INTERCULTURAL CONTACTS IN THE ANCIENT MEDITERRANEAN.pdf

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ORIENTALIA LOVANIENSIAANALECTA

202

UITGEVERIJ PEETERS en DEPARTEMENT OOSTERSE STUDIESLEUVEN PARIS WALPOLE, MA

2011

INTERCULTURAL CONTACTS INTHE ANCIENT MEDITERRANEAN

Proceedings of the International Conference at theNetherlands-Flemish Institute in Cairo,

25thto 29thOctober 2008

edited by

KIM DUISTERMAAT and ILONA REGULSKI

with the collaboration of

GWEN JENNES and LARA WEISS


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TABLE OF CONTENTS

TABLEOFCONTENTS . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . V

CONTRIBUTORS . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . IX

PROGRAMMEOFTHECONFERENCE . . . . . . . . . . . XIII

M. BIETAKPreface . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . XIX

K. DUISTERMAAT

Introduction and acknowledgements . . . . . . . . XXI

THEORYANDMETHODOLOGY

S. SHERRATTBetween Theory, Texts and Archaeology: Working with theShadows . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 3

D. PANAGIOTOPOULOSThe Stirring Sea. Conceptualising Transculturality in the Late

Bronze Age Eastern Mediterranean . . . . . . . . . 31E. ASOUTI

Community Identities, Interactions and Cultures in thePre-Pottery Neolithic of Western Asia: A Commentary on theProduction of Historical Knowledge . . . . . . . . . 53

N. MACSWEENEYStrange and Estranged: Perceiving Cultural Contacts in LateBronze Age-Early Iron Age Anatolia . . . . . . . . 67

A. SIMANDIRAKI-GRIMSHAWReligious Exchanges Between Minoan Crete and its Neighbours:

Methodological Considerations . . . . . . . . . . 79

S. CAPPELConsiderations on Sealing Practice and Agency in Minoan Creteand the Eastern Mediterranean in the 2ndMillennium BC . . 89

IDENTIFYINGFOREIGNERSANDIMMIGRANTS

L. HULINPragmatic Technology: Issues in the Interpretation of LibyanMaterial Culture . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 101


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TABLE OF CONTENTS VII

G. GRAZIADIOand G. GUGLIELMINOThe Aegean and Cypriot Imports to Italy as Evidence for Directand Indirect Trade in the 14thand 13thCenturies BC . . . 309

G. GERNEZThe Exchange of Products and Concepts between the NearEast and the Mediterranean: The Example of Weapons duringthe Early and Middle Bronze Ages . . . . . . . . . 327

F. HFLMAYEREgyptian Imitations of Cypriote Base Ring Ware in the Eastern

Mediterranean . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 343R.G. GRTEKIN-DEMIR

An Eastern Mediterranean Painting Convention in WesternAnatolia: Lydian Black-on-Red . . . . . . . . . . 359

MARITIMETRADEANDSEAPORTS

M.-H. GATESMaritime Business in the Bronze Age Eastern Mediterranean:the View from its Ports . . . . . . . . . . . . 381

M. SAMAESand J. COENAERTSExchange Between Southeastern Cyprus and the SurroundingRegions in the Eastern Mediterranean During the Late BronzeAge . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 395

A. VIANELLOOne Sea for All: Intercultural, Social and Economic Contactsin the Bronze Age Mediterranean . . . . . . . . . 411

C. SAUVAGEEvidence from Old Texts: Aspects of Late Bronze Age Inter-national Maritime Travel and Trade Regulations in the EasternMediterranean? . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 427

INFLUENCESINICONOGRAPHY, IDEOLOGYANDRELIGION

K. IRENThe First North Ionian Despotes Theron . . . . . . . 441


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VIII TABLE OF CONTENTS

E. PAPPAFrom Seafaring Men to Travelling Images: The PhoenicianCommercial Expansion in Southeastern Spain as a Stimulusfor Artistic Interactions in Iberia . . . . . . . . . . 461

A. POGGIOIncidents in Dynastic Hunts in Lycia and Phoenicia . . . . 479

I. FAPPASExchange of Ideas in the Eastern Mediterranean during the14thand 13thcenturies BC: The Case of Perfumed Oil Use and

Ideology . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 495S. ERDIL-KOCAMANand B. GT

