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Making Men Modern: On the Causes and Consequences of Individual Change in Six DevelopingCountriesAuthor(s): Alex InkelesSource: American Journal of Sociology, Vol. 75, No. 2 (Sep., 1969), pp. 208-225Published by: The University of Chicago PressStable URL: http://www.jstor.org/stable/2776103.
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8/10/2019 Inkeles - 1969 - Making Men Modern
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MakingMen
Modern:On the Causes and
Consequences f
ndividual
Change
in Six DevelopingCountries'
Alex Inkeles
Harvard University
The Project on
the Social and Cultural
Aspects
of
EconomicDevelop-
ment t
Harvard's Centerfor nternational ffairs
nterviewed ,000
men
from
ix developing ountries o
study
the
impact
on
the in-
dividualof
his
exposure
o and
participation
n
theprocess
fnational
and economic
modernization.
o a
striking egree, the same syn-
dromeofattitudes, alues, and waysofacting-such as openness o
new experience,ndependence rom
arental uthority,
nd taking an
active part
in
civic affairs-defines he
modern
man
in
each
of
the
six countries nd
in all
the occupational
groups
of
cultivator, rafts-
man, and
industrialworker. ducation is the most
powerful actor n
making menmodern,but occupational
experience
n
large-scale r-
ganizations, nd especially
n
factorywork,makes a significanton-
tribution n
schooling
men
in
modern attitudes and
in
teaching
themto act like
modernmen. Those
who
come from
erytraditional
backgrounds nd
receive ittleformal chooling an, under
the right
circumstances, till become modern
n
adult
life.
Modern men
in
developing ountriesnot onlyhave modern ttitudes,but theycan
be shown to
behave differently.espite popular impressions o the
contrary, xposure
o the influence
f
migration
nd
modern nstitu-
tions
does
not lead to
psychic
distress.
Since
1962
a
group
of
my colleagues
nd
I
at
Harvard
University
ave
been
working
o
understand
he
mpact
on
the ndividual
f
his
participation
n
the
process
of
modernization.
n the
pursuit
f
this
goal
we
devised com-
1
This paper was presented t
the Dallas
meeting
f the American
ssociation or he
Advancementf Science n thesection n Comparative ociology nd ContemporarySocial Issues, December 9, 1968. My chief ollaboratorsrom heearlydaysofthe
projectwere Howard Schuman
nd Edward Ryan, who served,
espectively,s field
directors orPakistan nd
Nigeria,
nd
David
H.
Smith,
who
was my assistant
n
Chile
and laterwas assistant
irector f the project
n
Cambridge. he fieldwork
nd
later
analysisweregreatly acilitated y the work f our ocal collaboratorsn all
six
of the
countries.We owe particular ebt to Juan
C&sar nd
CarlottaGarcia,
Perla Gibaja,
and AmarSinghwho were
field irectors orChile,Argentina,
nd
India, respectively,
and to OlatudeOlokowhowasassistant ield irector
n
Nigeria.
n
its
differentspects,
stages,
nd
settings, he research
as been
supported y the Rockefeller
oundation,
the Ford
Foundation, he National
ScienceFoundation,
nd the
National nstitute f
Mental Health. The Cultural
Affairs ivision of the Department f State provided
local currencieso support ur
fieldwork n India, srael, nd Pakistan,
nd the Office
ofScientific esearch f the U.S. AirForce supported echnical xplorationn prob-
lems of translationnd
computer nalysis ndertakenn Cambridge.All
these organ-
zationsgave their upport
hrough he Center
for
nternational
ffairs
f Harvard
University, hich
s
the sponsor
nd institutionalomeof ourproject
n
the ocialand
cultural spects f economic
evelopment.
208
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Making Men
Modern
plex and comprehensive uestionnaire ouching n a wide variety of life
situations nd intended o measure substantial egment f the range of
attitudes,values, and behaviors we conceive as particularly elevant tounderstanding he individual's participation n the roles typical for a
modern ndustrial ociety.2This questionnairewe then administered o
some 6,000youngmen
n
six developing ountries:Argentina, hile, ndia,
Israel, Nigeria,and East Pakistan. All threeof the continents ontaining
the overwhelmingmajority of developingnations are represented. he
sampled
countries over he
range
from he
newestnationswhichhave only
recentlywon their ndependence o thosewith a long history f self-gover-
nance; from hose only now emerging rom ribal ife o thosewithancient
high cultures, nd from hose furthest emovedfrom, o those most inti-
mately inked o, the European cultural nd industrial ocial order. he men
interviewed ere selectedto represent ointson a presumed ontinuum f
exposure o modernizingnfluences,he main groupsbeing he cultivator f
the
and
still
rooted
n
his traditional
ural
community; he migrant
rom
the countrysideust
arrived
n
the
city
but not
yet integrated
nto urban
industrial ife;the urban
but
nonindustrial orker
till
pursuing moreor
less
traditional
ccupation,
uch
as
barber
r
carpenter,
ut now
doing
o
in
the urban
environmentven
though
utside he context f
a modem arge-
scale
organization;
nd the
experienced
ndustrial
worker
ngaged
n
pro-
ductionusing
nanimate
ower
nd
machinery
ithin he
context
f
a
more
or
less
modern
productiveenterprise.
o these we
have added sets
of
secondary chooland universitytudentswhoenjoythepresumed enefits
ofadvanced education.
