INSTITUTIONAL RACISM IN THE ENTERTAINMENT INDUSTRY: AN OPINIONREGARDING RACIAL DISCRIMINATION IN THE PROMOTION OF CONCERT

PERFORMANCES IN THE UNITED STATES

Dr. Joe R. Feagin, Ph.D.

UF Graduate Research ProfessorDepartment of Sociology

University of Florida

I. INTRODUCTION

1. I am Dr. Joe R. Feagin, Ph.D. (Harvard, 1966), a Graduate Research Professor in

sociology at the University of Florida. Since 1964 1 have been conducting research and analysis

of U.S. racial relations, and I have published seventeen books and dozens of articles that deal

directly and centrally with various aspects of racial discrimination in the United States, in

addition to numerous other books and articles that deal to some degree with these issues. A list of

my publications is attached, along with a list of other cases in which I have testified at trial or by

deposition within the preceding four years, and disclosure of the basis of compensation for the

time devoted to preparation for this case (see Appendix).

2. Since the late-1970s I have published a number of major books, including one

with Beacon Press called Living with Racism (1994) and another with M. E. Sharpe called

Double Burden: Black Women and Everyday Racism (1998), that focus on the

racial discrimination regularly experienced by African Americans, including discrimination in

businesses and workplaces. Since 1988 I have been the leading social science researcher in

conducting field research studies on racial discrimination affecting African Americans. I have

supervised or personally conducted interviews with several hundred African Americans in

numerous field research studies, including some that have focused on discrimination against

black businesses. I am currently finishing up another research book that deals with the impact

and costs of the discrimination faced by middle class African Americans.

3. My research work on discrimination has been regularly used in a number of

corporate and university settings, as well as in Department of Defense courses (for example, the

Equal Opportunity Adviser Course) since 1980. I am regularly asked to give lectures to

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university groups and military conferences dealing with racial discrimination. I am a recent past-

president of the 13,000-member American Sociological Association.

4. I was asked to prepare a report that examines what my own research and the

related social science literature tell us about racial discrimination in regard to African Americans

and then to assess the extent to which I see that racial discrimination reflected in the reported

experiences of African American promoters as described in the amended complaint and other

Rowe, et al. v. William Morris, et al. case materials.

5. Based on my longterm research on the racial bias and discrimination targeting

African Americans in the United States, on the amended complaint, and on the statistics and

other case materials, I have come to the professional opinion that the accounts and incidents

recounted by the black promoters in these case materials for the concert promotion industry

constitute racial bias and exclusionary discrimination. Furthermore, in my professional opinion

these accounts and incidents are more than a matter of a few isolated instances, but rather

indicate well-institutionalized and systemic racial discrimination.

6. This racial discrimination is generated by, and centered in, the operations of a

white-dominated concert promotion network. While the case materials that I have reviewed do

not reveal a written agreement on the part of whites in the concert promotion business to exclude

African American promoters, these case materials do indicate that powerful whites operate

informally, through what they themselves term the "concert promoting fraternity" and the "good

old boy network," to exclude black promoters from almost all of the more significant business

opportunities in the concert promotion industry.

II. INSTITUTIONALIZED RACIAL PREJUDICE AND DISCRIMINATION

A. Racial Discrimination

7. The importance of a sociological perspective is that it directs us to pay careful

attention to the social processes, contexts, and consequences of phenomena such as racial

prejudice and discrimination. Over the last few decades social scientists have done much

important conceptual and empirical research on the character and conceptualization of

discrimination as it operates in various U.S. institutions. Working as a pioneer in explaining the

nature of prejudice and discrimination, Harvard professor Gordon Allport focused on the

prejudice and discrimination of individuals. As he and subsequent researchers have seen it, few

prejudiced people keep their prejudices to themselves but act out these feelings in discriminatory

ways. I

8. Drawing on Allport and subsequent research, we can view racial discrimination

here as actions carried out by members of a dominant racial group that have a differential and

negative impact on members of a subordinate racial group. Racially discriminatory practices take

various forms--subtle, covert, and blatant forms--and restrict the opportunities of, and social

rewards going to, those in racially subordinate groups. Discriminatory behavior has both effects

and mechanisms. Effects refer to the negative impact and costs; mechanisms refer to particular

types of actions that generate the harmful effects. Contemporary research and analysis also

suggest that the motivation for racial discrimination can vary. Sometimes an individual’s

discrimination reflects an array of racial prejudices and stereotypes of the discriminator himself

or herself, and sometimes it reflects the discriminator’s concern for the prejudices and

stereotypes held by significant others in the relevant social networks. It is also the case that a

discriminator can hold relatively liberal attitudes in some areas of his or her racial thinking, yet

also harbor some negative racial images or stereotypes in yet other areas of his or her thinking.

Moreover, it only takes one negative image or stereotype to trigger serious discrimination on the

part of some discriminators.2

9. Since the 1960s social scientists, including the author, have developed the concept

of institutional or systemic racial discrimination. This concept was developed to capture the

social, cumulative, and institutionalized aspects of modern racial discrimination. Examples of

institutionalized discrimination include not only formal segregation--such as that once faced by

African Americans in business, employment, and public accommodations, which lasted into the

1960s--but also the large-scale, informal discrimination documented in recent research, as will be

discussed below. Institutional discrimination refers to the patterns of actions shaped by the

norms, rules, and understandings of the social organizations and networks of the dominant racial

group, in this case white Americans, actions that have a negative impact on a subordinate racial

group.3 In the case of racial discrimination these norms, rules, and understandings can be formal

or informal.

10. Today, institutionalized discrimination, whether in hiring at a corporate

workplace or in contracting in the entertainment industry, is typically carried out by white

individuals, acting alone or in groups, who implement the shared norms, rules, and

understandings of their organizations and networks. White individuals have the power to

discriminate as individuals, but much of their power to harm comes from membership in white

organizations and social networks, a type of social structure that one social scientist calls

"enforcement coalitions.’’4

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B. Racist Attitudes: Still Commonplace

l 1. In the routines of everyday life, the discriminatory norms and understandings

imposed by white enforcement coalitions are usually linked to, and perpetuated by. the antiblack

prejudices and stereotypes still held by a majority of white Americans. When African Americans

encounter whites in a broad array of contemporary settings, they often meet negative beliefs

about their abilities, values, and orientations. Racial barriers persist today because a majority of

whites harbor anti-black sentiments, images, and beliefs and because a large minority are very

negative in their racist perspectives. Many whites still think in racialized terms when they choose

mates, neighborhoods, employees, business partners, and workplace buddies.

12. For example, a 199:2 national survey by the Anti-Defamation League reported that

a majority of whites subscribe to one or more anti-black attitudes and stereotypes. Evaluating a

list of eight anti-black stereotypes, about three quarters of whites agreed with one or more, and

55 percent agreed with two or more.5 White men were a bit more likely to hold anti-black

attitudes than white women. While less prejudiced as a group, a large proportion of college-

educated whites also agreed with at least one of the antiblack stereotypes. A 1994 NORC

national survey asked whites to evaluate on a scale how work-oriented African Americans are.

Only a small percentage of whites, some 16 percent, ranked black Americans at the hardworking

end; nearly half chose the lazy end.6 In a :2001 national survey by Harvard researchers, 58

percent of white respondents agreed with one or more of these traits as applicable to African

Americans: lazy, aggressive/violent, prefer to live on welfare, or complaining; 34 percent agreed

two or more were applicable.7 In national surveys, majorities of whites still admit openly to

holding some negative stereotypes about African Americans.

C. Discrimination in Bushzess and Other Societal Sectors

13. Discriminatory practices by white managers, white business owners, and other

whites remain commonplace. Several studies of various business enterprises, including my own

research studies, have found continuing discrimination against African American employees by

white supervisors, managers, owners, and peers. In the area of employment, a Los Angeles study

found sixty percent of more than a thousand black respondents reporting discrimination in

workplaces in the previous year.8 Those with more education were more likely than those with

less to report such discrimination. Corporate enforcement of anti-discrimination laws in

workplaces remains weak. One Department of Labor review examined 4,179 U.S. companies

and found three quarters to be violating federal regulations by not recruiting widely, by

discrimination in hiring, or by not having an affirmative action plan.9 A survey of 40,000

military personnel, with which the author assisted, found that nearly half, or more, of the African

American respondents had encountered racist jokes, offensive racial discussions, or racial

condescension in the last year.l° White managers and business owners have been found to

discriminate in various settings. Recent housing audit studies have found high rates of

discrimination for black renters and home buyers. In numerous city studies, when their

experiences were compared with those of white tester-renters, black tester-renters were found to

have faced discrimination some 60-80 percent of time depending on the city. For example, in a

2001 study in Houston, a rental audit study using 40 paired testers found the discrimination rate

was 80 percent in attempts to rent by African Americans. Discrimination took the form of openly

discriminatory policies, misinformation about the housing, and differential treatment in regard to

appointments and terms of contracts. A 2001 Boston audit study found anti-black discrimination

by owners or mangers in 60 percent of the tests.

14. African Americans have faced major racial barriers in getting into business for

several centuries. Recent studies of African Americans in various business settings have found

extensive reports of racial exclusion or other discrimination in developing and growing a

business. One NERA survey of a large number of African American and other businesses in a

major state found that 44 percent of the black businesses had experienced discrimination in the

last five years.t2 In several in-depth inter’view studies of African Americans in business and

other middle-class occupations, I have found numerous respondents who speak eloquently of the

many concrete obstacles to building a business, either as merchants, contractors, or independent

professionals. The deliberate and unconscious discriminatory actions of white businesspeople

frequently limit or channel black success in business, ta

15. One Successful black entrepreneur in Michigan has commented thus: "Bottom

line, racism is a business problem even after you get the money. My business could be supplying

a plant, and they find out who owns this company and all of a sudden there’s something wrong

with my parts. This is racism; it’s everywhere and it’s institutionalized."14 According to those

who have spent much time studying black business activity, racist practices by whites largely

account for data that show that in the private business sector .minority enterprises--even when

size, age, and type industry are controlled for--are only half as likely to sell to other firms

(business clients) as similar white male-owned firms. Less business usually does not mean less

effort or capacity. One leading scholar of African Americans in business, Timothy Bates,

concludes that entrenched networks, not firm capacity differences, are at the root of these

differentials in market access. ~5

INSTITUTIONALIZED DISCRIMINATIONIN THE CONCERT PROMOTION BUSINESS

A. The Whiteness of the Talent Agencies and Concert Promotion Business

16. There is a long history of institutionalized racism against African Americans in

the entertainment industry. Numerous studies have shown that historically African Americans

have been excluded from key areas of the industry, restricted to certain stereotyped roles and

positions in entertainment, and discriminated against in the conditions of performances or in

compensation. 16 The statistical data on the concert promotion sector of the entertainment

industry are indicative of continuing and institutionalized patterns of racial exclusion and

discrimination. As reported in the amended complaint (pp. 25-26), the data on major concerts

examined for June 1998 to May 1999 show that black promoters promoted not a single white

concert; Whites got 100 percent of the contracts for these major concerts. Black entrepreneurs

promoted only three percent of the many black concerts in this period, with white promoters

promoting the other 97 percent. Moreover, in his deposition the veteran black entertainer Bill

Cosby assesses his nearly forty years of live con6erts and reports (pp. 29-31 ) that, out of an

estimated several thousand concert promoters, he has only had three black promoters. In spite of.

the significant historical role of African Americans in the entertainment industry, there are today a

small number of black promoters, as compared with the many white promoters who now get

almost all of the significant promotion business. In addition, according to the Light deposition (p.

