International Day of Protest - Concordia University Day of Protest Teach-In (H-no at v.oop.m.) 1.00...

International Day of Protest

T e a c h - In (H -no at v.oop.m.)1.00 Rod D e w a r '(C JA D )

1.20 3. f i lm s

2.15 Rev. L. Mason (The C onta inm ent P o l ic y }

2.40 Kevin Rogers (W ar R esister)

2.50 Jay W einste in (S oc io logy)

3.00 Noil Cameron (Nuclear W ar)

3.30 Hank Bass io r (C K G M )

3.45 U.S. M arine re turned fro m V ie tnam

4.00 N orbert Lacoste (Priest. S o c io lo g is t f ro m U cle M )

4.20 David O rton (Socio logy, D irect A c t io n )

5.00 D em onstra t ion in D om in ion •Square >

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FR ID A Y , NOVEMBER 17, 1967V O L. X X X I, NO 20 8 CENTS

2 / the georgian, November 17, 1967

Classified

Georgianticsby Marty Charney

-----------------------------------------T O D A Y ------------------------------------------S.G. POETRY READING: Charles Reznikoff will read poetry at 9 p.m. I presume in the m en’s lounge. Contribution of 50 cents will be accepted.GEORGIAN AFRICAN SOCIETY: The first general meeting for all Georgians will be held in H-615 from 1 - 2 p.m.GEORGIAN FILM SOCIETY: D o n ’t miss Jean Luc iGodard’ s excellent nouvelle vague Breathless in H-937 at 6:30 and 9.<X) p.m. UGEQ-COMFRU: All those wishing to see an end to this brutal and unnecessary war are welcome to participate in the peace march to Dominion Square then to the U.S. Consulate. Assemble outside H-110 at 4:30 p.m. There will also be a teach-in on Vietnam in H- 110 at 1:00 p.m. until the March, Films on War: Folksingers: speaker including Rev. C. Mason, Rod Dewar, David Orton, H.K. Bas- sior, and K. Rodgers who is a form er U.S. Marine back from Vietnam. (You’ll be sharing the hall with A.S.A.!)DEBATING SOCIETY: The top ic in H-520 at 1.00 p.m. will be “ Marijuana Shortest Root to U top ia”. Welcome all ye grasseaters potlovers, trippers, cosmonauts and fellow travellers. Dress informal for the sit-in.FINE ARTS SYNDICATE: Discu ssion Dialogue meeting at 4.00 p.m. in H-551-1.ARTS STUDENTS ASSOC: This lecture series contemplates our Modern . Society in H-110 at 1.00 p.m.--------------------------TUESDAY, N OVEM BER 21 ------------------------BIOLOGY CLUB; Two films “T h e Principles of Endocrine Activity” and “The Nervous System in Man" in H-520 at 1.00 p.m. HILLEL: Open meeting in H-415 at 4.00 p.m. for committees and programing.FINE ARTS SYNDICATE; G eneral Meeting for organizational purposes and the introduction of executive in H-635 at 4:15 p.m. FOLK MUSIC SOCIETY; All w elcome and please bring your own instruments to H-639 at 8:30 p.m.--------------------------------- COM ING EV EN TS---------------------------------

WINTER CARNIVAL: W ednesday, 22 November! All creative people interested in working on this BIG project are invited to present their names and ideas at this meeting at 1.00 p.m. in H-643. ASSOCIATION OF ALUMNI: will hold a general meeting in H- 110 Saturday, November 25 at 10:30 A.M. to elect the executive representatives for the Grad class of ’68.

S.A. Council Meeting Agenda - November 171) M in u tes2) B u s in e s s A ris in g from

M in u tes3 ) C orrespondence4) R eports -

i)C h ris tm a s B a ll Chairm an i i ) S LO C Chairm an___________

5) W inter C a rn iv a l- S ubm ission o f B udget- R a tif ic a tio n o f C o n tro lle r

6 ) P ropo sal o f D eb a tin g Tournam ent

7 ) O ther

All Evening Students are invited to attend an important General Meeting today at 6:30 p.m. in Room H- 435. The topic to be discussed is “The Role of the Evening Student in a Changing University”: the future of the Evening Students’ Association as the representative voice of 11,000 Evening Students at Sir George. Among the special guests are Jeff Chipman, president of the Day Students’ Association, and Brian Seville, liaison officer between the Evening Student and Sir George.

***The Arts Students’ Associa

tion will present Paul Reps, poet in resident at Goddard College, Vermont, at 1.-00 p.m. today in Room H-937. Reps is the author of several books of prose and poetry, and has studied comparitive religions inIndia and Japan.

***

The Fine Arts Departmentis holding an open meetingfor students and faculty todayat 4.-00 p.m. in Room H-551-1.

***The Sir George Williams

University International Festival will be taking place from November 24 to D ecember 2. The International Festival is a get-together of all ethnic groups represented at Sir George. It is, however, much more than an oversized party, it is to develop a deeper understanding of each other. So come on out and m eet the

8an8-All students of Sociology

442 (The Family) are urged to a ttend lectures by Dr. J.L. Monroe on December 7, in Birks Hall at 2:45 p.m. and 8:15 p.m. He will discuss and demonstrate the techniques of psychodrama and sociodrama developed by himself

RATES: C lassified A d ve rs itin g ra tes are 75£ fo r one in se rtion and $1.25 fo r the sam e in se rtion in tw o co nsecu tive issues. The w ord lim it is tw e n ty (20). Cash m u st accom pany a ll ads. Adv e rtis in g dead lines are 6.00 p.m . fo r th e Tuesday e d itio n on th e Friday pre vious, and W ednesday fo r th e Friday e d itio n a t 11:00 a.m . Ads m ay be subm itte d o n ly to room 231-3 (in th e georg ian o ffice s) o f th e H all B u ild ing .

FOR SALE

STEB R O exhaust fo r A ustin C o o p er ‘5’. S20 firm . Call M arcel 489-7726. a f te r 6 p.m .

BASS g u ita r and am p., pyram id com plete w ith fuzz, trem o ld . foot sw itch fo r bo th , coil co rd and case SI20. Call 733-8170 a fte r 6 p .m .

F U R N IT U R E for sale ch e ap . Call 845-3032.

LOST & FOUND

BLACK fox fur hat. It found , p lease call. Susan afte r 4. 276-0557. R ew ard.

FO U N D a pearl pen d an t on gold cha in , last T hursday evening . Call Ken C om ber from 9-5 p.m . at 875-2160 loc. 246.

MISCELLANEOUS

W ILL do typing in my hom e. T heses, term papers., essays, no tes, m anuscrip ts , e tc . Reasonab le rates. Call evenings 487-1529.

SIR G E O R G E g rad u a te availab le fo r tu to ring in m ost u n d erg rad u a te English C ourses. Call M rs. B ennett a t 937-5072 anytim e.

T R A N S P O R T A T IO N req u ired daily , fo r girl in w heelchair from T .M .R . to S .G .W .U . S10 w eekly, call 737-9238 a fte r seven.

FO R a b last a t any party o r d an c e , swing out w here the ac tio n is. Book your bands th rough Boom E nterp rises. 681-2698; 276-6952; 482- 7056.

for the diagnosis of emotional and interpersonal problems. If you plan to attend, please call 879-5943/4 during office hours Monday to Friday, before December 1.

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the georgian, November 17, 1967 / 3

Allnutt, Fournier face senate committee

Despite a demand from the Students' Council that charges be i lropped. the Senate Committee on Student Discipline at McGill opened hearing yesterday to determine whether Daily Editors Peter Allnutt and Pierre Fournier were guilty of publishing an article not consistent with their standing as students.

By a vote of 12 - 2 - 1, Council's motion said that it “does not accept the m anner and approve the action taken by the administration" in charging the students with “conduct unbecoming to McGill students"; that it believes "any action if necessary can and should be taken by the Students' Society alone"; that it “protests" the administration's action; and that it “requests" that the committee drop the charges.

Support for tne motion came from all the varied factions of the Council.

Ian Hyman, who seconded the motion, said that it was the first constructive action that Council had taken in three months.

Senate Meeting Absurd The Senate’s Discipline Com

mittee met for two and a half

hours yesterday and decided that the committee should be reconvened.

Little other constructive work came out of the meeting.

Allnutt was questioned primarily by Arts and Science Dean H.D. Wood and the com mittee's chairman. Perry Meyer

The committee members asked Allnutt questions dealing mainly with the operation of the Daily and his involvement in the decision to publish the article in question.

Pierre Fournier, the other student appearing with Allnutt before the committee, wasn't asked any questions.

Also sitting with the two accused students were Daily Business Manager Elly Alboim. and News Editor Danny Levinson as well as Harvey Schecter.

John Fekete, the student who is bringing the Administration to court, is scheduled to appear before the committee on Tuesday at 3.15. If Fekete's legal action makes this impossible, Allnutt and Fournier will re-appear at that time.

If Fekete does go before the committee, the two Daily Editors are scheduled to re-appear on Thursday at 2.00

U.S. withdrawal approved

On Wednesday, November 15th , another in the series of professors’ debates on the Vietnam issue was held in the Alumni Auditorium. The topic discussed was “Resolved; that the United States should withdraw immediately from Vietnam”.