Within nd
acrossthese
amplegroupswe
exercised
numerous ontrols
n
the
selection
of
subjects and
in
the analysis of
our
data,
both to understand he influence nd
to
prevent
the uncontrolled
effects
f
sociocultural
nd
biosocial factors uch as
age, sex, education,
social
origins,
thnic
membership,ast
ife
xperience,
nd the ike.
Our
interview
ncluded
almost 300
entries.
ome 160
of
these elicited
attitudes, alues, opinions,
nd
reports
n
the behavior
of
others nd
one-
self, ouching
n
almost
everymajor aspect
of
daily
ife.The
questionnaire
included
various tests of verbal
ability, iteracy, olitical nformation,
n-
telligence,nd psychic djustment. n some cases it took fourhoursof n-
terviewingo complete-a demanding xperience orboth nterviewernd
interviewee.
We
completed
ur fieldworknear the end
of
1964,
and
since
that
time
have been engaged
n
processing nd then ater analyzingthe very sub-
stantial
body
of
data we
collected.
At this time our
analysis
s
sufficiently
far
advanced so
that we can
discern he
main
outlines
f
some of
the
con-
clusions
we
must
draw.
To
present
hese within he
rigorous
imits f the
time and
space currently
llotted
for
scholarly
ommunications
equires
2
Some sixty-eightfthe questions re isted,n abbreviatedorm,ntable1 of Smith
and Inkeles
1966.
A
complete opyofthe questionnaire ay be obtained
y ordering
Document
133from heChief, uxiliary
ublication roject, hotoduplicationervice,
Library fCongress,Washington, .C.
remitting13.50 formicrofilmr $117.50for
photocopies.
209
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American
Journal f
Sociology
imposinga
telegraphic tyle and
forgoing he presentation f detailed
evidence
to
supportmy arguments.
ach of
my
conclusionswill
address
itself o one of he
main ssues
o
which
ur
researchwas directed.
ach issue
is presentednthe form f a question owhich will assay an answer.The
fourmain issues
dealt with
here shouldnot
be understood s being
he only
ones
to
whichwe
addressed urselves;
neither
hould
t
be assumed
hat our
data provide nswers
nly
to these
questions.
1.
How
far
s
there
n
empirically
dentifiable
odernman, nd
what re his
outstandingharacteristics?-Many
ocial
scientists
have
a conceptionof
the
modern
man,
but
fewhave submitted
his
conception
o
an empirical
test
to ascertainwhether his
typereally
xists
n
nature nd
to
determine
howoftenhe
appears
on
the
scene.
mportant xceptionsmay be
found n
the work
fKahl
(1968),
Dawson
(1967),
and Doob
(1967). We too
have our
modelofthemodernman,a complex ne ncludinghree omponents hich
we
refer
o
as the
analytic,
he
topical,
and
the
behavioral
models, ll of
which,
we
assumed,might
well
tap
one
generalunderlying
ommon
imen-
sion
of ndividual
modernity.'
We believe
our
evidence
presented
n
some detail
n
Smith nd
Inkeles
1966)
shows
unmistakably
hat
there s
a
set
of
personal
qualities which
reliably ohere s
a
syndrome
nd
which
dentify type
of man
who may
validly
be
described
s
fitting
reasonable
theoretical
onception
f
the
modernman.
Central
o
this
yndrome
re:
(1) openness
o
new
experience,
both withpeople
and withnew
ways
of
doingthings
uch as
attempting o
controlbirths; 2) the assertionof increasing ndependence rom he au-
thority
f
traditional
igures
ike
parents
nd
priests
nd a shift
f
llegiance
to
leaders
of
government,ublicaffairs,
rade
unions, ooperatives,
nd the
like; (3) belief
n
the efficacy
f
science nd
medicine,
nd a
general ban-
donment
f
passivity
nd fatalism
n
the face of ife's
difficulties;
nd
(4)
ambition
for
oneself nd
one's
children o
achieve
high occupational
nd
educational
goals.
Men who manifest hese
characteristics
5)
like
people
to
be
on time nd show
an interest
n
carefully lanning
heir
ffairs
n
ad-
vance.
It
is also
part
of
this
syndrome
o
(6)
show
strong
nterest nd
take
an
active
part
n
civic and
community
ffairs
nd
local
politics;
nd
(7)
to
striveenergeticallyo keep up with the news,and withinthis effort o
prefer ews
of
national and international
mport ver items dealing with
sports,
eligion,
r
purely
ocal
affairs.
This
syndrome
f
modernity
oheres
mpirically
o
meet the
generally
accepted
standards
for
scale constructionwith
reliabilities
anging
from
.754 to .873
n
the six countries.4
ooking
t
the
range
of
temswhich
nters
into the
scale,
one
can see
that it
has a
compelling
ace
validity.
n
addi-
tion,
the
empirical
outcome accords well
with our
original
theoretical
model and, indeed,withthose
of
numerous
ther tudents
f
theproblem.
