INTRODUCTION

Sacred groves are one of the finest examples of peopl?s initiative in

conserving native biodiversity. They are patches of natural vegetation demarcated

by ancient societies and protected on the basis of religious practices and cultural

traditions. They are distinct segments of various landscapes containing trees and

other forms of life and geographical features (Gadgil and Vartak 1975).

Indian society is an agglomeration of about 40,000 endogamous groups of

castes and communities including 3000 tribal sects (Malhotra 1984). This

diversity is reflected in the variety of cultures which integrated the concept of

sacred groves in their own ways and practised with characteristic traditions, rites

and rituals. Rightly, this is called 'vernacular conservation'. This is more evident

in the tribal belts where they have been called by the different names (Table 1).

Prof. Madhav Gadgil's group at the Indian Institute of Science from

Bangalore first reported the existence of a pristine grove in the Western Ghats

(Vartak and Gadgil 1972). Soon, they found hundreds of such groves on the

Western Ghats in the States of Maharashtra and Karnataka (Gadgil and Vartak

1976; 1981). Reports poured in from different parts of North India - the Aravalli

Hills of Rajasthan, Gonds of Madhya Pradesh, plains of Bihar and Garghwal

r?ige of Himalayas. In Southem India, groves have been reported by different

groups, from Uttara and Dakshina Kannada regions, from the southern and

northem Kerala, and from Tamil Nadu. (Ramakrishnan et al. 1998).

Table I : Local names of sacred groves In various parts of India.

hpuriJaisaimer i Bikaneer

While the groves are seemingly well preserved on the hill tracts, the signs

of human impact and consequent degradation are rampant and alarming in the

plains. Nevertheless, their very persistence till this date validates the ecological

prudence, concern for conservation which are borne out of their accumulated

wisdom. In fact, such a perception was common to people of different cultures

and linguistic diversity of the whole world but was only expressed in different

ways. Accordingly, the deities were different, the forms of worship were

different, but the ecological wisdom was unmistakable and uniform

(Ramakrishnan et al. 1998).

The concept of sacred grove has been analysed by different authors from

different angles. The anthropological dimensions which have relegated the

biodiversity conservation are detailed by Roy Burman (1995), Das and Malhotra

(1998), Gupta (1998) and Malhotra (1998). The cultural links to conservation was

the central theme for Nanditha Krishna (1997) whereas the ecological and

biol~gical values were highlighted by Amirthalingam (19971, Chandrasekara and

Shankar (1997), Deb et al. (1997), Deshmukh et al. (1997), Godbole et a1 (1998)

and Ramakrishnan (1998). Texts by Somashekar (1999), Malhotra et al. (2001)

and Ramanujam et a[. (2002) were concise but comprehensive too. An authentic

and exhaustive treatise on the groves has resulted from a year-long intensive

survey of the Indian groves, under the auspices of UNESCO in 1997

(Ramakrishnan et al. 1998).

Sacred Groves - an overview

Historically, the sacred groves could be traced back to the hunter-gatherer

societies which viewed the environment as inalienable part of their life (Kosambi

1962). Such societies consisted of "ecosystem people" as they were tru$y

conscious of their total dependence on nature and natural resources, and hence

worshipped nature as God (Dasman 1988). Later, they started practising primitive

cultivation for which they had to clear forests. While doing so, they moved from

place to place so that the original forest could regenerate in the cleared area,

called shifting cultivation. In fact, it is an expression of their ecological wisdom.

Sooner or later, when population increased they cleared large tracts of forests. It

assumed grave proportions and threatened the very survival of forests. The idea

of sanctifying forests and trees was evolved to conserve the local biodiversity and

to arrest this pernicious trend, which stemmed from avarice than prudence

(Rappaport 197 1; Vannucci 199 1).

In this context, the prevalence of such groves in non- tribal areas inhabited

by the largely agrarian societies is interesting. According to historians, population

pressure and the advent of agriculture coupled to population pressure triggered

the fragmentation of the hill societies and their migration to the plains. However

t. the practice of establishing sacred groves still continued since the revere;~al

attitude towards nature was inborn and inherent. The intelligent lot of the society

also sought to strengthen the belief system by preaching that the groves sheltered

Gods who would ensure bountiful harvest to obedient subjects but punish them if

provoked by violations. The fear of earning the wrath of gods thus saved the

groves from biotic interferences in the form of fire-wood collection, grazing,

lopping, clear-felling and resource harvesting. Fortunately, the religions that

subsequently invaded the societies also approved and practised the sacred grove

concept.

Though the link between the ancient societies and the origin of groves has

been widely accepted, there are other reasons for their proliferation. Several

groves i n the interior forests have tall monolithic memorials eulogising the

sacrifice of warriors and the service of the elders. Ancestor worship of warriors,

warlords and local heroes by erecting 'hero stones' has been described in

literature and in inscriptions of the past. This practice was prevalent in the plains

also but was rare. Amorphous stones are still installed on the burial places and

worshipped by the tribals of Kerala. They believe that the departed souls rest in

peace there (Basha 1998).

The scope of the definition of sacred grove has been expanded as more

and more facets were discovered. From strictly including only the climax forest

patches (Gadgil and Vartak 1971, 1974), two types - village groves near the

hamlets and the sacred groves far off - were recogn~zed. In modem times, the

term sacred grove has become more inclusive; it now refers to patches of natural

ve,etation - a multi-specific and multi-tiered climax forest in the hills or

anthropogenic tree clusters of single or several species raised and maintained by

the local people in the hills or plains (Table 2). 'Aswathakaites' are paired trees

of neem and peepal while, 'Panchavati' is a group of five species of trees; 'Banni

Mantaps' are clusters of Acacia femginia trees; rarely a large banyan tree may

represent the grove as well (Somasekhar 1998).

Table 2: Monospecles Sacred Groves

No

1

2

3

4

Another realization was that these groves need not be expansive as seen in

the hills and interior forests; most of the groves in the plains were smaller in size,

often measuring one or two acres. Nevertheless, they still contained significant

plant diversity and shared several values with the larger groves (Table 3).

Grove

5

6

7

8

9

Mauhak

Mawsrnund

Localion

Bayanar

Kilialamrnan

Manipur

Siaikal of Mizoram

Jaipaiguri

Cooch Bihar

Name of Trlbe

Rajasthan

Sundarban. West Bengai

Jaharthan, Bihar

Madhya Pradesh

Tamil Nadu

Gangte

Domlnanl rpsclsr

Bishnoi

Bahan

Santal

Rsfsrence

Bamboo

Bamboo

Bamboo

Bamboo

Gadgil, Hemam and Reddy (1998

Malhotra (1990)

Gokhale st a/. (1998)

Das and Malhotra (1998)

Vanni

Sal

'

Mango

Punnai

Chandran and Gadgil(1993)

Das and Rana (1963)

Biswas (1956)

Elwin (1947)

Rarnanuiam and Praveenkumar

Table 3: Smaller and Larger Sacred Groves

1.0 acre Kandha Dist. Gujarat

NO. / Name of Grove / Area (ca) / Occurrencn

1.0 acre 1 ~ o o t hiiis of Assarn

Reletence

1.0 acre Chaatlisparh

0 5 ha Sundargad Dist., Orissa

0.02 ha Raiparh Dist., Madhya Pradesh

0.01 ha Kullu D~st. Himachal Pradesh

30 m Passumari Hill, Vedanthangai, Tamil Nadu.

1.0 ha Mathipar, Uthrakannada

Dev (1 995)

Pandey (2000)

Patnaik et a/. (1998)

S~nph eta/. (1998) Maheswaran eta/. (1 995)

I~handran and Hughes

Khan s t a/. (1 997)

Gadpil and Vanak (1981) Lakshrninarayana and Venkaiah (1998)

Types of groves

While reviewing the groves of Maharashtra, Godbole et al. (1998)

4 l~orkavanam

recognized three types of groves, namely informal, formal and memorial groves,

> 100 ha

> 100 ha 5

6

on the basis of their functional attributes: (i) informal groves are those where no

Pakshiputhalam

Lanka Malleswaram

temple or idols exist; the entire vegetation is considered sacred. Generally, such

Pathanarnthina Dt. Kerala. /8asha (1998)

groves are at a distance from village and are not visited frequently; it is

Wyanad Dt. Kerala.

> 100 ha Jnantapur Dt A.P.

scpplemented by a smaller grove adjacent to the village which has temples and

Basha (1998)

Rao (1996)

idols; the rites, rituals and festivals are performed there regularly. (ii) the formal

groves are those dedicated to a village God or deity. Important festivals like

Navarathri, Holi, Dev Diwali and other ceremonial rites and rituals are organized

within. (iii) Memorial groves have clusters of trees raised and nurtured on the site

of cremationburial ground in memory of village elders 1 heroes. Many of them

are, therefore private properties. Such a classification can be extended to groves

everywhere (Gadbole et al. 1998).

A grove (0.45 ha.) owned by the Gawli family at Muradhpur village of

Maharashtra contains old 'samadhis'. This is the site for performing the obsequies

and ceremonial rites for deceased. It houses giant specimens of Terminalia

bellirica, Lagersfroemia lanceolata etc.

Chandran and Hughes (1997) described a grove called Devaravatfikan in

Mattighar village of Kamataka. It is tall, cool and dark grove extending over one

hectare, and is a remnant of original evergreen forest. Offerings are ritually made

but there is no evidence of an image or figurine. An old man confirmed it and

said "the Gods therein live among the trees". Such a practice of identifying the

groves with a deity validates the nature - god concept. The tribals of North

Eastern states consider the summit of mountain as God and visit it only during

the annual festivals. Muduga tribes of Palghat region in Kerala call the summit of

a mountain clothed by forests as Malleeswaran Mudi and worship it; no one dares

a visit there and the whole forest is preserved undisturbed but for a ritualistic

prayer offered once a year (Nadanakunjidham 2000).

Historical evidences

In literature, the antiquity of the groves could be traced to the Bhuddhist

period. Patches of vegetation were preserved as Amara vana, Venu vana, Salai

vana, A s h o h vana, Kadamba vana, Vilva vana etc. and were named after the

dominant / characteristic species (Somashekar 1998).

Distribution

All mountainous forest tracts, the Eastern and Western ghats, the Eastern

and Western Himalayas and the Vindhya ranges of central India abound in

groves. They have been also recorded from the swampy Sundarbans as well as in

the desertic terrains of Rajasthan. The leeward side of Aravalli ranges has a

number of Bishnoi villages contiguous to patches of greenary. The Uttara

Kannada and Kodagu regions of Karnataka, Pune and Kolaba districts of

Maharashtra also had numerous celebrated sacred groves (Gadgil and Vartak

1976). Contrary to the general belief that they are confined to the tribal belts in

the hills, they do occur in significant numbers in the agricultural plains too

(Unnikrishnan 1995; Rao 1996; Amirthalingam 1998; Ramakrishnan et al. 1998).