Professor Shah , of the departm e nts of Economics and Hi story upheld the affirmative and Professor Laszlo of the Political Science Department took the negative position. In spite of an inexplL cable num ber of abstentions, f ro m the audience of approximati- vely 450 to 500 students, the affirmative side won by 34 votes.

The main reason the debate went in favour of those opposed to the American; involv- ment in Vietnam is that Prqf. Snair was a much clearer and convincing speaker than Prof.

Laszlo. Snan’ s argument was lucid and carefully documented, whereas Prof. Laszlo seemed quite confused about the issue at hana and tried to swing the debate to a discussion upon the possibilities of Chinese Communist expansionism.

That Vietnam is an unfortunate situation, is perhaps an understatement. Indeed, it is

a gross understatement, trom any point of view. Prof. Snan stated that the United States military presence in South Vietnam is a violation of the Geneva Accords that followed the defeat of the French in 1954. Free elections had been

promised the Vietnamese in 1956, after negotiations had taken place between the regime of the Emperor and Ho Chi Minh's forces. Neither negotiations or elections were allowed to take place, and the United States began its military build-up, not in 1960, as is commonly believed, but from the time of the French withdrawal in 1954.

Prof. Laszlo replied that North and South Vietnam are not one country “Vietnam” suffering from a civil war, as Prof. Shah believes, but two separate countries, much in the same relation to each other as East and West Germany. According to this thesis, support and aid from the Ho Chi Minh government must be seen as aggression. Due to frequent upheavals in the government of the South, since the ouster of the Emperor

McGilhSC tables Daily voteA unanimous decision of the

Judicial Committee of the Students' Society found that "the publishing of the article appearing in the McGill Daily on November 3, entitled ‘Soil Weevils' did not constitute an act of bad faith".

The Students' Council, however, which was supposed to act on the report of the committee, decided to table a motion which would have accepted it.

Bill Lenihan (Graduate Studies) who moved that the motion be accepted, said that the campus-at-large would look down on Council if they did not act on the findings of the report.

Michael Blau (Dentistry), who presented an ammendment which would have declared vacant the office of Editor of the Daily stated that E- ditor Peter Allnutt had exhibited bad judgement and a lack

of foresight in publishing the Krassner article.

Michael Vineberg (Law), who moved that the motion and its ammendment be tabled, said that he was going to petition the Judicial Committee as a ‘private McGill citizen' to determine whether the publication of the article constituted grounds for civil or criminal libel.

Allnutt later read into the minutes of the meeting a statement which declared his strong disapproval of tabling a motion which dealt with him yet on which he had not had the opportunity to comment.

Varsity ClearedThe University of Toronto

council Wednesday supported the Varsity after the newspaper had published portions of the Krassner article in a news story in its November 8 issue

PROF SHAH AND M ODERATOR, ANTHROPOLOGY PROF NORMAN KLEIN, AT VIETNAM DEBATE

The action had followed a decision bv CAPUT, the university's disciplinary committee, to drop proceedings against Editor Volkmar Richter.

Two earlier motions calling for censure and condemnation of the Varsity did not p ass .

Provincial loans coming

Provincial loan certificates will be out by the end of November, Provincial Financial A ssistant, Ashton Lewis, said Tuesday,

Students who have been granted a loan should be notified next week by the Provincial Government.

Bursaries will not be out until the " middle of second term. Lewis said this should mean the end of January, but often, there is a government delay in the distribution of bursaries.

In the end of November or first week of December, bursary applicants will be sent a special form to be completed before bursaries are granted.

The form, sent out by the Provincial Government, will ask for amount of earnings in summer employment, a Department of Education official, said.

Students who have been granted a loan or a bursary, will be notified by the Provincial Government. Students are also asked to check for their names on the notice boards outside the Dean Of Students Office on the fourth floor.

The financial Department of the Dean of Students Office distributes the Provincial grants. If a student has qualified for a loan or bursary, he must bring in h is University contract to claim the award from the Financial Department.

by Diem in 1956, and the actions of the National Liberation Front, within South Vietnam, it is very difficult for an accurate conclusion to be reached on the political status of "Vietnam”.

Prof. Shah felt that the ultimate resolution that should be taken concerning the Vietnam war, is....“that as United States presence is at best, ill considered, they should withdraw immediately and support apolitical settlement under United Nations ausp ices” .

It must be noted that the behaviour of the audience was remarkably courteous, especially in light of previous perfor

mances at debates, visits of speakers and open meetings. Loud heckling by various student political blocs was noticeably and gratefully absent.

Student DebateTopic; Representatives from the pro and anti UGEQ groups on campus will debate the m erits of that union. “Sir George in UGEQ; Yes or no?Place; H-110

| Time; 12 noon Date; Tuesday, November 21s t

Public Meeting:

Sir George and UGEQ%

Speakers:Pierre Lefrancois, President of UGEQ, Victor Rabinovitch Vice-President, International Affairs UGEQ. Jeff Chipman, President of the Students Association.Questions from the floor wi 11 follow Place: H-110Date: Friday, November 24 Time: 12 noon

VIETNAMC'ESTNOTREAFFAIRE



A DEMOCRATIC DEFENCE OF THE SIT-INEditor’s Note; While the NSA,

t hrough its President Ed Schwartz and the AAUP (American Association of University Professors) condemn the undemocratic means of the students who sit in to stop military and Dow recruiting Michigan University

Professor Anatol Rapport, one o f 26 faculty who sat in at that University, explains why he is more strongly concerned with the basic rights of the Vietnam ese. Reprinted from the Michigan DAILY.

Implicit in the ideal of democracy is the conviction that decisions arrived at collectively with full participation of the m em bers of a society or a com m unity som ehow maximize every one’s chances of being dealt with fairly. Implicit in this conviction is a belief that in a dem ocra tic society or community the use of force to assure compliance can be reduced to a minimum. For if people are dealt with fairly, they will internalize the standards of fairness, and so violations of vital social norms (crime) will occur only sporadically.

If such violations of social norms occur no t as isolated acts (crime) but as collective actions, either of the following conclusions suggests itself; (1) that the society or community where such collective violations occur is not dem ocratic . (2) The violators reject the obligations which a democratic society or com m unity imposes on its members.

PARTICIPATION INAPPROPRIATE. . . Many will condem n the forth

coming sit-in, protesting the Univer-. sity’s collaboration in secret war re-

, search. Faculty participation in the sit-in m ay appear especially inappropriate. It might be conceded that, should the administration and the regents ignore resolutions of faculty bodies passed after due discussion and deliberation more vigorous pressures might then be justified.

However, a resort to what appear to be acts of disruption in an institution functioning on formally democratic principles will be condem ned by many as a m a tte r of principle, quite aside from the merits of the issues involved. Those w h o assume that the University is a dem ocracy (at least for its faculty) will d raw the second of the conclusions stated above, namely, that the participants in the sit-in have rejected the obligations concomitant to participating in a democracy.

I subm it that the choice is not confined to the two conclusions. There is a third, especially relevant to the issue involved and to a social context broader than the University; (3T Formal applications of democratic decision-making procedures are in themselves insufficient t o assure the realization of dem ocratic ideals.

On th e national scale, the relevance of this conclusion should be obvious. The President of the United States by virtue o f his absolute war-making authority, ho ld the power of life and death over hundreds of millions of people. No absolute monarch held such power. This pow er accrued to the president not through a suppression of formal political procedures but as a result of

historical processes unforeseen by the designers of our republic. The war cu rrently waged by the United States com pletely belies the democratic ideal

In the words of Hans Morgenthau. it is Metternich 's war waged by the nation of Jefferson and Lincoln. Our dem ocratic ideals have not prevented this war; n o r do our conventional political p rocedures seem sufficient to stop it.

PROCEDURES REMAIN INTACT

People can be easily deprived of their rights while conventional procedures seem to remain intact. For example, complete enfranchisement of the Negroes does not in itself guarantee their civil rights in states or com m unities w here they are a numerical minority.

Evidently democracy involves more than formal democratic procedures, in the sam e way as legitimacy involves more than formal legal procedures. The re tu rn of fugitive slaves to their owners in the 1850's may have been required by law; but in violating the law the Abolitionists called into question the legitimacy of the enforcing agencies. If challenged in the courts, the destruction of Vietnam by the United States a rm ed forces may be declared to be legal, but the legitimacy of the power which authorizes this destruction must be questioned. Legitimacy depends on internalized values which hold a society together and without which laws cannot be enforced.

byANATOL

RAPOPORT(LIBERATION News Service)

T herefo re the forthcoming sit-in against the University’s collaboration in secre t war research ought not to be judged only with reference to the violations of established rules. The judgment ought no t to be divorced from the issue involved and from .the larger social context.

The issue is the war now waged by the United States which makes a m ockery of the democratic ideal. To be sure, o th e r broader issues have also manifested themselves in the recent upheavals. However, these issues have crystallized as a consequence of the Vietnam war, because the war has underm ined the legitimacy of the power which is waging it.

The broader social context involves not merely the question of what shall

be the research policy of the University, bu t whether it is appropriate for any University (an institution dedicated to enlightenment) to collaborate in the waging of war, especially if the collaboration requires the disavowal of one of the cardinal principles of enlightenment, namely free and open dissemination of knowledge.