8
This modelhas been ketchedna preliminaryay n nkeles 966.A fuller ccounts
presented
n
Inkeles, orthcoming
n
Faunce and Garfinkel.
4
References to the
reliabilities
f
the ong
form
fthe scale
(OM-2) containing59
items.Reliabilities or
ome of the various hort orms ere
ometimesower utwere
generally
n
the same
range.
ee
Smith
nd
Inkeles1966,p. 367.
210
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8/10/2019 Inkeles - 1969 - Making Men Modern
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American ournal
f
Sociology
come
utwith ix
totally
ifferent
yndromes,
nefor ach
country,
o
one
overlapping
n
the
eastwith
ny
other. he actual utcome f he
nalysis
wastotally ifferent.he probabilityhat ven ne temwould ome ut n
the top fifty
n
all
six countriess
approximately
ive
n a
thousand.We
actually
ad ten
temswhich
were
n the
op fifty
n all
six
countries,ix-
teenmore
n
the opfifty
n
five ountries,
hirteen ore
which ere
n
this
set
n
four f
the ix
countries.
he
probability
hat he
ame
thirty-nine
itemswould y chance e
in
the opfifty
n four fthe ix countriess so
infinitesimals to
make urresults otable ndeed.
This
means hatwhatdefines an
s
modernn
one
countrylso defines
him s modern
n
another.t argues or
he
actualpsychic nity fman-
kind
n
a
structural
ense
nd
thepotential sychic nity
f
mankind
n
the
factual ense. n speaking f theunity fmankindn terms fpsychicstructure,mean hat henaturef hehuman
ersonality,
ts nnerrules
of
organization,
s
evidentlyasically
imilar
verywhere.
hat
s,
theas-
sociation
f
he
lements
r
components
f
personality
o
not-and I think
in
substantial
egree annot-vary andomly
r
even relatively reely.
There
s
evidently system
f
nner,
r what
might
e called
tructural,
constraints
n
the
rganization
f
hehuman
ersonality
hich
ncrease he
probability
hat
hose ndividuals-whatever
heir
ulture-who ave cer-
tain
personality
raitswill
lso
more
ikely
ave otherswhich
go
with
some
articular
asic
personalityystem.
o
far
s
thefutures
concerned,
moreover, believe
hat his
tructural
nity rovides
heessential
asis
forgreater actual sychic nity fmankind.ucha factual nity, ot
merely
f
tructure
utof
ontent,an
be
attainednsofar
s
the orces hich
tend
o
shape
men
n
syndromes
uch
s
that
defining
hemodernman
be-
come
more
widely
nd
uniformly
iffused
hroughout
heworld.
his
point
requireshatwe consider
he econd
ssue o
which
ur
researchddressed
itself.
2. What rethe
nfluences
hichmake
manmodern?
an any
ignificant
changes
e
brought
boutn men
who
re
lready ast
he
ormativearly ears
and
have
lready
eached
dulthood
s
relatively
raditional
en?-Education
has often
een
dentified
s perhaps
he
most
mportant
fthe
nfluences
movingmenawayfrom raditionalismowardmodernityn developing
countries.ur
vidence oes
not
hallenge
his
well-established
onclusion.
Both
n
zero-order
orrelations8nd
n
the
more
omplexmultivariate
e-
gressionnalysis,
he mount
f
formal
chooling
man
has
had emerges
as the
ingle
most
owerful
ariable
n
determining
is score
n
ourmea-
sures.
On
the
verage,
or
very
dditional
ear
man
pent
n
school e
gains
omewhere
etween wo
and three
dditional
oints
n
a
scale
of
modernity
cored rom ero
o
100.
Our
modernity
est
s
not
mainly
test
of
what s
usually
earned
n
school, uch s
geography
r
arithmetic,
ut
s
rather test
of
attitudes
8
The correlationPearsonian) etween ducation nd theoverallmeasure fmoderniza-
tion anges
rom .34 in
Pakistan
o
0.65
in India. The size of these
oefficients
s
sub-
stantially ffected y the educational spread
n
each
sample.
That
spread
s
largest
in ndia,with hecasesrather venly istributed
rom
ero
o thirteen ears
f
ducation.
212
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Making
Men Modern
and values touching
n
basic aspects
of a
man's orientation o nature,
o
time, o fate, o politics, o women,
nd to God.
If
attending
chool
brings
about such substantial hanges nthesefundamental ersonal rientations,
the
school must
be teaching
a
good
deal more
than is
apparent
in
its
syllabus on reading,writing, rithmetic, nd even geography. he school
is evidently lso an important raining roundfor nculcating
alues.