614), the very first African American agent eve;" employed in the music department of CAA was

hired only well after the lawsuit was filed. The lawsuit materials suggest that, with very rare

9

exceptions, African Americans have been excluded from serving as agents with the major white-

controlled talent firms.

17. These statistics are extremely skewed in favor of whites. Given the historical role

of African Americans in the U.S. entertainment industry, this nearly complete exclusion of

African Americans in the promotion of major concerts and as major agents is especially striking

and signals well-institutionalized racial discrimination.

B. "Good Old Boy" Networks: An Overview

18. The business sectors that constitute the U.S. market system are each more than a

collection of unconnected businesses and random individuals. Several research studies

examining various U.S. businesses and industries have shown that important areas of these

industries encompass formal organizations and informal relations that are often structured and

dominated by networks of white managers and entrepreneurs, what many call "buddy-buddy" or

"good old boy" networks.17 These are typically ~vhite-dominated or exclusively white.

19. Gallo’s study of white, African American, and immigrant entrepreneurs in one

New York industry found successful contracting firms depended on high levels of "institutional

and social integration, which is expressed by membership in industry organizations and by

informal connections and the achievement of standing in the community from which the firm’s

clientele is likely to be drawn." ~8 White firms had major advantages. Moreover, as one statewide

report dealing with discrimination against minority businesses put it, "the tendency for white

men to choose to associate more with other white men leaves minorities and women again

disadvantaged."19 I have also conducted several studies of African American businesspeople that

uncovered recurring examples of discrimination similar to those reported in the amended

10

complaint and other case materials. For example, in an early 1990s study of African American

businesspeople--construction subcontractors and other local businesses--in the Miami-Dade area

I found numerous respondents describing the white "buddy-buddy" netxvorks that were central to

the construction and related industries there. As the black businesspeople have experienced it.

there is a powerful network of dominant white individuals and businesses with a history of

interlocking relationships. The racial discrimination often took the form of white contractors’

strategies to exclude black subcontractors from their construction projects or of racial harassment

at the job site. I also found many African American businesspeople describing exclusionary

discrimination practiced by banks, bonding agencies, and suppliers. Numerous contractors talk

about the buddy-buddy system and their lack of integration into white-dominated networks.2° In

this study and others that I have done, African American respondents have frequently explained

how white businesspeople in the critical business networks often act to exclude, impede, or

restrict participation of black businesses. Thus, I have had professional and other business

respondents describe how white firms give their African American colleagues only less desirable

work or exclude them from joint ventures.21 Many white businesspeople are unwilling to give

black firms significant business contracts and a real opportunity to perform, especially on a

recurring and networking basis.

20. In several research studies involving interviews with African Americans across the

United States, I have also found numerous African American businesspeople describing how white

businesspeople have the power to deny black businesspeople not only business but also access to

the most important business networks, those that provide the important information and training

that would help them become more successful. Refusal of entirely or mostly white business

3.3.

networks to work with African American professionals and other businesspeople can lock the latter

out of much business and therefore stunt their business growth. Thus, when whites control the

business networks, they also can control the rules of the business game. A commonplace

problem reported by African Americans in business and the independent professions is that

whites not only control many of the important procedures and rules for doing business but they

also change those procedures and rules to suit their own individual or group ends. Changing the

informal rules of the business game to assure the exclusion or limitation of black businesspeople is

a common tactic in the white-dominated business world.

C. The White Fraternity: The Concert Promotion Bush~ess

21. In his deposition (pp. 96-104), one of the white owners of a major promotional

firm, Alex Cooley, brought up spontaneously what he terms the "good old boy network" in the

concert promotion industry. He cited this good old boy network as one of the important reasons

why black promoters have so little access to promoting white artists. He clearly indicates that this

influential good old boy network in concert promotion today does not include any black

promoters. And he agrees further that the reality of white agents dealing for many years, beginning

during the overt segregation era, with white promoters means that "... it’s easier to call somebody

you know and then how they’re going to react and what they’re going to do and everything, yes.

So people do that, yes." (p. 98).

22. Similarly, in his deposition (pp. 39-48), promotion company executive Bruce

Wavra spontaneously mentions the importance of what he terms "the concert promoting fraternity"

as a source of information and power in today’s music business. He says that this powerful

fraternity is indeed a group of people who share "a common interest." When asked who are the

3.2

"members of the fraternity," Wavra makes a long list of promoters and agencies, yet does not

mention even one African American promoter in the process. While he later remembers some

black promoters, they did not come to his mind until he was specifically questioned about them.

Both Cooley and Wavra view the powerful "good old boy network" or "fraternity" as all white.

and as the organizational network that has controlled the concert promotion business for some

time. Indeed, though the specific people in this network have changed from time to time, the

exclusive and white-controlled network of strongly linked individual and company ties has

remained. This powerful network has controlled the concert promotion business for decades,

beginning in the era of overt racial segregation.

23. Today, this informal old boy network retains control of the concert promotion

industry and excludes African American promoters from most important concert promotion

opportunities. In his deposition, one ofthe major white promoters, Ronald Delsener (p.

123), openly admits that African Americans are not given an equal opportunity in the promotion

of white contemporary artists.

¯ 24. A set of business events in regard to a Mel~phis amphitheatre, described in the

amended complaint, indicate how this white-dominated network has operated in a particular case:

The City of Memphis initially decided to continue doing such business with Fred Jonesand Summitt. While still negotiating the terms of an exclusive agreement to promoteshows in the venue Mud Island Amphitheatre in Memphis, Fred Jones and Summitt wroteto many booking agency defendants and others, including Rose Agency, William Morris,QBQ, Monterey, APA, CAA, as well as to Billboard, Pollstar and Performancemagazines, advising them of his expected role as concert promoter at that venue. BeaverProductions’ executive Barry Leff, however, then wrote to the Memphis Director ofParks Commission, urging the City not to enter into any agreement with Fred Jones andSummitt, and informing the City that Beaver would be opening an office in Memphis,where it had not previously done business, expressly at the request of the top talentagencies in the country. Fred Jones and Summitt lost the agreement to promote at MudIsland and all ensuing business. Beaver is now the predominant promoter in Memphis.

13

25. In this case an important black promoter was shut out of much local promotion

business after some initially favorable negotiation with the city, because of the intervention of

white talent agencies and a white promoter (Beaver Productions). The case materials lend much

support for this point. Only when the local white promoter (Bob Kelly) died, according to the

Jones deposition and the Barrey Left letter (April 20, 1998), did Beaver Productions seek a

central role in conce~t promotion in Memphis. Indeed, the Left letter explicitly notes that the

Beaver Productions intervention occurred because they were "asked by the top talent agencies"

to do so. In addition, the letter makes it clear that the city should seriously consider Beaver

Productions because if "an exclusive agreement is entered into with any other party, it will cause

us to take our shows to other facilities in the market." Here again we see the white concert

fraternity--the networking among white-controlled talent agencies and white promoters--

operating to exclude a black promoter from significant local promotion business.

26. In addition, in his deposition (pp. 596-597, also pp. 982) Fred Jones also describes

an earlier case of a black promoter who helped initially with Isaac Hayes yet was pressed to give

up Hayes to white promoters, and then Jones sums up the institutional patterns in discrimination

against black promoters that he has seen since 1971: "... it’s a product of the pattern ofbehavior

that black promoters are excluded. It’s been very clear.., that pattern of behavior among the

defendants has not changed."

D. Other Examples of Networking and Exchtsio~l

27. In the accounts in the amended complaint and other lawsuit materials, we see

numerous examples of this "concert promoting fraternity" or "good old boy" network in

operation. We view a recurring pattern of discrimination in connection with this powerful

14

network, from which the black promoters are excluded and many whites are included. We see

examples of exclusionary networking involving white agencies and white promoters in these

detailed examples, among others that are in the amended complaint:

During the 1970’s, plaintiffs Rowe, Rowe Entertainment. Lee King and King Promotionspromoted and nurtured a black music group known as The Commodores, during whichtime the group’s popularity increased. However, when The Commodores" lead singer.Lionel Richie, became a major solo performer, his booking agency, Rose Agency.excluded all of the plaintiffs from the promotion of his solo concerts, instead retainingpromoter defendants continuously until the present time, to promote his concerts. (p. 32)

In the late 1970s, plaintiffs Jesse Boseman and Sun Song promoted concerts given by theArtist formerly known as Prince at a time when the Artist was merely the opening act fora then headlining performer, Rick James. In promoting such concerts, those plaintiffshelped the Artist achieve his own following. The Artist has now achieved star status, buthis booking agency, CAA, now retains only promoter defendants to promote the Artist’sconcerts, including his 1998 tour.(p. 32)

In the late 1980’s and the 1990’s, William Morris excluded plaintiffs from promotingshows given by William Morris’ black artists the Temptations, Barry White, Earth Wind& Fire, War and Lauren Hill. The promoter defendants were given promotion contractsfor these acts. In 1998, Electric Factory was given the exclusive contract to promotenationwide tours of Earth Wind & Fire and Barry White. Both of these acts werepreviously promoted by Rowe and Rowe Entertainment .... (p. 34)

In or about 1979 and 1980, plaintiffs Rowe Entertainment, Sun Song Productions andLee King Productions successfully promoted a major national tour of 70 cities performedby Michael Jackson and the Jacksons. At that time, Triad, an agency later taken over byWilliam Morris, represented the Ja’cksons and had attempted to prevent plaintiffs frompromoting these concerts. The Jackson family, however, insisted that plaintiffs Rowe andRowe Entertainment be contracted to promote the entire tour. By the following year,however, the Jacksons were represented by Rose Agency.. When a new tour wasannounced in 1981, Leonard Rowe, Jesse Boseman and Lee King all contacted HowardRose of Rose Agency to attempt to promote it. Mr. Rose refused to allow any of them toparticipate in the tour, and has always done business exclusively With white promoters.... (pp. 39-40)

28. These descriptions of exclusion of black promoters and inclusion of white

promoters illustrate not only the discriminatory actions of those in the dominant industry

network, but also the way in which this dominant network sets the rules of the business game.