The issues of war and of the adaptation of an institution of enlightenment to the needs of war-making are not ordinary issues to be placed on agendas and acted upon with the implication that the decisions arrived at dispose of the issues. These issues simply canno t be disposed of by majority rule, m uch less by administrative fiat.

They are ra ther like the issue of slavery was once, o r the issue of racism still is. The dissenters will not be silenced and tensions will continue in the society at large and in universities in particular until the chasm between the democratic ideal and the present practices is clearly seen. The sit- ins are manifestations of this determ ination and ought to be recognized as such.

ANTISOCIAL CONFUSION

Finally, acts outside conventional political channels ought not to be confused with anti-social uses of power, as long as they are basically non-violent. Such acts often elicit violence on

the pa r t of the defenders of the status quo, bu t in doing so only make overt the covert pressures which subvert dem ocracy -- the control of communication channels, the encouragement of conformity by a system of status rewards, the elimination of social content from the machinery of politics, etc. These a re pressures against which actions through formal political channels are powerless, because these pressures are precisely what has divorced the dem ocratic ideal from formal political procedures.

Such acts outside conventional channels now called “civil disobedience” raise th e apprehension that if minorities will not abide by majority decision rules, nothing but anarchy will result. This w ould indeed be the case if the dissenters on every issue resorted to obstruc tionist tactics. There is , . however, little danger of that. It takes a large am ount of courage (or, perhaps, will power) to participate in these so- called acts of civil disobedience. Ordinarily psychic resources of this sort are n o t available except where the very foundations of one’s identity and dignity of a human being are involved.

The simplest explanation of these acts of resistance related to war is that the role of the United States as a state which has embraced war as a normal instrument in the pursuit of national interests has become completely intolerable to a large num ber of enlightened Americans. In my opinion, this resistance ought to be welcomed rather than deplored.

mm g j e o i r g p a u T D

Members of CUP and PEN The georgian is an ed ito ria lly autonomous new spaper published by the P ub lica tions Board of the S tudents’ A ssocia tion of Sir George Williams U niversity . A uthorized as second c la s s mail by the P o st Office Departm ent, O ttaw a, and for payment of postage in cash . P rin ted and m ailed at St. Jean , P.Q . The o ffices of the georgian are located in rooms 231 and 232 of the H all B uilding, Montreal 25, C uebec. T e l.: 842-6461, ext. 38. T elex: 01-26193. The advertising office is lo ca ted in Room 233. T el.: ext. 37 and 27. M essrs. Howard Krupp, Jack Berke and Morris R osenfeld , A dvertising Represen ta tiv es .

Managing BoardEditor-in-Chief............................................ Frank BraytonManaging E d i to r . ................................................... Don RosenbaumB usiness Manager .............................. Leon PressmanAssociate Editor ........................... Dave BowmanSupplement ................................... Israel Cinman

Department H eadsE xecutive Editor, A llan H ilton; N ews E ditor, Alan S. Zweig; News- features Editor, Norman L azare ; High School Supplement Editor, Mark Medicoff; D esk Editor, Mona Forrest; Photo E d ito rs, Steve Frem eth and Jack M iller; Sports Editor, Stan .Urman; R esearch C hief, Stephen P ask u s; Senior Staff Writer, P e te r Shaw; Copy E ditor, E s te lle G eller.

Staff for th is is s u e H ead Secretary, Carol L ee; Proofreader, David St. L ouis; T yp ists , Mary Kurylo, Karen B ailey; R esearch , Jan e t H ulbigz, A rlene Zweig.

The student council, student newspaperDILEMMA

The following artic le was written by Stephen Bigsby last year for the information of newspaper editors in Canadian University Press The artic le seeks to analyze the weeknesses of student governments and the position of the press as an articulate opposition, Presented at the 29th National Conference of Canadian University Press, the artic le received wide acclaim from college editors. Mr. Bigsby was a student at the University of Victoria, Brit ish Columbia.

Relations between student governments a n d the student press have been considered previously in the light of the traditional arguments over lines of authority. liability, and the inevitable clash between the financial supremacy of Student Councils and the .editorial freedom of the newspaper staff. Each of these problems is a sensitive area which will remain open to some interpretation and abuse so long as the student organization continues as the publisher of the student newspaper and so long as students demand the final say in the content and coverage of their publication.

The ultimate solution to the traditional d eba te over “freedom of the press" from outside control must, in the end, rest with the maturity of the individual publication (and the relative immunity that maturity will p rovide) and the reaction of the student body against any attempt to muzzle the only effective channel of communication on campus.

T here is a more immediate and more widespread problem facing newspaper editors and student council presidents alike. It is a problem which if unsolved may iead to the breakdown of both the s tudent press and student government. This problem is the absence of an articulate, effective opposition within existing student government structures.

At first, this shortcoming might seem to have implications only for those who seek to preserve student organization by effectively “domesticating" all dissident elem ents on each campus - dissident e lem ents whose major policy com m itm ent might be the abolition of a s tudent government that has become ingrown and increasingly irrelevant. If this is the only motive for providing a constitutional framework that will recognize full and open debate as a necessary part of the decision-making process in student government then it is not likely to succeed. However, if the structure can be so altered in effort to erad ica te irrelevancy by transforming the student organization into both a truly representative forum and an effective device for the' implementation of policies then it can be successful, and the arguments for abolition of the governm ent structure are themselves abolished by the new relevancy.

STUDENT GOVERNMENT STRUCTURE- ITS EXISTING DEFECTS:

The two chief weaknesses presently crippling governments are the lack of continuity and the relatively small number of individuals who participate in the decision-makingprocesses. The majority of stude nt councils proceed by consensus on m ajor issues and the policies and positions are continually adapted outside the council policies and positions are continually adapted outside the Council Chambers to facilitate such agreem ent and to preserve the personal relationships between Council members that is necessary in carrying out administrative responsibilities. The vast m ajority of the members of most Student Councils have considerable portfolios to deal with, and their election campaigns are inevitable focused on


their capacity to deal with these particular items of business. In addition the e lected bureaucrat, even if he is capable of tearing his mind from his departm enta l responsibilities to matters of general concern, must always keep in mind that in debating an issue against a fellow bureaucrat, he may be alienating an important element of support which he may wish to utilize to achieve some immediate project dear to his heart (and without his own department).

The inevitable result of such a conflict of interest is the politics of consensus and th e inevitable evolution of the “ official unified student government! policy” is also an equally dangerous facet o f this situation - the concept that all issues can be departmentalized and hence it is the responsibility ofthe Executive Council members to evolve- policy on such non-essentials as University accessability. University G overnm ent, curricula reform and o- ther related trivia. Since the Executive will not generally bring forward issues without support from the majority of o th e r Councillors, the ‘official policy, w hen it finally emerges for the perusal of t he newspaper and students, does so with minimum of intelligent, rational debate. The Executive position is generally correct, (or close to correct) because it is based on prior study and discussion but expertise is meaningless unless the mass of students can analyze the arguments and mechanics of thought that produced the decision made by their elected representatives.

Such interpretation, it is argued by student councillors, is the duty and responsibility of the student press, and it should be the p ress ’ responsibility to report the fact that the council decision (the Executive’s) was made only after a thorough consideration. The impli

cation, therefore, is that if this is reported to th e students by the student press, the necessary support will be received.

However, student editors (and with considerable justification) are placed in something of a ’moral' conflict of in terests by such a method of policy evolution. Recognising that if the d e c ision is to have any significance to the average student it will have to be challenged, the editor is tempted to attack the decision of the Student Council and assemble the most formidable array of argum ents he can to do so. It is his responsibility because the issue did not receive such debate in principle in the original decision-making process. It is a ra re newspaper that can present such argum ents without using its most effective weapon to fullest advantage - the pow er to make the last authoritative s ta tem ent on any issue. The student councillors in the meantime are en trea ting the newspaper not to cut the lines of com m unication between the students and their ‘representatives’. The press, they argue, has become negative, in effect, they must oppose all decisions to some degree because of the legitimate fear tha t no o ther intelligent opposition will be forthcoming.

T he Solution - Press as the Balancing Force

The majority of newspaper editors vastly p re fe r to use the opinions and actions of individuals not connected with the paper as the basis for their editorial positions. This is a preference based primarily on the realization that it is m ore effective to report two sides of a controversy and then throw support where it is merited than to run the risk of accusations of ‘narrow self interest" o r ‘p e t t y c r u s a d e r ' f ro m orig ina l advocacy. The failure of student govern

ments to provide for a structure that would perm it open deba te on issues and the maximum politicization at election time has created this situation.

By ‘politicization’ it is meant thatelections to the student government based on groups of students who organize around a carafully considered platform that relates to the general issues and considers student government as elem ents capable of influencing the University and society. It means that

student Councils of twelve or fifteen administrators must be replaced by assemblies that allow for discussion by elected representatives who are unencum bered by bureaucratic responsibilities, free to immediate issues and participate on ‘ad hoc" committees of the Assembly which would specialize in studying certain problems and acting on them. The importance of some loosely knit party structure, allowing active participation by incumbent representatives cannot be over-emphasised, since this is a pre-requisite for a frank, open, and exciting debate on c o n te s t e d issues. E le c t io n s at the majority of institutions are generally silent, apologetic shiftings of responsibilities from the soulders of the outgoing council to their successors. It is done smoothly, and if all goes well the new Council generally reaches the level of sophistication of their predecessors after approximately eight months in office. In addition, politicization on principl e would mean that large num ber1 of students who have neither the time or wish to administrate could identify with individual parties, and serve as representatives or campaign policymakers.