It
teaches ways of orienting neself oward others, nd of conducting ne-
self,which ould have important earing n the performancef one's adult
roles in the structure f modern society. These effects f the school, I
believe, reside not mainly
n
its formal, xplicit, elf-conscious edagogic
activity,but rather are inherent
n
the school as an organization. he
modernizing ffects ollownot from he school's curriculum, ut rather
from ts nformal,mplicit, nd often nconscious rogram ordealingwith
its youngcharges.9 he properties f the rationalorganization s a hidden
pursuader-or,as I prefer o put it, as a silentand unobserved eacher-
becomemost pparentwhenwe consider he roleofoccupational xperience
in
shaping he modernman.
We selected
work
n
factories
s the
special
focus of our attention
n
seeking
to
assess the effects
f
occupational experience
n
reshaping
n-
dividuals ccording o the model
of the modernman.
Just s
we
view
the
school as communicatingessons beyond reading
and
arithmetic,
o
we
thought f the factory s trainingmen
n
more
than the minimal
essons
of
technology nd the skillsnecessary
o
industrial roduction.We conceived
ofthe factory s an organization erving s a general chool n attitudes,
values, and ways
of
behavingwhich re
more
daptive
for
ife
n
a modern
society.We reasoned hat work
n
a
factoryhould ncrease man's sense
of
efficacy,make
him
less fearful
f
innovation, nd impress n
him
the
value
of
education
s
a
general ualification
or
ompetence
nd advance-
ment. Furthermore, e assumed that
in
subtle ways work
n
a factory
might ven deepen
a
man's mastery
f
arithmetic
nd
broaden his
knowl-
edge
of
geography
without
he benefit
f
the formal essons usually pre-
sented
n
the classroom. ndeed,
the
slogan forour project became, The
factory an be a school-a school
for
modernization.
Although ur mostsanguinehopesfor he educational ffectsfthe fac-
torywere
not
wholly ulfilled,
he nature
f
a
man's
occupational xperience
does
emerge
s
one
of
the
strongest
f
the
many types
of
variables
we
tested and is a quite respectable ompetitor
o
education
n
explaining
person's modernity.
he correlation
etween time
spent
n
factories
nd
individualmodernization cores s generally bout 0.20.10Withthe effects
9
In much f hecurrent iscussion f heeffectiveness
nd neffectivenessfour chools,
this spect
of
the chool's
mpact
has been
generally
eglected.
or
an
importantxcep-
tion ee Dreeben
1968.
10However, n India it was only0.08. We believe histo be not a condition eculiar
to India, but to our
ndustrialample here. verywherelse we sampled rom iftyo
morethan 100
factories,ncluding
ll
types nd sizes
of industry, ut in India our
sample
was
limited o eleven
factories, ostly arge,
nd two of
thesewerenot truly
industrial;hey
rocessedminerals.
213
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AmericanJournal
f
Sociology
of education controlled, he factoryworkersgenerally core eight to ten
pointshigher
n the
modernizationcale
than
do the cultivators.'1 here s
little reason to interpret his differences due to selectioneffects ince
separate controls how
that new
workers re not self-
r
preselected rom
thevillageon grounds f lreadybeing modern
n
personality r attitude.
Nevertheless,we can apply a really tringent
est
by making
ur
compari-
sons exclusivelywithin
the
industrial
abor
force,pittingmen with few
years,
of
industrial xperience gainstthose
with
many,forexample,five
or more. When
this is
done, factory xperience ontinues o show a sub-
stantial mpact
on
individual
modernization,
he
gain generally eing bout
one
point per year
on the
overall
measureof
modernization
OM).
It
is notable
that
even when we
restrict urselves to
tests
of
verbal
fluencynd to testsofgeographicalnd political nformation,hemore x-
perienced
workers
how
comparable dvantages
over the
less
experienced.
To choose
but
one of
many
available
examples,
n
Chile
among men
of
ruralorigin nd low education one
to
fiveyears)-and thereforeuffering
a double
disadvantage
n
background-the proportion
ho
could
correctly
locate Moscow
as
being
the
Soviet
Russian
capital
rose from
mere 8
percent mong
the
newly
recruitedndustrialworkers o 39
percent mong
those
with middle
experience
nd
to
52 percent mong
the
men who had
eightyears
or
more
n
the
factory.
ven
among
those
with
the double ad-
vantage
of
higher
ducation
(six
to
seven
years)
and urban
origins,
he
proportion orrectly dentifying
Moscow
decidedly
rose
along
with in-
creasingndustrial xperience,hepercentages eing 68, 81, and 92 for he
three evels
of ndustrial
xperience, espectively. ummary vidence
from
all
six
countries
s
presented
n
table
1.
It
should be
clear
from
hese data
that
the
factory
s
serving
s a
schooleven
n those
subjects
generally
on-
sidered
he exclusive
preserve
f
the
classroom.12
To cite thesemodernizing
ffects
f
the
factory
s not
to
minimize he
greater
bsolute
mpact
of
chooling.Using gross ccupational ategoriza-
tionwhich its
cultivators
gainst
ndustrial
workers,
e
find hat
the
class-
room
still
eads
the
workshop
s a
school
of
modernization
n
the ratio of
3:2. Using
the
stricter est whichutilizes
factory
workers
nly,
groupedby
lengthofindustrial xperience,t turnsout thateveryadditionalyear in
11
Keep in mind hatthetesthas
a
theoreticalange
rom
eroto
100,
nd an
observed
range
n
our samples
lmost
s
great.