In 1868, Dietrich Brandis, the first Inspector General of Forests of the

British India was awe-struck by the numerous sacred groves along the Western

Ghats in Rajputna and the Kans of Mysore region. In 1882, he found them

occurring upto Shevaroy hills in the South which were called "Swamy Shola". He

also identified a large number of groves when he visited the ranges of Garo and

Khasi hill in the North-East in 1879. His book entitled Forestv in India : Origins

and Early Development describes a Sal forest nurtured by a ~ u s l i m saint who

maintained a permanent fire in the coutyard of the building. But for extracting

wood for the sacred fire, no activity harming the forest was permitted (Brandis

1897).

South Indian groves

Ward and Comer (1894) observed thousands of groves, called Kavu' in

Malayalam, in Travancore region of Kerala. About 15,000 Kavus existed prior to

1800 A.D. (Veluppillai 1940) and they were innumerable in Malabar too (Logan

1887). In a recent survey, Induchoodan (1988, 1996) enumerated 761 sacred

groves in the Western Ghats and the coastal plains of Kerala. The presiding deity

of Kavu is either Lord Ayyappa or Goddess Bhagavathiamrnan. Several Kavus

are dedicated to Nagaraja - the Serpent.

In his Malabar Manual, William Logan (1887) refers to the practice of

setting aside one seventh of land in the south-east comer while clearing forests

for cultivation; every tree, bush and branch therein was considered sacred; in

course of time, it became a wild jungle dedicated to snake and was known as

Sarpakavu (Gadgil 1992).

There is an interesting mythological background subtending this practice.

When Kerala was created by the gesture of Lord Parasurama, he allowed the

people, mainly Brahmins to settle down among the woodlands. As the people

cleared forests on the pretext of shifting cultivation, the snakes swarming those

woodlands lost their natural habitats, and hence, into the residential areas much to

the annoyance of the public. The people fervently turned to Lord Parasurama for

safety. In turn, the Lord discussed the appeal with King of snakes, Nagaraja. A

compromise deal was clinched under which a portion of land would, henceforth,

be reserved for snakes and other wild animals while trees can be clear-felled for

cultivation.

However, Unnikrishnan (1995) discerns a link to Buddhism in the

maintenance of Kavus since these are normally established in the backyard of

every household and were used as shelters for the wandering Buddhist monks.

With the ascendency of Hinduism, they could have been gradually converted to

Hindu worship places.

Generally, the Kavus of North Kerala are mostly dedicated to Gods and

Godessess and those in the southern region are associated with snake worship; at

time?, the Serpent Gods may be part of Shiva temple complex too. Gods

(Ayyappan, Sastha, Paradeivam, or Maladeivum) or Goddesses (Bhagavathi,

Bhadra Kali, Durga, Chandi, Vanadurga, Vanadevatha etc.) or spirits or minor

deities like Yakshi, Gandharvan, Muthappan, Madan are the objects of

veneration. Amorphous stones attributed with supernatural powers are still

worshipped by tribals of Kerala. Their Kavus are called Madam kavu or Yakshi

kaw. Muthappan canying a bow and arrow and accompanied by a watch-clog,

represents the hunting deity (Basha 1998; Chandrasekara and Sankar 1998,

Pushpangadan el al. 1998). Customarily, dogs straying into the grove and the

temple precincts are not to be harmed, as observed in Muthappan koil at

Parsianinkadavu near Cannanore (Unnikrishnan 1995).

The Sabarimala range enclosing Ayyappan temple is considered to be one

of the largest Kavus. In fact, Ramakrishnan (1998 a,b) who enlarged sacred

element concept to the landscape level, considers Sabarimala as an ideal sacred

landscape on par with Ganga system of North India and Demojong of West

Sikkim and with the Adam's Peak in Sri Lanka.

Area-wise, about five hundred hectare equivalent to 0.05% of forest area

are under grove (Prasad and Mohanan 1995). Like hill tribes and other landlords

of the plains, the fisherfolk along the Arabian sea - coast (DheewardArayans)

have their own groves dedicated to Cheerama or Cheeramba. She represents the

Small-pox Goddess on the lines of Mari Amman in Tamil Nadu.

Andhra Pradesh

A WWF - India survey conducted by Dr. R. K. Rao and R. Rajamani

enumerated ca 800 sacred groves in 23 districts of Andhra Pradesh (Rao 1996).

Over 101 groves had been enlisted from Srikakulam, Vizianagaram,

Visakapatnam and East- Godhavari districts of Andhra Pradesh by

Lakshminarayana and Venkaiah (1998). In Jatlatada, the entire hill was

cor.sidered as the Goddess and protected by the tribals. While collection of timber

and grazing are a great taboo, the Headman of the Jatapu tribe collects medicinal

herbs only after worshipping the deity; otherwise, the collector will earn the

wrath of the Goddess and be condemned to death. Likewise, the whole of the

Jayathi hill covering about 100 ha is named as "Bangaru Lova" as the people

believe that Gods reside therein.

A sacred grove at Gootybailu Village near Kadiri in Anantapur district has

come to symbolize a noble house-wife who committed sati and transformed

herself into a banyan tree. People worship the tree as Thimmamma Mari. As the

tree cover expands, the farmers willingly sacrifice their land permitting its

unhindered expansion. The huge tree, which is incidentally the largest specimen

of Ficus benghalensis in the world now, covers more than 1.6 ha. Some other

groves in the same district harbour old trees of enormous size (6 to 10 m girth).

The Lanka Malleswaram sacred grove spreads over 100 ha and has a majority of

the trees towering beyond 30 m (Rao 1996).

Sacred groves in Tamil Nadu and Pondicherry

In Tamil Sangam literature, nature has been the theme of several verses

and the basis of social and geographical categorization (Raman and Pallavarayan

1997). The epic Thirumurugatruppadai composed by the Saiva Saint Nakkeerar

describes forested hills as abodes of Lord Murugan. Six of his famous abodes on

the tops amidst picturesque surroundings are called 'Arupadai Veedu'.

Aztlagarmala, the abode of Lord Vishnu near Madurai and Mamdhamalai, the

abode of Lord Murugan near Coimbatore are also groves on hillocks.

The groves associated with the ancient temples were called Nandha Vanas

in medieval South India. There are vivid descriptions of them in about 300

epigraphs belonging to 3rd to 15" century A.D. They were of five types viz. (i)

exclusive floral gardens, (ii) groves of fruit bearing trees (orchards), (iii) gardens

having flower and fruit bearing plants, (iv) groves having only one type of plant

(Thoppul Thottam) and (v) a typical forest patch. They were maintained by the

priest(s) or village committees: one such committee governing the Nataraja

temple in Chidarnbaram, according to an epigraph of the Chola King, Kulothunga

111 period, consisted of three representatives of the king and six others - the

temple superintendent, the priest, the organizer of the festivals, the manager, the

temple mason and the accountant (Krishnamurthy 1998).

Nanditha Krishna (1997) recounts an inscription of the lo th century AD

belonging to the period of Chola King Raja Raja. It refers to a temple of Kaalar,

the squadron leader of Ayyanar's army. Another reference relates to Pidari

ammsn in the village of Maganikkudi in Venkonkudi Kandam in Maaranaadu

and mentions a 'nandha vanam of coconut trees'. Even today, the temple of Sri

Ranganathaswamy at Srirangam near Trichy has a floral garden called 'Madhura

Kavi Nandhavanam' which extend over ten acres. Apart from the garden, there is

also an orchard where every tree is named after a Vaishnavaite Saint or Acharya.

Meher-Homji (1986) is credited with the first report of a patch of natural

vegetation receiving protection due to the presence of deities in Puthuppattu,

about 13 km north of Pondicheny on way to Marakkanam on the East Coast

Road to Chemai. It has a temple for Manjiny and Aiyanar, and concrete images

of horses and other guardian deities of the village; it also has a puthu I.e, a termite

mound with snake holes (a termitarium) which reference the name Puthupattu.

The whole patch of green vegetation in 20 ha is protected on the basis of religious

faith. It is a relic of a TDEF forest, housing 104 plant species belonging to 44

families (Sethi 1993).

Maheswaran el al. (1995) studied the floristics of a miniature sacred grove

measuring the size of basket ball court on the Passumari hill-top, near

Vedanthangal bird sanctuary in Chingleput district of Tamil Nadu. With 110

flowering plants in 40 families, it was also a refugium of rare species like

Amorphophallus sylvaticus, Kedrosiis foeiidissima, a rare cucurbit, Sttychnos

ienticellata and the insectivorous plant, Drosera burmanii. A huge Fig tree, about

200 years old, stands majestically in the centre. Below which clumps of Im tall

Amorphophallus plants were growing; they flower during June-July and bear

attrartive red berries during August-September. The undisturbed atmosphere and

the shade provided by this Ficus mollis tree has provided an ideal ambience for

its survival and proliferation.

Balasubramaniyam and Rajasekaran (1996) of Salim Ali Institute of

Ornithology and Natural History surveyed 23 sacred groves of Coimbatore Forest

Dillision. They enumerated 82 woody angiosperms belonging to 39 families

besides 21 species of birds and 3 species of mammals. Raj and Sukumaran (1997)

studied 43 'miniature temple groves' from the Southern districts of Tamil Nadu

and found them harbouring rare, endemic and endangered plants. Parthasarathy

and Karthikeyan (1997) described the Aiyanar temples, plant biodiversity,

vegetation pattern of two sacred groves at Kulandaikuppam and Thirumanikkuzhi

in Cuddalore district of Tamil Nadu. Swamy et a[. (1998) reported larger groves

(>lo ha) of Vijayakaruppan Koil Kadu and Paduvayal Kaliamman Koil Kadu

from Sivagangai district, Alagar Koil Kadu from Madwai District and Nagar

Koil Kadu from Kanyakumari district. They found Artocarpus inlegrifolius, A.

heterophyllus, Eranthemum capense abundantly in less disturbed groves.

Amirthalingam (1998) enlisted floristics of 82 groves in Thiruchirapalli and

Pudhukottai districts.

C.P.R Foundation (CPRF), Chennai has enumerated 499 sacred groves in

Tamil Nadu State since 1994. M.S.Swaminathan Research Foundation - Chennai

(MSSRF) has launched a Community Biodiversity Programme which

incorporates documentation and ecorestoration of the groves in Andhra Pradesh

and Tamil Nadu (Nanditha Krishna and Bhavanishankar 1996; Amirthalingam

1998). Sacred groves of Salem, Theni, Thiruvannamalai and Vellore regions have

been enumerated by Arivudai Nambi of MSSRF. In 1997, the same institute has

published a report on two groves at Suriampettai and Kulandaikuppam entitled

'Marudham Sacred Groves of Cuddalore District of Tamil Nadu' (King 1997). It

has developed a data base on the botanical, socio-cultural and ethnomedicinal

aspects of 150 sacred groves from 11 districts. Preliminary data have been

gathered for 11 1 more groves, as a part of the project on Biodiversity wanditha

Krishna and Javanthi 1997; Amirthalingam 1998).

