficult among the Yoruba (and the beli-

1 In Haiti and Dominican Republic, due to cultural and numerical predominance of the Ewe-Fon,

these were the ones who kept hegemony, assimilating other ethnic groups’ tradition into their

religion. The result was the Voodoo, though in its Dominican version one can trace some

stronger features of Congo origin. 2 Among the many examples of Catholic influence we could quote, see a myth of how Oshum ar-

rived at Cuba (In: CROS SANDOVAL, M. La religion afrocubana. Madrid, 1975. pp.11-12) or an ap-

pataki about the creation of the world that shows an unmistakable • and expressed • parallel

with the biblical account (In: GARCÍA CORTÉS, J. El santo. Los secretos de la santería. Miami,

Universal, 1971. pp. 85-94).



efs regarding Olodumare, the Supreme Being, is enough to show that sophistication of thought was

and is also a patrimony of this ethnic group), or it is necessary to prove that such elaboration in this

myth��ZKDWHYHU�WKH�P\WK�EHLQJ�LQWHUSUHWHG��LV�E\�QR�PHDQV�H[SODLQDEOH�IURP�RWKHU�HOHPHQWV�RI�the Yoruba religious universe, or is evidently strange to it. Sometimes it is easy to prove or show

the non-Yoruba origin, but other times it is simply impossible. Let us suppose that there wil l always

be a dose of intuition in every exegetic effort, beyond that which can or cannot be proved.

Another remark on the exegesis refers to the language. Firstly, although the Yoruba lan-

guage has been kept within the religious circles, one stil l notices ��HYHQ�WKHVH�FLUFOHV��D�GHJHn-

HUDWLRQ�RI�LWV�XVH��ZKLFK�UHFHQWO\�VWUXJJOHV�ZLWK�UHFRYHU\�HIIRUWV��7KH�³ROG�EODFN�PHQ´��DV�LW�FDOOV�WKHP��PDLQO\�IRUPHU�VODYHV�RU�VRQV�RI�VODYHV��FRXOG�EHWWHU�FRPPXQLFDWH�WKHPVHOYHV�LQ�<RUXED�than in the white men’s language (even in the twentieth century); but, little by little, their descen-

dants lost such ability and the Yoruba language converted itself into a sacred language, for worship

use, specially in the Cuban cultural area. Most of the faithful do not understand the Yoruba (except

for loose words and phrases, or some prefixed canticles). Although in some places the Nigerian

language is going through a recovering process, even being taught to children, one cannot predict if

this struggle to keep the Yoruba’s validity (and its parallel battle for preserving its culture) will

achieve results or wil l be generalized beyond the limited circles where it occurs. The fact is that the

Yoruba, as a language, is becoming a “bonding vestige” in a ritual context, at least in the Antilles

(and also in Brazil , we suppose).

The appatakis were originally conveyed in Yoruba. Yet, the written fixation we observe in the

last years (which is growing) is fully in Spanish, even if it often includes whole fragments in

Yoruba. What were the first texts in its original language? Are translations accurate? To what point

did translation imply in changes in the originals? Are the translations into European languages, and

their further written fixation, creating some kind of corpus that, perhaps in a few decades, wil l be

admitted as universally valid (or at least in the Antill es)?

Even if the reverse translation (from Spanish to Yoruba) is theoretically possible in order to re-

build the first text, we meet another succession of difficulties: the Yoruba language’s own deve-

lopment. Evidently, the Yoruba language is spoken and written in Nigeria today. Nonetheless, a

century or two have already passed since the language arrived in America. Thence one has to seri-

ously take into account the changes generated by the development that any language goes through

along so many years. The original Yoruba did not know the writing form. Every myth transmission

was exclusively oral. Therefore, does the original Yoruba of a Latin-American text mean the same,

or is employed in the same way today as it was two and a half centuries ago? Didn’ t grammar chan-

ge a bit, or didn’ t it change at least in anything that affects the interpretation of ancient texts? What

VDIH�NQRZOHGJH�RI�WKH�<RUXED�WKDW�ILUVW�JRW�WR�$PHULFD��DQG�WKH�RQH�SUHFHGLQJ�LW�LQ�$IULFD��LV�able to give us assurance?



Although some difficulties regarding the Nigerian sacred texts are similar to the ones faced by

the Bible’s exegete, the contexts and linguistic problems are still very different. To the biblical wor-

ld there is a stately bibliography and numerous written sources contemporary to the texts, etc. That

is not the case regarding the Yoruba myths. Here, the writing is too recent, as well as bibliography,

and the sources are practically oral. Moreover, there is an important difference between both religi-

ons (Jewish-Christian and Yoruba): the determining presence of normative, written, and historical

revelation in one and not in the other. That does not mean there is no history in the Yoruba religious

universe, or that it lacks revelation. It just indicates that the types of history conception, the modes

of revelation, besides the centrality of Jesus for the Christians, etc., place both religions in different

hermeneutic worlds. The use of exegetic methods applicable to the Bible is not adequate to the rea-

lity of the Yoruba mythology.

Finally, another problematic area for exegesis is that of the myths’ socio-historical context. Some

data regarding the Yoruba’s history seem taken for granted today, but a lot remains wrapped up in

conjecture and legend. Both the Nigerian past, and the Yoruba’s own experience in America are

sometimes as difficult to recover as such past.

The Latin-American enslaving system has prevented interest in the Africans’ culture, history,

and religion for many decades. And much less did it allow the slave to preserve his patrimony by

writing. The consequences for our modern investigation of the appatakis are written sources vitiated

by the masters’ racism or by their ignorance of what was really happening among the black people;

or they are oral traditions which cannot be evaluated in any way (except by comparing several areas

of the continent or of the present Nigeria).

The exegetic rebuilding of the myth elaboration phases, given the lack of proven written or histo-

rical material, is highly problematical, although the modern knowledge growth about the Yoruba’s

culture, mythology, and history opens up new hopes and possibilities for investigation. However, a

higher difficulty is faced by the serious interpretation attempt that seeks to clarify the original use of

a myth and follow its textual elaboration from the changes in the text use. If we add to this the need

of relating the changes in use and the elaboration process with social-historical or economical con-

texts of the Yoruba people (in Nigeria or in America), the dimension of obstacles becomes immen-

se. But how can we attain a valid interpretation of the myths without including contexts, textual

elaborations, and uses in it?

THE NEED FOR A YORUBA-CHRISTIAN DIALOGUE

According to what has been said so far, we should ask if it is not too risky to undertake an ap-

pataki exegesis, as we intend to do as follows. How can we interpret a Yoruba sacred text with so

many limitations and being aware that they were not overcome? It is surely risky and daring. But, in

face of the Yoruba religion in America, we can no longer remain only in a description plan. Audac-

ity invites us to run the risk and deal with the urgency and need for an exegesis. In our case, this is



limited to the interpretation of myths.3 We want to understand, to interpret (explicitly from the

Catholic theological tradition) the contents of the Yoruba faith expressed in the appatakis.

Today, in Catholic theology, there is a truthful commitment to the inter-religious dialogue. Non-

Christian religions are also seen as vehicles of grace and the Spirit and as means of salvation.4 Dia-

logue is the fundamental attitude at present. That is obvious regarding Judaism, Islamism, Hin-

duism, and Buddhism.

But, despite everything, it seems that in Latin America we still do not take the presence of

non-Christian religions very seriously (from a theological standpoint). Sometimes we give the im-

pression that everything here was Catholic or Protestant or, at most, “a trace” of pre-Colombian or

colonial religions that do not deserve the systematic study or dialogal treatment given to Islam or

Hinduism. Black religions in America, rather than being “ religions”, were (and for many they still

are) superstition and witchery. Only after the Vatican II did we start to understand the richness, the

magnitude, and the long history of the (African) faith of millions of Latin-Americans. Only in the

last two decades, very slowly and among a few ones, a Latin-American theology of religions began

to be sowed.

Overcoming prejudices, the purpose of dialogue, finally, is also a necessary element in our

continent. But in order to dialogue we need to respect and to know. We should seek together that

which allows us to show God’s action among us. The present work is explicitly placed in such con-

text of search, of possibility for dialogue and, therefore, on the path of the Latin-American theology

of religions.

3 The Yoruba religion is rich in myths, but its liturgy is also highly important. The religion’s in-

ternal organization (priesthood, worship places, fraternities, etc.) is complex and not explicable

merely by non-religious criteria. Hence it would be irresponsible to think that mythology study

is enough to know the religion. But it is necessary. 4 Here we cannot deepen the Theology of religions theme, as we would like to. The modern bibli-

ography is very wide. As an example of the various streams of thought, cf. DANIÉLOU, J. Le

mystère du salut des nations. Paris, Seuil, 1948; IDEM, Christianisme et religions non-

chrétiennes, Études 321 (1964), pp. 323-336; SARTORI, I. Teología de las religiones no cristianas.