With
amples
f
our
size,
differenceso
large re
significant
t wellabove the 01 level. This test of significancend
many
of theother
statistics
resented
n
this
report equire
hat one meet certain
onditions,
uch
as
randomampling,
hich ur data do not meet.
Nevertheless,
e
present
uch
tatistics
in order o provide
rough uide
or
standard
f
udgment,
n
the belief
hat o
do
so is
preferableo eaving
hereader
without
ny
criterion
y
which
o
evaluate
ne
figures
against
nother. he reader
mustbe
cautioned, owever,
ot
to
interpretny single
statistic
oo
iterally.
onclusionshouldbe drawnnotfrom
ingle
igures
ut from
he
whole rray
f
evidence
cross he six countries.
12
It willbe noted hat hepatternmanifestednthe other ive ountriessnot hownn
Israel.
There he newworkers
re as well nformeds the
experienced.
e
attribute
his
not so much o the qualities
f
sraeli
ndustry
s
to the nature
f
sraeli
society.
n
that small,mobile,
nd
urbanized
nvironment,
nformation
ends
to be
rapidly nd
more r ess evenly
iffusedhroughouthe nation nd to
all
classes.
214
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American
Journal f Sociology
school produces
three times as much
incrementn one's modernization
score s does
a year n the factory,hat s, the
ratio
goes
to 3: 1. The
school
seems learly o be themore fficientraining round or ndividualmodern-
ization.Nevertheless,
e shouldkeep
n mindthat theschoolhas
the pupil
fulltime, nd it produces
no incidental
y-products ther han its
pupils.
By contrast,
he
main
business of the
factory s to manufacture
oods,
and thechanges t brings
bout n men-not insubstantial,
s we have
seen-
are produced t virtually
ero marginal ost. These
personality hanges
n
men are therefore
kind of windfall
profit o a society undergoing
he
modernization
rocess. ndeed, on this
basis we
may quite legitimately
reverse he
thrust f the argument,
o longer sking
why the schooldoes
so
much
better han the
factory, ut ratherdemanding
o knowwhy the
school,with tsfulltime control ver the pupil's formalearning, oes not
perform
lot betterhan
t does
relative
o
the
factory.
TABLE
2
VARIANCE
IN
SCORES
OF INDIVIDUAL MODERNIZATION
(OM-3) ACCOUNTED
FOR
BY EARLY
AND
LATE
SOCIALIZATION
INFLUENCES
IN
Six
DEVELOPING COUNTRIES
(%)
Variable Argentina
Chile
India
Israel
Nigeria
Pakistan
Early
ocialization.... 28.8 26.0 52.4 22.1 23.0 22.2
Late Socialization.....
31.6 34.4 31.4
22.4 28.2
28.3
Our
experience
with he
factory
nables
us to answer he
secondary
ues-
tion
posed
for his ection.
ince
men
generally
nter
he
factory
s more
r
less
matured
dults,
the effects bserved
o follow
upon
work
n
it
clearly
are
late
socialization
ffects. ur results ndicate
that substantial
hanges
can
be
made
in
a
man's
personality
r
character,
t least in thesense of
at-
titudes,values,
and
basic
orientations,ong
after what are
usually
con-
sideredthe most important ormativeyears. The experienceof factory
work
s,
of
course,
not the
only
formwhich his ate socialization akes.
It
may
come
n
the form
f
travel
or
migration, y exposure
o
the media
of
mass
communication,
r
through
ater
ife
n
the
city
for
men who
grewup
in
the countryside. 3
e therefore ombined
our
explanatory
variables
into
two main
sets,
one representingarly ocialization
xperience-as
in
formal
chooling-and
the
other
eflecting
ate ocialization
xperiences-as
in
one's
adult
occupation.
We may observe from
able 2) that
the late
socialization xperiences
take
out a
very respectable
lace
for hemselves
in the competition o account forthe observedvariance in individual
13
The distinctive ffectivenessf each of these potentiallymodernizingxperiences,
and others, illbe assessed
n
thegeneral eport
f
ourproject
n
preparationnder he
authorshipfAlex nkeles nd David
H.
Smith, o be titledBecoming
odern.
216
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Making
Men Modern
modernization cores.'4
n
five
countries he set of late socializationvari-
ables explained s much or moreof the variance
n
modernization
cores
s
did the combined arly ocialization ariables, ach set explaining etween
one-fourthnd one-third f the
variance.
In
India the early ocialization
ariablesweredecidedlymorepowerful-
accounting or52 percent s against
31 percent f the variance
explained
by
the late socialization
variables.
But
in
absolute terms,
he late
experi-
ences
are still doing very well. 5
All in all, we take this
to
be
impressive
evidence for the possibility f
bringing bout substantial and
extensive
changes
n
the postadolescent
personality s a result of socialization
n
adult
roles.