A research team comprising Dr. M. P. Ramanujam, Dr. G. Kumaravelu,

Dr. D. Kadamban, Dr. T. Ganesan, Mr. Praveenkumar and Mr. V. Knshnan of

the authors' laboratory and Mr. S. Aravajy of French Institute, Pondicheny haw

been concentrating on the groves in a segment of corornandal coastal belt

covering Neyveli-Cuddalore-Pondicheny-Marakkanam sector. Initially, they

enumerated more than 84 groves in and around Pondicheny. Floristic richness

and the biocultural perspectives sustaining them have been documented in 11

important groves (Kadarnban 1998). Encouraged by the plant diversity and the

conservation significance of groves as refugium, relict and museum of giant

specimens (Kadamban and Ramanujam 1999 a,b; Ramanujam and Kadamban

1999 a,b); another intensive survey enlisted 163 groves within the Pondicheny

region. Four more groves Keerzhbuvanagiri, Periyakumati, Periakkatupalayam,

Periamudaliarchavadi were described by Ramanujam and Praveenkumar (2003),

recently (Plate 1, 2).

Generally, the sacred groves of Tamilnadu are dedicated to Aiyanar or

Amman. A rare instance of a grove dedicated to Hanuman is reported from the

tribal hamlet of Nellivasalnadu in the 'Sanjeevarayanmalai" in Vellore district.

Covering a radius of 500 metres this wooded hillock is considered part of the

Sanjeevi Parvatham carried by Hanuman to cure Lakshrnanan who fainted during

Plate 1

Features of the sacred groves

1 A view of the Selliamman grove at Oorani near Marakkanam

2 A view of the Aiyanar grove at Thirumanikkuzhi near Cuddalore. Note

that the concrete images of minions are installed in the open, outside the

grove only.

3 A view of Omiper grove which is dominated by luxurious shrub layer of

Memerylon umbellntum.

Plate 2

Salient features of the sacred groves

1 A grove at Keezhbuvanag~ri near Chidambaram, amidst paddy fields - an

Ideal "Marudham grove".

2 A water source abutting the grove is an important component - a view

from Aiyanar temple near Anumandai village on East Coast Road.

3 Tall trees, characteristic of a forest are not rare in the groves. A view from

the Kuzhandaikuppam grove near Cuddalore - note a stream passing

through the grove.

4 Another view of above grove showing the influence of vedic culture -

Sanskritisation.

the Ramayana war. A pair of foot marks carved in granite stone as is revered by

the tribal Malayalis as that of Sri Anchaneya (Ravishankar et al. 1995). These

authors have also reported another grove dedicated to Lord Vishnu christened as

Karimal and protected by the Paliyar and Pulayar tribes on the Palani hills in

Dhindukkal district.

From the descriptions available, a typical grove has a patch of trees either

natural or man-made with the images of Aiyanar or Amman lying in the open or

under a crude roof. Though they are associated generally with a water source, the

quality of vegetation reflects the various stages of degradation. Modernization

has invaded the lay-out of votive offerings or guardian deities (Plate 2).

Anthropological dimensions

The interface between people and the groves has assumed religious, social,

economical and political dimensions notwithstanding the environmetltal

considerations (Malhotra et 01. 2001). The groves in the interior forests of the

Kolhapur district of Maharashtra. Midnapore district of West Bengai are

identified with specific ethnic groups (Roy Burman 1996; Malhotra 1997). They

also serve as centers of socialization by providing opportunity to different groups

to mingle together in an atmosphere of joy and merriment. On the other hand,

they have been the instruments for identification and assertion of rights in certain

cases thus assuming political overtones. Hembran (1983) reported that the Sarna

Dharma was the major unifying factor of ethnic groups in Chota Nagpur in their

struggle for self-assertion. In an extreme case, the gond tribes revived a grove

dedicated to Danteshwari to facilitate their consolidation.

Ownership and management

The groves are generally managed by the villagers through a committee of

elders, though the ownership may rest with the revenue authorities or with the

forest department.

Several groves in Meghalaya are parts of Reserve forests and hence

protected by law; but the local management system is still effective. Lyngdoh, the

religious head is the chief of management committee. Tree felling is prohibited

by law except for religious functions or ceremonies which is to be approved by

Lyngdoh. Only the Chief Forest Officer is authorised to permit clear-felling.

Three types of sacred groves are recognised viz. Law Lyngdch. Law Kyntang and

Law Niami. Ki Law Lyngdoh or Mawphlong are forest patches under the control

of traditional religious leaders and protected by village councils. Certain sacred

groves are meant for sacrificial and religious ceremonies. Ki Law Kyntang or

Mawsmai forests are of that type. Forests of religious significance are locally

called Ki Law Niun~i while the protected forests are known as Ki Law Adong. The

forests from which the local community obtains forest produce for its uses, are

known as Ki Law Shnong. However, the forest produce from these forests is

auptioned for religious functions or cremation, by the village headman known as

syien, lyngdoh, dolvior, or sardar. Most villages in the Khasi Hills of Meghalaya

have sacred groves dominated by Oaks and Rhododendrons near the summit

(Gurdon 1975). Among these, the traditional types are totally protected from any

form of human interference. It is sacrilege to touch even leaves of trees in these

groves. However, only Mawphlong and Mawsmai categories of sacred groves

encompassing the climax formations of Cherrapunji are well preserved today

(Haridasan and Rao 1985; Alfred 1996).

Three types of Kavus can be recognized in Kerala on the basis of

management systems, i.e. (i) those managed by family, (ii) groups of families or

( i~ i ) by the statutory agencies (Chandrashekara and Sankar 1998). The Sarpakavu

belong to the first category, the family grove. A sarpakavu at Ulloor typifies such

a grove. Sri Bhagavathiamman Kavu at Iringole is managed by the Devaswom

Board; Sri Shankukulangara Kavu at Sreenarayanapuram is also indirectly

controlled by state authority. There are 60 groves in Kasargude District and 54 in

Cannanore District, the latter covering 100.28 ha Pookavanam of Pathanamthitta

District and Pakshipathalarn of Wyanad District are the two bigger groves with

an extent of more than 100 ha These are parts of Reserve forests lying contiguous

to them (Basha 1998).

Almost 99% of Kerala groves are privately owned. In other words, they

are maintained and protected on the basis of emotional attachment rather than by

statutory regulations. The eldest member of the family inherits the family Kavu

anu performs the rituals regularly. Once a year, all the members of the family

reassemble in 'Tharavadu' (family reunion) and offer prayers.

Belief system

Evolving an elaborate and strong belief system was the greatest protective

mechanism for the groves. To supplement human authority, they invoked godly

interventions in the form of rites, rituals and folk-tales and lores to create a fear-

psychosis. They warned the desecrators with divine retributions and harsh

reprisals. Befitting the primitive nature of the hunter gatherers, the local delties

installed by them are crude and ferocious; they carry weapons to evoke awe and

fear and are believed to be ruthless in punishing the offenders, often condemning

them to death (Gadgil and Vartak 1976). The tribals, though illiterate and

ignorant, scrupulously established traditional customs, rituals and ceremonies

which, were synchronized into their culture with the passage of time. Human

activities are restricted within the grove with the exception of festivals and prayer

times. In addition, taboos and folk-lores also restrain the people from disturbing

the forest. The very practice of dedicating the forest to a God in which

supprnatural forces also find their abode forbid people from committing any act

of sacrilege. The fact that there are no artificial boundaries or fences for such

groves is a point in proof. Understandably, ancient cultures imposed restrictions,

slapped sanctions and handed down hard prescriptions mainly to arrest the

attitudinal change eating into the vitals of conservation.

Saxena et al. (1998) reviewed the cultural and religious perspectives

asscciated with sacred groves. As mentioned earlier the behavioural patterns

diversified into the different forms viz. beliefs, rites, rituals, myths, taboos,

folklores and faith. They were further subtended by varying degrees of myth and

mysticism. While myths are totally imaginary, the folklores may be partially true,

the mythical tinge being wantonly imparted to enlist peoples' support and

adherence. It was intended to create an emotional bond between culture and

conservation without being explicit.

Taboos and restrictions

The success in exploiting the vulnerability and naivety of rural-folks is

evident from the wide variety of taboos, rituals, and rites perfected by different

cultures (Frazer 1922). In general, consumptive use of the flora and fauna is

proscribed. Grazing by animals is not allowed which was sometimes ensured by

digging trenches along the periphery (Brandis and Grant 1868); trees should not

be felled nor the branches axed; even the trees that have fallen naturally were

allowed to remain and rot. Ploughing, sowing and erection of unauthorised

structures were prohibited. Fallen fruits may be gathered but vegetable matter.

even dead wood cannot be removed except for making the traditional cooking of

sweetened rice (Pongal). However, the attitude towards fallen branchesitrees and

collection of firewood for the ceremonial cooking has been varied; most people

are not averse to use dead and fallen twigs for cooking within the groves during

rituals and ceremonies, though consumptive practices are generally proscribed.

Women are not allowed during menstrual period, as they were considered

impure during those days. People of lower castes are not allowed entry. With the

advancement of society and awakening of the supressed, such restrictions are

practiced in the plains more in breach. Carrying tools like sword, axe, knife,

sickle etc., which is proscribed, is observed in hill- groves only.

Cooked rice (Pongal) is the item commonly made within the grove. This,

along with flowers, betel leaves, coconut, sandal, kumkum, turmeric, arecanut

and fruits like banana are offered to the deities. Non-vegetarian food, meat from

slaughtered animals can be served only on ceremonial occasions when animals

T

like, goat, buffal o, peafowl are sacrificially offered to the minions. Hunting is

not permitted; the animals dedicated to the deity should be harmed even when

they stray into the village. Footwear or any other leatherware 1s not permitted

inside the grove.

In certain cases, people observe 'viradh' prior to ceremonial visits to the

grove. They omit garlic and egg from the recipes and give up non-vegetarian

food for specified periods. Such practices were evolved mainly to purify one-self.

Exemptions and punishments

People were also warned of serious repercussions against violations of the

taboosirestrictions such as, the crop may fail; epidemics may strike; natural

calamities may devastate. The offenders were identified, brought to trial before

the village committee and handed down harsh punishments (Vartak and Gadgil

lS"1). Francis Buchanan, a British traveller has noted as early as 1802 that

permission of the deity was occasionally obtained through the Priests in trance or

through oracle for auctioning the timber or using in temple construction. The

merchants or devotees sought to propitiate God with animal sacrifices before

cutting trees. The cult spot, the places where the animals are beheaded, exist

within many groves even today. In extreme cases, human sacrifices seem to have

been made, though such a horrendous practice has been given up now.