15

29. In these cases, the black promoters had helped to make African American artists

develop and become more visible when they were less prominent. There is some evidence in the

lawsuit materials that leading figures in the white concert fraternity ignore this important

experience on the part of black promoters in developing relatively new entertai~aers. Thus. once

these African American entertainers became much better loaown, according to these and other

accounts in the case materials, the white-dominated talent agencies, with rare exceptions,

reserved this business for white prorrioters and excluded the black promoters from promoting the

most prominent African American artists. As the amended complaint indicates, this is contrary to

industry practice: "While it has long been customary in the concert promotion industry for white

promoters to continue promoting the concerts of highly popular artists whose concerts they

handled prior to such artists having become star performers, different standards have been

applied to black promoters." The rules of the business game are changed for the black promoters.

30. The summary description in the amended co~nplaint of this pattern is similar to

accounts of restriction or exclusion that I have gotten in interviews with numerous African

American businesspeople: "Because of an all-white concert promotion fraternity, the black

concert promoters are systematically excluded from the promotion of concerts given by white

performers ....In addition, plaintiffs are regularly excluded from the promotion of concerts

given by top-drawing black performers." (p. 2) Severe restriction of access to, or exclusion from,

important business-generating and business-information networks is a commonplace problem

reported by black businesspeople across the United States. This problem is more than a matter of

racial bigotry, for it is an example of well-institutionalized discrimination reminiscent in some

ways of the recent era of blatant and overt segregation, an era that ended only in the late 1960s.

16

E. Limiting Black Businesses to Less Profitable or Desirable Arenas.

31. In my own research studies and those of other social scientists, we have found a

pattern of discrimination like that indicated in the reports of racial channeling in the an~ended

complaint. In my research studies, I have had a number of African American respondents describe

how whites try to limit their businesses to predominantly black constituencies, less desirable

business areas, or very small projects--a type of business "ghettoization. I have had professionals

describe how more powerful white firms and companies try to channel black firms to black clients

or exclude them from joint ventures. 22 The steering or cha~meling of black businesspeople and

middle class workers has been found in other studies. For example, a field study by Sharon

Collins involved 76 interviews with leading black executives in major corporations. Most were

found to be more or less ghettoized in positions oriented to business for black communities,

affirmative action, or civil rights issues--positions usually providing little opportunity to move

up corporate ladders.23

32. We see examples of this type of channeling discrimination in the accounts in the

amended complaint (as above) where black promoters have been restricted by the whiteocontrolled

talent agencies to handling, almost entirely, less well known black artists.

F. Discrimination in Information

33. In my research studies of African American businesspeople, I have found

numerous respondents describing how whites use misinformation, late information, or related

tactics to deflect black businesspeople or to effectively exclude them from contracts. In these

studies, experienced black subcontractors and other businesspeople often report getting the

runaround in seeking information from white businesspeople and government officials.

17

Misinformation or late information thus restricts one’s ability to compete for business, if one is

not entirely excluded in the process. We see this example of the use of misinformation to deflect

or restrict black businesspeople in the amended complaint:

In connection with concerts to be given by the Grammy award-winning R&B performer.Erykah Badu, a black performer, and not long prior to release of Ms. Badu’s debut albumin early 1997, plaintiff Jesse Boseman telephoned Badu’s agent, Cara Lewis at WilliamMorris, and asked to promote Badu’s concerts .... Lewis, who personally knowsBoseman, denied that Badu was scheduling concerts. In or about Marcia 1997, Mr.Boseman asked Ron Delsener of Delsener/Slater to telephone Lewis and inquire whetherBadu was scheduling concerts. Delsener thereupon telephoned Lewis and was informedthat Badu was in fact scheduling concerts and, in Boseman’s presence, Delsener obtainedfrom Lewis the right.to promote a May 1997 concert to be given by Badu at the SupperClub in New York City. After Badu’s second album was released in November 1997, theBPA telephoned Lewis at William Morris to request concert dates for Badu’s 1998 tour.Lewis assured the BPA that there were no concert dates planned. Within a monththereafter, however, the promoter defendants were assigned numerous Badu tour dates byWilliam Morris. (p. 33)

Exclusion from timely and accurate information is part of the operation of the concert promoting

fraternity.

G. Creating Financial Hnrdles

34. In my previous field research, African American businesspeople often report yet

another hurdle. This hurdle involves white companies, including large contractors, suppliers,

banks, and bonding firms, setting financial barriers that are not applied to similarly situated white

firnls.24 We see an example of this tactic in the Toni Braxton account in the amended complaint:

Black artist Toni Braxton was promoted by plaintiffs Rowe and Boseman before shebecame a superstar. Once she became a star, however, plaintiffs were excluded frompromoting her shows. In connection with a tour she was scheduled to perform with whiteartist Kenny G in 1997, CAA made misrepresentations to plaintiff Rowe. After Rowemade inquiry concerning plaintiffs’ being able to .promote her concerts, Rowe wasadvised by Mike Piranian of CAA in October 1996, that minimum artist guarantees of$225,000 to $275,000 per show were required from any of the plaintiffs, with a fifty(50%) deposit required upon contract signing. Plaintiffs later learned that the defendantpromoters, who were actually retained to promote these concerts, were required toguarantee only $150,000 to $175,000 per show. No white promoter, including any of the

promoter defendants promoting this tour, was required to submit a deposit of an3’ morethan 0 - 10% of the $150,000-175,000 guarantee. The effect of this discriminatory anddisparate practice was intended to eliminate all black promoters, including all of theplaintiffs, from the bidding process on the Toni Braxton tour. (p. 35)

35. This account shows how black promoters suffer racially differential treatment in

at least two ways. First, it again reveals how black promoters, in some instances, are allowed to

help groom upcoming black artists only until they become prominent. In addition, we see

discrimination in the minimum artist guarantees, in this case to an important black promoter. We

should note this black promoter (Leonard Rowe) is one whom the former white head of the CAA

music division, Tom Ross (pp. 160, 260), admits is an experienced promoter who can handle

very substantial financial offers.

36. Another example is the manner in which the subsequent head of the CAA music

division (Rob Light) simultaneously offered a better set of financial arrangements to a white-run

promotion firm than to one of the black plaintiffs in connection with concert arrangements for a

major African American artist, while indicating to the black promoter that both were getting

similar terms. See Light testimony at pp. 120-153, and Exhibits 10, 11, 17, 21 and 24.

H. Hand-picked Minority Firms

37. Several research studies, including my own, of the problems faced by black and

other minority businesspeople have found that large white firms sometimes select inexperienced

(or even "fronting") minority firms in order to look better to the public in their own business

practices.25 There is one example that suggests this practice of choosing an inexperienced

minority firm for show in the amended complaint:

These defendants, acting in concert, "engaged" a company called Magic JohnsonEnterprises (MJE), named after a black basketball star, Magic Johnson, as purported co-promoter of the Maxwell tour, in lieu of engaging any of the plaintiffs. Neither MagicJohnson nor MJE has any experience in the concert promotion business. Defendants’

]_9

conduct is a maneuver designed to create the false illusion that defendants’ have engageda black promoter on the Maxwell tour. (p. 34)

Such selections can assist a.controlling white network in excluding more experienced African

American firms.

I. Promises But No Work

38. In my field research studies, I have had numerous black businesspeople report

that they obtained verbal commitments or formal letters of intent from white firms indicating a

desire to do business, yet in the end received no actual business from the white firms. This is not

a rare occurrence. Such verbal commitments and letters of intent are sometimes used by white

contractors and other white firms to deflect minority businesspeople or to make it appear as if

they are doing business with minority firms when in fact they are not.26 There is this example in

the amended complaint:

Prior to the filing of this action, plaintiffs sought the opportunity to promote concertsgiven by black R&B artist Maxwell, Rolling Stone Magazine’s Breakthrough Artist of1996. The BPA contacted Jeff Frasco in or about June 1998, an agent at William Morris’sBeverly Hills office, who verbally committed tohaving black promoters involved inMaxwell’s concerts. Shortly thereafter, however, plaintiffs discovered that promoterdefendants had been retained to promote concert dates for Maxwell, and that plaintiffswere excluded. (p. 33)

39. In addition, a summary statement in the amended complaint describes

discrimination similar to that recounted in interviews with my African American business

respondents: "On occasion, certain booking agency defendants have dismissed plaintiffs’

demands by falsely representing their intention to offer certain concert promotion contracts to

plaintiffs, knowing that they would never do so." (p. 42)

J. Getting Contracts Only with Pressure

40. In my Miami-Dade study and other research on African American firms that I

have done, I have had numerous African American businesspeople report from their everyday2O

experiences that a major pressure that has lessened the severity of racial exclusion by white

Companies is that of set-aside programs requiring the use of minority contractors by white firms

getting government contracts.27 While there is no set-aside program in the entertainment

industry--which may partially account for the nearly total exclusion of black promoters from

concerts of major white artists--there is evidence in two cases that the threat of external pressure

was important in getting a few contracts for the black promoters:

Defendant Magicworks was given the exclusive contract to promote a tour given bysuperstar black performer, Janet Jackson, in 1998, by defendant CAA. Magicworks co-promoted the tour with the other promoter defendants. Several of the plaintiffs hadpreviously promoted Janet Jackson shows in 1994, and had also promoted her superstarbrother, Michael Jackson. Plaintiffs protested and were allowed to only co-promoteshows in New York and Los Angeles with defendants Delsener/Slater and Magicworks.(p. 39)

Plaintiffs became enraged upon learning of this treatment, and announced that theyintended to picket the concert. CAA and William Morris eventually alloxved plaintiffs toco-promote a few of the Toni Braxton shows with the defendant promoters. The promoterdefendants who promoted the Toni Braxton concerts were aware of the plaintiffs’inquiry, and were forced to co-promote certain shows with plaintiffs, over theirobjections. Certain of the promoter defendants were particularly insistent about excludingplaintiffs. (p. 36)

Without this pressure, there would likely have been no contracts. Such action should not be

necessary in a free and fair market system. These examples again signal just how strong and

entrenched the "good old boy" networks are.

