Innovation: The Black Box Theory vs. Dissemination

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63 Innovation: The Black Box Dissemination Theory vs. イノベイションのブラック・ボックス理論と伝播性 Eri Shiozawa 塩澤 恵理 Contents Introduction and Brief Overview The Role of Innovation Why Oligopoly? Dissemination of Knowledge vs. the Black Box Theory Demand Aspect of Innovation Conclusion Introduction and Brief Overview New products are constantly being researched, developed This process of looking for better solutions or tools for imp mally, innovation is defined and explained in the dictionary invention to a process of production or the introduction of measuring an innovation is by estimating the extent to whi process or product. Innovations occur more in concentrated tiation, necessitating frequent product changes, is a major mark Commonly, inventions are thought to be product innovatio innovation, not invention, is a preferred competitive tool. Inve the result of a coincidence by lone inventors who happen miracle product worth marketing, In firms, routine innovati petitiveness. There are of course counter examples such as telephone, the electronic calculator, radio telegraph, etc2。 The by newly created firms whose personnel were presumably not l Donald Rutherford.1~outledge Dictiona7 y()f Economics,2d ed.(Lo 2002),141. 2 See F. M. Scherer, Jndustn’al Market Structure and Economic j%吻rm McNally,1980),438.

Transcript of Innovation: The Black Box Theory vs. Dissemination

63

Innovation: The Black Box

DisseminationTheory vs.

イノベイションのブラック・ボックス理論と伝播性

Eri Shiozawa

   塩澤 恵理

                Contents

Introduction and Brief Overview

The Role of Innovation

Why Oligopoly?

Dissemination of Knowledge vs. the Black Box Theory

Demand Aspect of Innovation

Conclusion

Introduction and Brief Overview

   New products are constantly being researched, developed, produced and innovated.

This process of looking for better solutions or tools for improvement is innovation. For-

mally, innovation is defined and explained in the dictionary as,“The application of an

invention to a process of production or the introduction of a new product. A method of

measuring an innovation is by estimating the extent to which an industry uses the new

process or product. Innovations occur more in concentrated industries as product differen-

tiation, necessitating frequent product changes, is a major market strategy of oligopolies”且.

Commonly, inventions are thought to be product innovations. However, in economics,

innovation, not invention, is a preferred competitive tool. Inventions are considered to b.e

the result of a coincidence by lone inventors who happened to have stumbled on some

miracle product worth marketing, In firms, routine innovation processes are keys to com-

petitiveness. There are of course counter examples such as the turbojet engine, the dial

telephone, the electronic calculator, radio telegraph, etc2。 These inventions were introduced

by newly created firms whose personnel were presumably not subject to the pressures for

l Donald Rutherford.1~outledge Dictiona7 y()f Economics,2d ed.(London and New York:Routledge,

  2002),141.

2 See F. M. Scherer, Jndustn’al Market Structure and Economic j%吻rmαnce,2d ed.(Chicago:Rand

  McNally,1980),438.

64 「明大商学論叢』第86巻第1号 (64)

routinization as may be expected in large, established enterprises.

   The term innovation or invention is often associated with a stroke of genius, or luck.

However, if innov3tion is to be used as a tool for continued profit in business, it must be

organized and systematized as a rigorous discipline. The opportunity lies everywhere;but

the discipline of innovation must be utilized by firms to seek out new opportunities in new

technology or in values, trends in a market. Therefore, there is complementarity betWeen

the roles of innovation and inヤention。 The entrepreneurs come up with the breakthrough

inventions while lhe R&Destablishments of the larger firms provide the enhancing or

finishing touches. After a new technology is developed, the next issue is how to protect it

from being copied;thus, patents and licensing to protect the original idea or model plays an

lmportant role as incentive to insure that other innovations will follow.

   In addition, how to make the idea into a product is one of the main issues surrounding

anewly developed product. That is, many products do not make it as a marketable product

and end up being shelved at the project stage. Many new innovations that are being re-

searched and developed do not make it out to the market for various reasons. According to

astudy in the Tsushohakusho:i 2003 in Japan, profit sustainability due to the small scale of

the perceived market, is at the top as a reason. With this problem in mind, it is worth

examining how oligopolies are the key to prevent inventions from being stuck in the re-

search facilities. As already mentioned above, it is necessary to make both the inventive

activity and innovation process a routine which are built into the firm.