To Vartak and Gadgil(1981) the smearing of saffron symbolizes the blood

of sacrificial victims. In a sacred grove of Maharashtra the human sacrifice is

symbolically offered even today. An annual festival called 'bagad' is celebrated

or1 the chitra poornima day of April to propitiate the deity, Mhatoba Bhairavnath

seated on a hillock harbouring a grove in the Hinjavadi village near Pune. A

married youngster is chosen to perfom the rite and he is called 'galkari'. He is

hung from a pole at 20 metre height by metal hooks piercing through his back

and the pole is drawn by bullocks through the village. At the end of the hvo hour

procession he is released from the clutches and offered symbolically to the deity.

The behavioural patterns, the variety of which is amazingly heterogenous

reflect the plurality of cultures, have been documented by the Anthropologists

and Sociologists. However, to a Biological Conservationist, the ecological

prudence woven into the fabric of culture, aimed to exclude the biotic factor Gom

the groves, is of greater significance. In essence, the groves along with trees and

temples represent the streaks of ecological wisdom amidst human stupidity.

Rites and rituals

In add~ t~on to restnctive practices, people observed ntuals and organ~zed

fest~vals to please the supernatural forces for ward~ng off the dangers In the form

of drought, sickness, ep~demlcs etc and for seeklng nch harvest and good health

Offenngs are made ntually durlng festivals and these Included mlnlatures of

horses, bulls and elephants, the last one belng characterlst~c of coastal groves

(Plate 3 3) The terracotta Images were smaller In olden days but assumed

glgantlc proportions recently (Am~rthallngam 1998)

The ph~losoph~cal underplnnlng In the mak~ng of a terracotta Image IS

Interesting Parts of the old terracotta Images or so11 from the grove are pounded

and mlxed w ~ t h the clay for maklng new ones The cycllc role of clay 1s

correlated to Hlndu philosophy of blrth, death and rebirth The lmages of horses,

elephants, or bulls represent the finiteness of life tlme (Amirthalmgam 1998)

Customarily, terracotta Images are offered, but figures from 11me - stone or

granlte were also offered In earller days In the agricultural plalns of Tam~lnadu,

such events are part of the annual \lllage festlval durlng which a day 1s allotted

for Alyanar Grove

The rltes and ntual prevalllng In Pond~cheny region have been

documented recently (Kadamban 1998, Ramanujam and Kadamban 1998,2000,

Praveenkumar 1999) People perform the Important domest~c ceremonies l~ke

to1 m n g or ear-bonng of the first born-child In the fam~ly They also

customarily offer lnv~tat~ons of thelr domestlc functions l ~ k e marriages, back-

Patterns of Belief System

1 Invitations of family functions first offered to Aiyanar - A scene from

Varakalpet grove where the invitations are pasted on the wall behind the

deity.

2 A huge concrete image of Veeraputhiran, a minor deity warding off evil

spirits and enmity of the devotees. The request is written on a paper, rolled

and tied to the sword held by him. A view from Konjikuppam grove.

3 Terracotta offerings to Lord Aiyanar - a characteristic feature of groves in

the agricultural plains - Puthupet grove near Pondicherry.

4 A belief in Lord Aiyanar brings child - birth. The grateful det Btees hang

toy-cradles from the roof to plcase the Lord; also note the invitations of

domestic functions pasted on the wall as a ritual - Mudhanai grove near

Neyveli.

Plate 3

1 - n

home ceremonies by pasting them on the walls of the sanctum to seek the deity's

blessing for the smooth conduct. (Plate 3.1) Special requests for retrieval of

stolen articles, warding off of enmiv, recovery from chronic illness etc, are

written in a piece of paper rolled and tied at the base of the left fore-limb of

Aiyanar's horse - as seen in Puthupet grove near Pondicherry. Requests for

protection and relief from trouble are tied to the sword of Madhuraiveeran, the

lead warrior of Aiyanar as observed in Konjikuppam grove (Plate 3.2). In another

grove at Varakalpettu, people make wailing appeals. Childless couples seek

child- birth by folding a piece of turmeric-stained cloth containing stone or brick

and tie it to a sacred tree in the grove. They also ritually offer toy-cradles or

terracotta image of the child on fulfillment. (Plate 3.4).

Cultural manifestations - antiquity

A number of festivals are described in the epigraphs propagating the

theme of conservation. A festival Vanamahotsava or Spring festival was

conc'ucted on the full-moon day in the grove. The decorated idol of the local

temple, especially a Goddess, was taken in a procession to the sacred grove

where it was kept for the whole night on the full moon day. The villagers were

allowed to enter the grove and worship the deities only on the condition that they

should not harm the animals and plants. Another festival, "Thiruvettai or Sacred

hunt" is described in an inscription of the Chola King Raja Raja 11. As described

in 1178 AD epigraph, the decorated idol of Lord Siva as a hunter was taken in a

procession from the village temple to the grove and kept there for three to seven

&ys. There are about fifteen references to this festival in inscriptions relating to

the Chola dynasty to the Thuluva dynasty upto 151 1 AD. "Vasanlha Thoppu"

(151 1 AD) is the third festival which is similar to "Thiruvettai" and was

conducted in Spring. The Vijayanagara kings organized another festival called

"Thirutthoppu" to perpetuate the reverence towards the groves (Krishnamurthy

1998).

It is interesting that the farming communities of Uttara Kannada like

Hallakkivokkals and Nandharis and Kodavas of Coorg conduct such communal

huntings once a year to appease the deity. The villagers of Periamudaliarchavadi,

a civilized habitat on the east-coast road near Pondicherry, conduct an annual

festival to honour Aiyanar of the grove. On a specific day, the villagers take

the decorated image of Aiyanar from the village temple to the grove situated

on the outskirts of the village, make rice preparations and offer it to Aiyanar.

They entertain the whole night with "Therukkoothu", a village art form of drama

(Pla:: 4).

In ancient times, according to inscriptions, this was the only occasion

people had free access to the groves. In many temples of Kerala, a symbolic hunt

called 'Pulivetta' is organised as an annual ritual. That the Ayyappa devotees

cany toy-bows and arrows and agriarian peasants leave terracotta images of

animals in the groves as an annual ritual, might be reminiscent of ancient

traditions (Basha 1998; Pushpangadan et al. 1998).

Plate 4

Sociological functions of the sacred groves

I The scenes from Karikatti Aiyanar grove at Periyamudaliarchavedy. The

villagers arrive in a ceremonial procession accompanied by musicians.

2 Annual festival inside the grove - people eschew minor imtants, foster

harmony and congregate.

3 A special appeal made by young and unmarried girls for a prosperous

married life by offering "Mavilakku Pooja" (Lamp made of rice flour).

The worship pattern has evolved into an art form called "Theyam" or

"Thira" or Theyyaattum in Kerala. The utterings of Theyyam in trance

(Velichapadu) are taken as commands of deities. It is part of the annual festival

conducted in Kavus to recharge the power of deities and performed exclusively

by the males of certain castes like Vannan, Malayan, Chervan, Velan,

Munnoottan, Pulayan, Parayan etc. The performers are supposed to be possessed

by deities and are decorated with resplendent costumes, gorgeous colours and

magnificient facial make up. The spectacular towering head gear (ca 15 m) called

'Mudi' deserves special mention. The pageantry is headed by a man -possessed,

called Theyyam who moves around the temple complex; the Theyyam then sits

on a wooden stage (Peedam) and blesses the prostrating devotees. He also

preaches them about the sanctity and pristineness of the grove and commands

them to protect the Kavu.

While Theyyam or Theyyatam is common in northern Kerala, the

Sarpakavus witness a different kind of ritual. Noorum-palum (rice powder,

turmeric powder, coconut water, banana and ghee along with lime and milk) is

offered to snake Gods during Aayilyam star of local almanac. Sometimes, a

ritualistic devotional dance called Pambu thullal is also performed at late night

by girls. This had been a regular feature in cycles of twelve years (Basha 1998;

Pushpangadan et al. 1998).

Conservation as religious precept

However, the evolution and elaboration of the belief system attained its

zenith in the form of Bishnoism practised in the arid regions of Rajasthan. The

Orans at Peepasar and Khejaldi villages are sanctified by Bishnois; Peepanu is

the birth place of Guru Jambeshwarji, the founder of Bishnoi cult Khej

symbolises the supreme sacrifice of 363 Bishnois protesting the felling of

Khejrali tree, Prosopis cineraria by the army of Jodhpur King in Khejrali village

in the year 1730 A.D. If the Orans of the Thar desert survive till today it is

because of the commitment of Bishnois who ordained conservation as a religious

precept (Jha et al. 1998).

Biodiversity and conservation potential

The Indian subcontinent is a land of tremendous ecological diversity as it

lies at the trijunction of three biogeographic realms viz. the Ethiopian, the

Palearctic and the Indo-Malayan. Consequently, its biological heritage is a

veritable treasure unsurpassed in any other land mass of comparable size in the

world (Gadgil 1989).

Vegetation types

Composition-wise, sacred groves are considered patches of climax

vegetation of the respective areas (Gadgil and Vartak 1981). They include a

vanety of formations ranging from typically evergreen forests to dry deciduous

Qes of Himalayan ranges and Western Ghats, swamps of the coastal plains

along the west-coast, oases of thorny scrubs in Aravally ranges and scrub

woodlands of Coromandel coastal belt, corresponding to the different climatic

zones (Table 4).

T a b l e 4: H a b i t a t s of S a c r e d Groves

211wamp ~~~~~i~~ tatua var mapniflca

3 Swamp Gymakranthera cananca

5 l ~ a r i n e swamp I~ fnanga dicksonii 1 ' 1 %

No.

1

Periya Kumati Ramanulan and Tamil Nadu Praveenkumar (2003)

Dominant species

Myr stlca sp.

Habilats /type

Swamp

Bru guiera sp. Pirotan, Gujarat

12 Avicenn~a marina

Occurrence

Southern Kerala

131 ' /Bru guiera cylindrica I~umta , Karnataka I '

Relerence

Gadg~l and Vartak (1981)

141~horny scrub 1 ~rosop ls cineraria l~raval l i ranges, l ~ a d ~ ~ l and Vartak (1976)

15 Scrub woodland I I Corornandel coast, Ramanujam and Pondlcherry Kadamban (2001 )

16

17

Drypetus sepiaria

Deciduous forest

Dry everyorsen

Oorani, Tamil Nadu

Terminal~a chebuia

Aglala elasgnoidea

Ramanulam and

Kadamban (1 999 b)

Maharashtra Gad~l l and Vartak (1976)

chavady, Praveenkumar (2003)

Values of groves

Apart from being unique natural formations, the groves have been found to

have several values of biological and ecological importance (Fig.1) such as

museums of giant trees, treasure - troves of threatened species, dispensaries of

medicinal plants, regulators of water-sheds, recreation centres for urbanites,

veritable gardens for botanists, gene banks of economic species, paradise for

nature-lovers and laboratory for environmentalists (Gadgil and Vartak 1975;

Vartak 1983; Vartak and Kumbhojakar 1984; Vartak er al. 1986; Somashekar

1998; Ramanujam 2000; Ramanujam et al. 2002).