41. Note here that only after protest were black promoters given some participation.

in the Toni Braxton (a black entertainer) and Kenny G. (a white entertainer) tour, despite the fact

that the black promoters, as noted above, had played a role in Braxton’s early development. In

negotiating the new arrangements, top CAA music executive Light explicitly promised in a letter

to two black promoters that in regard to future concerts, the black "promoters group will be

given an equal opportunity to make offers in the same manner as any other promoter interested in

21

a given market." (Light Exhibit 38). Yet the record before and after this 1997 letter suggests that

such equal opportunity promises are insubstantial, for. apart from a few cases like the above, the

white talent agency and promotion firm networks have ignored pressure from black promoters to

open up the industry on a truly equal opportunity basis. See Light, pp. 521-524.

K. Racial Prejudice and Stereotyping Backstage

42. Today, as the research studies cited above clearly demonstrate, much racial

discrimination by white Americans is well-institutionalized, yet the key decisions generating

much racial discrimination are often taken behind closed doors. Such behind-the-scenes

decision-making is indicated in concepts like the "concert promoting fraternity." It is only

occasionally that African Americans get to see backstage, to view the racial prejudice and

.stereotyping shaping the discrimination. For example, in one of my interviews with a black

businessperson, she describes how hard it was to win a business contract:

It was a struggle. And, after the evaluation panel had made a decision that I had thehighest points and the best management program, and the track record they recommendedme, and they took it back to their department. And the [white male] director of the theirdepartment made a very racial statement, that they were very sick and tired of these"niggers" and these other minorities because what they think is that they can come inhere and run a business, none of them are qualified to run a business, especially the"niggers." A white female heard this statement, and because they had had someconfrontational problems--I think that’s the only reason she told me .... I had to really dosome internalizing [of the situation] to keep myself from being very bitter. Because youknow there are so many roadblocks out there ....

43. This African American entrepreneur describes a major racial barrier to getting a

business contract. She only learned of the racist motivation for the white discriminator’s attempt

to exclude her because a white person told her what went on behind the scenes.28 Two current

research studies, including one that I am currently conducting, are beginning to demonstrate

what the aforementioned opinion surveys only suggest: That there is still much blatant prejudice

22

and stereotyping among white Americans, including among xvell-educated xvhite Americans. but

it is mostly expressed in backstage settings, such as among white friends and buddies. The

intensity and blatant character of this racial prejudice and stereotyping in the backstage

contradict much public discussion about the declining significance of individual white racism in

U.S. society.

44. One sees some evidence of racist attitudes in the backstage arena of the concert

promotion industry in the depositions. In one of the depositions. Fred Jones (,p. 805) notes that he

heard a white official with one of the white promotion companies say the following during a

conference call (without knowing Mr. Jones was present): "... why you all got to deal with that

nigger any way. And he tried to clean it up but it was very clear to me." He adds a little later in

regard to the comment, that "Racism is something you deal with all the time ....But those kinds

of things you don’t forget." In addition, in his deposition a white promoter, Alex Cooley (p. 96),

notes that "... yes, racism very well in some cases could raise its head in there. You know, the

hidden racism of some guy, just say, no, I don’t want to work for that guy ...." In addition, in

his deposition another white executive (Wavra) (pp. 121-23) reports on racist jokes made by a

white promoter in his presence. Ron Delsener, furthermore, testified that he has "used racism" in

the concert promotion business. (Delsener pp. 60-61).

45. In the amended complaint, we also see a summary suggesting yet other negative

views that black promoters have experienced, views indicating at a minimum disrespect:

On some occasions, certain defendants have even ridiculed plaintiffs’ demands, laughingin plaintiffs’ faces at the very suggestion of contracting with black promoters to promoteconcerts to be performed by white and major black artists. (p. 42)

Indeed, in his deposition (p. 106) Bill Washington recounts how in his presence a top white agent

at a major firm laughed about the Black Promoters Association and thought it was a joke.

23

L. The Accumulating Consequences of lnstitu(ional Discrimination

46. As with other black Americans, a black businessperson’s experience with racial

discrimination is typically much more than a matter of a few isolated events over the course of a

career. It usually means a accumulating series of discriminatory events, often with cumulative

and serious economic and health consequences. Two dimensions of the bias and discrimination

suffered by African Americans are the "multiplier effects" and "amplifying effects." While black

businesspeople have problems like all businesspeople, the normal business problems are usually

compounded many times by discrimination in the present or in the past. For example, one

disparity report for our second largest state has reported that minority business enterprises are

hurt economically in several ways by racial discrimination; discrimir~ation not only reduces their

size but also curtails their opportunities to grow.

47. In the amended complaint, we see the impact that discrimination in the past or in

one area has on one’s ability to compete and grow in other areas. For example,

In the 1980’s, plaintiff Rowe made a proposal to promote concerts at the Atlanta city-owned amphitheatre, Chastain. He met Andrew Young, then Mayor of Atlanta, inapproximately 1984,. to seek his assistance. Rowe was advised that Alex Cooley ofConcert/Southern had also sought the business. Because the City realized that Rowecould not bring white acts to Chastain, while Concert/Southern could promote both whiteand black acts, the contract was given to Concert/Southern. Because the booking agencydefendants would not permit Rowe to promote any of their white contemporary musicacts in Atlanta, or even their top black artists, Rowe could not obtain the city contract topromote shows at Chastain. (p. 41)

48. Being unable to get contracts for white artists not only signaled racial

discrimination in itself, but also cut this black promoter out of other possibilities, as here in

promoting at an amphitheatr~ in Atlanta. Those responsible for serious discriminatory actions

against black businesspeople in the recent past, or in other business areas in the present, are thus

often responsible, at least in part, for the negative economic consequences for a black person’s

business later in time.

49. In my field research studies on African American businesspeople and other

African Americans, I have found that the damaging economic effects are not the only serious

effects of racial discrimination on African Americans. Recurring discrimination by whites often

creates serious stress-related health consequences. In my research studies, many middle-class

African Americans report a broad range of negative health consequences that are aggravated, if

not created, by the many and serious stresses of recurring racial bias and discrimination. These

include hypertension, chronic headaches, chest pains, lack of energy to participate in community

organizations, and serious bouts of depression.3° One retired black professor with his own

consulting business signals just how much pain discrimination causes in this quote from one of

my research studies:

I feel betrayed. Sometimes I feel very cynical. Most of the time I feel that I live in acountry where I’m still not respected as a person. I lived at a time when I was told that ifIgot a good education, did all the right things, that I could be anything I wanted to be. I gota good education. I did all the right things, but even today I run into situations where myopportunity structure is limited because I am black. So, I found that all along that no matterwhat I did, no matter how hard I tried, limitations were placed on me strictly because of thecolor of my skin.3 i

50. In the plaintiffs’ depositions, I see similar frustration and a sense of limitation

because of race. Not surprisingly, sentient human beings react seriously, in their minds and

bodies, to recurring and pervasive racial discrimination.

CONCLUSION:

INSTITUTIONAL RACISM IN THE CONCERT PROMOTION BUSINESS

51. In summary, a sociological perspective underscores the importance of social and

institutional contexts of human behavior. We see these important contexts well highlighted in the

25

materials for this case. As described by the African American promoters in the amended

complaint and other lawsuit materials, there is no free and competitive market in the concert

promotion business. According to these black businesspeople, as well as some white

businesspeople, whites constitute an exclusive and powerful "fraternity" or "good old box,

network," one that.does not now allow the market in concert promotion to operate freely and

fairly. The accounts in the amended complaint and the statistics and other data in the record

strongly indicate that equality of business opportunity does not currently exist in the concert

promotion business in the United States. The rationality of the market is not allowed to operate

because of the discriminatory racial actions taken by numerous whites in the dominant network

of white-controlled agencies and promotion firms.

52. Clearly, trying to do business in the concert promotion industry involves a serious

and difficult struggle for the black promoters. They are situated in a business world whose major

rules are often not of their own making, one with racial hurdles that they must overcome if they

are to stay in, or grow in, this business arena. Significantly, their accounts of discrimination and

exclusion by the black promoters do not stand alone. Numerous research studies that I and other

social science researchers have conducted, across the nation, show that in many business sectors

there are ~imilar barriers of racial bias and discrimination for African Americans seeking to

develop and grow a business.

M. Reiterated Conclusion

53. Based on my extensive and longterm research on the racial bias and

discrimination targeting African Americans in the United States, on the amended complaint, and

on other case materials, I have come to the professional opinion that the accounts and incidents

26

recounted by the black promoters for the concert promotion industry are similar to accounts and

incidents described by many other African American businesspeople, and that they thus

constitute serious racial mistreatment and discrimination. Furthermore. I conclude that these

accounts and incidents are more than a matter of a few isolated instances but rather demonstrate

knowing, commonplace, continuing, and institutionalized discrimination in the operations of the

U.S. concert promotion business.

2"7

ENDNOTES

Gordon AIIport, The Nature of Prejudice (Abridged edition: New York: Anchor Books. 1958).

2See Joe R. Feagin and Clairece B. Feagin. D~crimination American So’le (Englewood Cliff. N J: Prentice-Hall.

1978).

ibid.

4 Randall Collins, Theoretical Sociolog), (Nexv York: Harcourt. Brace, Jovanovich. 1988). p. 406.

¯ Anti-Defamation League, Highlights from an Anti-DeJbmation League Sula,ev on Racial Attitudes in America(New York: ADL, 1993).

6 National Opinion Research Center, "1994 General Social Survey."

7 Lawrence Bobo, "Inequalities that Endure?: Racial Ideology, American Politics. and the Peculiar Role of theSocial Sciences," paper presented at conference on "The Changing Terrain of Race and Ethnicity," University ofIllinois, Chicago, Illinois, October 26, 2001.

8 Lawrence D. Bobo and Susan A. Suh, "Surveying Racial Discrimination: Analyses from a Multiethnic Labor

Market," in Prismatic Metropolis." Inequality in Los Angeles, ed. Lawrence D. Bobo. Melvin L. Oliver. James H.Johnson, Jr.; and Abel Valenzuela, Jr. (New York: Russell Sage, 2000), pp. 527-529.

9 Summarized in Pamela Mendels, "Up for Evaluation: Is Affirmative Action Still Working After 30 Years on the

.lob?" Newsda¥, June 13, 1995, p. 6.