Die Teollaterd IV, pp. 416-436; RACE, A. Christians and Religious Pluralism. Maryknoll, Orbis,

1982; TILLICH, P. Christianity and the Encounter of the World Religions. New York, Scribner,

1963; PANIKKAR, R. Religión y religions. Madrid, Alianza Editorial, 1965; NEUNER, J. (ed.). Chris-

tian Revelation and World Religions. London, Longmans Green, 1967; SCHLETTE, H. R. Cristianos

y no cristianos. Diálogo de salvación. Barcelona, Herder, 1969; CORNELIS, E. Valores de las reli-

giones no cristianas. Barcelona, Herder, 1970; RAHNER, K. Christianity and Non-Christianity Re-

ligions. Theological Investigations V. Baltimore, Helicon, 1965. pp. 115-134.



THE LATIN-AMERICAN APPATAKIS

The Latin-American appatakis are innumerous. We will study only one of them here. It is a myth

known in Cuba and in the cultural area dependent on it in the religious sphere. In the island of Cuba

slavery existed until the last quarter of the nineteenth century, and the slave traffic ceased a few

years before abolition.5 In Cuba, the Yoruba are named Lukumi and their religion is commonly

known as “Santeria” or Rule of Osha.6 The Nigerian traditions are preserved with an established

and authentic priesthood, highly loyal to its origins. Syncretism is obvious, but its influence is often

more peripheral than expected. In Cuba, the Lukumi managed to have a higher influence than in

Brazil, both in the religious sphere and in wider cultural terms. Thus, the number of white people

actively participating in the “Santeria” , for example, and even in priesthood is very high.

The myth we are going to study is Lukumi. It has evident Nigerian roots and the traces of Catho-

licism are minimal (not to say inexistent). As we shall later see (in the comment on v. 41), the text

seems to be the result of an intermediary phase of elaboration, evoking some ancient and maybe

already lost myth, but without showing more syncretism than the one occurred in Africa (and even

so in a quite low degree). There are even some circumstantial indicatives (which will be noted down

in the comment) of this appataki being the fruit of the combination of more ancient appatakis and

that are not preserved as independent texts anymore. Evidently, this is a Nigerian myth very accura-

tely preserved in America. Its present composition, fixed by writing, is obviously Cuban: there are

references to animals and plants using their Antillean names, and there is a transfer of Iroko (which

in Africa is identified as a certain tree and in Cuba as another). Yet, such Cuban composition does

not show signs of having changed the story told, besides those minimal details. That is, its content is

fully coherent with the rest of the Yoruba religion, it does not suppose any unexpected development

in mythology or rite, nor does it arouse any doubt about its oral Yoruba source. This appataki about

Iroko and Ara-Kole, which narrates (without excluding other themes) the origin of Good and Evil,

is a nice example of the Yoruba mythology in America and a beautiful sample of the religious uni-

verse and the poetical quali ty of the Lukumi people.

The appataki text we now present deserves some brief explanations about its representativeness.

Firstly, we followed the written fixation appearing in a “santero’s” notebook, but which we mana-

ged to check in other worship centers. Secondly, the same text (with very few variations) was publi-

5 Let us remind that Cuba achieved its independence only in the twentieth century (1902). Cf.

KNIGHT, F. W. Slave Society in Cuba during the Nineteenth Century. Madison, University of Wis-

consin Press, 1970; CORWIN, A. F. Spain and the Abolition of Slavery in Cuba: 1817-1896. Aus-

tin, University of Texas Press, 1967. 6 Much was written about the Santeria. As an example, see the titles recommended in the bibliog-

raphy, at the end of this work.



shed by M. Cros Sandoval,7 and the comparison between the two versions of the same appataki

showed not only a high degree of written fixation already reached, but also an amazing similarity.

The text published by Cros Sandoval was obtained in Miami, while ours comes from Puerto Rico.

For further confirmation (besides the comparison we made with of myth forms conveyed in other

worship places at Puerto Rico, Miami, and New York), we managed to check its existence and dif-

fusion in Cuba. Our informers assure us that this appataki is known there, in more or less alike

forms (almost always, as we came to know, in the eastern side of the island). This long checking

process assures us that the myth is representative of what is transmitted in the “Santeria” on the

theme. It would be interesting (and important) to check its presence, diffusion, use, etc., in Bahia’s

Candomblé-Nagô.

This appataki that we study as a myth should come to its full interpretation, within the Yoruba

religion, in the context of a rite.8 That is, it is commonly considered that li turgy offers the vital in-

terpretative keys to the myth. However, in the case of this sacred story of Iroko and Ara-Kole we

could not find a ritual use. Some references to cultic traditions seem evident in the text, or at least

possible; however, it is not clear if this appataki has ever been a part of the body of myths used in

the cult or that explains and justifies it. In spite of that, we suppose that in some phase of its elabo-

ration it must have served as an explanation or legitimation for expiation sacrifices, prayers of re-

pentance, or something similar. Maybe there was a slow development (from circles originally rela-

ted to rites of expiation) of the need to emphasize certain qualiti es or attitudes of purity of purpose,

heart repentance, and humbleness before God, etc. Within our hypothesis, it is also possible that the

myth elaboration has aimed at justifying some group within the religion, or to deprive another of its

importance. It is stil l possible (though unlikely, due to the intermediary phase the original text al-

most surely derives from) that the reali ty of the slavocrat system in Cuba has somehow forced the

7 In: CROS SANDOVAL, M. La religión afrocubana, op. cit. pp. 113-116. Santero(a) is the term used

in Cuba to designate the priest or priestess. It is a synonym for iyalorisha or babalorisha, but it

is never used referring to the babalawo. 8 See note 5. Here we add the following observations: A) The rite is almost always an existential

interpretation of the myth. That is, the one who takes part in the liturgical celebration as a be-

liever is making the holy narrative his own, not only as a truth he believes in, but also as a

truth that commits. The rite, on the other hand, has religious sense only when followed by the

myth. The former without the later would immediately lead into sorcery. Rite without myth,

which is possible in practice as a magic gesture, cannot be explained by itself because the litur-

gical symbol or action is ambivalent by itself. B) Having said that, it is evident that the myth, al-

though committing as a truth preferably in the liturgical context, can still communicate and

preserve religious contents • without falling into magic • even when parted from the myth that,

perhaps, originally followed it. The myth-rite relation, thus understood, permits a better under-

standing of the adduced reasons for our interest in the Yoruba mythology.



devaluation of the rite and the emphasizing of bravery, wisdom, solidarity, and compassion. But…

all that is mere assumption, deriving from the text’s rather few (and quite indirect) cultic references.

The division of the text in verses and its numbering are exclusively ours. The intention is to faci-

litate the reference to its parts and the possible reconstruction (which we leave to another opportu-

nity) of the appatakis that might have originally merged generating this one. The text follows at full

length.

AN APPATAKI ABOUT IROKO AND ARA-KOLE

1In the beginnings of the world, Sky and Earth had an argument. 2The Earth claimed she was

older and more powerful than her brother, the Sky. 3“ I am the basis of everything, the Sky would

collapse without me, because it would have no foundation. Everything would be smoke. I create all

living things, I nourish and keep them. 4I own everything. Everything proceeds from me, and every-

thing returns to me. My power knows no limits” . 5And it kept on repeating: “ I am solid, I am solid.

The Sky is empty, he has no body. How can his possessions be compared to mine? What else does

he have than his clouds, his smoke, and his light? 6I am worthier than he is. He should reverence

me”.

7Oba Olorun did not answer, but he signaled to the Sky in order for it to withdraw, severe and t-

hreatening. 8“Learn your lesson”, said the Sky while withdrawing. “Your punishment will be as big

as your arrogant pride”.

9Worried, Iroko, the kapok tree, began to meditate in the midst of the great silence that followed

the withdrawing of the Sky, 10because Iroko had his roots stuck into the guts of the Earth, while his

branches stretched into the Sky’s deep intimacy. 11The sensitive heart of Iroko trembled with fear

when he understood that the great harmony that once existed would disappear and the earthly crea-

tures would suffer terrible misfortunes.

12Up to that time the Sky had regulated seasons with tender care, in a way that heat and cold

would have benign effects on the creatures populating the Earth. 13Neither thunderstorms nor drou-

ghts had punished the Earth. 14Life was happy and death came without pain. Diseases and tragedies

were unknown. Death was pure, since there were no epidemics. 15Man enjoyed of a long li fe, and

old-age did not bring physical impediments, only the desire for immobilit y, and silence moved slo-

wly through the veins, delightfully seeking its aim: the heart. 16The eyes would softly shut, and

darkness came slowly; death brought infinite happiness. The end was a beautiful sunset. 17Kindness

belonged to this world and a dying person could smile thinking of the great banquet his/her hand-

some and sane body would offer to the countless worms that would devour it. 18Lovingly imagining

how much birds would amuse themselves when removing his/her bright eyes turned into seeds. 19In

his/her dreams, animals would fraternally pasture from their hairs mixed to the tender nourishing

grass, and his/her children and brothers would eat the succulent tubercles nourished by his/her own

bones and flesh. 20No one thought of doing harm to anyone. Nature had not given a bad example



yet. 21There were neither evil witches nor poisonous plants. No one had to control the power of evil

forces that came after pain and misery. 22Everything belonged to everyone and no one had to rule,

conquer or claim possessions. 23The human heart was pure. Sky and Earth were united, and the Sky

had not sent his destructive ray yet. 24Never had the celestial forces sent their ray to destroy the wo-

ods, neither a pitiless sun had punished the Earth. The sea was infinitely calm and no furious wind

would come out of it. No one was intimidated by the sea. 25The mouse was the cat’s best friend, and

the scorpions’ poison was a drop of honey. 26Every monster had a good and candid soul, and the

hyena and the dove shared the same soul.