   The desire or need to want better and more goods is the essence of free market capital-

ism, and moral judgment set aside, is only natural. This endeavor should be never ending

and is no doubt essential for economic growth. It is only human nature to demand better,

more convenient products and/or ways to make life easier, more enjoyable. Everyday, we

strive to achieve progress in some form or another to improve ourselves, raise our standard

of living or expand our business opPortunities. Whatever the motive, product and process

innovations linked with technology are two key factors in economic development. Trade

or direct investment then comes into the picture;after a product has reached its maturity,

parts or the entire manufacturing process of the product is then exported to, or directly

invested in another country. By doing so, the product may be sold at a much lower cost

than producing it at the originating country.

   The flying geese theory or the product cycle theory was taken up in Shiozawa

[2002]4and[2003]5. In 2003, we coined a name, the black box theory, to suggest how, in

00」4

5

Ministry of Economy, Trade and lndustry, Tsushohakusho,2003,144.

Eri Shiozawa.“The Flexible Exchange Rate System and Standard of Living-The Influence on

Export/lmport of Tradable Goods,”Memoirs of Jnstitute of Social Sciences, Vo1.41 No,1.(Tokyo:

Meiji University,2002),227-258.

      .“Application of the Product Cycle Theory:The Revitalizatjon Policy of t.he Japanese

Industry,” Meidαi Sh(~gaku Ronso, No.85-3.(Tokyo:Meiji University School of Commerce,2003),

89-99.

(65) Innovation:The Black Box Theory vs. Dissemination 65

many instances, Japanese technology should not easily be disseminated abroad through

direct investment. In this paper we will examine innpvation from a broader spectrum and

also look at situations in which dissemination of technological knowledge is in some in-

stances, more beneficial not only for the overall welfare of society, but also for the originat-

ing firm.

The Role of Innovation

    Let us turn to the growth creating properties of innovation. The free market economy

is an amazingly effective machine because of its production of innovations which are di-

rectly related to output and economic growth. Innovations which are related to growth

have in general a long-term, cumulative, or additive character;that is, innovation does not

simply feplace the old technology instantaneously to make it obsolete, but innovation

should create knowledge leading to an overall accumulation of technical knowledge for

.society. Secondly, innovation should accelerate the level of output. Therefore, output or

overall GDP will not be level but constantly growing. In addition, innovation as a public

good property of information signifies that improved technology is beneficial not only for

the firm directly involved in the breakthrough, but also for other rival firms;the benefits

are economies of scope in the flow of technological improvements. Therefore, the growth

creating properties of innovation lead to overall improved standard of living and increased

welfare for society.

Process Innovation and Product Innovation

   First let us examine the definitions of process and product innovations. Although in

everyday life, we think of innovation to be a single process of improvement, formally in

economic analysis there are mainly two types of innovation, product innovation and proc-

ess innovation. Let us assume a pure monopoly situation in which a single firm’s decision-

making is independent of the actions and decisions of other enterprises. Unlike product

innovation, process innovation analysis is straightforward. A successful process innova-

tion increases output and product price is reduced. By definition, since the innovation is

successful, the producer’s surplus will not fall;and because of the fall in price, consumer

surplus must rise and welfare rises. Therefore, the economic benefits accrued from process

innovation are undeniable as we can see from the great prosperity experienced in the post-

war Japanese economic growth.

   On the other hand, a product innovation analysis is not as clear cut as that of process

innovation. A successful product innovation is defined as one that will increase final-

product output, but its effects on price and welfare can either be positive or negative.

Output will rise but price may either rise or fall because price is affected by two influences

working in opposite directions;the upward shift in the demand curve will pull price but the

66 『明大商学論叢』第86巻第1号 (66)

lncrease ln output and the negative slope of the demand curve will have the opposite effect.

If innovation substantially increases the elasticity of the demand curve, the increased reve-

nue contribution of a rise in price is more than offset by the loss in quantity sold resulting

from the price increase. Depending on demand elasticity changes, as well as sunk costs of

the innovation, the welfare effect is no longer clear. Also depending on the real cost of

lnnovatlon, other things being equal, a large sunk cost can obviously cause a net loss in

welfare. Even if the producer’s surplus is increased slightly, total consumer surplus will not

necessarily rise;thus, it is possible for a product innovation to reduce welfare. Unlike a

process innovation which is assumed to affect only中e cost side, a product innovation can

shift cost curves as well as revenue curves, Therefore, when the product innovation in-

creases price considerably and when consumer surplus brought on by an increase in sales

ls small, this results in a welfare Ioss.

Why Oligopoly?