10 Jacquelyn Scarville et al., Armed Forces Equal Opportunity Sma,ey (Arlington. VA: Defense Manpoxver Data

Center, 1999), pp. 46-78; see also Office of the Under Secretary of Defense Personnel and Readiness, CareerProgression of Minority and Women Officers (Washington, DC: Department of Defense, 1999), pp. 46-85.

II See Fair Housing Council of Fresno County, "Audit Uncovers Blatant Discrimination against Hispanics, African

Americans and Families with Children in Fresno County," press release, Fresno. California, October 6, 1997;Central Alabama Fair Housing Center, "Discrimination in the Rental Housing Market: A Study of Montgomery,Alabama, i 995-1996," Montgomery, Alabama. January 13, 1996; Fair Housing Action Center, Inc.. "Greater NewOrleans Rental Audit," New Orleans, Louisiana, 1996: San Antonio Fair Housing Council. "San AntonioMetropolitan Area Rental Audit 1997," San Antonio. Texas. 1997; Greater Houston Fair Housing Center, "HoustonRental Audit," Houston Texas, 2001: and Fair Housing Center of Greater Boston, "We Don’t Want Your KindLiving Here: A Report on Discrimination in the Greater Boston Rental Market," Boston, April 2001.

12 National Economic Research Associates, The State of Texas DispariO, Study (Cambridge. 1994)¯

13Joe R. Feagin and Melvin P. Sikes, Living with Racism: The Black Middle Class Experience (Boston: BeaconPress, 1994); see also Joe R. Feagin, "Black Contractors and Subcontractors in the Dade County ConstructionIndustry: A Portrait of Racial Discrimination," Dade County, Florida, July 1991.

28

14Michael D Woodard, Black Entrepreneurs in America. Stories of Struggle and Success (New Brunswick. N. J. ¯

Rutgers University Press, 1997), p. 154.

15Timothy Bates, Strategies for the Black Worker." Preparing for the 21st Centu~:r (Washington. D.C.: Joint Center

for Political and Economic Studies, 1997).

16See Jan Pieterse, White on Black." Images of Afi’ica And Blacks in l~’estern Popular Cnlture (New Haven: YaleUniversity Press, 1992); Darlene C. Hine, William C. Hine, and Stanley Harrold, The Afi’ican American Odrssev(Second ed.; Upper Saddle River, N J: Prentice-Hall, 2003), pp. 457ff.

17 See Roger Waldinger and Thomas Bailey. "The Continuing Significance of Race: Racial Conflict and Racial

Discrimination in Construction," Politics and Society 19 (1991 ): 9 .....

18 Carmenza Gallo, "The Construction Industry in New York City: Immigrant and Black Entrepreneurs." Working

Paper, Conservation of Human Resources Project, Columbia University, New York City. 1983, p. 25).

19National Economic Research Associates, The State of Texas Disparity Study, p. 125.

20 Joe R. Feagin, "Black Contractors and Subcontractors in the Dade County Construction Industry: A Portrait of

Racial Discrimination," Dade County, Florida, July 1991; also Joe R. Feagin, "Black Vendors in Dade County: AComplex Portrait of Racial Discrimination." Dade County, Florida. Julyo1991.

21 Ibid.; and Feagin and Sikes, Living with Racism. . .

22Feagin and Sikes, Living with Racism; Feagin, "Black Contractors and Subcontractors in the Dade County

Construction Industry."

23 Sharon Collins, "Blacks on the Bubble: The Vulnerability of Black Executives in White Corporations,"

Sociological Quarterly 34 (August, 1993): 429-447.

24 Feagin, "Black Contractors and Subcontractors in the Dade County Construction Industry"; Feagin, "Black

Vendors in Dade County"; and Feagin and Sikes, Living with Racism.

25 Feagin, "Black Contractors and Subcontractors in the Dade County Construction Industry": Timothy Bates and

Darrell Williams, "Preferential Procurement Programs and Minority-owned Businesses," Journal of Urban Affairs17 (1995).: I-17; National Economic Research Associates. The State of Texas Disparity Stud)’: see also MariaEnchautegui,; Michael Fix, Pamela Loprest, Sarah vonder Lippe, and Douglas Wissoker Do Mmorio,-OwnedBusinesses Get a Fairs Share of Government Contracts? (Washington, D. C.: Urban Institute, 1996), pp 50-51).

26 Feagin, "Black Contractors and Subcontractors in the Dade County Construction Industry"; Feagin, "Black

Vendors in Dade County."

27Feagin, "Black Contractors and Subcontractors in the Dade County Construction Industry"; Feagin, "Black

Vendors in Dade County."

29

28Leslie Ann Houts, Joe R. Feagin, Tracy Johns, "One Step From Suicide: The Holistic Experience Of Being Black

InAmerica," paper to be presented at American Sociological Association Meetings. Chicago, Illinois. August. 2002.

29National Economic Research Associates, The State of Texas Disparity Study, p. 168.

30See Joe R. Feagin, Kevin Early, and Karyn D. McKinney, "The Many Costs of Discrimination: The Case of

Middle-Class African Americans," Indiana Law Review 34 (200 I): 1313-1360.

31 Feagin and Sikes, Living with Racism, p. 222.

3O

University of Florida

"/

ACADEMIC VITA

JOE R. FEAGIN

MAILING ADDRESS:

PHONES:

INTERNET ADDRESSES:

Department of SociologyBox 117330University of FloridaGainesville, Florida 32611

Office: 352 392 0265 (ext. 250)Home office: 352 332 9399Fax: 352 332 9460

Email address: Feagin@ufl.eduWebsite: http://grove.ufl.edu/-feagin

PROFESSIONAL EXPERIENCE:

Current Position:

UF Graduate Research ProfessorUniversity of Florida, 1990 -.

Previous Positions:Professor of SociologyUniversity of Texas (Austin), 1975-1990.

Associate Professor of Sociology,University of Texas (Austin),1970-1975.

Assistant Professor,University of California (Riverside),1966-1970.

EDUCATIONAL BACKGROUND:

A.B. (History/Philosophy), Baylor University 1960Ph.D. (Social Relations/Sociology), Harvard University 1966

MAJOR TEACHING AND RESEARCH INTERESTS:

AFFILIATIONS:

Racial and Ethnic RelationsGender RelationsUrban Political Economy

American Sociological AssociationSociologists for Women in Society

HONORS AND AWARDS:

(1) Nomination for Pulitzer Prize (Ghetto Revolts)(2) Scholar-in-Residence, U.S. Commission on Civil Rights, 1974-1975.(3) Sociological Research Association, 1986-present.(4) Phi Beta Kappa Alumni Scholar(5) Gustavus Myers Center Outstahding Human Rights Book Award, 1995 (Living withRacism.)(6) Gustavus Myers Center Outstanding Human Rights Book Award, 1996 (WhiteRacism: The Basics)(7) American Sociological Association, Oliver C. Cox Book Award, 1996 (White Racism:The Basics)(8) University of Florida Research Foundation Professor, 1997-1999(9) Honorary Life Member, Phi Kappa Phi Honor Society, 1999(10) Robert and Helen Lynd Award for Lifetime Contribution to Community and UrbanSociology, 2000

ADMINISTRATIVE AND EDITORIAL POSITIONS:.

Vice-President, Society for Study of Social Problems, 1986-87Chair, ASA Section on Racial and Ethnic Minorities, 1994-1995Member of Council, American Sociological Association, 1995-presentEditorial Board, Comparative Urban and Community ResearchEditorial Board, Sage Racial and Ethnic Relations SeriesEditorial Board, Race and SocietyGoverning Board, Southern Regional Council, 1997-1998President, American Sociological Association, 1999-2000.

PUBLISHED BOOKS

(1) Subsidizing the Poor: A Boston Housing Experiment. Boston: D.C. Heath andCompany, 1972. (With C. Tilly and C. Williams)

(2) Ghetto Revolts: The Politics of Violence in American Cities. New York: TheMacmillan Company, 1973. (With H. Hahn)

(3)

(4)

(5)

(6)(7)

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The Urban Scene: Myths and Realities. New York: Random House, 1973.

Ghetto Social Structure. San Francisco, California: R and E Associates, 1974.

Subordinating the Poor: Welfare and American Beliefs. Englewood Cliffs, N.J.:Prentice-Hall, 1975.

Racial and Ethnic Relations. Englewood Cliffs, N.J.: Prentice-Hall, Inc., 1978.Discrimination American S~le: Institutional Racism and Sexism. EnglewoodCliffs, N.J.: Prentice-Hall, Inc., 1978. (With C. Feagin)

(8) Affirmative Action and Equal Opportunity. Boulder, Colorado: Westview, 1978.(With N. Benokraitis)

(9) The Urban Scene. Revised Edition. New York: Random House, 1979.

(10) School Desegregation: A Quarter Century Since Brown. New York: Plenum Press,1980. (With W. Stephan)

(11) Social Problems: A Critical Power-Conflict Perspective. Englewood Cliffs:Prentice-Hall, 1982.

(12) The Urban Real Estate Game. Englewood Cliffs: Prentice-Hall, 1983.

(13) Racial and Ethnic Relations. Second Edition. Englewood Cliffs: Prentice Hall,1984.

(14) Social Problems, Revised Edition. Englewood Cliffs: Prentice-Hall, 1986.

(15) Modem Sexism: Blatant, Subtle and Covert Discrimination. Englewood Cliffs:Prentice-Hall, 1986. (With N. Benokraitis)

(16) Discrimination American Style. Revised Edition. Melbourne, Florida: KriegerPublishing Co., 1986. (With C. Feagin)

The Capitalist City: Global Restructuring and Community Politics. London: BasilBlackwell, 1987. (With M.P. Smith)

Free Enterprise City: Houston in Political-Economic Perspective. New Brunswick:Rutgers University Press, 1988.

Racial and Ethnic Relations. Third Edition, Englewood Cliffs, N.J.: Prentice-Hall,1989.