27Ugliness came later, when the time of sufferings arrived. That made Iroko weep, he, the most

dearly loved tree by both Sky and Earth. 28A deep mourning for what was being lost invaded him.

So the kapok tree produced its white flowers and spread its pain over all of the Earth. 29This sad-

ness, traveling with the wind, penetrated men, animals, and every li ving thing. A sadness never felt

before filled every soul. 30When, by nightfall, the deep and disconcerting cry of the owl was heard,

it was a new lament in the silence of a different sunset. Iroko stretched his arms in a gesture of pro-

tection.

31That night was a different night. It was an unknown night, in which anguish and fear made

their appearance upon Earth, penetrating dreams, generating Iyondo, giving new forms and charac-

teristic and cruel claws to darkness. 32The next day, man, animal, and all l iving creatures asked

themselves, terrified, still unable to find themselves an answer, because there were still no words to

express confusion and anxiety. The voices that were heard were absurd and threatening and penetra-

ted the air and the waterfalls. 33An unexpected day was born full of burdens. The sun began to de-

vour li fe. 34The kapok tree said to every creature in search of refuge under its branches: “Let us pray

for our mother, the Earth, which offended the Sky”. 35But no one understood Iroko, because no one

knew the meaning of the word offence. 36 Slowly the Earth was withering away. The sun obeyed the

command not to burn with his excessive heat and light, but to drain waters little by li ttle. 37At the

time, the waters were all sweet and drinkable, harmless, clear, meek, fill ed with virtues, and, becau-

se their gigantic mouths were opened to the sun, they ascended to the Sky and were sustained in the

air. 38The Earth felt in her guts the effects of her brother’s fury, the Sky. She suffered terribly from

thirst. 39And finally begged to him in a low voice: “Brother, my guts are drying up, send me some

water” .

40And the Sky, far from softening the atrocious thirst of his sister, covered her with a white fire

and blew its burning body with a hot wind that, savagely whipping her, sharpened her burn pains. 41Earthly creatures suffered with her the awful torment of f ire, thirst, and hunger. Yet, for the Earth,

the martyrdom of her children was crueler than her own suffering. 42Submissive, she asked forgive-

ness to the Sky for her innocent children, for the burnt grass and the dying trees. 43Suffering was

making the memories of past happiness to be lost. The pain exhausted creatures until the last me-

mory of the once existing happiness was forgotten. 44All happiness was now remote and unbelieva-

ble. Curses began. Ugliness entered the world. 45That was when all misfortunes were born. The



words converted themselves into an instrument of evil . 46The peace of those who had died was dis-

turbed; and those who were dying could not rest in the beautiful peace of the night, whose sweet-

ness was lasting. 47“Forgive me” , begged the Earth. But the inclement Sky denied his waters. E-

verything was inert dust, almost all animals had died. 48Skeleton-like men, with no water or food to

sustain themselves, carried on the task of digging the Earth’s martyrized body in search of water

and strength to devour those who lied impotent on the naked rocks. 49All vegetation had disappeared 50and only one tree, in that entire arid world, with its gigantic top, remained green and healthy. It

was Iroko, which from time immemorial had reverenced the Sky. The dead sought the kapok tree to

find refuge. 51The spirits of Iroko constantly talked to the Sky, trying to save the Earth and its crea-

tures. Iroko was the Earth and the Sky’s favorite son. 52His powerful branches welcomed those who

sought his shadow and his refuge, being it able to resist Olorun’s punishment. 53Iroko instructed

those who could penetrate the secret within his roots. 54They learned the enormousness of the offen-

se and then humbled and cleansed themselves at the kapok tree’s feet, making pleas and offering

sacrifices. 55Thus the short grass around it, the four-footed animals, the birds, and men who were

still alive and had become clairvoyants offered the first sacrifice on behalf of the Earth.

56Since the Sky had withdrawn, the cicada bird was chosen as a messenger to take the offering to

the Sky. The cicada was the lightest of all birds and would probably reach the great heights of the

Sky. 57 The cicada took flight, but she could not reach her destiny. Halfway there she fell victim of

exhaustion. Then the flycatcher was chosen for his audacity and constancy, but he was no luckier. 58Other birds were sent, but their wings would break or their hearts would fail when getting to a

certain altitude, and they would fall back to Earth. 54Then the Ara-Kole bird said: “ I will take the

pleas to the Sky and I am sure I am the only one who can get to the other border” . 60They all stared

disdainfully at that repulsive, shady, and awful bird who spoke in such terms. 61At that moment the

intrepid animal, who was a great flyer, took off for the Sky with the offerings and immediately va-

nished out of sight. 62However, the fast bird also fell and the Earth seemed lose her last hope. 63They wondered if that foolish, heavy, and ugly bird, who fed on corpses, would be able to fulfill

his mission. 64That pestiferous and ugly animal was their last hope. 65Thus Ara-Kole departed once

more, taking with him the last plea of the Earth, who, not trusting such mission, thought her cause

was doomed. 66But Ara-Kole flew untiringly and serenely for days and nights, until the other side of

the Sky. 67He crossed the border and flew even further, laying the offerings and making Earth’s

words heard. He said: 68“Sky, Earth has sent me to beg for your mercy. The children and creatures

of the Earth beg for your forgiveness. They are your servants and they beg you mercy from the bot-

tom of their hearts. 69Lord, the Earth is dying down there. Chickens, roosters, pigeons, sheep, dogs,

cats, we are all dying. From our hearts we beg you, forgive us”.

70Upon hearing such plea, the Sky turned his eyes to the Earth. The Sky had not stared at the Ear-

th for a long time. And he saw her in the nakedness of her death. 71Seeing they now reverenced him

devoutly and fervently, he accepted Earth’s offerings. “ I forgive the Earth” , the Sky said to Ara-

Kole. 72At that moment, the creatures saw from Earth that clouds were filling up from the four cor-



ners of the Sky, and they heard the croak of liquid frogs that came in the clouds or rose from the

dead dust.

73The waters began to loudly fall from the abyss where they had been kept, and came down in

big gushes until they reached the Earth. 74Ara-Kole flew day and night through space, escaping

from the deluge that menaced to drown him. It was almost reaching him when the waters indomita-

bly spilled over the Earth forming a great lake. 75Thanks to Iroko the creatures were saved from the

deluge. The Earth drank water and satiated her thirst, procreated, covered her nakedness with new

verdure, giving thanks to the Sky. 76However, never again did the Earth know the happy days of the

beginning. 77Never again did the Sky render much attention, care or affection to the Earth; he was

now indifferent to her. 78And the whole world knows how life has been since that day.

THE TEXT’S THEMATIC PARTS

This appataki could be divided in several ways, depending on the criteria used and on what one

intends to study in the myth. Thus, for example, it would be possible to approach it with criteria of a

historical-linguistic analysis that rebuild the several oral traditions and elaboration phases (that

seem to be behind the actual text). This kind of approach is evidently of great importance. Yet,

while taking advantage of some results of such way of studying the appataki, we have decided for

an exegetic, thematic, verse by verse commentary. We believe this is a more advantageous option,

as a first step, giving primacy to the interest on the dialogue with the Yoruba religion (even though

there might be, behind our methodological option, an apology in favor of mutual respect).

Our main concern is for the Christian-Yoruba dialogue; certainly, more than the historical-

linguistic analysis itself. One could add that the religious contents of the Yoruba myths will be more

fully achieved only after such analysis. Such argument is evident. But since many theological cir-

cles have not yet discovered the riches and magnitude of the Yoruba faith and it seems they haven’ t

even come to understand such faith as a “ religion” (and, more precisely, non-Christian religion), we

hope this study of ours helps, as much as possible, to discover in theology something that was obvi-

ous for millions of Latin-Americans for more than two centuries.

There will be true dialogue between Christianism and the Yoruba religion when the later is con-

sidered and respected as a religion capable of enriching Christianism (and not only the other way

around, as it was commonly believed). A superficial and folkloric encounter, which believes there is

an essential lack in the Lukumi religious universe, at the level of grace, truth, etc., does not seem to

deserve being called dialogue. The search for dialogue conditions leads us, firstly, to take interest in

the teaching of this appataki, not forgetting the historical-linguistic aspect. A Latin-American theo-

logy of religions cannot and must not limit itself to the mere knowledge of non-Christian religions

in the continent, but indeed theologically elaborate its reason for being and its space within Latin

America, facing the task of establishing an environment of true knowledge and mutual respect bet-

ween Christianism and the other religions present among us. It would be tragically ironic if the La-



tin-American theology decided not to pay attention to the more traditionally marginalized popular

religious expressions, or if it did it as a simple unimportant appendix.