    Joseph Schumpeter in 1942 and[1947コ6states,“_the price variable is ousted from its

dominant position_it is not that kind of competition which counts but the competition

from the new commodity, the new technology...”This quotation essentially signifies the

importance of the role of innovation in capitalistic economic growth for Schumpeter. He

emphasizes that innovation, not price, is the key factor in determining output and profitfor

firms. For Schumpeter, innovation is increasingly becoming an accustomed and predict-

『able procedure. Instead of relying on the elements of chance with private inventors, who

may not be able to deliver their invention as promised and as required in the business

strategy, firms systematically determine how much should be allocated for investments in

R&D.In addition, these firms not only calculate their possible interactions with their

fellow rivals, but also through careful market analysis, they determine what sort of innova-

tion their laboratories should work on and invent.

    Like Schumpeter, many ec6nomists also address the importance of innovation as a

weapon of competition. Economists such as Baumol are dissatisfied how prices and directly

related variables lie.in the core of microeconomic analysis while innovation analysis is

taken up as a“sideshow”. Through oligopolies, price is no longer a factor in competition;in

oligopoly, innovation is the main determinant in competition. Along with the inventive

entrepreneurs, other forms of technological breakthroughs being carried out within the

innovative oligopolistic corporations make the entire growth process highly efficient as

well as quite riskless. We can understand Baumors basic attitude’toward oligopolies when

he states,“In substantial portions of the oligopolistic sectors of the economy, where huge

6 Joseph Schumpeter. Capitalism, Socialism,αnd Democracy,2d ed.(New York:Harper&Brothers,

  1947 [1942]),84.

(67) Innovation:The Black Box Theory vs. Dissemination 67

firms dominate markets, innovation has become the preferred competitive weapon”. In-

deed, the contest for better new products and processes becomes and arms race, with failure

to keep up constituting a threat to the firm’s survival. This is the force that contributes

substantially to capitalist growth. Competition makes it too risky for firms to depend

primarily for their new products and processes on the unpredictable efforts of independent

inventors. Instead they have changed much of the economy’s R&Dinto an internal, bu-

reaucratically controlled process, as for example, in pharmaceuticals, computers, and even

photography. They have routinized it”7.

   Therefore, as previously pointed out, invention and innovation are clearly distin-

guished from each other in this context. We can. 盾b唐?窒魔?@how through careful planning,

oligopolies evade cut throat price competition. Competition takes on a totally new dimen-

sion;firms strive for quality competition, not price competition.

1)issemination of Knowledge vs. the Black Box Theory

   In Shiozawa[2003]we examined possible ways to revitalize the Japanese industry;we

prescribed the black box theory of production in order to prevent or to delay imitation

products by companies in developing countries with relatively cheaper cost of labor. In our

new model, we assumed investment in technology hy Japanese firms or organlzatlons

without directly investment abroad where wages and other costs may be cheaper compared

to Japan. What kind of economic growth is possible without relying on direct investment

to the so-called cost reducing countries;that is, what will happen if we deliberately keep

everything domestic(no direct irivestment abroad)up to the stage i口which the product is

fully completed. This is th. ?@so-called domestic“cut-off version”of the product cycle. We

cited examples of the black box theory through case studies:Sharp Corporation’s liquid-

crystal screen television plants in Mie and Nara prefecture and Tohoku University’s re-

search consortia in which semiconductors are being researched/designed and manufac-

tured entirely in Japan by Japanese firms and research groups.

   With the above notion in mind, let us consider dissemination of knowledge or technol-

ogy. Is the black box theory exactly on the opposite spectrum or is it in a different dimen-

sion as dissemination of knowledge?What shall we do to be able to produce goods which

will earn high returns as exports in some future date?We cannot ignore the competitive

pressures to disseminate proprietary technology voluntarily. Also it may be more profit-

able if we make it available even to direct rivals if the price is high enough. In this section

we will look into the alternatives to the black box theory of production;that is, we may

support dissemination for reasons such as the following:

7William Baumol.  2002),ll,

The Free-、Vaγleet Innovation Machine.(Princeton:Princeton University Press,

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Rent or licensing of technology

Technology consortia or technQlogy trading-in order for two firms to compete

against a third party.