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(22)

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Houston: Growth and Decline in a Sunbelt Boomtown. Philadelphia: TempleUniversity Press, 1989. (With B.A. Shelton, N. Rodriguez, R. Bullard, and R.Thomas)

Modem Sexism: Blatant, Subtle and Covert Discrimination. Japanese edition.Translated by Motoko Chiba. Tokyo: Japanese Publishing Co., 1990. (With N.Benokraitis)

Social Problems. Third Edition. Englewood Cliffs, N.J.: Prentice-Hall, 1990. (WithC. B. Feagin)

Building American Cities. Englewood Cliffs, N.J.: Prentice-Hall, 1990. (With R.Parker)

A Case for the Case Study. Chapel Hill: University of North Carolina Press, 1991(With G. Sjoberg and A. Orum)

Racial and Ethnic Relations. Fourth’Edition. Englewood Cliffs, N.J.: Prentice-Hall,1993. (With C. B. Feagin)Living With Racism: The Black Middle Class Experience. Boston: Beacon Press,1994 (With M. Sikes)

Social Problems. Fourth Edition. Englewood Cliffs, N.J.: Prentice-Hall, 1994.(with C. Feagin)

Modem Sexism: Blatant, Subtle and Covert Discrimination. Revised edition.Englewood Cliffs, N.J.: Prentice Hall, 1995. (With N. Benokraitis)

White Racism: The Basics New York: Routledge, 1995. (With H. Vera)

The Bubbling Cauldron: Race, Ethnicity and the Urban Crisis. Minneapolis:University of Minnesota Press, 1995. (With M.P. Smith)

Racial and Ethnic Relations. Fifth edition. Upper Saddle River, N.J.: Prentice-Hall,1996 (With C. Feagin)

The Agony of Education: Black Students in White Colleges and Universities NewYork: Routledge, 1996. (with H. Vera and N. Imani)

Social Problems. Fifth Edition. Upper Saddle River, N.J.: Prentice-Hall, 1997.(with C. Feagin)

Everyday Sexism in the Third Millennium. New York: Routledge, 1997. (With C.R. Ronaiand B. Zsembik)

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(43)

Double Burden: Black Women and Everyday Racism. New York: M. E. Sharpe,1998. (With Y. St. Jean).

The New Urban Paradigrn. Lartham, MD: Rowman and Littlefield, 1998.

Racial and Ethnic Relations. Sixth edition. Upper Saddle River, N.J.: Prentice-Hall, 1999 (With C. Feagin)

The Global Color Line: Racial and Ethnic Inequality and Struggle from a GlobalPersr~ective. Research in Politics and Society. Greenwich, CN: JAI Press, 1999.(Edited with P. Batur-Vanderlippe)

Racist America: Roots, Current Realities, and Future Reparations. Routledge:2000. Also published as Audio CD by Scholarly Audio, Inc. (Chicago 2002).

White Racism: The Basics. Second edition. New York: Routledge, 2001. (With H.Vera and P. Batur)

The First R: How Children Learn Race and Racism Lanham, MD: Rowman &Littlefield, 2001. (With D. Van Ausdale).

Liberation Sociology, Boulder: Westview Press, 2001. (With H. Vera)

Racial and Ethnic Relations. Seventh edition. Upper Saddle River, N.J.: Prentice-Hall, forthcoming (With C. Feagin).

BOOKS IN PRODUCTION OR PREPARATION

(44) The Costs of Racism. Lanham, MD: Rowman and Littlefield, forthcoming, late2002. (With K. McKi.nney)

(45) ¯ White Men on Race. Boston: Beacon, forthcoming. (With’E. O’Brien)

(46) Black in Business: Black Entrepreneurs and Discrimination. Minneapolis:University of Minnesota Press, forthcoming, 2001 (with N. Imani and M. Hodge)

(47) -Social Problems. Upper Saddle River, NJ: Prentice-Hall, forthcoming, 2001. (WithC. Feagin and P. Batur)

RESEARCH ARTICLES AND CENTER-PUBLISHED MONOGRAPHS

(1) "Prejudice and Religious Types: A Focused Study of Southern Fundamentalists."Journal of the Scientific Study of Religion, IV (1964), 3-13.

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"Prejudice, Orthodoxy and the Social Situation." Social Forces, 45 (1965), 46-56.

"Social Sources of Support for Violence and Nonviolence in a Negro Ghetto."Social Problems, IX (1968), 432-441.

(4) Reprinted in Perspectives of Social Science. Edited by Frank J. Zulke.Berkeley: McCutchan Publishing Corporation, 1970. Pp. 165-176.

(5) Revised edition reprinted in Readings in General Sociology, Edited byR.W. O’Brien, C.C. Schrag, and W.T. Martin, 4th edition. Boston:Houghton Mifflin, 1969. Pp. 214-220. ¯

(With C. Tilly and C. Williams) Rent Supplements in Boston: An Evaluation of theBoston Housing Authority Program of Rent Supplements for Large Low-IncomeFamilies, 1964-1967. Cambridge: Joint Center for Urban Studies, 1968.

(With W.P. Sheatsley) "Ghetto Resident Appraisals of a Riot." Public OpinionQuarterly, 32 (1968), 352-362.

"The Kinship Ties of Negro Urbanites." Social Science Quarterly 49 (1968), pp.660-665.

(9) Reprinted in Blacks in America. Edited by N.D. Glenn and C. Bonjean. SanFrancisco: Chandler Publishing Company, 1969. Pp. 143-148.

"Black Catholics in the United States: An Exploratory Analysis." SociologicalAnalysis, 29 (1968), 186-192.

(11) Reprinted in The Black Church in America. Edited by H.M. Nelson, R.L.Yokley, A.K. Nelson. New York: Basic Books, Inc., 1971. Pp. 246-254.

(With ORC Star0 "Corporate Social Responsibility: Public Views on Welfare andWork Fare." ORC Public Opinion Index, 27 (1969): 1-8.

"Black Elected Officials in the South." Pp. 107-122 in Black Conflict With WhiteAmerica. Edited by U.V.D. Slik. Columbus, Ohio: Charles Merrill Co., 1970.

"Home Defense and the Police: Black and White Perspectives." AmericanBehavioral Scientist, XIII (1970): 797-814.

(15) Reprinted in Police in Urban Society. Edited by H. Hahn. Beverly Hills:Sage Publications, 1971. Pp. 101-I 18.

(With H. Hahn) "Riot-Precipitating Police Practices: Attitudes in Urban Ghettos."~ 31 (1970), pp. 182-193.

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(With H. Hahn) "The Second Reconstruction: Black Political Strength in theSouth." Social Science Quarterly. 51 (1970), pp. 42-56.

(18) Reprinted in Minority Problems. Edited by A. Rose and C. Rose. SecondEdition. New York: Harper and Row, 1972. pp. 208-220.

(With C. Tilly) "Boston’s Experiment With Rent Subsidies." Joumal of theAmerican Institute of Planners, 36 (1970), pp. 323-329.

(20) Reprinted in The Urban World. Edited by C. Tilly. Boston: Little, Brownand Co., 1974. Pp. 430-440.

(21) Reprinted in Urban Problems. Edited by N. Kalt and S. Zalkind. New York:Oxford Press, 1976. Pp. 190-198.

(With H. Hahn) "Rank-and-file Versus Congressional Perceptions of GhettoRiots." Social Science Quarterly, 51 (1970), pp. 361-373.

(23) Reprinted in Black Political Attitudes. Edited by C.S. Bullock and H.R.Rodgers. Chicago: Markham Publishing Co., 1972. Pp. 169-182.

(24) Reprinted in Political Attitudes and Public Opinion. Edited by D.D. Ninmoand C.M. Bonjean. New York: David McKay and Co., 1972. Pp. 405-417.

(25) Reprinted in Public Opinion and Political Attitudes. Edited by A.R.Wilcox. New York: John Wiley, 1973.

"Black Women in the American Work Force." Pp. 23-33 in The Family Life ofBlack People. Edited by Charles V. Willie. Columbus, Ohio: Charles Merrill Co.,1970.

"Black History and White Americans." Integrated Education, Vlll (1970), PP. 303-308.

"A Note on the Friendship Ties of Black Urbanites." Social Forces, 49 (1970), pp.303-308.

"White Separatists and Black Separatists: A Comparative Analysis." SocialProblems, XIX (1971), pp. 167-180.

"America’s Welfare Stereotypes." Social Science Quarterly, 52 (1972), pp. 921-933.

"Civil Rights Voting by Southern Congressmen." Journal of Politics, 33 (1972),PP. 484-499.

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(32) Reprinted in Readings. College and Universities Press, 1976.

(With D. Perry) "Stereotyping in Black and White." Pp. 433-463 in People andPolitics in Urban Society. Edited by H. Hahn. Beverly Hills: Sage Publications,1972.

"Poverty: We Still Believe that God Helps Those Who Help Themselves."Psycholo~0~y Today, 6(1972), pp. 101 - 110, 192.

(35) Reprinted in Political Power and the Urban Crisis. Holbrook Press, 1976.

(With N. Fujitaki) "On the Assimilation of Japanese Americans." Amerasia.I(1972), pp. 13-30.

(With H. Hahn) "Perspectives on Collective Violence." Pp. 125-155 in Violence asPolitics. Edited by H. Hirsch and D.C. Perry. New York: Harper and Row, 1973.

"Social Organization of the Black Ghetto." International Journal of ContemporarySociology, IX (1972), pp. 108-116.

(With R. Anderson) "Intertribal Attitudes Among Native American Youth." Socia.__~]lScience Quarterly, 54 (1973), pp. 117-131.

"On Black Politics." Journal of Political and Military Sociology, I/(1974), pp. 137-141.

"Issues in Welfare Research: A Critical Overview," Social Science Quarterly, 54(1973), pp. 123-146.

"Community Disorganization: Some Critical Notes," Sociological Inquiry, 43(1973), 123-146.

(43) Reprinted in The Community. Edited by M.P. Effrat. Pp. 123-146.

(44) Reprinted in Cities in Charge. Edited by J. Walton and D.E. Cams. Secondedition. Boston: Allyn and Bacon, 1977. Pp. 114-128.

(With A. Clark, J. Schmandt, et al.) The Place of Social Sciences in Welfare~. Austin: LBJ School of Public Affairs, 1974.

(With B. Coward and J.A. Williams) "The Culture of Poverty: An EmpiricalAnalysis," Social Problems, 21 (1974), pp. 621-634.

(47) Reprinted in Social Problems: A Policy Perspective. Edited by Howard

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Freeman et alia. Chicago: Rand McNally, 1979.

(48) Reprinted in Understanding Minori~-Dominant Relations. Edited by F.James Davis. Arlington Heights: AHM Co., 1979.

(With D. Campbell) "Black Politics in the South," Journal of Politic.s., 37 (1975),pp. 129-159.

(With N. Benokraitis) "Institutional Racism," in Black/Brown/White Relations.Edited by C.V. Willie. New Brunswick, N.J.: Trans/Action Books, 1976.

"Indirect Institutionalized Discrimination: A Topological Analysis," AmericanPolitics Quarterly, V(Spdng 1977), pp. 177-200.