From Teshub to Jupiter Dolichenus The IconographicalDevelopment of the Storm God in Southeastern Turkey andNorthern Syria . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 511

S. YALCINA Study of Cultural Interaction in the Eastern Mediterraneanduring the Late Bronze Age: Adaptation of the Winged Sun

Disc by the Hittites . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 521

ADMINISTRATIONANDECONOMY

L. JIRSKOVRelations between Egypt and Syria-Palestine in the Latter Partof the Old Kingdom . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 539

A. MUROCKHUSSEINMinoan Goat Hunting: Social Status and the Economics of War 569

R. MLLER-WOLLERMANNThe Impact of the Greco-Persian Conflict on the EgyptianEconomy . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . 589


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THE EXCHANGE OF PRODUCTS AND CONCEPTS BETWEENTHE NEAR EAST AND THE MEDITERRANEAN:

THE EXAMPLE OF WEAPONS DURING THE EARLYAND MIDDLE BRONZE AGES

Guillaume GERNEZ

Metal weapons represent a valuable source of information in the study ofcraft production and material culture, because their form is not onlyrelated to their function, but is also the result of technical, strategic andaesthetic choices and designs.

These specifics allow us to study the different levels of influence,exchange and contact between various regions. The most difficult pointis to understand the nature of these influences, and if they are the resultof the movement of objects, people and/or ideas. There is generally nolinear or simple way, and we have to use specific examples before trying

to obtain a general view.Mainly from the examples of spearheads, daggers and axes of differentforms and types, we will try to observe the evolution of the interactionsbetween the Near East and the Mediterranean region through time,from the end of the 4thmillennium BC to the beginning of the 2ndmillen-nium BC.

The first question that concerns the weaponry of the Near East is therelevance of the concept itself. Even if there are several homogeneousways of development and use in the whole area, it is in fact possible to

perceive several traditions partly separated and partly linked. These mainensembles are Mesopotamia-Western Iran, Anatolia-Transcaucasia andthe Levant. Anatolia plays an important role in several cases, but theLevant seems to be more closely linked to other cultural areas in theMediterranean. Consequently, the main focus of this short study will bethe Levantine weaponry, which results both from local development andfrom the influence of the other important and innovative areas. Duringthe Early and Middle Bronze Ages (c.3300-1550 BC), the more signifi-cant forms are short riveted daggers, crescentic axes, bipartite and tripar-

tite spearheads, bipartite poker-like javelins, slotted spearheads (in theEarly Bronze Age (EB)), and fenestrated and duckbill axes, socketed

javelins and spearheads, ribbed daggers, narrow-bladed shaft-hole axes


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328 G. GERNEZ

1 For a complete synthesis, see Philip 1989.

and curved swords (in the Middle Bronze Age (MB))1(Fig. 1). Fromseveral examples of weapons, our aim is to understand some of the man-ifold kinds of technical, typological, conceptual and/or symbolic patternsof exchange, transfer and relations between the Near East and Egypt,Cyprus, the Aegean and the Western Mediterranean.

Egypt and the Near East

Because of their proximity, Egypt and the Levant had close and constantly

changing links throughout their history. The influences are various: trade,

Fig. 1: Main forms and types of weapons in the Levant.1: Crescentic axe. 2: 3-rivets dagger. 3: Slotted spearheads. 4: Tripartite

spearhead (northern Levant). 5: Bipartite poker-like javelin (northern Levant).6: Long dagger. 7: Tripartite spearhead (southern Levant). 8: Bipartite

poker-like javelin (southern Levant). 9: Fenestrated axe. 10: 2-ribs dagger.11: Socketted spearhead. 12: Duckbill axe. 13: 5-lined dagger.

14-15: Narrow-bladed shaft-hole axes. 16: Flat-rib dagger. 17: Curved sword.