L Rent or licensing of tecllnology

    As already mentioned above in the analysis of innovation, innovation has become a

routine in many firms even to th6 extent that strategies include long-term investmerlt. In

terrns of the overall growth of the economy, like innovation, quick dissemination of tech-

nology is also a critical factor in promoting economic growth through increased productiv-

ity. For the increased overall welfare of society, every firm in the industry using the new

technology will no doubt be able to produce superior output than if only an exclusive firm

has access to the superior technology while,other firms are stuck with the obsolete means

of production. However, from the perspective of the firms holding the superior knowledge,

most envision dissemination to be their“arch enemy”;thus, wβ see the struggles of firms to

guard their knowledge through licenses or patents.

   In order to facilitate analysis, let us assume here that the new technology is a“bottle-

neck input”;that is, this input can be obtained only through a monopolist supplier. There-

fore, the input can be rented or licens6d out for the use of another willing to pay the price.

W6 can understand that if the innovative technology is considered to be simply a bottle-

neck input, active transaction of the license, patent, or exchange to use the input may be

socially beneficial by stimulating innovation through internalizing some of its externalities.

   If the owner firm(licensor)can make a greater profit by selling its technology to

another firm(licensee)at a very high price than using the technology only for itself, then

the transactiop will be attractive for the owner firm as well as for the firm acquiring the

license;we can also presume that the licensee firm.will tend to use the technology most

efficiently for production. Since only a firm which is able to uti正ize the technology most

efficiently will be able to afford the high price of the license fee. In addition, through legal

rather than illegal means, the licensee will be able to enjoy the fruits from the technology

much more quickly and efficiently. In high-tech indhstries, timing is everything;thus, the

price paid for a license fee is worth much more in terms of time saved to provide the latest

model in demand in the market。

   Meanwhile, the licensor can enjoy twice the benefits. It can earning high revenue from

royalties by selling the license at an attractive price to the licensee as well as continue

making monopoly profits from the innovation due to early-entry;this is due to a time lag

which is unavoidable even for the licensee. It is obvious that the licensee, even with all the

aid from the licensor, may take several months to several years to get the technology work-

ing to its full capacity for production. By utilizing this time lag, indeed the licensing of

technology may prove to be quite a profitable business arrangement which cannot be

ignored. Furthermore, the high rates of profit serve as an incentive for further investment

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Innovation:The Black Box Theory vs. Dissemination 69

         1887-1906         1907-1926         1927-1946         1947-1966         1967-1986

Source:Agarwal and Gort(2001);Baumol(2002)

Figure l. Interval between the introduction of an innovation and competitive entry,1887-1986

in innovation. We can see this as a general trend in Figure l8. The speed of dissemination

has increased in the last hundred years. Profitability is most likely the reason. More and

more firms, such as IBM, are realizing the business opportunity involved in technology

dissemination;some firms which have private industrial laboratories in the US. are actively

looking for clients to sell their technology rights in the form of patents or cross-licensing

contracts.

2. Technology consortia or technology trading

   In rent or licensing of technology, the incentive was profit;however in this section, the

reciprocation is not monetary but in“kind”, or the right to use the information. Thus,

dissemination of technology may be for sharing or trading valuable innovative information

in order to win against a third competitor. This sharing may be with direct rivals, horizon-

tal competitors and may be quite extensive involving the exchanging of information or

data at conferences, revealing plant visits by engineers and technicians from other compa-

nies, training workers of competing companies(free of charge),and aiding with the install-

ment of equipment, etc. Meanwhile there are more formal types of agreements which are

81bid.,76. The data was originally from a study by R. Agarwa1, and M, Gort.2001.“First Mover

  Advantage and the Speed of Competitlve Entry,1887-1986”.ノburnal of Lawαnd Economics 44.

  (Chicago:Chicago Law School, April 2001),161-77.

70 『明大商学論叢』第86巻第1号 (70)

carefully drawn up such as contracts and cross-hcensing of patents.

   In technology sharing or consortia, the products are assumed to be heterogeneous and

complementary. Since the product is a slightly improved or an evolved model, the circum-

stances are quite different from Schumpeter’s in which the product was a substitute, Com-

petition is fierce and game models come into play when the product is a substitute. For

example for the computer, improved screen and keyboard in which incremental improve-

ments were added are complemehtary not substitute inventions. Well known examples of

technology sharing arrange.ments in the U.S, are in the manufacturing of semiconductors,

aircraft jet engines, California’s wineries, and high definitiorl television technologY. In

Japan the car navigation. system and the widely known semiconductor research consortia

are examples of technology sharing.