Having in mind these elucidations, let us go back to the appataki we presented. We believe it can

be thematically divided into the following parts:

a) vv. 1-8��7KH�(DUWK¶V�VLQ�DQG�WKH�6N\¶V�SXQLVKPHnt (by withdrawal).

b) vv. 9-��Iroko, the sacred kapok tree,9 the paradise lost because of sin, enters the scene. He

is the one who meditates and invites the listener (or reader) to meditate: what have we lost?

c) vv. 27-39��7KH�ZRUOG�DIWHU�VLQ��LQ�FULsis, and without Sky’s help. Earth, however, did not yet

admit her fault.

Iroko’s advice is followed: ask for forgiveness.

d) vv. 40-55��:LWKRXW�UHSHQWDQFH��(DUWK�DQG�HYHU\�OLYLQJ�EHLQJ�FRQWLQXHG�WR�WHUULEO\�VXIIHU��EXW�Iroko teaches that it is necessary to repent and ask the Sky for forgiveness. But, in spite of the crea-

tures’ plea, Sky does not answer. It seems that v. 47 is out of its original place.

e) vv. 56-69��7KH�HIIRUWV�RI�(DUWK�DQG�KHU�FUHDWXUHV�WR�EH�KHDUG�LQ�WKH�6N\��7ZR�YHU\�FRPPRQ�little birds and popular among the Cuban Lukumi�� WKH�FLFDGD10 and the flycatcher11 – try to get

close to the Sky, but they fail. Every effort and hope seems to vanish. Only an ugly and rejected

animal as Ara-Kole,12 which carries in its ugliness the consequence of sin (cf. v. 27), finally succe-

eds in getting close to God and move him. The Earth asks God for forgiveness with all her heart.

f) vv. 70-78��0RYHG��WKH�6N\�IRUJLYHV�DQG�SURGXFHV�UDLQ��DQG�WKH�(DUWK�LV�VDYHG��:KHQ�WHa-

ching to ask for forgiveness, Iroko’s wisdom triumphs, and the boldness shown by Ara-Kole, rejec-

ted by everyone, saves them all. Nevertheless, vv. 76-78 conclude the appataki with a pessimistic

note: God is still far away, the original harmony did not come back and there is still suffering on

Earth.

9 Ceiba pentandra (L.) Gaertn. Common name in Spanish: ceiba; in Portuguese: sumaúma; in

English: kapok tree. This tree of the family Bombacaceae reaches up to 50 meters high and has

enormous large prop roots (sapopemas, tubular roots that irradiate from the tree trunk). This

species’ distribution area extends from Mexico to the north of South America. According to O.

Cacciatore, Iroko, a nago phytomorphic orishas, was the African teak or maogani (Chlorophora

excelsa-moracea). In Brazil, it was identified as the white gameleira (Ficus doliaria M.). [TN] 10 Tiarias olivacea I. Common name in Spanish: tomeguín; in Portuguese: cigarrinha. [TN] 11 Tyrannus domincensis Gmelin. Common name in Spanish: pitirre; in Portuguese: papa-mosca.

[TN] 12 Cathartes aura L. Commonly known in Cuba as “aura tiñosa”. Common name in Portuguese:

urubu-de-cabeça-vermelha. [TN]



COMMENTS TO THE ENTIRE TEXT

Having seen the parts the myth can be thematically divided into, let us now proceed to the com-

mentary of almost every verse.

v. 2: The Sky and the Earth are “brothers” . Orun (i.e., “Sky” ) and Ayé (i.e., “Earth” ), having

personalities of their own in this myth, seem to evoke more ancient accounts on the Cosmic Calaba-

sh, formed by Obatalá and Oduduwa. We shall see that ahead (cf. v. 41).

vv. 3-4: The worship of Mother Earth resounds in this verses. Both v. 2 and vv. 3-4 might be

signs of the presence of more ancient contents, deriving from appatakis already missing, or of an

intermediary phase of the present myth’s elaboration (indicated by the cycle Obatala-Oduduwa or

of the Cosmic Calabash), as we shall point out in the comment to v. 41.

v. 7: Oba means “king” . Olorun is one of the sacred names of Yoruba’s Supreme Being. The vo-

cable comes from the combination of two other words: Olo (“owner” ) and Orun (“Sky” ). Thus it

means something like: “Owner of the Sky” or “Sovereign of the Sky” . Frequently, in the Yoruba’s

myths, it is enough to say Orun (“Sky” ) to make sure one is speaking of God. Hence, in this com-

ment “Sky” is written with capital letter. Other names for the Yoruba’s Supreme Being are Olodu-

mare and Olofin.

Olorun “signals to the Sky” . The gesture is addressed to himself. That is, it is God who with-

draws. The context of this myth allows such deduction (cf. vv. 68-69).

v. 8: God’s withdrawal is caused by the Earth’s sin of pride. It is a punishment. The influence of

myths that place the Yoruba’s Supreme Being parted from the world is obvious. This appataki itself

does not allow us to conclude that he is an inaccessible God; such conclusion is reached through

data on the Yoruba religion coming from other sources.

v. 9: Iroko was originally a phytomorphic orisha in Africa. He dwelled in a sacred tree, also cal-

led Iroko. In Cuba, Iroko is still a sacred tree: the kapok tree. But in the Antilles it is not often con-

sidered an orisha, although the appataki we now study confers him “spirits” (v. 51), relates it to the

dead (v. 50), and evidently confers it a personality of its own. Undoubtedly, we find here some spe-

cific echoes of Nigerian myths that told stories about the Iroko orisha. But, even though Iroko is not

an orisha in Cuba anymore (almost always), abundant testimonies say it is still reverenced.13 In this

verse the listener (or reader) is invited to follow Iroko on the meditation on what was lost because

of sin and pride.

v. 11: The most serious consequence of God’s withdrawal is the end of harmony (which wil l be

described from the next verse on). And, following the end of harmony between Sky and Earth come

every misfortune and the danger of life extinction. This appataki insists on Iroko’s wisdom, who

13 CABRERA, L. gathers other rites and myths of Iroko. Cf. El monte, 2.nd ed., Miami Chicherekú,

1968, pp. 155-162, 179-186, 192-194.



understands the meaning of both sin and the misadventure it brings. Iroko so understands because

his roots penetrate the Earth’s “guts” and his branches reach the “ intimacy” of the Sky. In this myth,

Iroko plays the role of a meeting place for the wisdom and the experiences of Orun and Ayé.

vv. 12-20: In v. 12 the second part of the appataki begins, describing the paradise existing before

Earth’s sin. These eight verses speak of the kindness of nature forces (vv. 12-13), but the emphasis

is evidently placed upon the theme of death. Perhaps, for the modern Western taste, these verses

about the death process may seem a bit macabre. Death, according to the myth, was already known

in paradise; but “ the end was a beautiful sunset” and not an abrupt interruption of li fe. In the world

of harmony, which is now lost, death was desired, because it was in fact an option for li fe, a way to

contribute to the continuation of life on Earth, a gesture of solidarity. It is possible that, behind such

an optimistic view of death and such faith in li fe the known Yoruba “theology” about the ashe can

be found.

v. 21: Witchcraft and magic, according to this verse, are consequences of sin. It seems that the

validity of resorting to them is not denied ([…] no one had to control the power […]), however this

is explained by or as a consequence of sin. If that is so, maybe one could doubt the supposed and

needed magical essence of the Yoruba religion in America. Is it really necessary? Doesn’ t it suggest

that even the Lukumi acknowledge magic as D�GHYLDWLRQ��HYHQ�LI�VRPHWLPHV�FRQVHQWHG��RI�ZKDW�is truly essential in their religion?

v. 22: Both in Nigeria and later in America, the Yoruba history knew war, slavery, greed, etc.

This verse and the first sentence of the next tell us about harmony among humans before sin. It is

interesting to note that, in order to refer to social and interpersonal relationships, this appataki pre-

cisely chooses, amongst every possible image, those of political-military power and private pro-

perty, and skips other dimensions of human intimacy. It seems that, for such myth, there is a con-

nection between “pure heart” and the mentioned dimensions of power and property. That is, if the

“pure heart” existed there would be neither power nor private property; and the existence of them is

the sign of the former’s absence. The “pure heart” is the consequence of harmony between Sky and

Earth, but when such unity between Orun and Ayé is broken, purity is undone and, as consequence,

domination and excluding property arise. In short, they are the fruit of sin.

vv. 24-26: Maybe these verses here (on the text fixed by writing) are out of their original place.

Maybe they should come immediately after v. 13. The remembrance of Isaiah 11:6-8 is inevitable.