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330 G. GERNEZ

2 See the grave of Inti at Deshasheh (Shaw 1991: 38).

widely in the Levant and later in Anatolia and Iran. In Mesopotamia, itis one of the typical Akkadian axes. This form was perhaps known inEgypt from the 5thdynasty2, but the first metal ones were not found inEgypt before the 1stIntermediate Period. It is highly probable that theEgyptian craftsmen and soldiers adopted this type through their contact

both peaceful and hostile with the Levantine area.The second example is later, but follows the same itinerary: the curved

sword (or Harp / Khopesh), which is an improvement of the crescenticaxe (Gernez 2007: 423-432), appears in southern Mesopotamia at thevery end of the 3rdmillennium BC (Tello and Susa). The specific form

and design diffused in a short time through Iran, the Levant and Egypt.This adoption was due to the choice of the elite. Curved swords areoften found in prestigious contexts, for example the Royal Graves ofByblos (Montet 1928: 176-180), and they later achieve a similar statusin Egypt.

The first half of the 2ndmillennium BC sees the Levantine populationarriving in the Nile Delta. At Km el-Hisn during the 11th dynasty, alarge part of the weaponry is of Levantine type (ribbed daggers, socketedspearhead, fenestrated axe) but there are also Egyptian flat axes (Hamada

and El-Amir 1947: pl. 31; Hamada and Farid 1948: pl. 7). The situationdiffers during the Middle Kingdom and the 2nd Intermediate Period:nearly all weapons from the graves discovered at Tell el-Daba are ofLevantine origin. Duckbill axes, curved swords, socketed spearheads,ribbed daggers, knives and narrow-bladed shaft-hole axes are present.At least a part of them were manufactured on site, as shown by thenumerous stone moulds discovered (Philip 2006: 172-200). However, theLevantine weaponry is limited to the Delta area, and Egyptians borrowedonly the design of the daggers, especially the form of the guard and the

pommel.Despite these important examples, it is notable that the connections

between Egypt and the Near East as far as metal weaponry is concernedwere not highly developed. In fact, there was a complete lack of transferof the main Near Eastern techniques and types during the EB and MB:leaving aside the epsilon axes and Levantine weapons brought by theHykss and their predecessors, all the oriental weapons are absent. Thereis no shaft-hole axe, bipartite poker-like javelin, tripartite spearhead,sword, and the bent tang so frequent in the Levant and Cyprus was

never used in Egypt.


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THE EXCHANGE OF PRODUCTS AND CONCEPTS 331

3 For a complete review of the weapons and other copper and bronze objects in Cyprus,see Weinstein Balthazar 1990.4 G. Philip finds five good arguments to suggest that these weapons had been used as

spears rather than as swords (Philip 1991: 67-68).

Cyprus and the Near East

Interrelations with Cyprus vary depending on the period, but the insula-tion is often strong. Most data about weaponry come from the largegraveyards of Vounous and Lapithos, and also smaller ones.3The firstmetal weapons appear in the middle of the 3rdmillennium BC, during theintermediate phase between the Chalcolithic and the EB, called PhiliaCulture. It was of partly foreign origin probably Anatolian. Bothlocals and newcomers acculturated, and formed the Bronze Age culturein Cyprus (Webb and Frankel 1999). This hypothesis is confirmed by thespecifics of metal weapons, but one can also notice some influence fromthe Levant during the end of the EB.

In Cyprus, from c. 2500/2400 BC, two main types of weaponry areknown: the short simple daggers with a riveted tang (one rivet) and thelong bipartite spearhead with a bent tang (sometimes wrongly called theCypriot sword4). These two types originated in Anatolia: the daggerscan be found throughout the peninsula, and the bipartite spearheads areknown in the north, in Ikiztepe (Bilgi 1984: 86; 1990: 202-204) as earlyas 2700/2500 BC. There are several differences which may be due to aLevantine elaboration: in bipartite Cypriot spearheads, the bending sys-tem of the tang resembles the Levantine one. The square section, theenlargement and the angle of the butt appears on the EB IV poker-like

javelins from the middle Euphrates at Tell Halawa (Orthmann 1981: pl. 69),Selenkahiye (Van Loon and Meijer 2001: fig. 4) and Til Barsip (Thureau-Dangin and Dunand 1936: pl. 31) as well as on the EB IV B / MB Itripartite spearheads from the northern Levant at Tarsus (Goldman 1956:fig. 427), Ras Shamra (Shaeffer 1949: 50), Byblos (Dunand 1950: pl. 75)and Tell Munbaqa (Werner 1998: 110). Consequently, the form of the

spearhead has its origin in Anatolia, but the hafting mode is of Levantineconception (Fig. 3).Most daggers derive directly from the Anatolian weaponry as shown

by their dimensions, ratios, morphology and hafting mode (a rectangulartang containing one rivet hole). However, other daggers, fewer in number,are of Levantine design (their tang is rounded or triangular, and there aretwo more rivets, placed on the shoulders). These daggers are typical ofthe EB northern Levant. Consequently, weaponry in Cyprus originated