The ro le of the student press in such a system then becomes one of covering the general discussions of the central assembly, and particularly the attempts of the government element to achieve and adap t their defined objectives.

The succeeding year need not be simply an extention of the election animo sities, since the opposition would not be accorded official recognition within the term s of the Constitution. Opposition would instead arise on individual issues, issues that would have hopefully been given prior consideration during the cam pus elections and which could be considered in the Assembly at a more realistic level. Since the Administrative powers would rest with the Executive the dangers of alienating fellow admi- trators would not be a factor in debating the policies before the Assembly.

The execution of the decisions would be the responsibility of the .appoint-1

ed Administrators and selected com mittees of the Assembly and would similarly not be subject to the type of sabotage that can occur when a minority who opposed an issue refuse to participate in the implementation of the decision. The student press would then not be faced with responsibility of 'killing' com m unication between students and student government. They could concentra te instead on reporting, and giving support to is su es as they were presented by the student legislators.

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GapThe furor resulting from the McGill Daily

question illustrates the meaning of the “generation gap" very ce arly. The lines have been drawn and while it w ould be wrong to assume that exceptions don't exist, it is clearly evident that o- pinion and age a r e closely related.

The "student generation" regards the Daily issue as a tes t of democracy. Its parents feel that the reprint of Paul Krassner's article was an abuse of this freedom and that it should be sharply curtailed in the future. The opposing factions were m olded in different environments and tempered by different problems. The elder, by depression and a global war, the younger by an affluent, brutal society, perpetually on the brink of destruction. Parents often find it difficult to com prehend that the spectre of the mushroom shaped c loud has as profound an effect on their children as the depression had on them. This is p robably because the effects are different. Depression is principally a physical thing. Hunger and privation are immediate, everyday realities. It's psychologial effects must, by necessity, be secondary . Threat of atomic war, conversely, is psychological. It is the physical effects of strom tium 90 that are secondary. This generation has matured in a scientific age. It has been exposed, through education, to the scientific approach . It questions, it doubts, it wants to know why theories are not practised. This is why it questions censorship, which is, by definition, con tra ry to the principle of freedom.

Parents consider Krassner's satire obscene because it is, in the context of their morality. Their children by and large do not because it is not obscene i n the context of theirs. M oreover, of the students who do think it obscene, many are willing to support anyone's right to print it.

Essentially, th e conflict is not over obscenity, it is caused by diametrically opposed moral values. Both gen erations are guilty of dogmatism. The under th ir ty generation is willing to listen to and agree wit h Krassner on the issue because they concur wi th almost everything else that he stands for. T h e ir parents don't listen to and certainly won't ag ree with him, because they reject almost all that he stands for. They reject it through disgust and perhaps through fear. They feel distrust because the closest approximation to their offspring’s point of view that they can manage is t o recall themselves at a similar age. They feel t hat had they read the article in question, at th a t time they would have judged it obscene. In doing so, they are ignoring the vital cause of th e schism. This is simply because even at the age of their children, they had previously been shaped by a different society than this one. The challenges, the institutions, the responsibil i t ies all of which play a large part in the erection of moral standards have chan

ged. The challenges, institutions and responsibilities are now peace, Universities and academic success, instead of material survival, churches and laoor. just Decause the focus has moved from one se t to another doesn't mean that the former is inferior and frivolous. Paradoxically, the genera tion that prides itself on realism and scorns the “idealism" of its children as adolescents, is not, now, being realistic. Peace is more important in the sixties, than ever before, because humanity will not be given another c h a n c e , if it fails. Students consider this a brutal reality. They regard peace as a vital necessity, the ir parents regard it as a hopeless dream and w ar as an inevitable eventuality. The world which students wish to create, is alien and illogical to their parents, and so their parents fear it, as peop le always fear the unknown. To combat this, they become conservative and resist change Their children find faults with their parents thinking and therefore with “their” society and they label it bad. They wish to change many things quickly, their parents wish to change few things gradually. The result is tension, resen tm ent and, in extreme cases , violence.

It would be naive to isolate the Daily issue and Krassner's a rtic le from the philosophy of the emerging generation . It is not simply a matter of students liking four-lettqr words. The McGill sit-in affected t his philosophy as it is manifested in ed u ca t io n . No longer do students regard themselves as m erely people purchasing an education. Call it syndicalism, call it activism, call it the "new le f t” (although it isn’t that at all) but a new defin ition of "student" is being constructed. The idea of attending a university by the grace of its administration is rapidly dissipating. It is bei ng replaced by an idea of equity. Students are th e university’s “raison d'etre”. Society offers th eni knowledge and skill through professors, students offer the commodity of youth. One cannot cont inue without the other. The relationship is symbiotic. Relationships are, by definition based on equality. When administrations, comprised of people with the parental i- mage deny equality and the autonomy that is part of it, as w as done at McGill, rebellion results.

Whether or n o t Krassner's article is obscene can be left to individual interpretation. Whether or not the McGill Daily should have printed it, has been left to the Administration's interpretation. Neither question is however important in terms of the “ generation gap". It is the disparity and sources of opinions that is significant. History records that the "generation gap" is not a modern innovation. Whether or not, if will ever be reduced only time will tell.

by N orm an LAZARE


t

AN

“ — — — The expanding spectrum of expressioimissiveness of our society has created a 6tt his own conclusions.

Those messages of the various media ne’ - are they purient forms of social corrupt

Does the censorship we apply today ■ ■ . mode of handling the situation allow for adeq

important of attitudesWhat exactly is obscenity? To answer this question one must

refer to what people find obscene. At second glance this question develops an aura of complication. In relation to their degree of sophistication, each individual views different things with different degrees of offence. However, significant generalizations may be made. Obscenity can be divided into two main classifications 1) violence and 2) nakedness of the human body and nearly all forms of sex. On the whole, the more sophisticated individual tends to place more emphasis of disgust on the former. This is not true of the general population however, as is reflected in the popular television fare.

An interesting sidelight to the m atte r is reflected in the semantic allusion to the similarity betw een crudity and what is disgusting. More and more of the highly sophisticated segment of the population though, find a certain beauty in the primitive.

Much of the furor over obscenity is directed towards words - notoriously known as four letter words. Some interesting com ments on these four letter symbols have been made by Paul Krassner, editor ofTHE REALIST and author of the celebrated McGILL DAILY necrophilia article. He deplored the common practice of worshipping magical combinations of letters. Apparently he didn't originate this aversion to worshipping specific worldly objects - G od did. Actually real obcenities have nothing to do with words but ra ther the permeating attitudes. And certain words are related to obcenity because of their em otions - provoking power. This power is absorbed by these words because of certain underlying mental disturbances in society. But these hang-ups will be dealt with further on.

Humanists, whose ranks are increasing rapidly, see obscenity as dehumanization, especially the destruction of human life. Advanced humanists see no wrong in the sight of human flesh nor in human sexuality. But, they deplore exploitation of humanity in all of its aspects including the aforem entioned two. For them, businessmen are the major purveyors of obscenity when they employ that notorious professional tool, the modern commercial in its worst form. They abhore commercials exploiting sex or preying on certain emotional hangups such as inferiority complexes, feelings of alienation and frustration. It goes without emphasis that television programs as well as movies reveling in physical violence turn a humanist cold. To them, war ranks as low as necrophilia does to most people.

Generally, artists are society’s vanguards introducing more and m ore “former obscenity” into everyday life. As with other obscene individuals they have their toes stepped upon regularly; but because of personality and the very nature of their work, they lead the way. Because innovation is the essence of creativity, the artist must look at the human experience through different spectacles than the average person. Often these fresh points of view are oblivious to contem porary concepts of indecency. Sexuality being a strong magnet of human emotions, it comes up often in various portraits of life. Anyway, the freedom required by the creative forces within the artistic personality force the breaking of all barriers. Without this burhing need fo r freedom all forms of art would soon resemble the problem of the issues--television programming.

life is ob:Society's dealings with obscenity is manifest in censoship. Today,

most utterances (in any form) tha t repel a large num ber of influ- encial moralists-such as emotion powerful groups (i.e., representatives of motherhood) are stifled by legislature.

Censorship may be divided into two main divisions; 1) political and 2) sexual. Since suppression of political communication is relatively unpopular and suppression o f sexual expression is popular, the latter is more prevelant.

A large segment of life comes under the classification obscene, if one includes the humanistic definition of obscenity. And one should--by virtue of its sincerity and more important, its rationality. An objective look at censorship in general tends to arouse questions as to its rationality and the ulterior motives .of the people in favour of it. Alluding once m ore to Krassner, he said “censorship is obscene”, especially considering the cause of education since protecting people from material of varying shades of taste prevents their exercising their faculty of judgement therby impeding their intellectual advancem ent.

Many objectionable works seem to slip by the censors. The NAACP pointed out that Mother Goose was obscene because of objectionable references to the Negro personality. You see, the very rational humanistic objections to violence are symbolically scoffed at by the people whose nightly divertissement includes a gory array of violence on their television or movie screens. One then wonders at the motives of the sexual censors when these individuals prove that their censoring habits do not realte to rationality.