Flg.1 : Values of Sacred Groves (Complied from Llterature)

Refugia / relicts

It was Harris (1984) who pointed out that because of the heterogenuus

landscape and climatic variations, the groves may function as a refugia of rare

and relict life forms (Table 5). Kanjilal and Das (1934) impressed by the floristic

composition in the North-East commented, "It is indeed to these fascinating

groves that the Khasi hills owe their reputation as richest botanical area - not only

in India but perhaps in the world". The Botanical Survey of India has

rediscovered some rare specimens of orchids in the sacred groves of Khasi hills

in Assam (Gadgil and Vartak 1976).

Table 5: Relict species occurlng In sacred groves

Name: Occurrencrr Relerence

Chandran (1997)

la wianas

Evergreen

Museum of giant specimens

At low elevations of Maharashtra (400-1500 m) sacred groves are the only

patches of broad-leaved forests. Arboreal vegetation is dominated by Hirada tree

(7rrminalia chebula), which is a source of tannin. The grove at Yeotmal in Pune

district of Maharashtra has elite teak specimens, which exhibited genetic

5

L

Agiaia elsagnoidea

Tricalysia sphaerocarpa

Evergreen

Everareen

Kanjlkuppam

Periyamudaliar chavady

'

Rarnanujam and Praveenkumar (2003)

superiority (Gadgil and Vartak, 1976) (Table 6). A small grove at village Tunbad

in Srivardhan taluk in the same state shelters a gregarious specimen of Entrda

phaseoloides var. pursaetha of Mimosoideae (Fabaceae). It is called Garabi or

Gaidhari locally. The bark of this leguminous liana is the only source of medicine

in 40 Km radius for treating snakebite in cattle (Vartak el al. 1986) (Table 6).

The floristics of groves in the Western Ghats have been studied

extensively by Professor Madhav Gadgil's group of Indian Institute of Science,

Bangalore. More than 750 spp. of flowering plants have been enumerated in the

sacred groves of Maharashtra. About 134 rare and endemic taxa survive in

groves of Andhra Pradesh. Many typical forest species like Mesua ferrea, Vateria

indica. Dysoxylum binectariferurn and Leea guianensis grow luxuriously in the

Kans of Uttara Kannada (Chandran and Gadgil 1993). Dipter

ocarpus indicus, another majestic evergreen tree of Western Ghats grows only in

a couple of sacred groves in the north on a hill top amidst secondary evergreen

forest. The geographical range of Dhup tree, Canarium strictum ends in Uttara

Kannada, but two magnificent specimen of this tree live in a sacred grove of

Maharashtra, 200 krn away. A sacred tree, a gigantic specimen of Michelia

champaca worshipped by Maharaja of Mysore is a part of a grove in the

Biligrirangan hills in Mysore district (Gadgil and Vartak 1976).

Table 6: Oiant specimens of Sacred Grover

1 2 / ~ l b l n l a lsbbeck I~arakkalpattu, Tamil Nadu / Kadamban (1998)

No.

I 3 I ~ttocarpus sp. IShlmoga, Karnataka Ichandran (1993)

/ 4(~vlcennla marina I~angrove grove, Gujarat (Untawale etal. (1998)

Pianl

1

8 Cinnamomum sp. Shirnoga, Karnataka Chandran (1995)

9 Combretumalbldum Omiper, Tamil Nadu ! ! Kadamban (1998)

Occumnco

5

6

7

/ 101 ~ s r r i s scandens I~udhanai, Oorani, Tamil Nadu 1 '

Rnfarenc~

Aglala elaegnoldea

1 11 / Diptarocarpus lndlcus luttara Kannada j~adgi i and Vartak (1976)

Calophyllum lnophyllum

Calophyllum tomntoam

Canarlum strictom

1 121 Elaeocarpussp. I~himoga, Karnataka lchandran (1996)

Periyarnudallarchavadl, Tamil Nadu Rarnanujam and Kadamban (1 999 b)

Periakurnani, Tamil Nadu

Shimoga, Karnataka

Northern Maharashtra

Ramanujam and Praveen Kumar (2003) Chandran (1994)

Gadgil and Vartak (1976)

13 Entada phaseoloides var Maharashlra 1 1 purseatha 1 14 Leplsanthss tetraphylla Pooranankuppam, Pondicheriy

I 181 Pfemspem~lms~berifolium l~eriamudaiiarchavadi, Tarnii Nadu. l~raveenkumar (2000)

Vartak et a/. 1986)

Kadamban (1998)

Mysore

Shimoga, Karnataka

Kadamban (1 998) Gad911 and Vartak (1 976)

Chandran (1997)

21 Tectona grandis Yeotmal, Maharashtra Gedgil and Vartak (1976)

22 Tem'nalia kl l l r lca Omlper, Tamil Nadu 1 I Kadamban (1998)

1 1 9 I p h h IAndhra Pradesh hydrophyllacea

20 Semcarpusanacardlum Oorani, Tamil Nadu

Lakshminarayana and Venka~ah (1 998)

Kadamban (1998)

( 251 Vaterla lndlca IShimoga, Karnataka Ichandran (1998)

23 Tsm'nalia chebula Lower hills (400.1500m), 1 1 Maharashtra

24 nnospora sinensis Pune, Maharashtra

Gadgii and Vartak (1976)

Upadhys et a/. (1987)

26 Wghtla tinctorla Mudhanal, Tamil Nadu Ramanuiam and Kadarnban (1999 b)

Asylum for endangerd specimens

Broadly, the vegetation of Kerala Kavus is of either evergreen or moist

deciduous type. Because of the richness of Dipterocarpus spp. in the groves, the

Kavus of Kerala bear a resemblance to the low land Dipterocarp forests of

Malaysia (Induchoodan 1988). About 800 flowering species were enumerated in

them; 150 of them are endangered taxa and 40% of them are of medicinal value

(Chandrasekara and Sankar 1998). Certain groves are unique habitats. The

Myristica swamps in the southern tip of Kerala are situated on the ill-drained

valley bottoms with sluggish streams. Endemics like Myrisiica fatua var.

magnifera (wild nutmeg), Gyrnnakranthera canaria, Semecarpus auriculata and

a fragile palm, Pinanga dickionii have found asylum in these groves (Chandran

1997) (Table 7). Because of their ecological uniqueness, these swamps have been

declared rare and threatened habitats of southern Kerala eg. Aravanchalkavu,

Andalurkavu, Theyyottukavu etc. (Krishnamoorthy 1960). A few such swamps

are found far off in Uttara Kannada only. Such a grove at Katlekan is the ab3de

of a spirit called Bhuta and harbours an endemic and wild nutmeg (Unnikrishnan

1995; Chandran ei al. 1998). The hlialamman grove at Periakumatti village in

Tamil Nadu partly resembles a fresh water swamp overwhelmingly dominated by

giant specimens of Calophyllum sp. (Ramanujam and Praveenkumar 2003).

Table 7: Endemic Spocles of sacred groves.

No.

1

2

3

4

5

7 Myrlstlca tatua var Myristlca swamp, Uttara Chandran (1997) nngnifica Kannada

6

Speclo:

BoswslNa ovallfollata

C l n n a m m s p

Cycas beddomN

Dipterocarpus lndicus

Garemla gunurdgufta

Gymnakranthera canarlca

9

10

Place

Tirupati Hills

Karnataka

Tirupatl Hills

Uttara Kannada

Karnataka

11

12

13

14

The fact that Kerala is a land of sacred groves cannot be gainsald as they

Reference

Rao (1996)

Chandran eta1 (1998)

Rav~prasada Rao and Jayaprada (1 997)

Chandran st a1 (1993)

Chandran st a1 (1998)

Myr~strca swamp, Unara Kannada

Ptmpinella tlrupatyensis

Plnanga dlcksonii

15

16

occurred like specks on the spotted deer's skin. Surveys by Induchoodan and

Chandran (1997)

Pferocarpus santaknus

Semcarpusaunculata

Shorea t~mbaggaia

~ g l u m a l t e r n l f o i i u m

Balasubramanyan (1991), Ramachandran (1993) and Induchoodan (1996) found

Ttrupatt Hills

Myrlshca swamp, Uttara Kannada

~ g i u m t r a v a n c o n c u m

Temnalla palllda

a high degree of endemism in the groves of Kerala. They enumerated 155 species

Raviprasada Rao and Jayaprada (1997)

Chandran (1997)

Tlrupatl Hllls

Mynstica swamp, Uttara Kannada

T~rupati Hills

Tlrupatl Hiiis

endemic to Western Ghats including 51 (33%) tree species in 364 groves. In a

Raviprasada Rao and Jayaprada (1 997)

Chandran (1997)

Raviprasada R w and Jayaprada (1997)

Ravrprasada Rao and Jayaprada (1997)

Manlpur valley

Tirupatl Hllls

subsequent s w e y , Induchoodan (1996) identified 761 groves in Kerala and

Baiasubramanl (1997)

Rav~prasada Rao and Jayaprada (1 997)

analysed the floristics in 361. Of the 722 species in 474 genera belonging to 129

families, 154 were endemic (Table 7). Scores of trees and lianas were found to be

critically endangered since many were represented by single specimens. Four

threatened species, Blepharistemma membranifolia, Buchanania lanceolata,

Pterospennum reticulatum and Syzygium travancoricum survive only within the

groves near Pathanamthitta in the marsh lands of Quilon-Asramam area

(Balasubramanian 1997) (Table 9). Another grove shelters five species of Hopea,

four of which are endemic to south-west India. Sasikumar (1 995) recorded the

endangered taxa, Aerva lanata, Cyperus rotundus, Desmodium giganteum,

Plumbago rosea and Rauvolfa serpenlina in the groves. Mohanan and Nair

(1981) discovered a new taxon Kunsteleria keralensis in a Kerala grove

(Table 8). This is not only a new species but is only the second new genus of

legume reported from India. Nair (1985) discovered Dalbergia benthami for the

first time in Kerala from a sacred grove. Recent initiatives have enriched the list

of groves, besides highlighting their floristic value (Basha 1998; Chandrasekara

and Sankar 1998; Pushpangadan et al. 1998). By comparison, a 1.4 km2 Kavu

contained 722 plant species as against 960 in the 90 km2 Silent Valley. They also

harbour many wild relatives of cultivated species (Induchoodan 1996).