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332 G. GERNEZ

5 Most of these weapons first appear at the end of the 3rdmillennium BC but developand diffuse quickly from the beginning of the 2ndmillennium BC.

both in Anatolia and the Levant, and developed during the last centuries

of the 3rdmillennium BC.From the beginning of the 2ndmillennium BC the situation changes:

Cypriot weapons develop locally. The main types are the same as before,with several minor enhancements (lobed shoulders, thinner rat tailtang). This continuity is totally different from what can be observed inAnatolia, Mesopotamia and the Levant, where most types are of a newdesign and also often have new technical aspects fenestrated / duckbillaxes, socketed spearheads, ribbed daggers, narrow-bladed shaft-hole axesappear during this period.5 There are very few weapons from the Near

Fig. 3: Distribution and diffusion of the bent/hooked tang technique(spearheads).


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East in Cyprus during the first centuries of the 2nd millennium BC.Several comparisons have been made (Branigan 1966), but they are veryrare and are similarities or imitations rather than imports. For example,a dagger found in Vounous (Catling and Karageorghis 1960: 110) has aMinoan form but also a multiple-lined decor similar to several Byblosdaggers (Dunand 1950: pl. 66.5433). In any case, insularity seems strongduring this period, and the weaponry of Cyprus shows a local develop-ment, far from the rapid and widespread evolution in the whole NearEast. About 1650/1600 BC, one can note a new period of Levantineinfluence: the narrow-bladed shaft-hole axes and the metal belts can be

found on the island at Dhalli Kafkallia (Keswani 2005: 381). Other axesof this type are known at Tamassos-Chomazouda, Tamassos-Pera, HagiaParaskevi, Alambra and Idalion-Kafkallia (Buchholz 1979). During theLate Bronze Age (LB), socketed spearheads were at last adopted, butremained rare.

In summary, relations with regard to weaponry between the Near Eastand Cyprus seem to be unilateral and limited in time, and appear to havelargely broken off during the MB I.

The Aegean and the Near East

Two aspects of the interrelations between the Near East and the Aegeancan be considered here. The first concerns relations between Crete andthe Levant, while the second involves Anatolian-Aegean contacts.

The first question was studied in the 1960s by K. Branigan (1966; 1967)based on the exotic daggers found in the Aegean, and by N.K. Sandars(1961) concerning the development and origin of Aegean swords. In thelight of new research, it is now difficult to suppose a direct link between

the Levant and the Aegean during the EB or the MB. The intrusive dag-gers found in the assemblage of Platanos, Trapeza and Psychro (Branigan1966: 124; 1967: 118) do not seem to be of Levantine manufacture, butmay be imitations of such types, transferred through Cyprus or Anatolia.With regard to swords, which appear in the Aegean during the MiddleMinoan period, it is possible to assume that the concept of this longweapon was transferred after a long tradition in Anatolia (Arslantepe,Tlintepe, Alaca Hyk, Sakegz, Diyarbekir), then the Levant (Byb-los), Transcaucasia (Saduga, Mravaltskali, Samtavro) and Crete (Malia)

(Mller-Karpe 1994a; Gernez 2007: 433-443). However, typologyshows that in each area, the rare swords are in fact longer versions of thelocal daggers (Abramisvili 2001; Schulz 2006; Gernez 2007: 433-443).


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334 G. GERNEZ

6 It is not yet possible to ascertain if development began in one area or the other, eventhough Cycladic precedence has been assumed by A. de Maigret (De Maigret 1976: 77).7 This spearhead, dated to the MB, is the only one known in the southern Levant, and

belongs to an EB Syrian type.

Moreover, the rarity of swords and their contexts could mean that thisweapon was designed for the elite and was not yet used in warfare.The transfer of this concept seems more linked to its symbolic impactand the high level of technical knowledge required than to modes ofcombat or exchange of products. The role of the Levant is probablyminor in this transfer, whereas Anatolia was both the place of inventionand the centre of diffusion to the east and west.