However, the influence of this veterotestamentary text on the appataki we are examining does not

seem possible: the use of the Bible was not very frequent in the Cuban Catholicism of the Colony

and First Republic and the slaves would have even lesser access than others to the Old Testament.

v. 27: This verse that initiates the third part of the myth places Iroko at the center of the account

again as the one who understands and meditates about what happens in the world. Iroko is the mas-

ter of true wisdom, given his special relationship with the Sky and the Earth (cf. vv. 10-11). The

reality of the world, after sin, can only cause grief and tears. An interesting element in this verse is



the introduction of ugliness as a consequence of sufferings (and, in the final analysis, of sin). The

reference to ugliness could be skipped, was it not for the many times it appears in the text, and be-

cause on vv. 60 and 63-64 that is precisely the emphasized quality describing Ara-Kole: the ugly,

dirty bird that intercedes before God to save the Earth. Ara-Kole, so to speak, reveals the conse-

quences of sin through this looks.

vv. 28-29: Death existed in paradise (cf. vv. 15-19), but not mourning, because death was a mo-

WLYH�IRU�OLIH�DQG�KDUPRQ\��+RZHYHU��ZLWK�WKH�HQG�RI�SDUDGLVH��PRXUQLQJ�FRPHV��QRW�RQO\�EHFDXVH of biological death, but also because of the missing universal harmony. Iroko is the one who feels

the mourning; once again he is the one who understands. And from Iroko (through his widespread

flowers, says the myth), mourning and sadness reached all. The creatures neither know what happe-

ned (only Iroko knows), nor why they are in mourning, but they are paralyzed by the new reality

and penetrated by grief.

v. 30: In a motherly gesture, Iroko opens his arms to protect a saddened and destroyed world “ in

the silence of a different sunset” . The world that seeks protection under Iroko will end up being

WDXJKW�E\�KLP��,V�WKHUH�QRW�D�SDUDOOHO��DOWKRXJK�FHUWDLQO\�ZLWK�QR�LQIOXHQFH��ZLWK�WKH�,VUDHOLWH�images of Wisdom? Here Iroko is the image of the wise solidary compassion.

v. 31: A dramatic presentation of the harmony disruption: night, fear, anguish, darkness, and Evil

appear. Iyondo, among the Cuban Yoruba, is not an orisha (and thus is not a modified version of

what Eshu represents), neither is he the Christian demon. Iyondo is a vague or diffuse representation

of Evil . They simply believe he is “something bad”. The name Iyondo is applied to events, persons

or things that have or show the quali ty of wickedness; or the term is applied to Evil it self. The use

of Iyondo implies that Evil has a certain reality or personality of his own.

vv. 32-33: The appataki, in this and other verses, insists on the novelty of the situation created

by sin: there were not even words to express it. The novelty also implies that this unutterable reality

was not a consequence of creation itself; it was not necessary to existence. It is something strange

that, as Iyondo, invaded creation. Verses 31-32 describe the anguish, fear, and Evil as night. Verse

33 speaks of work as day, but qualitatively opposed to the prior darkness, or even as the continuati-

on of it: li fe is devoured by the sun. In other words, there is neither relief nor exception. The whole

reality was touched by the consequences of sin.

vv. 34-35: Iroko manages to share his wisdom. His teaching is interesting and simple: to beg on

behalf of the Earth that offended the Sky. It is the beginning of the theme on repentance as the only

alternative to sin. The emphasis we saw, on the previous verses, about the novelty of the situation

after the losing of paradise re-appears here when creatures do not know what it means to offend.

Offense (and the repentance it supposes) is something new; but it is an incomprehensible newness,

for it destroyed both reason and the previous experience of the good creation. One could say that,

according to the appataki, to offend or to sin is unreasonable and destroys creation, and thus it is

incomprehensible.



vv. 36-37: These two verses describe the action or punishment from the Sky: the drought that

endangers li fe. It is not a surprise that this drought symbol appears in an agricultural society (both in

Nigeria and in Cuba). The end of the drought will be the sign of God’s forgiveness and the rebirth

of life on Earth after forgiveness.

v. 38: This is another brief description that completes the previous verses. Verses 36-37 mentio-

ned the sun’s action punishing the Earth in the name of God; this one mentions the effects such pu-

nishment has over Earth.

v. 39: The Earth is finally aware that she is being whipped by the Sky. She acknowledges her

dependency; but not her sin. She speaks “ in a low voice” and asks for rain. But she does not repent

from the heart. Without sincere repentance there is no forgiveness, even if she begs the Sky’s fa-

vors. Ayé remains proud before Orun: she wants help, but not at the price of recognizing her pride

as sin.

v. 40: The Sky, before Earth’s attitude, not only keeps his punishment, but also increases it. The-

re is fury, anger, and even a certain justification for the Sky’s revenge (at least in this appataki’s

writing).

v. 41: The Earth is a mother. In the comment to v. 7 we said that Olorun (the Yoruba Supreme

Being’s name, meaning “Owner or Sovereign of the Sky” ) often appears in the Lukumi myths under

the appearance of Orun (“Sky” ), supposedly referring to God. Well then, in the more ancient layer

of the Yoruba myths, Oduduwa is contemporary to Olodumare-Olorun,16 and the female principle

of the Supreme Deity. A li ttle later, in the medium layer, as a result of the intra-African syncretism

that occurred when Ile Ife was converted (after a milit ary conquest?) into the Yoruba’s most sacred

city, Obatalá �� WKH�orisha RI�FUHDWLRQ�LQ�,OH�,IH��EHFRPHV�WKH�FRPSDQLRQ�RI�2GXGXZD��QRZ�DQ�orisha, wife of Obatalá and an agent of creation with him, and not a female dimension of the Su-

preme Being any more. Later to this intermediary elaboration layer, a new step was introduced into

the intra-African syncretism, when myths of Oduduwa as Obatalá’s “brother” (now male) appear. In

some Cuban myths, he ends up as Obatalá’s “path” .

That is: in the more recent layers of mythology, Oduduwa is converted into a male orisha or in a

dimension (“path” ) of Obatalá. In the intermediary layers, Oduduwa is a female orisha, the wife of

Obatalá, creator of all things alongside with him, mother of the living. It is precisely in this inter-

mediary layer that Oduduwa is symbolized by Earth and, more precisely, by Mother Earth. Only in

the more ancient layers, practically out of use, can we still find the remains of Oduduwa’s myths as

a principle or female dimension of the Supreme Being (alongside with Olorun and, thus, not an ori-

sha). In Dahomey, Obatalá and Oduduwa are known as one single orisha with two facets (a male

16 Olodumare is another name for the Yoruba’s Supreme Being, as well as Olofin and Olorun. Al-

though they are basically interchangeable, Olodumare was (and certainly still is) God’s most

common name.



and a female one), known under the name of Odoúwa. It is the same case of Mavu-Lissa, the Ewe-

Fon’s androgynous god.

The name Oduduwa has an uncertain etymology. It could come from the combination of odu

(“ result of If á”), da (“by its own” ), and wa (“exists” ), meaning something like: “The one that exists

by its own” or “ the one that is its own future” . Or the name can also come from odu (which also

means the mythological Calabash of creation), du (“outpour” ), and wa (“exists” ), which would

translate Oduduwa as: “The Calabash that outpoured what exists” . However, this last etymological

possibil ity is more in conformity with the medium (and more known) layers of Yoruba mythology,

since there is a sacred story, much disseminated, in which Obatalá and Oduduwa are two halves of

the Cosmic Calabash: the former is the sky; the later is the earth. But whatever the most accurate

etymology, what does seem right is that Oduduwa, in the less recent layers (and this is the sign of

the antiqueness of the appataki we are studying, or at least its sources), is the principle or the female

agent of creation, symbolized by Mother Earth. To refer to the Earth’s motherhood, as our appataki

does, means to immediately evoke Oduduwa.

Returning to the myth we are commenting, Earth is the mother that suffers hers innocent chil-

dren’s martyrdom and death. It is difficult, based in this myth only, to claim that there is a cons-

cious attempt (made by the authors of this appataki) to elaborate some kind of Cuban interpretation

of the old myth of the Calabash formed by Obatalá and Oduduwa. But it does not seem easy to ig-

nore that this text would not have been possible without the knowledge of the more ancient myth.17

v. 42: The Earth finally begins to ask for forgiveness. She sincerely repents. But it is interesting

to notice that this happens because the Earth is “motherly” moved by the creatures’ suffering, and

not for admitting her sin.

vv. 43-45: These verses are a re-elaboration of sufferings after the losing of paradise (cf. vv. 27-

36), but the emphasis is now placed on the oblivion of what the world was before sin and the incre-

asing unhappiness and rivalry between creatures. Not only Iyondo damages, but now creatures

themselves do evil to one another.

v. 46: In the context of the misfortunes described by the myth and in opposition to the paradisia-

cal portrait previously painted (cf. vv. 12-26), specially the description of the vivifying death, it is

now said that death was converted into a misfortune. There is no peace even for the dead.

v. 47: This verse seems to be out of its original place. It must have probably been after v. 55.