(With M. Ethridge)"Varieties of Fundamentalism," Sociological Ouarterlv,XX(Winter 1979), pp. 37-48.

(With R. Jackson) Delivery of Services to Black East Austin and Other BlackCommunities: A Socio-Historical Analysis (Austin: Report to Hogg Foundation,1979).

"School Desegregation: A Political-Economic Perspective," in SchoolDesegregation, edited by W. Stephen and J. Feagin. San Francisco: Plenum Press,1980.

".Ip, stitutionalized Discrimination: A Typological and Policy Analysis," in HumanRelations Manual. Washington: General Services Administration, 1980.

(With D. Eckberg) "Prejudice and Discrimination," Annual Review of Sociology,edited by Ralph Turner. Vol. 6, 1980, pp. 1-20

(With E. Woodrum, R. Rhodes) "Japanese American Economic Behavior," SocialForces, 58 (June, 1980), 1235-1254.

Urban Revitalization and Displacement: Types, Causes, and Public Policy. PolicyStudy No. 16. Center for Energy Studies, The University of Texas, Austin, May1981.

"Affirmative Action in an Era of Reaction." "Pp. 44-61 in Consultations on theAffirmative Action Statement of the U.S. Commission on Civil Rights(Washington, D.C.: U.S. Government Printing Office, 1981-1982.

"Documenting and Measuring Race and Sex Discrimination," Civil RightsResearch Review 9(Spring-Summer, 1981), pp. 1-10.

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(’With C. Feagin) "Discrimination in the Economy: A Focus on Employment." Pp.236-264 in Readings in Social Welfare Policy and Research, edited by StephenAntler et alia (Lexington: Ginn, 1982).

"Urban Real Estate Speculation," International Journal of Urban and RegionalResearch, VI(March 1982), pp. 35-60.

(63) Reprinted in Critical Perspectives on Housing, edited by Rachel Bratt,Chester Hartman, and Ann Meyerson (Philadelphia: Temple UniversityPress, 1985)

(With D. Kendall) "Blatant and Subtle Patterns of Discrimination: MinorityWomen in Medical Schools," The Journal of Inter~oup Relations, 11 (1983), pp. 8-33.

"Sunbelt Metropolis and Development Capital: Houston in the Era of LateCapitalism." Pp. 99-127 in Sunbelt/Snowbelt: Urban Development and RegionalRestructuring. (New York: Oxford University Press, 1984).

(66) Reprinted in Practicing Texas Politics. Edited by Robert S. Trotter et alia.Boston: Houghton Mifflin, 1985.

"The Social Costs of Private Enterprise." Pp. 115-150 in Research in SocialProblems and Public Policy, edited by Michael Lewis and Joann L. Miller(Greenwich, CN: JAI Press, 1984).

(With D. Campbell) "Black Electoral Victories: Progress and Problems,"45 (December 1984), pp. 331-345.

"The Role of the State in Urban DeveloPment: The Case Of Houston, Texas,"Environment and Planning: Society and Space, II(December 1984), pp. 447-460.

"The Global Context of Metropolitan Growth: Houston and the Oil Industry,"American Journal of Sociology, 90 (May 1985), 1204-1230.

(71) Reprinted in Exploring society. Edited by A.R. Sadovnik et alia. (NewYork: Harper & Row, 1987), pp. 443-457.

"The Social Costs of Houston’s Growth," The International Journal of Urban andRegional Research, IX(June 1986), pp. 617-628.

(With B.A. Shelton) "Community Organizing in Houston: Social Problems andCommunity Response," Community Development Journal, XX(April, 1985), pp.99-105.

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"The Corporate Center Strategy: The State in Central Cities," Urban AffairsQuarterly, IX(June 1986), pp. 173-200.

"Slavery Unwilling to Die: The Background of Black Oppression in the 1980s,"Journal of Black Studies,, XVII(December 1986), pp. 173-200.

"Tallying the Social Costs of Urban Growth under Capitalism: The Case ofHouston." Pp. 205-234 in Business Elites and Urban Development, edited by ScottCummings (New York: SUNY Press, 1988).

"The Dynamics of Legalization: Undocumented Mexican Immigrants in the UnitedStates." Pp. 179-202 in Research in Political Sociology, edited by Richard G.Braungart and Margaret M. Braungart (Greenwich, CN: JAI Press, 1987).

(With N. Rodriguez) "Urban Specialization in the World System: An Investigationof Historical Cases," Urban Affairs Quarterly, 22 (December, 1986), pp. 187-220.(With M. P. Smith) "Cities and the New International Division of Labor." Pp. 3-36in The Capitalist City, edited by M.P. Smith and Joe R. Feagin (London: Basil

¯ Blackwell, 1987).

(With R.C. Hill) Detroit and Houston: Two Cities in Global Perspective." Pp. 155-177 in The Capitalist City, edited by M.P.Smith and Joe R. Feagin (London: BasilBlackwell, 1987).

"Office Towers in Houston: The Secondary Circuit of Capital," InternationalJournal of Urban and Regional Research, XI(June 1987), pp. 171 - 192.

"Changing Black Americans to Fit a Racist System,"Joumal of Social Issues,43(No. 1, 1987), pp. 85-90.

(With N. Benokraitis) "The Mechanisms of Gender Discrimination: AnExploratory Study of the Workplace," National Journal of Sociology, 1 (Fall, 1987),pp. 202-236.

(With A. Fleischmann) "The Politics of Growth-oriented Urban Alliances:Comparing Old Industrial and New Sunbelt Cities," Urban Affairs Quarterly,23(December 1987), pp. 207-232.

"Irrationality in Real Estate Investment," Monthly Review, 38(March 1987), 18-27.

"Theories of Discrimination." Pp. 41-48 in Racism and Sexism, edited by Paula S.Rothenberg (New York: St. Martin’s Press, 1988).

(87) "Local State Response to Economic Decline," in Regenerating the Cities, edited by

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Dennis Judd, Michael Parkinson, and Bernard Foley (Manchester: University ofManchester Press, 1988).

(With M. Gottdiener) "The Paradigm Shift in Urban Sociology," Urban AffairsQuarterly, 24 (December 1988): 163-187.

(89) Reprinted in The Sociology of Urban Communities Edited by MichaelHarloe. London: Edward Elgar Publishing Limited, 1995).

"Arenas of Conflict: Zoning and Land-Use Reform in Critical Political-EconomicPerspective," in Euclid at Sixty: Both Past and Prologue, edited by Charles M.Haar (Cambridge: American Planning Association, 1989).

"Houston: Hyper-Development in the Sunbelt," in Atop the Urban Hierarchy,edited by Robert Beauregard (New York: Roman and Littlefield, 1989).

(With R. Parker) "Houston’s Economic Decline and the Response of the LocalState," pp. 127-153 in Research in Politics and Societ~ (Greenwich, CN: JAI Press,1988).

(With S. Capek) "Grassroots Movements in aClass Perspective." Iri Research inPolitical Sociology, edited by P.C. Wasbum (Greenwich, CN: JAI Press, 1989).

(With L. Inniss) "The Black Underclass Ideology in Race Relations Analysis,"Social Justice 16 (Winter, 1989), pp. 12-34."Barriers to Black Students in Higher Education: Learning fromQualitative Research," Published Position Paper, Center forResearch on Minority Education, .University of Oklahoma, 1989.

"Extractive Regions in Developed Countries: A Comparative Analysis of the OilCapitals, Houston and Aberdeen," Urban Affairs Quarterly 25 (June, 1990), pp.591-619.

"The Secondary Circuit of Real Estate Investment, Urban Affairs Quarterly 26(September, 1990), pp. 138-144.

"Are Planners Collective Capitalists? The Cases of Houston and Aberdeen,"International Journal of Urban and Regional Research 14 (No. 2, 1990), pp. 249-273.

"Theoden der rassischen und ethnischen Beziehungen in den Vereinigten Staaten:Eine kritische und vergleichende," in Ethnizitat (1990), Westdeutscher Verlag,Germany.

(100) (With K. Riddell) "The State; Capitalism, and World War II: The

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U.S. Case, "Armed Forces and Society 17 (Fall, 1990), pp. 53-80.

(With M.P. Smith) "’Global Cities’ und neue internationale Arbeitsteilung," pp. 62-88 in Das neue Gesicht der Stadte, edited by Renate Borst et alia (Basel:Birkhauser Verlag, 1990).

(With R. Parker) "A Better Business Climate in Houston," pp. 216-238 inLeadership and Urban Regeneration, edited by Dennis Judd and Michael Parkinson(Newbury Park: Sage, 1990).

(With R. Parker) "Military Spending in Free Enterprise Cities: The Military-Industrial Complex in Houston and Las Vegas," in The Pentagon and the Cities,edited by Andrew Kirby (Newbury Park: Sage, 1991).

(With R. Parker) "Houston: Administration by Economic Elites," in Big CityPolitics in Transition, edited by H.V. Savitch and J.C. Thomas (Newbury Park:Sage, 1991).

"The Continuing Significance of Race: Antiblack Discrimination in Public Places,"American Sociological Review 56 (February, 1991), pp. 101-116.

(106) Reprinted in Fred L. Pincus and Howard J. Ehrlich (eds.), Race andEthnic Conflict (Boulder: Westview Press, 1994), pp. 98-114; and in 12other edited volumes;

(With R. Bullard) "Racism and the City," pp. 55-76 in Urban Life in Transition,edited by Mark Gottdiener and Chris Pickvance (Newbury Park: Sage, 1991).

"The Continuing Significance of Racism," Journal of Black Studies 22 (June1992), pp. 546-578.

(With N. Benokraitis) "Sex Discrimination -- Subtle and Covert," pp. 334-343 inDown to Earth Sociologfi,, edited by James M. Henslin (New York: Free Press,1993).

(With N. Benokraitis) "Sex Discrimination -- Subtle and Covert," pp. 133-142 inConstructions of Deviance, edited by Patricia A. Adler and Peter Adler (Belmont:Wadsworth, 1994).

"On Not Taking Gendered Racism Seriously: The Failure of the Mass Media andthe Social Sciences," Journal of Applied Behavioral Science 28 (September 1992),pp. 400-406.

"America’s Racial-ethnic Cultures: Opposition within a Mythical Melting Pot," pp.65-86 in Toward the Multicultural University, edited by Benjamin Bowser, Terry

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Jones, and Gale Auletta-Young (Westport: Praeger, 1995). (with B. L. Mitchell)

"A House is not a Home: White Racism and U.S. Housing Practices," pp. 17-48 inResidential Apartheid: The American Legacy, edited by Robert Bullard. (LosAngeles: UCLA, 1994).