   It is interesting to note that the implicit agreement is ex ante in that the involved

parties are willing to reveal valuable information to the others with the implied under-

standing that the others will reciprocate by giving back some other form of new informa-

tion in the future. In some instances, negotiations and agreelnents about what type of new

information on an innovation is expected to be provided in the future also exist;two firms

may have negotiating sessions to discuss the“value”of the innovation(s)already provided

and then agree on the terms concerning future information of innovation. These ex ante

type of arrangements may disdourage cheating since in the arrangement, a firm may have

to pay to the other firm monetary compensation for any lack of value in innovative infor-

’mation within a given period。 In order to avoid paying the fine, the firm will give away or

expose as much of their innovative information as possible;this is monetary incentive not

to cheat.

   Compared to price cartels, several characteristics make the technology consortium

more stable. Although in the short run, cheating by a member by retaining infQrmation

while obtaining as much information from 6ther members to earn a profit may be possible,

if suspected of such an act, other members can easily retaliate by not passing on informa-

tion in the future. Since the technology consortium relationship is long term, involving

much exchanges in technology and repeated games(of negotiations),asingle betrayal may

be difficult;at the same time it may prove to be quite devastatihg. Reputations must be

built up and integrity kept by the members;otherwise, exclusion from the consortium may

be unavoidable. With large sums already invested, the exclusion may even result in pro-

longed losses eventual leading to bankruptcy of the cheating firm.

   The third characteristic that is different from the price cartel is the remaining members

can still enjoy the benefits of membership even if one firm cheats. In a price cartel, since

cheating signifies cheaper prices to attract customers, the remaining members suffer the

consequences by the price cartel breaking down. However, if the innovation turned out to

be a great sensation with windfall profits, then on rare ocCasions, cheating may indeed be

tempting. The gains must exceed the cost of the negativさconsequences of cheating since

(71) Innovation:The Black Box Theory vs. Dissemination 71

it will result in l 垂?窒高≠獅?獅煤@exclusion from the membership.

   Although the management side may not necessarily be willing to give out valuable

information at the company’s expense, in most cases, the more competitive, or top rate the

researchers and scientists directly involved with the innovation are, the more demanding

they are concerning cooperation or communication with fellow researchers in other institu-

tions. In other words, these competitive scientists would not be willing to work for firms

which seek total confidentiality in their research staff about their projects. In order to keep

the cornpetitive edge, the management side must compromise and attempt to optimize

these inter-firm exchanges. On the other hand, a fi’rm may sometimes prevent dissemina-

tion of technology in order to maintain monopoly profit. If this flrm is confident that its

product is different enough from that of other firms to be able to charge a higher price

exceeding the competitive one, the firm will not join a technology consortium A famous

example is the patent infringement lawsuit of Polaroid vs. Kodak.

   In Shiozawa[2002],in which there is a deliberate transfer of technology through direct

investment even before the product cycle has reached its maturity stage, the firm holding

the original technology should have anticipated the betrayal of local employees;it should

have sold the license of the technological know-how at a considerable price;or it should

have signed a legal agreement of some sort in order to prevent the leakage of information

for some pre-assigned years. All of these risk factors should have been calculated before

going ahead with the actual direct investment and before falling victim to reverse engineer-

ing or industrial espionage by local employees.

Demand Aspect of Innovation

   Up to this point, it has been argued that the degree of dissemination depends on vari-

ous forms of institutional patterns such as licensing, transferring and the black box ap-

proach, etc. Implicitly, it has been assumed that whenever new knowledge is created, it has

been immediately used or demanded. It is important however, that in many instances,

although new knowledge is available at no charge, it deliberately has never been adopted.

The well known example of this is post WWII supply of the U.S. technologies. New Ameri-

can product innovations were available to every firm, industry or country at almost no cost

(perhaps reverse engineering). By the end of the war, Japan was in desperate need of the

U.S. technologies;these new technologies were adopted and helped Japan develop into a

first rate technology country. Then why didn’t other Asian, African or even European

countries utilize the easily available American technology in the same fashion?In other

words, sorne countries are eager to utilize the available technology, while others are not.

These questions should be analyzed in more detail. Therefore, we must consider demand

aspects of innovations.

   There are several factors that affect demand for new technologies. First, the level of

72 『明大商学論叢』第86巻第1号 (72)

existing technologies of the importing countries or firms will determine if the available

technology can be utilized to create a new product or process innovation. In an agrarian

soclety, a new automobile technology may not be demanded since the level of the general

scientific technology for manufacturing automobiles may not be advanced enough to actu-

ally start manufacturing cars..This depends on the number of engineers and scientists and

research facilities related to automobile manufacturing.