17 Cf. CACCIATORE, O.G. Dicionário dos cultos afro-brasileiros. Rio de Janeiro, Forense Universitária

– SEEC/RJ, 1977, the words “Cabaça” (Portuguese for Calabash), “Obatalá”, “Odu” and “Odu-

dua” (the same as Oduduwa). Also: CROS SANDOVAL, M. La religión afrocubana, op. cit. pp. 127-

148; CANET, C. Lukumi. Religión de los yorubas en Cuba. Miami, AIP, 1973. pp. 49-55; IDOWU,

E.B. Olodumare. God in Yoruba Belief. London, Longmans, Greens and Co., 1962. pp. 22-29.



vv. 48-49: Two verses that proceed the catalogue of misfortunes that come upon the world due to

the Earth’s sin and the Sky’s insensitiveness.

vv. 50-54: The unique role played by Iroko in this myth is obvious, always appearing as the bea-

rer of true wisdom. He is the only one who is freed from the Sky’s punishment, because he has al-

ways reverenced God. Ultimately, he is the only one who knows the meaning of sin and its terrible

consequences. Yet, Iroko is also the Earth’s son (as well as the Sky’s) and, as part of the world, he

seeks to relief the pain. He is compassionate and solidary. He shelters those who suffer, he welco-

mes the dead and, mostly, he shares his wisdom. Not only does he want to assist in pain, but he also

intends to find the solution for punishment. Hence, those who are taught by him achieve true kno-

wledge: they understand what sin is and was and its consequences, and they learn to repent. It se-

ems that vv. 53-54 are an echo of the Yoruba rites to the orisha Iroko. The Cuban Lukumi still keep

some of the Nigerian rites (sacrifices, ebos��HWF��7R�VRZ�DQ�,URNR��RU�NDSRN�WUHH��LV�VWLOO�D�Va-

cred act involving serious religious obligations.18

v. 55: Having received Iroko’s wisdom, the creatures finally offer the first sacrifice to the Sky as

a sign of repentance, in behalf of their Mother Earth. We would place v. 47 where the Earth also

asks for forgiveness. Now, the Earth’s begging for mercy would make sense, once they had learned

Iroko’s wisdom (“ [they] had become clairvoyants” ).

vv. 56-57: These verses present us, in a simple way, the creatures’ attempts to be heard by the

Sky. Two very common and appreciated little birds try to reach Orun, but they fail. Neither the abi-

lity to fly well, nor the efforts or audacity allow them to get near the Sky.

v. 58: The appataki reports the failure of every intercession mission before God. Nobody reaches

him. The best in the world cannot get close to him. It seems that the world’s hopes are depleting.

The echo of the Yoruba belief about God’s lofty holiness and his inseparable alterity is evident. No

earthly being can qualitatively come close to him (this myth expresses it in spatial terms, which are

more graphic).

v. 59-60: Ara-Kole, an ugly and repulsive bird, popularly considered among the Lukumi as the

most unpleasant of birds, offers himself to reach God. In order to increase the greatness of such

achievement and Ara-.ROH¶V�JHQHURVLW\�DQG�FRPSDVVLRQ��WKH�DQLPDO¶V�XJOLQHVV�LV�XQGHUOLQHG��IRU�several times HPSKDVL]HG�LQ�WKH�WH[W��DQG�WKH�FRQWHPSW�ZLWK�ZKLFK�KH�LV�WUHDWHG��7KH�JUDWXLW\�RI�his effort is evidenced, since no one respects or accepts him.

vv. 61-64: In a first glimpse, an account about this messenger’s first failure seems logical within

an appataki that exalts Ara-Kole. There are hints leading to two possible answers to this difficulty.

Firstly (and if our text was not adulterated), it is possible that its intention was to emphasize more

WKH�LQGLJQLW\�RI�DOO�FUHDWXUHV�EHIRUH�*RG��HYHQ�$UD-Kole’s. That is why Ara-Kole’s bad qualiti es

are repeated once again: hideous, ugly, foolish, a corpse-eater, rejected by everyone. Thus, his dig-

18 Cf. CABRERA, L. El monte, op. cit. pp. 179-186.



nity or abili ty to carry out his mission before the Sky is doubted. But a second possible answer for

the inclusion of the messenger’s first failure is probably due to an adulteration of the text we repro-

duce here. The version published by M. Cros Sandoval, which we have already referred to, shows

traces of a (previous?) appataki that ends differently than ours. The myth would end not in v. 78 (v.

75), but it would unexpectedly finish at Ara-Kole’s first failure, on v. 62. In our text, the myth’s

author (or authors) places the word “seemed”, in v. 62, as a way of giving continuity to the myth

until it reaches a happy ending. In Cros Sandoval’s version, in that same verse, nothing softens Ara-

Kole’ failure nor logically allows the continuance of the myth and the messenger’s second (and

successful) mission. Thus, although Cros Sandoval’s text displays a logical cut in the account’s

flow, it might suggest the presence of another appataki (perhaps a more ancient one) that saw no

possibil ity of obtaining God’s forgiveness, or maybe ended up in a different and already lost way

for tradition, or, finally, it can also be that Cros Sandoval’s informers made a mistake during the

written fixation and the myth’s transmission. If this is the case, then maybe our text is the most ori-

ginal. Whatever the case, it is impossible now to solve this writing problem (which would certainly

have strong influence on the myth’s interpretation and use). And, even with such difficulties, we

can rightly affirm that the text we use is transmitted in many worship centers in the Antill es. Any-

way, both of the myth’s writings (ours with the softening “seemed”, and Cros Sandoval’s without

it) go on until v. 78.

vv. 65-66: Once again Ara-Kole leaves towards God, with bravery and confidence that oppose to

doubts, critiques, and mistrust from the others.

v. 67: Ara-Kole finally reaches the Sky and there he lays the Earth’s offerings. The one rejected

by creatures becomes the one who manages to make the Earth’s words heard in the Sky. If it was

not impossible to demonstrate it, we would almost see in the character of Ara-Kole an influence of

the Servant of Yahweh’s songs, from Deutero-Isaiah. Obviously, this influence did not happen (by

the same reasons adduced in the comment to vv. 24-26). Besides, there is no reason to seek only for

Jewish-Christian influences on a Yoruba text when the Nigerian roots of the Lukumi religion bring

enough examples of rejected heroes that save their people.

vv. 68-69: These two verses, together with the following ones, form the appataki’s poetic-

theological summit. The Earth’s prayer is touching. Ara-Kole does not ask forgiveness for himself,

but for all . He asks God to be compassionate toward the creature’s miseries and sufferings. The

world whole-heartedly implores divine clemency. The appeal is exclusively to God’s mercy. Al-

though Ara-Kole has brought offerings, he does not mention them in his prayer, basing his request

upon the trust that God will pity those who suffer. The prayer’s beauty and moving strength con-

trasts the following ambiguity of the divine answer.

vv. 70-71: God listens to Ara-Kole’s prayer. Looking at the Earth’s nakedness, he is moved and

forgives. But this is not a truly compassionate answer. Perhaps it would be better to say that God

felt pity. Although he grants his forgiveness because of the creature’s suffering, the reverence he



observes in the Earth greatly influences him. His acceptance of the offerings is nothing else than a

liturgical gesture meaning the prayer was heard. But the two motives for God’s forgiveness are not

easily conciliated: on one hand, the text says that he felt compassion (pity?) for suffering, but on the

other hand it says that forgiveness was granted only when God saw the creatures’ submissive reve-

rence. It is not that one motive necessarily cancels the other or excludes it. But what draws the at-

tention is that the lofty good God, to whom nothing can be compared to in perfection and virtue,

shows such selfishness or acts so mindful of his power and his right to be worshiped. As we have

said, this not very flattering image of God is hard to be concili ated with the other, equally present,

of the merciful and generous God.

vv. 72-74: These verses report the consequences of forgiveness. Once again it rains over the Ear-

WK�DQG�OLIH�UHELUWKV��)RUJLYHQHVV��RQH�GHGXFHV��ZDV�DV�DEXQGDQW�DV�WKH�UDLQ� v. 75: Iroko is back to the scene again in order to finish the appataki. Although Ara-Kole is the

mediator-savior, nothing could have happened without Iroko’s wisdom. He was the one who taught

repentance, by means of which forgiveness was obtained, and that made Ara-Kole’s mission possi-

ble. Once again, in this verse, Iroko’s knowledge saves the world. However, we find other writing

difficulties here. Considering the description (or, at least, the description’s remains) of the deluge

caused by rains, and this verse’s explicit reference to a new achievement of Iroko, we must ask if

there was not, in the traditions combined into this myth, a longer account that reported how this new

catastrophe upon Earth was and how Iroko acted again in his wisdom. It seems that something was

left out the actual known writing (in any of its versions). It is possible that for more or less didactic

reasons the text has been cut, or that we are facing an appataki that got loose from another longer

one (which would be something like a cycle of myths about Iroko). Whatever the case may be, the

actual text has a consistence of its own and perhaps that is why it can be transmitted independently

from other stories about Iroko. Besides, we must notice that in case we are before an appataki that

got loose from a more extensive one, Ara-Kole’s character (which is central here) must be revie-

wed, because it is unlikely that Ara-Kole had such importance in a cycle about Iroko. If there was

such a VHSDUDWLRQ��DQG�WKLV�LV�QRWKLQJ�EXW�D�FRQMHFWXUH��LW�PXVW�KDYH�KDSSHQHG�DOUHDG\�LQ�&XED�and not in Africa and, thus, it would be part of the more recent layers in the text’s elaboration.

v. 76: The appataki itself warns that, although the story seems to have had a happy ending, in

fact it was not so. The world was not destroyed by divine anger, it is true, and God had compassion.