"The Bill Cosby Television Show: The View from the Black Middle Class,"Journal of Black Studies, 1996 (With L. Inniss)

"Theoretical Perspectives in Race and Ethnic Relations, " pp. 29-47 in Race andEthnic Conflict edited by F. L. Pincus and H. J. Ehrlich (Boulder: Westview Press,1994). (with C. Feagin)

Land Policy and Boom-Bust Real Estate Markets, Policy Focus Series (Cambridge:Lincoln Institute of Land Policy, 1994). (With other scholars)

"Racial Barriers to African American Entrepreneurship: An Exploratory Study,"SOcial Problems 41 (November 1994), pp. 562-584. (with N. Imani)

"Multiculturalism: A Democratic Basis for U.S. Society," in McGraw-Hill Primisseries, edited by George Ritzer (New York: McGraw-Hill, 1995). (22 pages) (WithH. Vera and B. Zsembik)

(119) Reprinted in Perspectives on Sociology, edited by Craig Calhoun andGeorge Ritzer (New York: McGraw-Hill, 1996), pp. 1-22.

"Putting ’Race’ in its Place," pp. 3-28 in The Bubbling Cauldron: Race, Etlmicityand the Urban Crisis, edited by M. P. Smith and J. R. Feagin (Minneapolis:University of Mirmesota press, 1995). (With M. P. Smith)

"African American Entrepreneurship and Racial Discrimination: A SouthernMetropolitan Case," pp. 99-120 in M. P. Smith and J. R. Feagin (eds.), TheBubbling Cauldron: Race, Ethnicity and the Urban Crisis (Minneapolis: Universityof Minnesota press, 1995). (With M. Hodge)

"Superior Intellect?: Sincere Fictions of the White. Self," Journal of NegroEducation 64 (Summer 1995): 295-306. (with H. Vera, and A. Gordon)

"African Americans’ Inflicted Anomie," pp. 155-172 in Gail Thomas (ed.), Raceand Ethnicity in America: Meeting the Challenge, US Race Relations in theTwenty- First Century (Washington, D. C.: Taylor and Francis, 1995). (With H.Vera)

"Reparations for Catastrophic Waste," Poverty and Race 3 (1994), p. 4. (With H.Vera)

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"Rethinking White-Black Relations in the United States: Toward a Theory ofRacism as Sacrificial Waste," Journal of Contemporary Sociology, 31 (1994), pp.169-182. (with H. Vera)

"Affirmative Action and African Americans: Rhetoric and Practice," HumboldtJournal of Social Relations 21 (1995): 81 - 104. (with A. Porter)

"White Racism: Bibliographic Essay," Choice.,.33 (February 1996): 903-914. (withA. Porter)

"Fighting White Racism: The Future of Equal Rights in the United States," pp. 29-46 in S. L. Myers, Jr. (ed.), Civil Rights and Race Relations in the Post Reagan-Bush Era (Westport: Praeger, 1997).

"Navigating Public Places," in Susan J. Ferguson (ed.), Mapping the SocialLandscape (Mountain View, Calif.: Maytield, 1996), pp. 345-356. (with M. Sikes)

"The Family Costs of White Racism: The Case of African Ameri’can Families,"Journal of Comparative Family Studies, Vol. 29, 1998, forthcoming. (With Y. St.Jean)

"Racial Masques: Black Women and Subtle Gendered Racism," pp. 173-200 in N.V. Benokraitis (ed.), Subtle Sexism: Current Practices and Prospects for Change(Thousand Oaks, CA: Sage, 1997).

"Black Women, Sexism and Racism: Double Jeopardy Revisited," pp. 157-180 inC. R. Ronai, B. Zsembik, and J. Feagin (eds.), Everyday Sexism in the ThirdMillennium (New York: Routledge, 1997). (With Y. St. Jean)

"Using Racial and Ethnic Concepts: The Critical Case of Very Young Children,"American Sociological Review 61 (October 1996): 779-793. (With D. VanAusdale)

"Racism in the Post-Colonial World," International Policy Review 6 (1996): 30-.40.(With P. Batur)

"Cities and the New International Division of Labor." Pp. 339-371 in Th.__geSociology of Urban Communities II, edited by M. Harloe (Cheltenham: EdwardElgar Ltd., 1996). (With M. P. Smith)

Articles on "Segregation" and "Minority Groups," in The World BookEncyclopedia. Chicago: Field Enterprises Education Corporation, 1981, 1997.

(137) "Old Poison in New Bottles: The Deep Roots of Modem Nativism." Pp. 13-43 in

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Immi~ants Out! The New Nativism and the Anti-immigrant Impulse in the UnitedS~tes, edited by Juan Perea (New York: New York University Press, 1997).

(138) Reprinted in Critical White Studies: Looking Behind the Mirror. Edited byR. Delgado and J. Stefancic (Philadelphia: Temple University Press, 1997).

"Introduction: Living with Everyday Sexism in the Third Millennitun," pp. 1-11 inC. R. Ronai, B. Zsembik, and J. Feagin (eds.), Everyday Sexism in the ThirdMillennium .(New York: Routledge, 1997). (With C. R. Ronai, B. Zsembik)

"Violent Police-Citizen Encounters: An Analysis of Major Nexvspaper Accounts,"Critical Sociology 22 (1996): 29-49. (With K. Lersch)

"Confronting White Students: The Whiteness of University Spaces," in ReadingBetween the Lines, edited by A. Konradi and M. Schinidt (Mountain View, Calif.:Mayfield, 1998), pp. 386-398. ( With H. Vera and N. Irnani)

"The Future of U.S. Society in an Era of Racism, Group Segregation, andDemographic Revolution," pp. 199-212 in Sociology for the Twenty-First Century:Continuities and Cuttimz Ed~zes, edited by J. L. Abu-Lughod (Chicago: Universityof Chicago Press, 1999).

"The Long-Overdue Reparations for African Americans: Necessary for SocietalSurvival?" pp. 417-421 in When Sorry Isn’t Enough, edited by R. Brooks (NewYork: New York University Press, 1999). (With E. O’Brien)

"The Growing Movement for Reparations," pp. 341-346 in When Sorry Isn’tEnouggh, edited by R. Brooks (New York: New York University Press, 1999).(With E. O’Bden)

"Navigating Public Places," pp. 404-414 in Mapping the Social Landscape, editedby S. J. Ferguson (Mountain View, Calif.: Mayfield, 1999).

"The Global Color Line: Racial and Ethnic Inequality and Struggle from a GlobalPerspective," pp. 3-24 in Research in Politics and Society (Greenwich, CN: JAI.

Press, 1999). (with P. Batur).

"Theoretical Perspectives in Race and Ethnic Relations," pp. 17-33 in Rethinkingthe Color Line, edited by C. Gallagher (Mountain View: Mayfield, 1999). (With C.Feagin)

"The Continuing Significance of Race," pp. 133-143 in Rethinking the Color Line,edited by C. Gallagher (Mountain View: Mayfield, 1999). (Reprint of AmericanSociological Review article, 1991)

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uWhite Racism: A Case Study from the Heartland," pp. 43-56 in Multiculturalismin the United States, edited by P. Kivisto and G. Rtmdblad (Thousand Oaks, CA:Pine Forge, 2000). (Excerpt from White Racism)

"Doing Antiracism and Making a Nonracist Society," Contemporary Sociology. 29(2000): 95-110 (With J. Johnson and S. Rush)

"Contending with Everyday Discrimination: Effects and Strategies," pp. 333-358 inSelf and Society, edited by Ann Branaman (Malden, MA: Blackwell, 2000). (withM. Sikes) (Excerpt from Living with Racism)

"Soul-Searching in Sociology: Is the Discipline in Crisis?" Sosiologisk Arbok:2000.1 (Norwegian Yearbook of Sociology), 5.1 (2000): 1-10.

"Excluding Blacks and Others from Housing: The Foundation of White Racism,"Cityscape: A Journal of Policy Development and Research 4 (1999): 79-91.

"The Continuing Significance of Race," pp. 546-557 in The American Civil RightsMovement: Readings & Interpretations, edited by R. D’Angelo (New York:McGraw-Hill, 2001). (Reprint of American Sociological Review article, 1991).

"Social Justice and Sociology: Agendas for the Twenty-First Century," AmericanSociological Review 66 (February 2001): 1-20.

"Should Racial Integration Be Pursued as the Only Goal," pp. 68-70 in Challengesto Equality, ed. C. Hartmarm (Armortk, NY: ME Sharpe, 2001). (With Y. Combs)

"The Many Costs of Discrimination: The Case of Middle-Class AfricanAmericans," Indiana Law Review 34 (2001): 1313-1360. (With K. Early and K. D.McKinney)

UEducational Choices and a University’s Reputation: The Importance of CollectiveMemory," pp. 159-186 in The Racial Crisis in American Higher Education, ed. W.Smith, P. Altbach, and K. Lomotey (Albany: SUNY Press, 2002). (With H. Vera,N. tmani)

"Old Wine in New Bottles: The Reality of Modem Racism," pp. 157-174 in TheeNew Politics of Race, ed. M. Durr (Westport, CN: Praeger, 2002). (With H. Vera)

"Foreword," pp. xi-xiv in Otto Santa Anna, Brown Tide Rising (Austin, TX:University of Texas Press, 2002).

"Foreword," pp. v-ix in Hsiao-Chuan Hsia, 2002, Liu Li Hsin An--Tsu Pen KuoChi Hua Hsia Te "Wai Chi Hsin Niang" Hsien Hsiang (Drifing and Anchoring:Capitallntemationalization and the "Foreign Brides" Phenomenon) (Taipei:

Taiwan: Social Studies Research Series, 2002). (In Chinese)COURSES TAUGHT (Selected examples):

Sociology - Introduction to the Study of SocietySociology - Social ProblemsSociology - Classical and Contemporary Social Theory (Seminar)Sociology - Black and White Americans (Seminar)Sociology - Race, Class, and Gender (Seminar)Sociology - Comparative Perspectives in Racial and Ethnic Relations (Seminar)General Education - Cultural Diversity in the United States

U~IVERSITY ADMINISTRATIVE AND COMMITTEE EXPERIENCE:

(1) Departmental Undergraduate Advisor(2) Chair, Social Science Statistical Laboratory Committee(3)Member, University Computer Committee(4) Departmental Executive Committee(5) Departmental Minority Liaison Representative(6) Graduate Advisor(7) Provost’s Task Force on Graduate Education and Research(8) Dean’s Faculty Advisory Committee