   Secondly, consumers may be socially hesitant to use a new industrial product. In some

European countries washing machines are bought but are kept as a symbol of.・luxury and

wealth;and those households which can afford washing machines keep them simply as

decoration. Instead, they utilize the housekeepers’manual labor for washing clothes. Also

some housewives in these countries go to a nearby river to meet their neighbor to socialize

while doing the laundry.

   The third important aspect in regard to the demand side of innovative activities is

what is known as the social compatibility of new t6chnology. That is to say, the problem

is whether a new technology is accepted socially as well as politically or sometimes psycho-

logically. Here one can provide two actual examples.

   Japan’s Shinkansen(high speed bullet train)technology was available for export to

China a couple of decades ago. Japan tried to sell it to China, but failed to reach an agree-

ment. The main reason was that the Shinkansen technology was not socially compatible to

the Chinese lifestyle. In China at that time and also in post WWII Japan, the railroad tracks

were used as a pedestrian walkway;that is, the train came only three times a day and the

train tracks were the shortest and most efficient way to get somewhere compared to ill

conditioned roads which were unpaved and muddy. If the Shinkansen had been introduced

to such a society, people may have been killed. In order to prevent such social casualties

from occurring, the tracks must be elevated like in Japan or walls must be installed. Obvi-

ously, Shinkans6n technology was not socially compatible to China twenty years ago or

Japan immediately after WWII.

   Another aspect of social compatibility is that a new technology developed in one coun-

try may not necessarily be politically accepted by another country. A good example of this

ls agaln technology transfer of the Shinkansen to Korea. The Japanese technology was

available, but was not exported to Korea possibly because there were strong anti-Japanese

sentiments. They chose instead European high-speed technology perhaps at higher costs.

These are a few examples of the factors affecting actual use of innovations.

Conclusion

   In this paper we analyzed innovation and its relation to dissemination of knowledge.

We looked at the basic differences between innovation and invention. In economics there

is a clear distinction between innovation and invention;that is, invention is more a result

(73) Innovation:The Black Box Theory vs. Dissemination 73

of chance by genius inventors, while innovation is a result of carefully planned research

and investment by firms. We studied how oligopolies play an important role in innovation;

through careful planning, oligopolies evade cut throat price competition。 In oligopolistic

competition, firms strive for quality competition, not price competition.

   We looked into the alternatives to the black box theory of production since we cannot

ignore the competitive pressures to disseminate proprietary technology。 We found that

dissemination may be supported for reasons su6h as the following:

  1.Rent or licensing of technology

  2.Technology consortia or technology trading-in order for two firms to compete

    against a third party.

   In Shiozawa[2002],the firm holding the original technology should have anticipated

the betrayal of local employees;it should have sold the license of the technological know-

how at a considerable price;or it should have signed a legal agreement of some sort in order

to prevent the leakage of information for some pre-assigned years. The firm may not have

had to practice the drastic black box theory;however risk factors should have been taken

into consideratiorl before investing directly and before falling victim to reverse engineering

or industriai espionage by local employees.

   Up to this point we have dealt wi.th only the supply factors of dissemination or nonL

dissemination of technology. The argument often lacking in the literature is the demand

factors affecting the degree of dissemination. In the traditional literatures, dissemination

and transfer of technology is assumed to take place within the industry or within similar

countries. However, if asymmetry of social and technological structures between exporting

and importing countries actually exists, it makes no difference whether the creators of new

technologies follow the black box theory or full dissemination theory;the same logic holds

for asymmetry among different firms. To a certain degree, this problem is more serious

when dealing with small or medium-sized firms’capabilities of using the new type of inno-

vation. In other words, even though a large foreign company can freely supply a new

product or new procesS innovation, smaller companies cannot, and would not adopt it

simply because smaller companies usually lack financial and technological capabilities of

utilizing them.

   One last point we should not be neglecting is the fact that there is always a group of

consumers who will benefit from the use of new technology. Even in the examples cited

earlier regarding the Shinkansen technology export to China, eventually in the l6ng run,

Chinese people would benefit by new technology as her economy develops. In fact, China

in the 21st century is eager to import new high speed railway technology either from

Europe or Japan. This means that demand factors in the long run will change or develop

to accommodate new and士evolutionary methods for the benefit of the users of the final

product. Indeed the growth creating properties of innovation which lead to improved

standard of living and increased welfare for overall society are quite considerable.

74 「明大商学論叢』第86巻第1号 (74)

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