Table 8: New species reported from Sacred Groves

No.

1

2

3

4

-

Name:

Kunstleria k8mlens1s

Xylaria sp

Clnna~mmqullonensisis

&/bergla bentham

TYPO Cllmbing legume

Fungus

Endem~c

FIE! time

Occurrence

Southern Kerala

Coorg D ~ s t Karnataka

Alapuzha Dist Kerala

Kerala

Reference

Mohanan and Nair (1981)

Kushalappa and Bhagwat (2001)

Unn~kr~shnan (1995)

N a ~ r (1985)

A WWF survey (1996) revealed the existence of over 800 sacred groves in

23 districts of Andhra Pradesh. The groves around the temple town of Tirupati

are the home of several endemics like BosweNia ovalijoliolata, Cycas beddomei ,

Pimpinella tirupatiensis, Pterocarpus santalinus, Shorea tumbaggaia, Syzygium

alternijolium and Terminalia pallida. Tall (73 m), old (75-1000 yrs) and robust

(6-10 m gbh) trees provide a magnificent view of the Lanka Malleswaram sacred

grove extending over 100 ha in Anantapur district. Of the 98 plant species

enumerated there, four are rare ones (Rao 1996; Ravi Prasada Rao and Jayaprada

1997). A tree of 90 m height and 25 m girth is present in Trinadha temple at

Pachipenta village; an interesting mangrove associate Sciphyphora

hydrophyllacea was recorded from Bhairavapalem area; Vanilla wightiana a rare

orchid was collected from the Eleswaram forest (Lakshrninarayana and Venkaiah

1998).

Though 163 groves were enumerated in about 300 krn2 in Pondicheny

region, only 35 are fairly well preserved; seven groves are relics of Tropical Dry

Evergreen forest (TDEF), one at Olagapuram is a scrub jungle; fourteen are

heterogenous in composition but are dominated by one or two species; part of the

Kilialamman grove near Chidarnbaram is a fresh water swamp; one at

Keezhbuvanagiri is a memorial grove glorifying the sacrifice of Udaiyarappan for

communal harmony.

Table 9: Rare, Endangered and Threatened species in sacred groves

Plant Status

Rare

Endangered

Endangered

Endanpered

Rare

Raw

Rare

Rare

Endangered

Rare

Vulnerable

Endangered

Threatened

Endangered

Endangered

4

5

6

7

8

9

10

11

12

13

14

15

16

17

18

Threatened

Clnnarrmmum qullonensb

b l b e g l a benthad

~srmdiumgIgan!eum

&vsera b u m n n l

Gyrnycarpus racerrmsus

Eclhocamus dasycarpus

Elaeocarpus lanceofollus

Engelhardtia splcala

Flacourfla cataphracta

Kuns!olerla Reralonsls

Phoebe halnsiana

Plumbago rosea

Ptarospermum retlculatum

Rauvollla serpanlina

Rhus hooked

Slata

Kerala

Kerala

Kerala

Kerala

Kerala

Kerala

Tamil Nadu

Meghalaya

Meghalaya

Meghalaya

Mqhaiaya

Kerala

Kerala

Kerala

Kerala

Keraia

Kerala

Kerala

Pondicherry

Me~halaya

Kerala

Tamil Nadu

Tamll Nadu

Tamll Nadu L

Ralerence

Saslkumar (1995)

Balasubramaniam (1998)

Balasubramaniam (1999)

Unnikrlshnan (1995)

Nalr (1985)

Saslkumar (1995)

Kadamban and Ramanulam (2001)

Haridasan and Rao (1988)

Harldasan and Rao (1987)

Harldasan and Rao (1989)

Harldasan and Rao (1985)

Nalr (1985)

Mohanan and Nair (1981)

Balasubramaniam (1997)

Sasikumar (1998)

Balasubramanlam (2000)

Saslkumar (1 995)

Nalr (1985)

Kadamban (1998)

Haridasan and Rao (1986)

Balasubramanlam (2001)

Ramanujam and Kadamban (2001)

Maheswaran st ai. (1995)

T h e b i o d i v e r s i t y of t h e P o n d i c h e n y g r o v e s i s i m p r e s s i v e with o v e r 423

a n g i o s p e r m species. E v e r g r e e n spec ies l i k e Aglaia eleagnoidea, Tricalysia

sphaerocarpa, Dimorphocalyx glabellus var. lawianus and Pambunrs missionis,

e n d a n g e r e d taxa like Santalum album, Drosera bunnanni h a v e b e e n r e c o r d e d

from t h e g r o v e s (P la te 5) . A g r o v e at Murungapakkam near P o n d i c h e r r y c o n s i s t s

wholly of Talipot palm trees which is an endemic taxon. (Plate 6.2). Wrightia

tinctoria, Aglaia elaeagnoidea, Semecarpw anacardium, Memecylon

umbellatum, Pterospermum canescens have registered their best vegetative form

in some groves. Pleurostylia opposita which occurs at Oorani is found next in the

Point Calimere Wild Life Sanctuary only, which is 200 Ian away. A mammoth

liana of Derris scandens (>45 cm gbh) and Combretum albidum (35 cm, gbh)

were found in Omiper and Oorani, respectively (Ramanujam and Kadamban

1999 b) (Plates 7,8).

Animal wealth of the groves

The zoological significance of the groves is equally impressive. The

termite mounds, because of incomprehensible growth, are among the most

primitive cult objects. Peafowl, cobra and other animals received absolute

protection within the groves and were protected by taboos. In northem Kamataka

some groves were specifically dedicated to tigers (Hulidevatu) and snakes

(Nagadevatu).

Groves on the hills are home for panthers, antelopes, wild boars, bears,

and snakes. Arboreal mammals, particularly monkeys are abundant in many of

them. Their avian populations are also significant since half of the bird species

enumerated in Siddapur district of Karnataka are found in the groves. The lion-

tailed-macaque which is an endangered species, thrives in sizable population in

Katlekan grove of Karnataka (Gadgil and Chandran 1992).

Plate 5

Trees in the groves

1 Tricalysia sphaerocarpa - a typical evergreen species of western ghats

finds a sanctuary at Konjikuppam grove.

2 Multi - stemming at its best - a tree of Dvypetes sep~aria at Oorani grove

an evidence of lasting protection.

3 A grove is a mini-sanctuary also; thousands of bats resting on the

profusely branched banyan tree near Paakkam village, 25 km south - west

of Pondicherry.

Plate 6

Kinds of sacred groves

1 A mono-species palmyrah palm gro1.e at Pichaveerampet near

Pondicheny.

2 A mono-species palm grove - a stand of Talipot palm surrounding the

Thulukanathamman temple near Murungapakkam, Pondicherry.

3 A large banyan tree over-arching an Aiyanar temple, near

Kariyamanikam, Pondicherry.

Plate 6

Plate 7

Notable plants from the Oorani sacred grove

1 Eugenia bracteata (Myrtaceae), a rare shrub restricted to Oorani sacred

grove.

2 A close view of Maytenus emarginata (Celastraceae). Note the stout thorn

- a modified axillary bud bearing flowers.

3 Drypetes sepiaria (Euphorbiaceae), a major woody taxon of the grove

bearing cream - coloured flowers.

4 Strychnos colubrina (Loganiaceae), a climber with prominent hooks.

5 Arisfolochia indica (Aristolochiaceae), a climber of medicinal value

showing the attractive dehisced capsule.

6 Derris scandens (Fabaceae-Faboideae), a common liana of the grove,

flowers profusely during November- a great spectacle to watch.

Plate 8

Notable lianas of the sacred groves

1 The twisting woody stem of Comhreium albidurn rnin~icking a tree trunk

at Omiper grove.

2 Derris scanderts, a 'Knotty' liana at Sur~alnpetta~ grove

3 The winding woody stem of D, scandeils providing a visual treat to the

viewer -Mudhanai grove.

4 D. ovalifolia, a rare taxon in full bloom at Oorani

Plate 8

Kerala was famous for the legendary Sarpakavus which were part of

almost every housestead. According to Logan (1887), the landed Nair sect in

Kerala traditionally assigned 117 segment of land in north-eastem comer of the

forested land holdings as exclusive reserves, while converting them for

agricultural purposes. This practice ensured the survival of biotic species and

conserved the natural wealth in a nut-shell. Over the years, these developed into

Sarpakavus. The dense tree cover, the over-arching canopy and the availability of

edible fruits have made it a home for a variety of birds and primates. In tune with

co-evolutionary trends, an array of flowers with scent and honey nurtured a

variety of insects.

From the conservational angle, the groves provide safer homes for a

number of ancient plants and animals, mainly because the consumptive practices

of forest products are either prohibited or minimal (Haridasan and Rao 1985);

they provide an ideal ahnosphere for reproduction of faunal and floral species

(Darlong 1995) by maintaining a viable population of pollinators and predators

which help in conservation of germ-plasm (Khiewtam and Ramakrishnan 1989).

There is the other side of coin too. To a discerning ecologist, the groves

are islands of dense vegetation amidst disturbed landscape wherefrom the flora

and fauna have no escape routes. The component species are vulnerable to

chronic inbreeding. When the groves degenerate the biota also disappears totally,

thus rendering the groves virtual 'death traps' (Kanjilal and Das 1934). The grove

at Periamudaliarchavadi near Pondicheny has very old and aging specimens of

Aglaia eleagnoidea. Despite vigorous regeneration, the insidious effects of

inbreeding are very much evident (Ramanujam and Praveenkurnar 2003).

Ecosystem service and intangible benefits

TO Gadgil (1992), the groves signify an attempt to maintain an

ecologically steady state with the biological resources in the wild. The dense

canopy cover of the groves are a source of important ecosystem services (Tiwari

el al. 1998). In certain regions, these provide an ideal microclimate for the

survival of certain species as evidenced by the luxuriance of orchids in North-

Eastem Hills. The farmers of Asahpooma Devi Ki Oran at Devikot in Jaisalmer

district of Rajasthan are able to forecast the climate of the following season from

the appearance of the grove at the time of annual rituals. It enables them to

evolve suitable strategies for managing the village livestock against adversity

(Gadgil and Vartak 1976). The grove species may also provide propagative

materials for ecorestoration of degraded patches of other groves or of secondary

forests.

The water-shed value is no less significant. As densely wooded areas

receive more precipitation, they hold moisture in air and soil, and regulate

perennial streams often. They also channelize the run off water towards a storage

reservoir and prevent floods in the low-lying areas. It can provide dnnking water

to the villages and recharge the underground water table as well. To cite an

example, the grove is the only source of water for the cattle in Gani village of

Kolaba district in Maharashtra as extensive deforestation and consequent soil

erosion have dried up the perennial springs in that area. While flowing through

the groves, the run off-water washes the minerals from the top soil layers and

enriches the fertility of adjoining fields (Gadgil and Vartak 1975). The Orans in

the arid parts of Rajasthan have religious and cultural significance but their

water-shed value is more significant. At Peepasar village is a grove dominated by

Prosopis cineraria which encloses a pond. It is the only source of water for the

entire area (Jha et al. 1998; Singh and Saxena 1998).