The second main point concerns direct relations between the Aegeanand Anatolia, and the main form of weapon is the slotted spearhead(Fig. 4). Among common Anatolian weaponry of the EB and MB (shaft-

hole axe, epsilon axe, socketed poker-like javelin, mace-head, bipartitespearhead), it is the only form which was adopted in the Aegean. Thesebipartite spearheads often have a long narrow tang, sometimes hooked,and a triangular or foliated blade with symmetric slots on its base. At leasteight types can be identified, and the variety is large compared to thelimited number of artefacts. The slots are made with the aim of reinforc-ing the hafting (Yadin 1963: 45), but could in some cases be residual anddecorative only. The origins and development of this specific weapon arestill difficult to understand because the precise chronology of the first

artefacts is unclear. This model could have been created in two places:West Anatolia / Cycladic islands c.2500/2400 BC (Troy, Thermi, Doka-thismata and Stavros (Amorgos)) or Central Anatolia (Alaca Hyk andYeni Hayat Ky) (Branigan 1974: pl. 10 and 27; Arik 1937: pl. 174;Mller-Karpe 1994b: pl. 92). In the Aegean, several types coexisted fromthis period on, and differ from the Anatolian ones.6 It can be assumedthat the development of such weapons follows an ancient evolution ofbipartite spearheads, which is known in Anatolia and not in the Aegean.So it is possible that craftsmen from the Cycladic islands or Troy improved

on an Anatolian weapon. From this (or these) homeland(s), slotted spear-heads reached Northern Anatolia (Horoztepe, Ikiztepe), the Caucasus(Elista), Cilicia (Tarsus, Ordu) and Northern Syria (Til Barsip, Halawa,Umm el-Marra, Tell Brak, Judaidah, Ugarit) during the EB IV (2400-2000BC), then Palestine later (c.1800 at Megiddo)7(Gernez 2007: 340-347).During the MB I-II, these weapons were mainly known in Anatolia andthe Aegean. They then declined, and disappeared c.1700 BC.


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8 Dolmens of the same type have been dated to the local Chalcolithic period, betweenthe last centuries of the 3rdmillennium BC and the first centuries of the 2ndmillennium BC(Montero Ruiz and Teneishvili 1996: 75). However, the group was found under a stonein the slope of the tumulus, and should be linked to a later use.

The specificities of these slotted spearheads (origins, variety, anddistribution) could reflect mutual Anatolian-Aegean contributions and/orcompetition for the development of a technique.

The Levant and the Western Mediterranean: the problem of La Pas-tora dolmen (Spain).

A very well known group of 30 tripartite spearheads was discovered in1860 in the tumulus covering the dolmen of La Pastora, near Seville,Spain (Guilaine 1994: 90; Montero Ruiz and Teneishvili 1996: 76).This quite poor context does not allow precise dating,8 but the mostimportant fact is that this ensemble is the largest one known for this type

Fig. 4: Distribution of slotted spearheads.


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of weapon and, secondly, that it is the only place outside the Near Eastwhere such weapons have been found.

The tripartite concept, as well as the form, dimensions (between 17.3 cmand 30.3 cm) and ratios are very similar to the southern Levantine type(Fig. 5). Two differences can be observed: the thinness of the stem, andmost of all the end of the tang, which is not bent. Even if the tripartitemodel was very common in a large part of the Ancient Near East fromthe end of the 4thmillennium BC to the middle of the 2ndmillennium BC,the only good parallels date to a short period (2300-2000 BC) and were

found in a small area: examples were discovered in shaft graves at Tellel-Ajjul (Petrie 1931: pl. 19), Lachish (Tufnell 1958: pl. 22), DjebelQaaqir (Dever 1995: pl. 3), and Barqai (Gophna 1992: pl. 23).

Fig. 5: Comparison between tripartite spearheads fromthe southern Levant and from La Pastora.


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338 G. GERNEZ

Concept: a form/type of weapon could be imitated. Symbol: the status of a weapon increased (prestige) or limited (cultural

identity) its diffusion. Trade: circulation of objects eased the transfer of models and types. Migrations: people brought their techniques, knowledge and weapons

with them when they moved.

Throughout the Levant and Anatolia, a small but effective part of theNear Eastern weaponry was diffused in the Eastern Mediterranean region,mainly from the end of the EB onwards.

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