3. Are therenybehavioralonsequencesrising rom he ttitudinal
odern-
izationof the ndividual?Do modernmen actdifferentlyrom he raditional
man?-Many people who hear of our research nto ndividualmoderniza-
tion
respondto it by acknowledging
hat we may have discovered
what
modernman says,but theyare
more nterested n knowingwhat
he does.
This view overlooks he factthat taking stand on a value question
s also
an
action, nd one
which
s often very ignificantne for he respondent.18
Our
critics' omment lso tends
mplicitly
o underestimatehe
mportance
of
a climate of expressed pinion
as an influence n the action ofothers.
And it probably ssumes oo arbitrarily
hat men use speechmainly o mis-
lead rather han to express heir
rue ntentions. evertheless, he
question
14
In thisregressionnalysiswe utilized s thedependent ariable longform fthe
modernitycaleOM-3,
not s describedn
Smith
nd nkeles 966.
Using even
rincipal
predictor
ariables elected n
theoreticalnd
empirical
rounds, e obtained
multiple
correlationoefficientsf
from bout
57 to .76
in
our six
countries.We
couldthus
c-
count
for
between 2.5
percent nd
59.0 percent f
variance
n
the
modernity
cale
scores.
We
then roupedhepredictor
ariables
n
two ets.The
set
of
arly
ocialization
variables ncluded
thnicity,
ather'sducation, nd
own
formal
ducation. ate social-
ization
ariablesncluded
ccupational
ype, onsumer
oodspossessed as a
measure f
standard
f
iving),
measure
f
mass
media
xposure,
nd
age.
Each
set
was
then
sed
aloneto
ascertain hatportion
fthe
variancet could
xplain, s
indicated
n
table
2.
A
discussion
ftherationale
or
electing hese
particularariables nd
grouping
hem
so,as
well s details f
he inear
multiple egression
nalysis, ill
be
presented
n
a
later
publicationy David H. Smith ndAlex nkeles.
15
An
alternativepproach o
estimatinghe
relative
ontributionf
the twosets of
variables
s to consider
hedecrement
n
the total
variance
xplainedwhen ither
et s
withdrawn
rom
hetotalpool of
predictors.
hen his
was done, he ate
socialization
variables
gain
emerged
s
more
owerful
verywhere
xcept
n
ndia.
The
following
et
of
figures
resents,irst, he
decrement
n
the
total
variance xplained
esulting
rom
withdrawalf he
arly ocialization
ariables,
ndsecond, he
decrement
esultingrom
withdrawalf
the ate
socializationariables
rom hetotal
predictor
ool: Argentina
.127/.155;Chile
100/.184;
ndia
.276/.066;
srael 101/.104;
Nigeria
068/.120; ast
Pakistan
070/.131. he fact
hat hese
ecrementsre so
much maller
han he
propor-
tion
of
variance
xplained
y
each
set alone
ndicates hat o
some xtenthe sets
over-
lap,
and when
ne set s
dropped heother
takesover
for t nexplaining
ome
partof
thevariance.
16
For
example,t is an
act of
ubstantial ivic
ourage
or youngman n
a traditional
village
o tellour
nterviewer
e wouldbe more
nclined
o followhe ocal
coop eader
than
the
village
lders,
r
that he
considers imself
more
Nigerian han an
Ife, or
whatever
s
the
ocal
tribal asis of
olidarity.
217
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American
Journal f Sociology
is a legitimate ne, and we
addressed ourselves o it in our
research.Al-
though his
part of
our
analysis s least advanced, we can
offerome tenta-
tive conclusions n the basis ofpreliminarynalysis.
We
have
the definite
mpression hatthe menwe delineate
s modern ot
only
talk
differently,hey act
differently.o explorethis
relationshipwe
constructed scale
of
modernization
ased exclusively n
attitudinal ues-
tions,rigorously xcluding hose
dealingwith action rather
han beliefor
feeling. 7his measureof attitudinal
modernity e then
related o the be-
havioralmeasures
n
our survey. n
all six countrieswe
found ction nti-
mately elated o attitude.At any
given ducational evel, heman whowas
rated as modern n the attitudinal
measurewas also more ikely o have
joined
voluntary rganizations,
o
receive
news
from
ewspapers veryday,
to have talked to orwritten o an official bout some public ssue, and to
have discussedpoliticswith his
wife. n many cases the
proportionwho
claimed
to
have taken
those
ctions
was twice
nd even
three
imes
greater
among
those
at
the
top
as
compared
with
thoseat
the
bottom
of the scale
of
ttitudinal
modernity.
able 3
presents
he
relevant
vidence.We
should
note,furthermore,hat the items
ncluded
n
table 3 are illustrative f a
larger roup
f bout
thirtyndividual
uestions nd a dozen
scales selected
on
theoretical
rounds
s
appropriate
ests
f
herelation etween
xpressed
attitudes
nd
reported ehavior.