Many Meghalaya groves are situated in Cherrapunji area, the wettest part

of the world. Two types of groves, the traditional sacred groves and protected

reserve forest groves adorn the landscape. Limited extraction is permitted in the

latter (Khiewtam and Ramakrishnan 1989). Mawsmai is one of the sacred forests

protected by Khasi tribes. Its soil is impoverished, but the fine root network

clothing the forest floor ensures a tight nutrient cycling enough to support a dense

biomass of the highly fragile humid forest ecosystem (Ramakrishnan 1998).

Non-wood produce (NTFP)

The taboos, edicts, beliefs and the folklore have precluded only a

systematic collection of materials from the groves. But the groves harbour several

edible h i t trees (Artocarpus heterophyllus, Artocarpus hirsutus, Flacourtia

montana, Garcinia indica, Garcinia xanthochymus, Glycosmis cochinchinensis,

Mangifera indica, Syzygium cumini, Terminalia catappa etc.), spices and

condiments (Artocarpus gomezianus, Cinnamomum zeylanicum, Garcinia

gambogia, Garcinia indica, Murraya koenigii, Myristica malabarica,

Zanthoxylurn rheatsa etc). For medicinal herbs like Rauvolfia serpentina,

Asparagus sp., Gloriosa superba the groves and the forests are the main sources.

The utiiity value of Entada phaseoloides var, pursaetha has already been

highlighted.

A toddy-tapping community of Uttara Kannada called kan divars lives

closer to the kans and regularly extracted toddy and sugar from the wild palm,

Caryota urens. Reeds like Calamw sp., Ochlandra sp, and Pandanus sp. provide

raw material for basket and mat weaving. In the erstwhile Mysore temtory,

people used to collect honey, pepper and coffee from the neighbouring kans only

(Chandran and Gadgil 1993).

Threats and options

Erosion of Sacred Groves

Several studies have been undertaken to enumerate the groves in different

parts of India. Still, precise estimate of the total area under groves and the extent

of erosion is still elusive. Areawise, a grove may be represented by clumps of

trees or occupying >60 ha (Buchanan 1870,1956).

As mentioned earlier, Maharashtra was the first state to be inked on the

sacred grove map. Gadgil and Vartak (1976, 1981) estimated about 3000 groves

on the Western Ghats. Burman (1992) revised the estimates upwardly as every

tribal hamlet was invariably associated with the groves. Hardly 0.012% of the

forested land of Maharashtra is under sacred groves now. Extrapolating this data,

Gokhale et a[. (1997) projected a figure of ca. 33,000 ha. for whole of India. In a

plot of 25 km2 in Siddapur taluk of Uttara Kannada the coverage is reduced to a

mere 0.3% in 1991 from the original level of 5.85% at the time of independence.

Likewise, about 10.3% of land and watersheds were considered sacred in the

Gangte tribal belt of Manipur in 1950s but now reduced to nothing (Gadgil et a1

1998). The canopy cover analyses revealed disturbing trends since only seven

groves out of 56 were undisturbed; 14 had dense (42-1 00%) cover; 11 had sparse

cover (1040%) and 24 were declared open ( 4 0 % canopy cover) (Tiwari el

al. 1998).

According to an estimate by the Indira Gandhi Rashtriya Manav

Sangrahalaya (IGRMS), there may be 4875 groves covering an area of 39063 ha.

However, considering the diversity of Indian culture and the antiquity of the

groves, the number may be as high as 1 to 1.5 lakhs (Yogesh Vajpeyi 2000).

Considering that the British India had about 10% or more of land dedicated as

groves the erosion could be more than 1000-fold. Considering the number and

size of the groves and their pandemic distribution, a realistic value of their extent

and acreage would be difficult to arrive.

Since independence, especially between 1970 and 1990, more than 50,000 ha

of evergreen forest of Western Ghats have been converted to coffeeltea

plantations. The trends from the North Eastem Hills are equally alarming. To be

specific, only 79 groves are now surviving as against 274 in 1970s

(Rarnakrishnan et al. 1998). Of the 80 groves enumerated in the Pondicheny

region by Kadamban (1998), only 15 were found to be fairly preserved; several

of them have been reduced to mere temple complexes with a few isolated trees.

Causes of erosion

The history, cultural links and current status of the sacred groves have

been exhaustively analysed (Gadgil 1992; Chandran and Gadgil 1993; Chandran

1997; Chandran and Hughes1997; Malhotra 2001). From these assessments,

multiple factors - socio-cultural, political, economical and religious - have

precipitated the decline either independently or in tandem.

Sacredness vs Religion

The concept of sacred groves dates back to ancient Indians of pre-vedic

periods who constituted small scale societies hidden among the woods. Historians

are of the opinion that the advent of Hinduism, which has its roots in Vedas was

instrumental in precipitating an attitudinal change among the ancient people. The

origin of a temple within the groves was a later development ostensibly under the

influence of Hinduism.(Chandran and Hughes 1997). It shifted the primacy from

biodiversity conservation to cultural traditions.

Grove vs Temple

Chandran and Hughes (1997) traced the stages of transformation of a

grove into a temple complex. Initially, the trees were equated to Gods with no

icon at all. The mysterious eruption of a termite mound with or without being

associated with a tree was equated to the Goddess, Parvathy or Amman. A few

unorganised clump of stones marked the beginning of image installation. A

carved stone relief or a statue standing uncovered under a tree signified initiation

of idolatry; a hood was then erected to cover the idol. An ornate temple for the

main deity shielding the icon from sky distinguished the sanctum sanctorum later.

With the advent of modernism, architectural considerations ruled high, resulting

in a complex of shrines centering a sanctum (Pate 9). Votive offerings of images

of animals like horses, elephants, bulls either in granite or in terracotta was

habitualized later. Notwithstanding these elaborations, majority of the groves in

Kerala and Tamil Nadu had only one deity which was either IyappaniAiyanar or

Amman. When it sheltered more, local deities, minions and Hindu Gods were

installed besides the presiding deity (Amirthalingam 1998).

A synchronous transition in the design of reliefs or images could also be

traced. Starting from amorphous stones, carved reliefs on the granite followed;

modernism has invaded every aspect of temple construction as evident from the

enormity and decorations of images. It is remarkable that despite such

distractions, the main deity is still an amorphous stone or a granite slab with

images sculptured on one side only.

Evolution of temple in sacred groves

1 Termite-mounds in a grove (Puthu), the first object of veneration-

Periyamudaliarchavadi grove.

2 A sacred tree under which bricks and stones are arranged to mark a cult

spot. (generally, seven pieces are placed to symbolise seven virgin girls-

kannimars-beginning of ~dolatry) - Omiper grove.

3 iconography introduced: A carved relief in granite wlth images of Aiyanar

in the center and his wives, Poorani to his right and Porkalai on left. (The

icon is installed in the open under a tree with a piece of cloth tied around -

Suriampettai grove.

4 Advent of concrete structures: a low-level arched roof coverlng the icon

(note the terracotta horse offered by de~otees standing in front of the idol)

- Kuzlandaikuppam grove.

5 A concrete platform on which the icon is installed. The icon still lies in the

open. -Thirumanikuzhi grove.

6 A sanctum of brick and mortar / lime enclosing the main deity; only one

concrete structure in the grove signifying a shrine-Pooranankuppam grove.

7 A temple complex: large imagines of animals, minor deities (open as well

as housed), votive offerings and the sanctum all enclosed within a

compound wall - Konjikuppam grove.

Plate 9

An inevitable corollary of accent on temples and images was the gradual

neglect of the vegetation; cult practices and cultural traditions gained precedence

over conservational ethos. In essence, an attitudinal change, shifting the primacy

from plants to prayers initiated the nemesis of the groves.

Growth of Arts and appreciation of aesthetic values also contributed to

fabrications and beautification of temples. The indigenous Indians adopted

idolatry and a formal worship pattern from the alien cultures. Nevertheless, they

were reluctant to distancing from nature totally and preferred timber of the

building materials as exemplified by the wood temples of Kerala. Stone

structures originated after the sixth century A.D. during the Mauryan period and

were intensified during Gupta dynasty. They were substituted by mortar and

concrete in the recent past (Gadgil and Chandran 1992). As a result, from being

simple and pristine expression of Man's ecological concerns, the groves became

centres of glamour and pomposity integrating the rituals, traditions and worship

patterns of Hinduism.

However, the crux of the problem was the recognition and

acknowledgement of authority and superiority. If people seek permission from

deities of forests before cutting a tree or hunting animals, the recognition of the

superiority of nature was inherent in it. Many faiths, Chinese, Hindu, Jainism,

Buddhlsm etc. do not sanction superiority of human needs and wants over other

organisms. Nature was supreme to the Buddhists whilst the Janis were dead

against harming any kind of organism.

Impact of other religions

The impact of alien religions was even more insiduous and retrogade.

According to White (1967), monotheistic religions like Christianity and Islam

have been rather inimical to the sacred grove concept. Both of them reposed faith

in one God who is supreme and omnipresent. No tree or a spring or a forest need

be associated to exhibit their faith and reverence. Consequently, a paradigm shift

in the people's attitude vis-a-vis the groves crept in and the focus shifted

decisively from the groves and their protection towards gods, temples and rituals.

This trend was further accentuated by the westemisation of Indian culture

which has had a definitive and acute effect in weakening the belief system. This

was more glaring among the urban societies where the rituals are observed

sincerely totally oblivious of the rationale subtending them. The practice of

dedicating one seventh of forest land as sarpakavu which paved the way for the

creation and proliferation of kavus in Kerala is now reportedly on the wane

(Unnikrishnan 1995).

Commerce vs Conservation

Forest management policies followed by the pre and post-independence

Indian rulers have also contributed to the decline substantially (Hughes 1984).

Market economic priorities dictated by political considerations guided the policy

initiatives. Timber extraction for trade, promotion of commercial plantations on

the hills and, expansion of agriculture in the plains proceeded unabatedly since

the British era. And this trend continued even after the independence. Tragically,

the government itself entered the field by floating corporations for commercial

plantations of Wattle, Eucalyptus sp. and Acacia sp. (Chandran and Hughes

1997). These defective management policies, aped from the American and

European models, failed to recognise the human component while evolving

conservation strategies. The forests were classified into reserved, protected and

minor categories under the Indian Forest Act of 1865, 1878 as recommended by

United Nations Environment Programme (UNEP).