In a society where individuals cry for the suppression of stimulants they find repugnant, others cry for the freedom of expression. When an individual fee ls something within his soul crying to be said, and in a mood that necess i ta te s the illegal use of certain froms of communication, he feels a frustration, he feels an infringement on his rights—his com pleteness as a human being is unrealized.

Of course, certain sacrifices must be made. It is irrational to press one’s desires to selfish extremes. Censorship is rationally a necessity in some extreme cases to prevent harm to human life or the life of the state. Here again, however, the definitions of harm to the human being and harm to the state vary. One must take into consideration the benefits of change within any established institution. Too often the constant developm ent of the human being


A

w ing out of the ever-increasing per- — — —— —3 from which the individual must draw

nded by that elusive abstract ‘obsce- andangering l ife as it exists today? tect us adequately? Will the presentexpansion in the future? — — —

spiral of developmentBy averaging out the gamut of attitudes, degrees of sophistica

tion, and degrees of knowledge of t he population, one can formulate a rough collective level of advancem ent of any given society at any given period in history.

ene...is overlooked and governing forces fail to develop a lo n g s id e the collective humanity of the governed. In which case the jarring force of say a satire is a necess i ty . Unfortunately the governing force can use censorship to prevent the change which it has come to fear.

If certain citizens consider censorship to be suppression why then do others desire it?First of all, let us ascertain the nature of censorship. In our society, it is predonintely sexual. Next we must rem em ber it has proven itself to be irrational.

Probability and intuition (based on experience) places the blame on a mass guilt complex guilt about sex based on a puritanical ethic. A puritanical ethic which has not been rationally and dem ocratically decided upon by the people living today. On the contrary it is a traditional fixation handed rather forced down form the p as t generation.

T o understant the handing-down type on indoctrination involved, one must look at a few simplified relationships. How the puritanical ethic developed is dealt with further on in the explanation of “back-lash”. However, accepting the fact that the puritan ethic did develop into a strong popular philosophy one must turn to the parent-child relationship.

Though not originally based on a theory of guilt, the puritanical philosophy went through a stage o f metamorphis in which the extraneous property of puritanism, namely guilt, became the ruling force. Sometimes com pared to cancers, philosophies based on guilt are self-perpetuating because of a holy-crusade-like attitude typically adopted by its adherents . (It would be interesting to investigate certain religions from this point of view). In the parent- clhild relationship for a considerable length of time (in our society th a t is) the parent assumes an irreproachable position of superiority. The odds are highly in favour of the child being indoctrinated especially by such a strongly evangelical philosophy as puritanism.

The modern puritan experiences a frustration. His subconscious feels that if he is frustrated, then, others should be also. This frustration necessitates repression and his subconscious knows it. Children and many other people don't suffer from repression. The next best thing is suppression. He rationalizes many reasons why sex should be supressed. His conscious therefore clamours for suppression. (It must be realized--from a humanistic point of view that these people aren't really villians but merely victims of circumstance).

When plotting this historical advancement on ag raph ,a straight up-sloping line is insufficient. R a ther a three-dimensional spiral resembling a spiraling stairwell is required.

This graph structure is necessary because of the nature of knowledge’s advancem ent in the individual. Knowledge, since it breeds internally, develops at an ever-increasing rate resembling a geometric progression. The person g ifted with the type of knowledge allowing him to develop more quickly merely has a higher rate of increase in his rate of learning.

The person whose knowledge increases more quickly are placed at the ou ter rim of the spiral w here the distance to the top is greater. Conversely the people whose knowledge increases more slowly are placed near the centre w here the trip to the top is shorter.

The whole point to this lengthy description is the cohesion between the rates of knowledge grow th of the individuals in society. This cohesion is caused by the tendencies 1) to conform and 2) to persuade. In this way the slower are advanced and the more rapid are held back. If the slow w eren ’t egged on they would lag behind and becom e the equivalent of morons; conversely the rapid if not held back would rocket ahead and their radical ideas would becom e dangerous to society a n d therefore dangerous to themselves.

At various times, the intellectual vanguards are allowed to becom e further separated from the lagging. This represents a situation of social permissiveness. It m ust be noted that the majority of the population is in the lagging position, therefore the majority of power exists in this area. As the gap becomes too wide the laggers panic. W hen this happens they take action in the form of repression. This represents a “ blacklash” .

But this spiral only represent^ events in the immediate past. Perhaps, in time, people will lose the need to conform and repress - the spiral will disintegrate -- and some new form of co-exi stance will com e into being.

Peter Shaw Senior

Staff Writer

10 / the georgian, November 17, 1^67

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AS I W R ITE this article vivid memories come back to me of a boy in a hospital in central Vietnam, showing the terrible stumps where his feet had been bu rn t by napalm; a little girl of eleven at Cantho, her face equally disfigured by napalm; peasants at a hospital in Hue, all of them maimed and lacerated by bombs, shells, rockets, mines o r bullets; a peasant woman weeping over the bloodstained body of her husband at the roadside; and those peasants, who after an attack, walked towards the marines, mutely showing them the small corpses of their children.

by Robert Guillainfrom Le Monde a s translated in “ International Confederation for Disarmament and P e a c e ” , published by Housman’s.

At Hue a seriously wounded old man was taken into the hospital on his son’s back. According to the nurses the young man laid his father on a bed , and on his way out turned to them and said;

“Look after him. 1 will com e back after the war. You will be expected to give a good account.”

He was a “V iet”. I was struck by his words. It seemed that I too should give a good account.

He was a “V ie t”. I was struck by his words. It seemed that I too should give a good account.

The question of how many civilian victims there have been in this war in South Vietnam is extremely difficult to answer. Firstly, the Americans and the Vietnamese discuss casualties as little as possible, and if they have statistics, they must be very inaccurate. Secondly, it is difficult to go and see for oneself. The vast areas controlled by the Vietcong are inaccessible, but these a re the most frequently bombed. Almost all the remaining countryside is “contested." Only the troops who see what is going on could tell the story. In fact official com m uniques refer only to “Vietcong" losses. There is not a whisper o f civilian casualties. This proves either that the “Vietcong" figures are inflated by the inclusion of the number of civilian dead, or that there is a tacit silence concerning casualties suffered by the peasantry.

But one of the striking features of this war is that the most devasting fire-power is used in operations on num erous ill-defined fronts, whilst all the peasants, often hostile to both sides at once, but clinging desperately to their rice fields, find themselves caught in the cross-fire. I have only been able to collect fragmentary and often

contradictory information, but at least it throws some light on the course of this tragedy.

According to a very reliable source, during one week of O ctober 1965, when there were many clashes, there were more than 700 civilians wounded in the province of Hue. In a month there would be m ore than three thousand. Further statistics show th a t during the same period the hospital at Hue was admitting about a hundred casualties each month, and about one thousand during 1965. This figure is small in comparison with the form er. This can be explained by the fact that those admitted to hospital represent only a small p roportion of the total number of casualties, since only those villagers who live fairly close to the hospital can hope to be taken to it.

Therefore eighty or ninety per cent of those hurt never reach the hospital, but they are left wherever they were wounded.

At Da Nang (ex-Tourane), during the early months of 1966, between 100 and 150 wounded civilians were admitted to the hospital each month. At C antho in the Delta the civilian hospital gave me the much more alarming figure of twenty admissions a day, making 600 a month.In Saigon the figures were even higher; there are between fifty to eighty civilian casualties admitted each day in the four hospitals. M oreover these figures do not include admissions to the children’s hospital. Thus during one month the total of those admitted to hospital would be u. between 1,500 and 2,400.

A French doctor in Saigon said to me:“Many of the wounded die on the way to hospital. We have many who were wounded by mortar fire, partly by Vietcong mortars. There are many, including children who have been badly burned by napalm and phosphorous. Whole families are wiped out. The other day a pregnant woman with a shattered arm was the sole survivor of an entire family. American soldiers are constantly bringing into the military hospital Vietnamese children, whom they have picked up during an operation: thechildren were orphaned the same day the soldiers took pity on them”.

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BOMBING THE VILLAGESWhat about the dea ths amongst the civilian popu

lation? Frankly 1 have no reliable figures, but Clement Zablocki, senator for Wisconsin, has recently worked out that at a rough estimate for every Vietcong killed there are two civilian deaths. Calculating on this basis, if we can believe the American figure of approximately 36,000 Vietcong killed in 1965, the num ber of civilian d ead in that year was 72,000. With all due caution I am tem pted to believe that this number is smaller than the reality.

It seems that the beginning of the American buildup in the summer of 1965 led to particularly heavy losses among the civilian population. Several American journalists were utterly appalled. One of them said to me, “this w ar has turned us into pacifists”. Let me quote some of their reports. In June, near Q u a n g -N g a i in Central Vietnam, many villages were systematically wiped out from the air and by gunfire, and very many villagers were killed. In August, near Da Nang, villages w ere set on fire by flame-throwers as a reprisal against snipers. In the autumn on the plain near Pleiku, villages which were officially “e- vacuated” were bom bed; in fact some Montagnards were still living in them . In the contested area around Dukko and Le Than all the villages were completely destroyed by napalm, bombs and artillery. At the end of the year there were innumerable indiscriminate bom bardm ents and shooting incidents in the Mek- ing Delta.