The
items used for
llustration
were not
arbitrarily
elected
s
the
only
ones
supporting
ur
assumptions. 8
The
particular
behaviors we cited
above
are all
self-reported.
he
question nevitablyrises s towhether henwe are notmerely esting tti-
tudinal
consistency-or merely
onsistency
n
response-rather
than
any
17
n
the
project dentificationystem
his
scale
is
designated
M-1.
It includes nly
seventy-nine
tems
elected
rom
he
larger ool by
a
panel
of
expertudges
on
the
grounds
hat
a) they
dealt
only
with
ttitudes,
ot
nformation,olitical
rientation,
or
action,
nd
(b) they learly ere ppropriateo
test
heoriginalheoretical
onception
of
modernity
s
more
r ess
officially efined
y
the
project
taff.
18
This
assertions supported y
consideration
f
the relevant amma tatistics n the
relationship
f
attitudinalmodernityOM scores)
nd information
ests.
For
this
pur-
pose low-
and
high-educationroupswere tested
separately except
n
Pakistan),
hencethenumber fgamma statistics btained s twicethe number f itemsused.
The average
gamma tatistics hown
below
are
based on
three-partables
which
n-
cluded
middle s
well
s low
and
high
OM.
Separate
esults re
given
or
tems
nd
for
scales,
ince
he
scales
show
he
combined
ffects
f
groups
f tems nd
hence re
not
truly
independent
dditional
ests
f
the
hypothesis
nder
crutiny.
COUNTRY
TESTS
Argentina Chile India Israel
Nigeria
Pakistan
Based
on items:
Average gamma
. 201 232 342 244
205 303
Number oftests. 60 62 58 52 46 29
Based on scales:
Average gamma
.
.
305 296 449 313
276
339
Number
of
tests
......
24 24 24
28
24
10
218
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American
ournalfSociology
strict
orrespondenceetweenmodernityf attitudend
modernityf be-
havior.
he
answer
s partly iven y consideringherelation f
ttitudinal
modernityo our everal ests f nformation.hesequestions idnotdeal
with mere ttitudes, ut
obliged he respondento proveobjectively
whether e
really
new
omething.uiteconsistentlyhe men
whowere
moremodern
nthe
ttitudemeasuresalidated heir
tatus s
modern en
by more ften orrectlydentifying
movie amera, aming
heofficeeld
by
Nehru, nd ocating
he
ity
f
Moscow.
Men
with he
ame ducation
but with
unequalmodernitycores
erformederydifferentlyn these
tests,
with hosemore
modern
n
attitude coring igh
n
thetests f n-
formation
wo
or
more imes s
often
s those
lassified
s
traditionaln
attitude.
he
details
re summarized
n
the
ower
art
of
table
3, which
presentsummarycaleresults.
We
conducted furthernd
more
xactcheck
n
the
extent o
which
self-reportedehaviors fact ather
han
antasy y comparing hatmen
claimed o do with
bjective
ests f heir ctual
performance.
or
example,
we
asked
everyone hether
r not
he could read.
ndividuals
ertainly
might avebeen emptedo
exaggerateheir ualifications.ut ater
n
the
interview
e administeredsimple
iteracyest, sking urrespondentso
read few ines
rom
ocal newspaper
tories e had
graded
or
ifficulty.
In most
ettings
ess han
percent
f hemen
who
had
claimed
hey
ould
read ailed he iteracyest.They
roved bjectivelyo havebeen ccurate-
ly
and
honestlyeporting
heir
eadingbility. imilarly,
enwho
laimed
touse themassmediaregularlyere-as they houldhavebeen-better
able to
correctlydentify
ndividualsnd
places figuring
rominently
n
world
ews.
n
Nigeria,
or
xample,mong xperienced
orkersf ow
du-
cation, he
proportion
ho
ould
orrectlydentify
e
Gaulle
s
the
presi-
dent
f
theFrench
epublic
was 57
percent mong
hose
who
claimed o
pay only
modest
ttention
o the
mass
media,
3
percent
mong
hose
who
asserted
hey istened
rread
more
ften,
nd 93
percent
mong
hose
who
claimed
o read
newspaper
r isten o theradio lmost
very ay.Many
additional
xamples hich
est he
nternal
onsistency
f
ttitude nd
be-
havior
re
summarized
n
table
.19
Clearly,
he
men
who laim o havethe
attributesescore s modernive better ccount f hemselvesnobjec-
19
For lack
of space, table 4 shows he percentage
hosebehavior
alidated heir ral
claim only
n
the
case of
those falling
t the extremes
f the continuum n
each
claim, nd the t-tests re
based
on
these
ame extremes.o leave
no
doubt hatthis
outcome as not fortuitous
esult
f
consideringnly heextremes,
e note
hegamma
statistics
or he full ross-tabulationsncluding
ll steps
nboth heoralclaim nd the
behavioral est.
The five estsofthe relation etween
laim and behavior
pplied
n
six
countries
ield potentialhirtyests, ut
omewere napplicable
n
certainnstances.
