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Transcript of Iran_North_Korea_Paper_Cameron_Corbin
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Cameron Corbin
Monday, April 18, 2016
The Former Axis of Evil: A Tale of Diverging Paths
Iran and North Korea alongside Iraq was deemed to be the axis of evil by then President George
Bush in 2002 during his State of the Union Address and accused the following countries of helping
terrorism and seeking weapons of mass destruction.1 However, focusing solely on North Korea and Iran
we can begin to paint a picture of two countries striving for nuclear empowerment but taking very
different paths as a result to increased sanctions, condemnation, and scorn directed from all over the
world. Starting with Iran, the biggest factors that influenced the outcome of their choices regarding
uranium enrichment were the staggering amount of sanctions that the United States and other powerful
nations placed on every facet of the Iranian economy including reducing oil purchases from 2.5 million
barrels per day in 2011 to a measly 1.057 million barrels per day in 2015 as well as barring all U.S. banks
and 80 foreign banks from ceasing to handle all financial transactions with Iranian banks.2
The diplomatic process concerning Iran first began in 2004 and lasted for four years. During this
time the number of centrifuges and 3.5% LEU Iran owned began to grow more quickly each year. The
international community tried to bargain with Iran by allowing them to keep their LWRs and will get
WTO membership and technology sanctions will be lifted but they have to totally end nuclear
enrichment. These proposals were soundly rejected by the new president of Iran, Mahmoud
Ahmadinejad who stated that Iran had a right to enrichment.3 At the last minute Russian offered a
1 The North Korea Nuclear Problem Lecture Outline pg.32 Iran’s Nuclear Program Lecture Outline pg.43 Iran’s Nuclear Program Lecture Outline pg.3
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compromise that allowed Iran to keep a small enrichment plant of a few hundred centrifuges but this
was soundly rejected by the U.S. and E.U. As a result of this refusal, several UN Security Council
Resolutions were adopted to put more pressure on Iran to compromise.4 Resolution 1696 was passed on
July 31, 2006 giving Iran a month to suspend enrichment and the construction of a heavy-water reactor
at Arak. After Iran refused again, Resolution 1737 was adopted unanimously on December 23,2006 and
demanded for Iran to cease enrichment by February 21,2007 and banned all sales of technology that
could contribute to Iran’s nuclear program. Resolution 1747, 1803, and 1835 were adopted during the
next two years and increased sanctions on Iran to include arms supplies, dual use items to Iran, banned
travel of certain Iranians and authorized inspections of shipments by Iran Air Cargo and Shipping.
These resolutions did nothing to slow down Iran’s plans for enrichment so as President Obama
took office, new plans were needed to be drawn up. At first it was proposed in 2009/2010 that Iran
quickly transfer 1200 kg of 20% LEU to Russia and France but Iran stalls and wants a longer period of
time leading to the proposal to fall through. More proposals in 2011 and 2012 by the Russians and the
P5+1 group also tried to get Iran to shut down the enrichment process but the talks failed miserably
every time. However, after years of cyberattacks via the stuxnet virus, Iranian scientists being
assassinated, Israel contemplating going to war against Iran in 2012 and severe economic problems
resulting from the sanctions, Iran finally was ready to come to the bargaining table in 2013 and would
finalize a lengthy agreement in July of 2015. Iran agrees to freeze the number of centrifuges they own,
stop enriching uranium above 5% and agree to convert 20% LEU to 5% LEU in exchange for 60-100
billion dollars of sanctions lifted over several years for compliance for the next 10 to 15 years. Iran also
agreed to 20 years of continuous surveillance and turning its Arak reactor into a LWR and the Fordow
enrichment facility into a nuclear physics and technology research center.5
4 Kenneth Katzman, CRS Report for Congress 2015 pg.25 Kenneth Katzman, CRS Report for Congress 2015 pg.6
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While the Iran nuclear agreements were relatively successful, North Korea is an entirely
different story; with severely unpredictable leaders and strong militaristic attitude of “us versus them”,
North Korea has been much more of a challenge to work with on ending their nuclear enrichment
program and to this day a concrete policy option has not been achieved yet. The biggest factors that
affect what North Korea does in terms of its nuclear program are usually based off one or two things.
The first is the perceived threat from other countries and a need to defend itself and the second is a
need for economic, energy, and humanitarian assistance and a cessation of heavy sanctions lobbied at
the country.
If there was one word to describe that process of trying to get North Korea to agree to a deal to
end nuclear enrichment it would be “Tit-For-Tat”. Seemingly every time North Korea and worldwide
leaders agree to an agreement something later down the line occurs and the agreement is broken most
of the time by North Korea. Starting in 1994 an Agreed Framework was agreed upon that North Korea
would dismantle 3 reactors and account for pre-1991 Pu in exchange for 500,000 tons of oil annually +
building 2 LWR as well as a normalization of political and economic relations and the formal assurance of
U.S. against the threat or use of nuclear weapons against North Korea.6 This agreement was slowly
implemented and was hindered by a severe famine in North Korea as well as North Korean submarine
provocations. In 1999 and 2000 a second effort to create a deal to lift sanctions was put into effect that
would freeze missile tests and allow nuclear inspectors to visit North Korea. In October of 2000 the U.S.
and North Korea were very close to creating a deal and ending the hostile intent toward each other but
when Bush was elected president all talks fell through and became hostile.
The next major agreement was the Beijing Accord in September of 2005 which came after
several years of deteriorating ties and increased distrust between North Korea and the rest of the world.
What was decided that North Korea would abandon all nuclear weapons and programs in exchange for
6 The North Korea Nuclear Problem Lecture Outline pg.2
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the promise that the US would not attack or invade North Korea as well as normalize relations with each
other. Less than a year after this agreement following problems of ambiguity of the agreement North
Korea launches a long range missile test on July 4th 2006 which failed and a nuclear test in October of
2006 which resulted in heavy sanctions being applied to North Korea. The nuclear test was partially
successful and had a yield of around 1 kiloton compared to 21 kilotons for the bomb at Nagasaki.7
Following North Korea’s first nuclear test the February 2007 Accord was drawn up and demanded that
North Korea shut down their nuclear facility within 60 days and completely declare all nuclear systems
and give up nuclear enrichment in exchange for 50,000 tons to 1 million tons of heavy fuel oil and
normalized relations in exchange for keeping their word. Since then North Korea has launched several
more long range missile tests as well as nuclear weapons tests and continues to agree to provisions to
end its nuclear program than immediately breaks these agreements in exchange for more humanitarian
supplies or as a result of a perceived threat from the United States. Looking ahead there are really only
two options to try and make a permanent agreement with North Korea. The first of which is to redo the
1994, 2005, and 2007 deals and the second is to forget about making a deal and just severely increase
the pressure on North Korea’s economy until it breaks and they agree to a deal. Seeing as Pyongyang
uses sanctions as an excuse to walk away from talks and ignore nuclear obligations which lead to more
sanctions creating a logic loop, it seems that unlike in Iran, a deal might not be reached with North
Korea for some time which is unfortunate as it is the poor people of North Korea who suffer and not the
leadership from sanctions.8
7 Siegfried S. Hecker, Lessons learned from the North Korean nuclear crises pg.4 8 Siegfried S. Hecker, Lessons learned from the North Korean nuclear crises pg.7