The American com m and has reacted by making an effort to suppress abuses. A list of bombing targets has been drawn up. “Air controllers” accompany the bombers during raids. All air strikes must previously be approved by the Provincial Governor, who checks whether, according to his information the objective is actually in the hands of the enemy. But in the heat of battle, and fighting has becom e even more violent in these last m onths of 1966, these precautions are often illusory. T h e Provincial Governor is a Vietnamese, sitting in an office a long way away, where he has a thousand o th e r things to do. The mistakes and abuses in the bom bing still occur, as any one who makes inquiries ab o u t it will be told.

A village had been bom barded on the strength of information forty-eight hours old. A nother was wrongly classified as a V ietcong village when it was not, because shelters and tunnels had been seen there. But how many villagers nowadays do not spend a part of their time in dug-outs? In one contested area leaflets were dropped ordering; “Evacuate the area, in three days we will bom b it”. Three days later everything was burned up with incendiary bombs. But the villagers had stayed in their houses. A convoy of sampans on the river was machine-gunned because it was thought to be carrying rice; it was a peasant wedding,

a procession of guests going by boat. But how can the pilot in his supersonic plane, coming from the o ther ends of-the ea r th and completely ignorant of the country he is flying over, while equipped with formidably powerful weapons, distinguish for certain between friend and foe? Presuming any friends are left.

An attack can burst upon one quite unexpectedly; in an open paddyfield full of people it comes without warning out of the blue, as the battle suddenly shifts, splattering everything in the vicinity. Here come a flight of Super-Sabre jets at over 600 mph, which in a few minutes will each have dropped more than a ton of bombs, peppering the target with rockets and 20 mm cannon. At this speed an error in timing of a few seconds can mean th a t anything may get hit. Here are villages with the peasants in the fields . Friends, enemies, who knows? But the Vietcong are in one corner. Suddenly there is an air strike by naval bombers lasting fifteen minutes; then the helicopters each unleashing their rockets for ten minutes; then com e the artillery helicopters with their heavy guns and rockets. So in half an hour th e “landing zone” is softened up, and 3,500 soldiers on board seventy-five helicopters fall from the sky into a stretch of Vietnamese countryside. For the peasants caught in the battle it is sauve qui peut.

While the num ber of civilian dead increase, m aterial destruction stretches, day after day, across the countryside. Oddly enough the Americans give figures for this in their daily bulletins. There is a tragic and monotonous census o f the “structures” destroyed. The buildings described in this way are often mostly villagers’ houses, farms and shacks in the rice fields. I have noted the following typical statistics; February 12,420 structures destroyed in South Vietnam and 400 damaged, 200 and 300 of these respectively being in the Delta; February 13, 320 destroyed and 280 damaged, of which 161 and 176 were in the Delta; February 14,530 destroyed and 360 damaged, 280 and 220

respectively in the Delta, always a main target. It should be understood that these figures refer only to enemy structures in th e zone controlled by the Vietcong. But who has eve r compiled complete statistics or can num ber all the buildings which are burnt or destroyed in the so-called “contested” areas, on the innumerable and constantly changing fronts, or on the uncertain frontiers of the zones classified “friendly”?

The evacuation of these contested areas is one of the objectives of A m erican policy, in order to leave the way clear for the war, and for unrestricted attacks. The rural population whom I spoke of earlier, who have clung to their villages, obstinately refusing to take sides, and gone on living between the two sides killing each other, a re no longer going to be allowed to hang on in these areas. An American spokesman explained this to me with disconcerting frankness;

“There have been three choi- ses open to the peasantry. One, to stay where they are; two, to move into the areas controlled by us; three, to move off into the interior towards the Vietcong. The application of our air power since February

has made the first choice impossible from now on. It is not possible to stay in the line of fire and live”.This spokesman becam e even more precise.

“Our operations have been designed to make the first choice impossible, the second attractive, and to reduce the likelihood of anyone choosing the third to zero. How many among the peasants forced to move opt for the third course? We believe the numbers are minimal. To go to the Vietcong is to continue the war. The peasants are seeking shelter from the war. The great majority make the second choice, they com e over to our side”.

The result of all this - 850,000 Vietnamese refugees. They are particularly numerous in the provinces bordering on central Vietnam, near the large American bases of Qui Nhon, Anke, Pleiku and so on, and in the interior in the provinces of Kontum and of Ban- Me-Thuot. A considerable num ber of refugees, close on half a million, have been collected into over 230 camps. The rest, according to official statistics, have in the great majority of cases been “resettled”, that is

rehoused and estab lished in a friendly area under the care of the South V ietnamese authorities.

In fact the figure for those “resettled” is grossly exaggerated. It is really an estimate of refugees supposed to receive, thanks to American aid, certain kinds of help in the form o f blankets, money, building materials, and six m onths’ supply of rice. Therefore many local officials in the South Vietnamese administration, often military personnel, take part in the “refugee racket”. They p roduce inflated figures for fictitious resettlements, so they can appropriate the corresponding goods, or else reserve for their own benefit part of the aid...

Thousands of refugees, left to fend for themselves, settle themselves as best they can. You can see them everywhere building the ir huts. They huddle together in new villages, and overrun the smallest empty space left in the towns. Small market towns like Pleiku have undergone a m ushroom growth. The outskirts of Saigon see the numbers of straw huts multiplying. Shanty towns grow up round the large American bases, and are centres of prostitution and of a thousand minor rackets. Refugees have created an interminable ribbon development of buildings by the rice fields along the safei* ro a d s . All this consitutes an excellent jumping-off ground fo r the Vietcong, who have their agents among these uprooted people.

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the Buddhist PositionVietnam-The Khoi Phat Giao Xa

Hoi Viet Nam (or the Bloc of Engaged Buddhists of Vietnam hereafter simply called' Buddhists) first began their organized struggle against the policies of war and of foreign dependency, policies instituted by dictatorial and militarist circles, in 1964. Their aim is the establishment of an interim civilian government which will

Editor’s Note: Nyanaponikane- ra Bhikk.hu is a Theravadhin Buddhist living in Dallas. He took his instructions from Forest Hermintage, Kandy, Ceylon and has written on Buiddhism for many publications throughout the world. The article is courtesy of the NOTES FROM T H E UNDERGROUND, at Southern M ethodist University in Dallas, a paper currently under a ttack by HUAC member Joe Pool for its “obscenity” and its “readership of potential degenerates”.)

enjoy the support of the noncommunist, non-NLF political groups, and of the religious groups, with a view toward preparing for the election of a truly representative government which would be able to -- and would - negotiate: (1) with the National Liberation Front for the ending of hostilities; (2) with the government in Washington for the withdrawal of foreign troops; and (3) with Hanoi for the withdrawal of the North Vietnamese troops. The withdrawal of the U.S. and North Vietnamese troops would be effected under the supervision and control of the International Control Commission, in the true spirit of the 1954 Geneva agreements.

The Buddhist policy, and in their view, the policy of any honestly elected government, would be (1) to ask the U.S. to stop all bombing and military operations; (2) to order the South Vietnamese army to observe a cease fire and to a- dopt a defensive position adequate for protection of loyalists to the Ky regime; and (3) to call on the NLF to stop the fighting and to arrange for peace. The basic negotiations should be carried out between Vietnamese only. The objective of these negotiations should be the reestablishment of peace and the formation of a coalition government, a truly-neutralist government for a truly neutralist South Vietnam.

End all InterventionEvery effort should be made

to put an end to all intervention and political influence by the United States and North Vietnam in the internal affairs

RALPH A. COHENLAW YER

1 2 5 5 Ph i l l ips Square Room 2 0 0

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of South Vietnam. Although the Buddhists aim ultimately at seeing a unified and neutralist Vietnam, the neutralist South must first build up its own strength and only when it feels strong enough should it reunify politically with the North. During the interval, the government of the South should establish economic and cultural relations with the North.

The Buddhists call for the immediate release of all com patriots, whether Buddhist or non-Buddhist, who have been imprisoned for their ac tivities for peace and dem ocracy by the regimes of Ky and his predecessors. They recognize freedom of action for all political beliefs and parties, but will not accept bloody conflict among peoples of the same nation. They are prepared to cooperate with the National Liberation Front in accordance with the principle of putting the survival and the independance of their country above all ideological conflicts. They do not consider the government of North Vietnam as an enemy but will work with it, as with all factions in the South, to build a sound basis for reunification under a truly neutralist regime.

On the subject of military policy, the Buddhists p ropose that the armed forces of South Vietnam return to their non-political role, and that all necessary measures be taken to prevent the resurgence of militarism.

The Buddhists believe that a proper reconstruction of Vietnamese society on a basis of nationalism and social justice must begin with an economic revolution in South Vietnam They maintain that corruption and special privilege in whatever form should be vigorously uprooted. The traditional, feudal, re la t ionsh ips , especially the excessive power of the large landlords, they feel, must be broken, and a socio-economic system installed which will win the cooperation of the people. The necessary condition for such support from the people is that the national economy operate in such a fashion which visibly improves the lot of the masses instead of disproportionately enriching

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that of the privileged few.Planned Economy

T o achieve such a system, the Buddhists favor a planned economy with government control of basic industries and government reponsibility for the overall functioning of the economy. Small and medium size business should be open to private enterprise. A limited amount of foreign participation in government and private industry may be permitted on an individual case basis and with the provisions necessary for adequate safeguards. Efforts would also be made to encourage, cooperative forms of ownership and new forms of worker participation in industry control.