But that did not mean the return of paradise. The happiness and harmony of the beginnings never

came back again. That is, although the worst punishment is avoided, other consequences of sin are

still there.

v. 77: Maybe this verse is an expression of that dimension of selfishness or coldness we saw in

one of the two motives for God’s forgiveness (cf. vv. 70-71). Maybe God’s withdrawal amongst the

Yoruba is presented in this appataki. The text also seems to aff irm that Olorun, the distant one, is

equally holy and merciful. It is still possible to think, although not to prove, that this myth is an ef-



fort, more or less conscious, to conciliate both aspects of the Supreme Being: his indifference and

his holy mercy.

v. 78: It is possible that this last verse (and maybe the previous one too) was added more recen-

tly. It is just an invitation to the listener’s (or reader’s) personal reflection. It is equivalent to the

Gospel statement: “Those who have ears to hear…”.

EVALUATIVE COMMENTARY ON THE APPATAKI

Questions about the origin of Good and Evil are as ancient as mankind. Every religion seems to

ask for it. “Santeria” is no exception, as the myth we studied shows.

According to the appataki, the Good is in the world’s origin itself. The union between the Sky

and the Earth is primigenious. The Good is fruit of such union and, thus, part of the essence or natu-

re of creation itself. The Good, in the ultimate analysis, is the only thing that has the right to exist.

Evil, on the contrary, is the result of the break of unity. It is pride, the Earth’s sin, that causes all

wickedness. When the annoyed Sky withdraws, Iyondo (“Evil” ) appears. There would be no suffe-

ring if Ayé had not offended Orun: Evil (and every pain that follows it) is a stranger that invaded

creation. Iyondo has no rights, but cruelty, and its power is allowed by the Sky as punishment to

Earth. Only the Sky can control Iyondo and the damage it causes.

But is interesting to notice that, in spite of the destruction of the original happiness and harmony,

some Good survived, remaining, somehow, as a sign or trace of what it was and as a hope of what it

could be: Iroko’s wisdom and solidary compassion. The myth justifies the survival of this precari-

ous sign by saying, in its poetic form, that this is due to the fact that Iroko has his roots “stuck into

the Earth’s guts” and his branches reach the Sky’s “ intimacy” . In this sacred account, Iroko symbo-

lizes the remaining Good that is still accessible to us. It does not suppress Evil and its misfortunes,

but allows us to overcome them and not to loose hope that God will pity the world.

Good, although in that limited way, is somehow attainable, but only through wisdom and soli-

dary compassion, according to Iroko’s way. Evil can only be forgiven or limited in its effects by

means of sincere praying and, specially, by the repentance of the heart.

Seen this way and putting aside the mythological and always symbolic characters, there is not

PXFK�RQH�FRXOG�REMHFW��IURP�WKH�&DWKROLF�WKHRORJ\��WR�WKH�WHDFKLQJV�RI�WKLV�P\WK��+RZHYHU��LW�is not so simple to put aside the protagonist characters of this story (although the Lukumi are not so

naïf to interpret their own myths in a too strict or, as we should say today, fundamentalist way).

Neither is it simple to put aside other religious contents of this appataki. Hence, neither is every-

WKLQJ�DFFHSWDEOH�WR�&KULVWLDQLVP��DQG�WKDW�LV�PRUH�WKDQ�REYLRXV��QRU�would we be right in for-

getting or diminishing difficulties.



Given the extent of the myth and the diversity of secondary themes, and not wanting to stretch

out too much, we selected some key points about which we will make some brief comments: a) the

characters of Iroko and Ara-Kole, b) what is forgiveness and c) who is God.

a) Iroko and Ara-Kole

Iroko is the wise in this sacred story. He is the one, so to say, who teaches the myth’s meaning to

the listener (or reader), since he has the wisdom and hence understands the meaning of Good and

Evil. He is also the one who pities the other creatures, helping them find the path that allows them

to overcome their misfortunes.

Iroko is the only one, in all the creation, who never ceased to worship God and venerate Mother

Earth. They are still united in him, despite the sin that parted them; and part of the lost harmony is

kept in Iroko. Thus, he can correctly interpret the facts.

But Iroko is not wise to himself. The appataki insists on Iroko’s compassion and solidarity. His

ZLVGRP�LV�DGGUHVVHG�WR�WKH�RWKHUV�DQG�RQO\�WR�WKHP��+H�VXIIHUV��KH�VKDNHV��+H�ZHHSV��WKH�P\WK�WHOOV�XV��ZKHQ�KH�EHFRPHV�DZDUH�RI�WKH�HYHQW��+H�FRPPLWV�KLPVHOI�WR�VKDULQJ�KLV�XQGHUVWDQGLQJ��Under his shade he shelters those who are the victims of Evil.

Besides, Ara-Kole is not the symbol of the interceding wise. Ara-Kole’s part in this appataki is

certainly that of the one interceding before God on behalf of the Earth; but the myth refers to such

intercession as originated in Iroko’s mission and mainly in the solidary compassion of Ara-Kole and

his generous effort.

Ara-Kole is the rejected one, the ugly and repulsive, the one who overcomes the greatest adversi-

ties and the contempt of others, not only being able to save them all , but also showing qualiti es the

world needs and did not want to see in him. Those qualities (bravery, solidarity, etc.) enable him to

be heard by God.

Given the characters of Iroko and Ara-Kole, it is interesting that the wise and master does not

perform the part of the intercessor, however it is said that he keeps his connection with the Sky.

And Ara-Kole, although being a victim of Evil (there is an insistence on his ugliness being the sign

of this) ends up by being the savior of the other living beings. It seems that the appataki indicates a

more profound dimension.

Here it is: to know is not enough to save, nor bravery is enough to know what should be done

when facing Evil. Iroko knows, but does not save. Ara-Kole, the brave, saves only because Iroko

has taught him what should be done. To join both characters, although theoretically possible, would

not make justice to the myth’s teaching. If we read the text more carefully, we will see that the ap-

pataki tells us that both Iroko and Ara-Kole have common qualiti es. The wisdom capable of opera-

WLQJ�VDOYDWLRQ�LV�IRXQG�LQ�WKRVH�TXDOLWLHV�WKH\�ERWK�SRVVHVV��FRPSDVVLRQ�DQG�VROLGDULW\��2QFH�ZLs-GRP�DQG�EUDYHU\�DUH�IRXQGHG�RU�FRPSOHPHQWHG�LQ�VXFK�VROLGDU\�FRPSDVVLRQ��WKHQ��DQG�RQO\�WKHQ�



�� LV�LW�SRVVLEOH�WR�RYHUFRPH�DGYHUVLWLHV�DQG�ILQd out what should be done to get near God. Only

then will there be salvation. Iroko, who somehow keeps his unity with the Sky, receives wisdom;

Ara-Kole, the creature who best displays in himself the consequences of Evil, bravely intercedes on

behalf of the Earth. But only when they are both united in the deep bond of solidary compassion for

their world do they achieve, in a sole movement, the salvation of the Earth.

Thus, this appataki is not only a sacred account that somehow satisfies the interest in knowing

the origin of Good and Evil, but is also an attempt to offer the basic lines of a soteriology. Hence,

this myth elaborates much more than a simple account to explain what was “ in illo tempore” . In

fact, the alternative for the “hie et nunc” is being searched. And it is found precisely in the solidary

compassion that, on its turn, becomes wisdom and bravery. As we said, the seed (or fruit) of a Yo-

ruba salvation theory is implicit here.

b) What is forgiveness?

Throughout the whole appataki, the theme of forgiveness is obviously a constant concern. The

Earth’s need, the creatures’ lack of wisdom, etc., are considered impediments to reach the Sky’s

forgiveness.

In order to be forgiven, the world’s inhabitants (and Earth herself) must experientially know they

RIIHQGHG�WKH�6N\�DQG�WKH\��QRW�2UXQ��EURXJKW�SDLQ�DQG� Iyindó upon themselves. Their sin is

pride and it remains while they do not learn humbleness. To ask for forgiveness without a humble

guilt admission is a useless gesture.

The myth seems to insist on the fact that this learning of humbleness is the most difficult for the

world. It is easy to ask for help from the Sky, but only suffering teaches us to abandon pride and

repent form the heart. Humiliation is the school of humbleness.

And Iroko goes on teaching what has to be learned. It is interesting to remind that this character,

the Earth’s favorite son, is also a beloved son of the Sky’s. He owes his wisdom to that bond with

Orun, while solidarity and compassion are owed to his condition of creature.

Iroko teaches repentance, showing that the Earth’s offence repelled the Sky and caused the humi-

liating misfortune of every li ving being. He opens the path to prayer, ritual sacrifice, and Ara-

Kole’s happy mission.

Although Iroko is indispensable in this myth, it is Ara-Kole who finally achieves forgiveness. To

be heard by the Sky, Ara-Kole overcomes his own disadvantages and limitations and bravely cros-

ses to the other border of the Sky. He takes offerings to God, but these do not move the Supreme

Being (although he accepts them as a sign of having heard the prayer). What finally provides forgi-

veness to the Earth and its inhabitants is the sincere prayer of Ara-Kole who, on behalf of the others

(who did not deserve his generous intercession), admits the sin before God and shows honest repen-



tance. Or, differently said: what achieves forgiveness is the bold prayer from the repented and hum-

bled heart, not the ritual gesture.