While this strategy ensured protection of the plants and animals, it

effectively denied the tribals their right to their own temtories of the reserved and

protected categories. In fact, the Britishers viewed the concept of sacred groves

suspiciously and deemed it a conkivance to prevent their take-over by the

colonial government (Brandis 1897). The distinction between the sacred grove

and the contiguous forest area was not recognized either (Berkes 1989; Chandran

and Gadgil 1993). On the other hand, wherever the forests were open to the

public, they suffered the "tragedy ofcommons ".

Reorientation of strategies

Reviewing the current status of sacred groves, Gokhale et al. (1997)

enumerated Persistence, Revival and Emergence as factors of relevance. When

the belief system remained strong enough, even assuming superstitious

proportions, the groves persisted. Where it just slackened, the groves suffered

from human impacts. Ecorestoration is the only viable option in such a scenario;

if people are convinced about the ecological functions, whether tangible or

intangible, poves could be retrieved easily. Otherwise, the latent but virulent

religious sentiments of the people could be whipped up for creating new groves.

With chosen plants, these would be 'synthetic forests' with only a vague

resemblance to an ideal grove. Nonetheless, such an approach would (i) usher in

an era of people's participation, (ii) increase the vegetational cover and, (iii)

benefit the people both directly and indirectly.

The resurrection of sacred groves in Churachandpur area of the Manipur

state is pertinent here. It was the habitat of Gangte tribals and had a mosaic of

sacred groves called 'Gamkhals'. Since 70s the tribals were converted to

Christianity and now more than 90% of them are Christians. Concomitant with

the spread of this religion, the tribal traditions and culture were replaced by

cultural ethos, rites and rituals of Christianity. The commitment to the protection

of groves was weakened and they were regarded merely as a stand of trees

(Gadgi~ et al. 1998). Originally, the thick stands of Gamkhals functioned as fire-

breaks amidst shifting cultivation (Jhum) areas. As the groves were abandoned or

exploited commercially, forest fires raged and engulfed the neighbouring

villages. The ecological jurisprudence of the erstwhile Gangte tribe dawned on

the neo-Christian population only lately. They have now revived and resurrected

the groves but call them different as "safety forests" or "forest reserves" in their

correspondence (Malhotra 1990). The revival of the sacred grove concept in

Manipur has proved that religion and culture vis-a-vis conservation can be

complementary and need not be contradictory.

The Marakkanam Dry Evergreen Forest in Tamil Nadu, classified as a

reserve forest (RF), has survived through ages mainly because the people derive

tangible benefits from it. Restricted grazing and regulated harvest of fuel wood

and medicinal herbs have made people realise that protecting the forest serves

their own long-term interest (Meher Hornji 1997).

The strangle - hold of religion on certain communities has not slackened

yet. The villagers of Mathigar in Uttara Kannada still protect a one hectare

evergreen forest patch despite the adverse cost-benefit ratio. A small community

of shifting cultivators, Karivokkaligas are the saviours of the grove ostensibly

due to religious conviction. The grove is dominated by Veferra indica and stands

contrastingly amongst extensive patches of Acacia auriculiformis and Casuarina

equisetifolia plantations (Gadgil 1989). Such instances of persistence are more

frequent in the interiors where modernity and market economy have not wholly

corrupted the life pattern, and the ancient community organization is still intact.

Emergence of new groves follow three different approaches: (1) It may

serve a tangible function by employing religious beliefs. (2) It may relate directly

to the religious beliefs without serving any tangible function. (3) It may be part of

the state machinery attempting to ensure protection through the medium of

traditional religious beliefs (Gokhale ef al. 1997).

People of Almora and Pithoragarh area in Uttar Pradesh established new

groves for material benefits. Unable to curb over-exploitative practices, the

villagers of Jakhani decided to dedicate the grove to a local goddess, Kokilamata

who is the goddess of justice. They demarcated the boundaries and adopted a set

of rules for sustainable utilisation of the resources before dedication. People are

permitted to collect fire-wood and dead wood; they can hunt animals which are

not covered by the ban. This practice started in 1982 and has now spread to

neighbouring areas. A similar initiative has been launched successfully in foot

hills of Aravalli mountains in Rajasthan since 1994 (Gokhale el al. 1997).

In any case, an attempt to conserve biodiversity through the sacred grove

model must take into accoht the following: (i) arresting the wild-fire effect of

modernism and westernization of Indian culture (ii) slackening of the belief

systems consequent to increased literacy and awakening (iii) the human

component, as man is both the beneficiary and benefactor and (iv) ensuring

tangible and periodical benefits from the grove to ensure spontaneous

participation of people.

The concept of Pavitra vana (sacred forest) is an extension of this new

approach. In 1988, State Forest Department of Govt. of Kamataka sought to

create new protected sites with the involvement of local communities. An attempt

to raise a "Sridhar Van" was made in a hill-side village Salkani of Uttara

Kannada with the co-operation of local youth organizations. The ritual species

were planted in astrological designs in 1 ha. land at the hill top. Below this, other

useful species of Non-Timber Forest Produce WTFP), fodder and fuel, were

planted as requested by local people. The barren hill-slopes are now covered by

these stands which serve as a wind-break and protect the arecanut and coconut

plantations at lower elevations. Following the success of Salkani experiment,

another one was established in a nearby village, Bakkal in 28 ha. People forced

the govenunent to abandon the proposal for an Acacia plantation in the area and

supported the new initiative (Gokhale et al. 1997).

Although the Pavitra vana is an assemblage of plants denoting astrological

signs as per Hindu scriptures, eventually, it turned out to be a heterogenous

assemblage. Acacia catechu (Mrigasirisha) and Calotropis gigantea (Shravana)

belonging to dry open habitats, along with evergreens like Artocarpus

heterophyllur (Uttarada), Mesuaferrea (Ashlesha), and Pinus longifolia (Jyestha)

and deciduous species such as Butea monosperma (Hubba), Spondias mangijera

(Hastha) have been introduced (Gokhale el al. 1997). In essence, it is a synthetic

forest which may not be a surrogate for a natural vegetation. Nevertheless, it is a

clear expression of the lurking desire to revive our old traditions and reaffirm our

relationship with nature.

The conservation strategy evolved by United Nations Environment

Programme (UNEP) commended the Man and Biosphere (MAB) Programme.

Creating Protected Areas Network (PAN) like Reserve Forests, National Parks,

Biosphere Reserves was a key component of the strategy. Despite vigorous

implementation for the past twenty five years, it is now realised that the PAN

concept has failed to achieve its objective. Conservation Biologists diagnosed

that the alienation of the human component was the cause for the debacle. In this

context, the recent initiative of UNESCO "cultural sites, cultural integrity and

biological diversity" which integrates people and their cultures into

conservational models gains relevance. The Sacred grove Initiative was an

essential component of this new approach and resulted in a successful one- year

intensive survey of Indian sacred groves in 1997 (Ramakrishnan et al. 1998).

May be, the concept of a sacred grove did not enjoy scientific sanction

under modem forest management strategies like Man and Biosphere Programme

(MAB) or PAN concept; but its positive contribution to ecology and biodiversity

conservation cannot be maimed. Equally important is the historical value in

rediscovering the bond between human beings and nature (Gadgil and Vartak

1975; Nair et al. 1997).

Based on social and ecological considerations, the MSSRF and CPRF

have taken up the survey and ecorestoration of groves in South India. The CFRF

has restored 16 degraded sites to their original status through systematic and

graded steps; the soil is first analysed for its fertility value and enriched by

applying farm-yard manure for raising a crop of nitrogen fixing legume; tree

species of commercial value and key-stone species are planted selectively; the

after-care, which is the key element in ecorestoration was achieved by enlisting

the co-opemtion of the local community. Early reports are encouraging and

indications are that the impugned sites would soon become oases of greenery

amongst the vast expanses of agricultural tracts (Amirthalingam 1998).

Recently, a novel scheme has been conceived by the Indira Gandhi

Rashtriya Manav Sangrahalaya (IGRMS) to preserve the great ecological legacy

in Madhya Pradesh. The prototypes of groves of various regions, Kavu of Kerala,

Kan of Karnataka, Koil kadu of Tamilnadu, Maw- bukhar of Meghalaya, Oran of

Rajasthan, Sarna of Bihar and Madhya Pradesh, Devarahatti of Maharashtra are

being reassembled in a 200 acre site in Bhopal (Yogesh Vajpeyi 2000). It augurs

well that international agencies like UNESCO, WWF and World Bank have also

joined the band - wagon in preserving this proud ecological heritage.

PRESENT PROBLEM

Reviewing the status of biodiversity conservation, Myers (1979; 1989)

observed that the world is undergoing an 'extinction spasm' as the plant and

animal species are being lost at incredible rates every year. Therefore, it is

imperative for the nations to protect all living species and their natural habitats in

whatever form and extent they exist. Conservation Biologists recommend that

any meaningful attempt of conservation must consider the human element also

and look beyond establishing reserved and protected areas network (PAN)

practised so for.

The World Conservation Strategy (WCS) has appreciated the ecological

prudence imbued in the concept of sacred groves and recommended that the

cultural connections to conservation practices as prevailed in the classical

societies be encouraged (Heywood and Watson 1995; Shankar and Majumdar

1997) Such an attempt would also directly involve the local people in

biodiversity conservation. Since they are the stake-holders, such a people-

oriented initiative would ensure success of conservation (Chandran and Hughes

1997).

In contrast to developed nations which are species-poor, the developing

countries are repositories of biodiversity. Comprising just 7% of total land area,

they harbour more than 40% of the global biodiversity (Myers 1979; 1989). In

this back drop, shifting the focus on the Sacred Groves would not only save these

islets of biodiversity, but would further reorient the 'top-down approach'

castigated as the bane of PAN concept.

It emerges from the foregoing that the status report of sacred groves in

India is still incomplete despite an intensive survey (Ramakrishnan et al. 1998).

Particularly, information on the Sacred Groves of Tamil Nadu is of recent origin

and is far from adequate.

In this context, the present study of socio-cultural perspectives and

ecological traditions of the Sacred Groves in Pondicheny region and its

neighbourhood was planned with the following objectives:

* to identify the Sacred Groves in Pondicherry and its

neighbourhood with appreciable plant cover and to prepare an

inventory of the woody taxa;

* to analyse the floristics andphytosociology of selected groves;

* to document the socio - cultural dimensions of the groves viz.

belief systems, folk-lores, rites and rituals and their bearing on

biodiversity conservation;

* to compile a comprehensive inventory of woody species of the

groves in the Coromandel coastal sector covering Marakkanam

Pondicherry - Cuddalore from the previous and present works

and assess their conservation values;

* to prepare a Jleld guide for the Identification of the constituent

woody species in the form of a pictorial atlas with illustrations or

transparencies which would be a ready reckoner even for an

interested commoner.