The Buddhists hold that a truly independent Vietnam would raise its national income primarily through mobilizing the efforts and sacrifices of their own people, not through the generosity of foreigners. The Vietnamese people are accustomed to hard work and the Buddhists believe that if the fruits of the peoples’ efforts are efficiently and equitably allocated, the need for foreign assistance would be m odest once the destruction caused by the war is repaired. In the meantime however, foreign aid would be welcomed from all sources as long as it was not used to undermine their national sovereignty. The magnitude of the aid should not be so large as to dominate their national budget, as has been the case in the past, for such heavy dependence upon foreigners is incompatible, they feel, with Vietnamese independence.

The Buddhists favor regional economic integration, especially with North Vietnam Camdodia and Laos, so as to expand the m arket area of each of the Indo-China states. In recognizing the distribution of natural resources within South Vietnam, they feel that special efforts should be made to develop the agricultural potential there, so as to com plement the industrial po tential of North Vietnam. This does not preclude, however, some industrial development of the South so as to permit the Southern economy to en-

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joy an autonomous existence pending reunification.

Land ReformOne of the main aspects of

the Buddhists' economic revolution would be the implementation of an effective land reform based on the spirit of national responsibility for all sufferings and social injustice. There would be land for all farmers. The land distribution already instituted by the National Liberation Front to the poor peasants would be legalized. A program of voluntary land donations will be encouraged. The Buddhists believe in humanitarian as well as in juridical means to prevent and abolish ownership of excessive possessions by a minority of the Vietnamese citizenry.

Special programs of technical assistance would be extended to the peasants with a view to raising agricultural

productivity. Government sponsored rural credit programs would be developed and enlarged, and production and marketing cooperatives would be organized with a view to helping rural people to eliminate the poverty which infests their countryside. Expanded education and health services would also be brought to the Vietnamese masses, as well as m easures for their social security.

Diplomatic Cooperation The Buddhists propose to es

tablish diplomatic relations with all countries which recognize and respect the indepen

dence and neutrality of Vietnam, without antagonism toward either the socialist or the capitalist camp. At the same time, they would not permit either cap to influence Vietnamese policy or tu use Vietnam as a means for antagoni- z ing theo thercam p. They would refuse Vietnam's participation in any military alliance whatsoever. They would so accept the presence on Vietnamese territory of arm ed forces of any foreign country.

They also propose to cooperate closely with the uncommitted Afro-Asian bloc, to reestablish diplomatic relations with Laos and Cambodia, and to establish economic and political alliances with these neighbors. Economic and cultural relations would be established with North Vietnam and steps would be taken to create favorable conditions for agreement between the two zones in preparation for the unification and

neutralization of the whole of Vietnam.

Lastly, the Buddhists hope to develop and consolidate the national culture. They would abolish the cult of materialistic fulfillment and irresponsibility They would welcome foreign technical ideas and would be hospitable to all national cultures, but vigorously would appose cultural enslavement and cultural bastardization. They propose to reorganize the educational system to accord with the needs of the national development program. They would enlarge the existing universities in Vietnam and would introduce Vietnamese as the language of instruction throughout the educational system.

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Why 500,000 marines can’t be wrong: The making of a myth

• ' •. • . . . :■

C ardinal Spellman, the Kennedys, Dean Rusk, Lyndon Johnson, and the late H enry Luce have been helping make history - the easy way. They have invented a myth and called it Truth, and millions of people have been taugh t to believe that Truth and to su ppor t it with their votes, their taxes, and their very lives. I am referring, o f course, to the Official Version of w h a t ’s happening in Southeast A- sia.

The Administration wants us to believe that an aggressive communist coun try called North Vietnam - egged on by Mao, a senile trouble-maker - is trying to take over by force a free nation called South Vietnam, and South Vietnam’s government is asking for a n d recieving massive military assista nee. In policy speeches President Johnson and State Secretary Rusk m aintain that “our boys are over there fighting for a free and independent South Vietnam", and that “America wants a peace based on the (1954) G en ev a Agreements”.

G overnm ent speechwriters must be confident that not too many voters have ever read the Geneva Agreements , because the policy contradicts itself. The Accords stipulate that V ietnam is one country, inde- p en d en t and undivided, therefore there can be no “independent South V ie tnam ” based on them.

In J une 1954, when the Agreements of G eneva were signed, the French army had just been beaten at Dien Bien P hu , and they had been given two y ears to get out of the country.

So V ie tnam was temporarily divided at paraleell 17 into two administrative zones; the French army was to w ithdraw to the southern zone then disem bark for home, while the forces of the Vietmihn were supposed to regroup in the north.

The accords also stated that in June, 1956, Vietnam would be reunited w ith an election supervised by representatives of Canada, India, and Poland.

The then-Secretary of State agreed that th e United States would uphold the A greem ent.

So the French kept their promise and w ithdrew first from the north, then f rom the south. But at the same time, the U.S. Central Intelligence A gency was pouring in money and men t o bolster the southern regime and, in 1955, they set up the U.S. trained Ngo Din Diem as absolute dictato r.

I n the Name of DemocracyAs the scheduled 1956 election

drew near, the Eisenhower realized that th e communist Ho Chi Mihn, leader of the Vietmihn would easily win, and D iem who had been safely hiding in F rance and America all through the Franco-Vietnamese War, didn’t stand a chance. So, when Diem can-, celled the election "in the name of democ racy”, Eisenhower was the first to congratulate him. And when Diem laid a mine field across parallel 17, Washi ngton immediately recognised “S ou th” Vietnam as an independent coun try - thus initiating the “South” Vietnam myth.

D iem ’s illegal move was not without local opposition, but his CIA-trained sec re t police knew how to deal with it. By 1958 they had executed 500,000 ‘communists’ and put a million o th e r people in concentration ca m p s , while the real communists capitalized on government brutality and indoctrinated most of the penniless, propertyless peasants who constitu te 80% of Vietnam’s population.

Swiss Bank AccountDespite his unpopularity at home

Diem had several loyal and influential friends back in the States. A devout Catholic, Diem found ready allies in Cardinal Spellman and the Kennedys, who combined their religious bias w ith their anti-communist zeal to sco re for him at least a million dollars a year in foreign aid.

Diem directed part of this money into h is personal bank account in Switzerland, and part of it paid his police forces, while the rest went back to U.S. public relations firm which was lobbying in Washington to get him even more money and to keep alive the “democratic South Vietna m” myth.

The_ U.S. mass media was also busy putting across the notion that Vietnam is two countries and the South is a bastion of freedom. And, at a time w h en few Americans had even heard of Vietnam, there was little opposition.

Religious WarIn the ir zeal to define the struggle

according to cold war mythology, the m ass media completely ignored the fac t that most Vietnamese consider th e war a war of religion, in which the A m ericans happen to have sided with th e Catholic seven per cent a- gainst the Buddhist eighty per cent of the population.

The Buddhists and Catholics have traditionally hated each other. Under the sixty-year French rule, the French -speaking, French-educated

Catholics became landlords, m erchants , generals, or government office-holders, while the Buddhists rem ained ignorant peasants. In the Franco-Vietnamese War, the Catholics s ided with their French masters against the other Vietnames. And, under Diem, Catholics were handed free land, while Catholics who fled the n o r th were each handed $100 equivalent to two year’s pay.

Even today, the premier and most of his cabinet are Catholics, both the Senate and the lower house are dom ina ted by Catholics, and most of the generals are Catholics. Understandably the only pro-American rallies ever h eld in Vietnam have been the work o f Catholics, and small wonder. Witho ut American military power behind them, the privileged Catholic minority would have to share their offices and their wealth with the Buddhists, and that’s the last thing they want t o do.

Viet namese Marxists freely utilize this religious rivalry which also happens to coincide with the struggle be tw een the haves and the have-nots. Although all the various Saigon puppet governm ents have promised land to the landless, nothing could ever come of it because these governments themselves have been composed of the very richest and greediest of the landlords, who could hardly be expected to give away their own property. The communists , on the other hand, are th e only force in Vietnam acting for the peasants and workers because they are the peasants and workers.

Ove r the last twenty years land reform has been completed succes- fully in communist-dominated areas, but wh en those areas fall to the Americans the peasants are forced to give up the land and pay crushing back- taxes. Americanism means landlordism t o Vietnam’s rural poor.

The Americans claim they are trying to “win over the hearts and the minds of the peasants”, but they are failing because they cannot offer long-term solutions to the poor people’s problems. Increasingly, they are switching to a new tactic - ignoring the pe asants hearts and minds and killing t hem wholesale (see Ramparts Nov. 1967). In the south alone however, th ere are still twelve million peasants left, and until the Americans have s tarved, shot or incinerated them, or put them all in concentration camps, the s trenght of the guerillas will continue t o grow. As one after another of W ashington’s schemes fail, reasonable A m ericans become increasingly worrie d that their government - facing an election year - will start looking for the Ultimate Solution to the Vietnames e Problem.