But, what is forgiveness? The appataki seems to tell us that forgiveness is not remission of guilt

or forgetting the past. Forgiveness is suspending the deserved punishment for sin: juridical and ex-

trinsic divine act. When God forgives, the punishment ends. Punishment is commuted, but the sin-

ner stil l bears his guilt and still deserves punishment. The gift of God avoids the complete destructi-

on of the Earth and its creatures, but does not re-establish the lost harmony nor brings the Sky’s

closeness.

)RUJLYHQHVV��LQ�WKH�HQG��DFFRUGLQJ�WR�WKLV�P\WK��FRPHV�QRW�IURP�*RG¶V�JHQHURXV�ORYH��EXW�from a distant act, with judicial traces, that “saves” the condemned person when commuting puni-

shment, but does not absolve him/her. It is an act of divine omnipotence, the gesture of a God zea-

lous of keeping his prestige and his rights. The original relationship with God, broken by the Earth’s

sin, can no longer be re-established, not even by the forgiveness granted by God. The pessimism of

this implicit soteriology is evident.

c) Who is God?

This appataki does not teach us much about God. That is not its main purpose, although it is in-

evitable (as we saw) that the traces of Divinity become present. To make justice to the Yoruba’s

faith in God it would be necessary to appeal to other myths that tell us stories about the Supreme

Being. But, even so, what we do learn about God from this appataki is stil l relevant.

As we said in the beginning of this study, the association between God (Olorun, “The Sovereign

of the Sky” ) and Sky (Orun) is often in the Latin-American Yoruba mythology. Throughout our

work, several divine traces emerged. But, from our standpoint, the one that stands out the most is

God’s distant coldness toward the suffering creatures, yet without nulli fying his mercy.

It is true the appataki says that such distancing was not originally wanted by God, but that it is

the result of sin, whose sole responsible is the Earth. But it still is surprising that, when the plea

finally gets to the Sky, God is more willi ng to assure his prestige and his due reverence, than to pla-

inly and simply save, out of his perfect and infinite mercy. God commutes the punishment, but res-

trains himself from genuine interest. Forgiveness is certainly generous, and the abundant rain pro-

ves it. It is also true that the text says that God had a compassionate response (or pity) when he saw

the Earth’s nakedness; nevertheless, it is not a caring, interested or loving gesture. The God in this

appataki (which should be compared with the message of other Lukumi myths) is cold, reserved, a

bit selfish, and protective of his power and prestige, although being able to forgive and be generous.

Obviously, in this image of God we have a clear echo of what the Yoruba religious universe be-

lieves about the Supreme Being. Olorun is a distant divinity, so highly above the world in his holi -

ness, perfection and power that it is impossible for him to get closer. According to the Yoruba reli-



gion, God is so sublime and perfect that he cannot bother worrying about quotidian problems of

these limited and sinful creatures that cannot resemble him, as good as they might be. The orishas

are God’s delegates to deal with daily li fe. Nonetheless, with no apparent contradiction in the Lu-

kumi theology, this same distant God is always present; the first prayers in certain rites are offered

to him; he is remembered at dawn and at night; final justice is entrusted to him and he is expected to

bring salvation; while the orishas seem powerless or deaf to the human call. More than a deus oio-

sus, the Yoruba Supreme Being, so ambivalent in his being and acting, is a deus absconditus or,

more accurately, a deus incomprehensibil is. The myth we are studying is a sample of that obscurity

or incomprehensibilit y in which God is wrapped at the eyes of the Yoruba people.

TOWARDS A DIALOGUE WITH THE YORUBA RELIGION

The Christian reader of this story of Iroko and Ara-Kole can easily admit the beauty in this ap-

pataki, the wisdom it communicates, its religious depth, and the sincerity it reveals; there is com-

patibilit y between a good deal of its content and what is taught by Christianism. The Christian

shares many of the Yoruba values communicated in this myth: the need for genuine repentance, the

need for God’s forgiveness, bravery, wisdom, and, above all, solidary compassion. Among other

things and with the due hermeneutic caution, there is also a common belief in the non-divine origin

of sin and Evil and its consequences (obviously not in the sphere of images or symbols, but in the

depth of intuition and experience).

However, that same Christian reader who identifies himself with the above mentioned values,

and perhaps with a lot more, would feel himself much distant from the ambivalent conception of

God’s being and acting. And this is a dramatic difference between both religions.

The characters of Iroko and Ara-Kole are attractive and evoke, through their basic attitudes, cer-

tain aspects of the veterotestamentary prophecy about the Messiah and some teachings of Jesus

himself. But the salvation (and forgiveness) mediated by Iroko and Ara-Kole is far from the one the

Christian believes in and sees in the salvation mediated in and by Jesus, the Christ.

In other words, a detailed reading of this appataki does not conceal from us those differences

between Christianism and the Yoruba religion, but neither does it allow us to ignore the common

elements and the beauty and importance they hold. And it is precisely on these common elements

that dialogue should be based. Evidently, this myth is not the only religious source to be considered

in the dialogue: we have already said that there are hundreds of other Yoruba myths in America and

a whole rich li turgy. Besides that, the history and the culture of this people cannot be forgotten.

The history of the relationship between Christianism and the Yoruba religion in our continent

has been a serious impediment to understanding or even to mutual knowledge. For Christianism,

VXFK�KLVWRU\�KDV�EHHQ��LQ�JHQHUDO�WHUPV��YHU\�VKDPHIXO��)RU�WKH�<RUXED�UHOLJLRQ��DOVR�LQ�ge-

QHUDO�WHUPV��LW�KDV�EHHQ�SDLQIXO�DQG�GLODFHUDWLQJ��,W�VHHPV�WR�XV�WKDW�LW�LV�WLPH�IRU�XV�WR�JR�WKURXJK�the path of dialogue, beyond shame or resentment, since prejudices are beginning to fall and we are



starting to see ourselves as men and women of faith. The Lukumi must hear from the Christian what

the gospel is, as much as the Christian must hear from the Yoruba what the Rule of Osha is (i.e.,

“Santeria” or Candomblé-Nagô). The opening to the other’s criticizing contributions is sometimes

the way of seeing one another better. Much incomprehension has yet to be overcome (perhaps more

in the Antilles than in Brazil) and the opening to the other’s criticism is a good way to cleanse the

air, heal wounds, and overcome a painfully shared past.

It seems to us that a Latin-American theology of religions would be a more than adequate vehi-

cle to promote dialogue and mutual understanding. Obviously, many are the problems that would be

out of such theology’s coordinates, but it is evident that if we do not go through the path opened by

the theology of religions, we will not only deny a precious help, but also prevent the religious from

being seen within religions of America with a Yoruba background, thus exclusively remaining in

the social-anthropological dimension (which is certainly valid, yet insufficient).19

The honest dialogue between religions must also lead to a better and renewed understanding of

each one’s own religion and to a more concrete valuing (and admiration) of the other’s religion.

That requires time, effort, study, and goodwil l, if in fact we want to find the common truth and a-

void the temptation of (naïf?) proselytism or resentment. Only truth, certainly, can point out the

path we should follow.

By studying this appataki about Iroko and Ara-Kole we wanted to listen to what the Yoruba faith

has to say of itself. Obviously, many other mythological sources and rituals remain unexamined.

$QG��PRUH�LPSRUWDQW�� WKH�PDLQ�OLQHV�RI�D�/DWLQ-American theology of religions are yet to be

traced. Moforíbale Erekusú, iyá! 19 The study of any religion supposes not only the handling and interpretation of its sources and

tradition, but also the knowledge of its history. History not only as a people that lives of a com-

mon faith, but also as a people economically and social-culturally organized (by itself or to-

gether with others) in time and in concrete contexts. The process of dialogue between Chris-

tians and the Lukumi thus require a deep study of their individual and common histories in

America. Evidently, the limitation of this work did not allow such study here. But, if we want

this dialogue to evolve, it will be inevitably necessary to take into account the economical, his-

torical, and social-cultural backgrounds. It is not irrelevant to the dialogue the fact that the

Yoruba religion has arrived in our continent as a religion of slaves, that slavery has forced the

beginning of syncretism and that this same slavery (with all its horrors) has been religiously le-

gitimated by Christianism. The survival and affirmation of Santeria (or of Candomblé-Nagô)

among us is the sign of the failure (at least partial) of the Catholic legitimation of racist society

and its catechesis attempts, and a sample (also partial) of the rejection the white Christianism

deserved. The fact that the Yoruba self-denominate themselves “Catholic” or participate in the

ecclesial liturgy (and, obviously, there are many Yoruba that in fact are Catholic and do not

take part in the Santeria or Candomblé-Nagô), means nothing else than syncretism, the typical

Nigerian flexibility before other beliefs and a trace of habits forcedly acquired in colonial times.



Version by Carlos Manuel Miranda Leite da Silva

Iroko and Ara-Kole: an exegetical commentary on a Yoruba...

Documents

Transcript of Iroko and Ara-Kole: an exegetical commentary on a Yoruba...