Dissentor’s ElakAs they find themselves dodging

more and more flak from a growing numbe r of dissenters (jn fact the pollsters say the ‘dissenters’ are now the majority) the U.S. Administration grows even less candid about its tactics a n d goals. They prefer to mislead and confuse the public with nonsense like T h e Domino Theory, the Fox- in-the-Chickencoop Theory, The Yellow Pe ril Theory, and the notion that the Kremlin is taking over the ‘Free W orld ’ starting in the rice paddies.

Our own external affairs minister, Paul M artin , has defended and apologised fo r America’s Asian policy over the years even though, as a mem ber of the International Control Commission, C anada has pledged to uphold the freedom , independance, and territorial integrety of all of Vietnam Instead, Martin has set out to sabotage t he very agreement we have sworn to uphold. He dances to the tune com ing from Washington while thousands of other people’s sons die.

Journalists DistortionsOur mass media rallies to the side

of the U.S. Administration while doing the u tm onst to perpetuate the two- Vietnams fallacy. Instead of being critics, the journalists play the role of accom plices - while screaming ‘t rea so n ’ at those who say “Hell No” to the official bi-partisan line.

Journalists never paint a rosy picture o f the Enemy in wartime, but it is only because of.journalistic distortions that the Vietnamese partisans are o u r enemy, and our victims. Because certain Vietnamese are trying to reun ite their country, the press calls them “infiltrators’. They are called ‘agressors’ because they try to ta k e over their own country ‘by force’ - as if there’s any other way they cou ld take it over. And the media speaks of ‘Viet Cong terror’ and ‘Viet Cong tyranny’ as if communist terror is som ehow more terrible than the terror of the Americans and their fascist allies, as if dictatorship of the p roletaria t and peasants is somehow a g rea te r affront to freedom than a d icta torship of Nguyen Cao Ky and his d ecad en t generals.

Thousands or even millions of A- sians will be dead before the war is through, and c o u n t le s s Americans will gi ve their lives, too. But the crime is th a t the American boys actually think they’re dying for a good cause.

b y

Douglas H U T C H IN G S

)

1 4 / the georgian, November 17, 1967

Cagers join new Inter-City League

Terry Turner [above] of San Jose, Calif., working in a castle

Jobs in EuropeLuxembourg—American Student Information Service is celebrating its 10th year of successful operation placing students in jobs and arranging tours. Any student may now choose from thousands of jobs such as resort, office, sales, factory, hospital, etc. in 15 countries with wages up to $400 a month. ASIS maintains placement offices throughout Europe insuring you of on the spot help at all times. For a booklet listing all jobs with application forms and discount tours send $2 (job application, overseas handling & airm ail reply) to: Dept. O, American Student Information Service, 22 Ave. de la Liberte, Luxembourg City, Grand Duchy of Luxembourg.

In an effort to stimulate local interest in basketball, Montreal representatives from both the Ottawa-St. Lawrence League and the Ontario-Quebec-Asso- ciation have handed together in Inter-City competition.

1 earns from McGill and U of Montreal have joined with Sir George, Loyola and McDonald to form this cross town rivalry. Consequently, in addition to their OSL schedule, the Varsity Basketball Team will also play the McGill and U of M squads in a set of home and home affairs. In order to avoir duplication among the OSL com petitors, the Georgians’ contests with Loyola and McDonald will be four point affairs, with of course the first two points counting towards regular league standings.

Thus, unlike past years, games against Ontario-Quebec League representatives will not degenerate into meaningless exhibitions.

Truesdale DepartsIn another development,

guard Ron Truesdale has parted company with the Varsity Basketball Team. After a series of unfortunate incidents stretching back over the past

couple of weeks, Coach Whiacre was forced to release the rookie. Whitacre com m ented :” I do all I can for the players, but I also expect something in return for my efforts”.

For the present, Whitacre does not intend to bring up a replacement from the Junior Varsity, at least until he has a further chance to access the

Bri an Cunliffe seek improvement

available talent on the senior squad.

Bishop’s Still Powerful The Georgians face the Gai-

tors from Lennoxville this Saturday at 3.00 Pm. at Mont St. Louis Gym. Preliminary reports indicate that the defending OSL champions remain a powerhouse this season despite their 75-70 loss to Loyola, last weekend. This is especially true when you consider that their “starting five” is composed entirely of experienced ball players.

Star forward Pete Munzar opened defense of his scoring

crown by scoring 26 points in a losing effort. Munzar, always a heady basketball-player, has apparently becom e even more aggressive this season.

As team Captain Brian Cunliffe said after the game against the University of Ottawa, “...we 've got a whole lot of improving to do if we’re even going to stay in the game against Bishops.”

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Georgians face Bishops and Sherbrooke after double loss

After suffering two humiliating defeats in the McGill Invitational Tournam ent, the Georgians will seek to get back on the winning track with weekend games against the University of Sherbrooke and Bishops.

The defeats earlier in the week to Loyola and McGill were by 8-1 and 9-4 counts respectively.

Despite the one-sided scores, the Georgians don't yet appear to be as poor as their losses might indicate. Weak defensive play has cost the team dearly, and if a more solid offensive effort can be m ounted, there is no reason why they shouldn’ t make the Ottawa-St.Lawrence playoffs.

Both Bill Ellyett and John Murrey will be back in action after missing the Loyola and McGill games. Ellyett injured his back at CMR last Saturday and sat out the third period of that game.

Murrey will be playing his first league game for the G eorgians.

Head Coach Paul Arsenault is still going to keep three goalers with the team. Fred Garie- py, who played the first league

Bill E llyettreturns from back injury

game and during the McGill contest, will likely start. The other two goalers, Doug Cagoer- ge and John Morrison, will also travel with the team for the time being.ICE CHIPS: Wayne McGill

scored the lone goal during the 8-1 loss to the Redmen... The Sherbrooke Team which the Georgians face on Saturday have a 1-1 record. They dropped a 6-5 decision to CMR and edged RMC 3-1.

SGWU loses out in bid for soccer title

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Defending champions Loyola Warriors and Royal Military College will share the Ottawa St. Lawrence Intercollegiate Athletic Association soccer title this year.

The decision in favor of the two schools as co-champions was taken by conference executive members in an effort to solve a three-way tie for first place that existed when Loyola blanked University of Ottawa 7-0 last Saturday.

Third school in the unprecedented triple tie was Sir G eorge Williams, who, like RMC, had finished the season a week earlier. All three obtained 11 of a possible 14 points in a single round-robin schedule.

Both Loyola and RMC ended with identical 4-0-3 records and they also played to at 1-1 deadlock in their only meeting. Sir George Williams finished with one more win but had the misfortune to lose to RMC.

The executive contac ted by secretary Keith Harris felt that the loss eliminated Sir George from title consideration. However, they couldn’t find a way to separate the defending cham pions and RMC.

The executive decision, though, hasn't necessarily closed thebookaccordingtoH arris . He expects the matter will be. thoroughly aired again at the semi-annual meeting.

The executive decision though, hasn’t necessarily closed the book according to Harris. He expects the m atter will be thoroughly aired again at the semi-annual meeting.

John Murrey will p lay first game

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A I E S E

OF SGWU

"UNIVERSITIES CINE CLUB"

Meets WED NOV 22 8 p.m.

in H-435A ll those in terested in summer trave l to Europe are inv ited

to attend & to jo in AIESEC - Membership $2.00

5‘ SMASH WEEKFor Norman's Dixieland Six • Bette Graham • Duke Jones • M r. Banjo • Jean Marain

KAZOO BARLOCATED IN THE CAFE ST. JACQUES, 415 ST. CATHERINE ST. EAST

Mobilwill be on campus

November 24to interview students

for regular and summer employment

in the

Geology, Geophysics, Engineering and Financial* Departments•! Regular on ly

A p p o in tm en ts m ay be m ad e a t the P la c e m e n t O ffice

Mobil Oil Canada, Ltd.Box 800 - Calgary, Alberta

*

C u v

W O R K O U T in t h e c o r d u r o y c o m f o r t o f D a p p e r D a n j e a n s . T h e B u g a l o o and S h i n g - a - l i n g a re m o re so w h e n t e a m e d u p w i t h t h e l a t e s t in l i v i n g - c o l o u r j e a n s f r o m L E E , L E V I , T O P G U N a n d T E E K A Y . A v a i l a b l e in S a n d , H o t C h o c o l a t e , L o d e n , B r o n z e and B r a n d y a t D a p p e r D a n . B E S U R E T O S E E D A P P E R D A N A T T H E SKI SHOW W E D . - S U N . A T P L A C E B O N A V E N T U R E .

22 St. Catherine Street East 866-69446672 St. Hubert 272-4665

MilAon & MowUi. 9*tc.DISPENSING OPTICIANS

1460 SHERBROOKE ST. W. BRANCH(corner o f Mackoy St.) SEAFORTH MED. B LD G .

842-3809 3550 COTE DES NEIGES RD.


Georgian Basketball 67-68

From left to right (standing): Manager Jack Highfield, Richie Campoli, Rod Ward, Mike Hirsch, Dave Wilding, Brian Cunliffe (Captain) Coach Fred Whitacre (kneeling), Yaki Mandel, Carl Robb, Peter Tulk, Ron Truesdale, Wilf Jackson, and Mike Dawson.

International Day of Protest - Concordia University Day of Protest Teach-In (H-no at v.oop.m.) 1.00...

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Transcript of International Day of Protest - Concordia University Day of Protest Teach-In (H-no at v.oop.m.) 1.00...