The procedure as repeated
eparately or he low and
high educated,
ivided t
themedian
n each
country.
or
the
ow
educated,
where wenty-sevenfthe
testswere
applicable,
he association f claim
and
behavior
was in the
expected irection
n
all
cases, ndthe gammas anged orm .011to 0.877,with meanof 0.351 and a median
of 0.334.For the high educated,
he hypothesis
ould be tested
n
twenty-three
ull
cross-tabulations.
ll
but two
of the associationswere
n
the expected
irection,
he
gammas anging rom 0.123
to
0.690,
nd
over hisrange he meangamma
was 0.309
and the median
.276.
220
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8/10/2019 Inkeles - 1969 - Making Men Modern
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-
8/10/2019 Inkeles - 1969 - Making Men Modern
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Making Men Modern
tivetests
f
performance.
e
may
conclude
not
only
that
modern s
as
mod-
ern
does,
butalso that moderndoes as modern
peaks.
4. Is the onsequencefthendividualmodernizationnevitablyersonal is-
organization
nd psychic train;
or
can mengo throughhis
process f rapid
sociocultural
hange
without eleteriousonsequences?-Few
deas have been
morepopular
mong he social philosophers fthe nineteenthnd twentieth
centuries han the belief hat ndustrialization
s a kind of
plague
which
dis-
rupts social
organization, estroys ultural cohesion, nd uniformly ro-
duces personal
demoralizationnd
even disintegration.
uch
the
same dea
has been expressed
by many anthropologists ho
fear-and oftenhave
witnessed-the destruction
f
indigenous ultures
under the massive
im-
pact
of their
ontact
withthe
colossus
represented y
the
European-based
colonial
mpires.
ut
neither he establishment
f
European ndustry
n
the
nineteenth entury, or the culture risis f smallpreliterate eoples over-
whelmed y the tidal wave of colonial expansionmay be
adequate
models
for
understandinghe
personal
ffects
f
ndustrializationnd urbanization
in
developing
ations.
To
test the impact
on
personal djustment
esulting
rom
ontact
with
modernizing
nfluences
n
our
six
developing ountries, e administered he
Psychosomatic
ymptoms
Test
as
part
of
our
regular
uestionnaire.
his
test s widely cknowledged
o
be thebest available
instrument orcross-
cultural ssessment
f
psychic
tress.20
sing groupscarefullymatched
on
all other
variables,
we successively
ested he
effect
f
education,migration
fromhecountrysideo the city, actory mployment,rbanresidence, nd
contact
with
he mass media as
thesemodernizingxperiences
might
ffect
scores
on
the
Psychosomatic ymptoms
est.
No
one of
these presumably
deleterious nfluences
onsistently roduced
statistically ignificant vi-
dence
of
psychic tress s
judged by the
test.
Those
who
moved to the
city
as
against
those who
continued
n
the
village,
those with
many years
as
compared
o
those
with
few
years
of
experience
n
the
factory,
hose with
much
contactwiththe mass
media
as
against those with ittle
xposure
o
radio, newspaper, nd movies, how about the same
number f psychoso-
matic symptoms.
In each of six countries,we tested fourteen ifferent atched groups,
comparing
hose who
migrated
with those who
did
not;
men with
more
years
in
the
factory
with
those with
fewer, tc.
Because
some of
these
matchesdid not
apply
in
certain ountries,we were eftwith eventy-four
more r ess
ndependent ests
of
theproposition hatbeingmore xposed o
the
experiencesdentified ith he
process
of
modernization roducesmore
psychosomatic
ymptoms. isregarding
he size
of
thedifferencend con-
sidering nly
the
sign
of
thecorrelation etween
xposure o modernization
20
Variants f
the test
wereused with he
Yoruba as reported y
Leighton t al.
1963,
and the Zulu
as reportedy Scotch
nd Geiger
963-64.Details on the form
f hetest
as we used t and theresults four nvestigationerepresented yAlex nkeles nd
David Smith
o the
EighthCongress f the
nternational
nthropological
ssociation
at
Tokyo-Kyoto
n
September 968under he
itle TheFate ofPersonal
Adjustment
n
the Process
f
Modernization, nd will
appear
n
the
Internationalournal f
Com-
parative
ociology,970.
223
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AmericanJournal f Sociology
and psychosomatic ymptoms s
(+) or (-), it turnsout that in thirty-
four nstances he results re in accord
with he theory hat modernization
is psychologically psetting, ut in forty thermatches he results re op-
posed to the theory.Veryfewof the differencesn either irection, urther-
more,were tatisticallyignificant.
ndeed,thefrequency f uch tatistical-
ly significantorrelations as about
what you would expectby chance.
Of
these significantifferences,urthermore,
nlytwo supported he hypothe-
sis while wocontradictedt. This
again suggests hat only hance s at work
here.We mustconclude, herefore,
hat the theorywhich dentifiesontact
withmodernizingnstitutionsnd geographical nd social mobility s cer-
tainlydeleterious o psychic djustment s not supported y the evidence.
Indeed,
t is
cast
in
seriousdoubt.
Whatever
s
producing he symptoms-
and the test does everywhere ielda wide rangeof scores-it is something
other han
differentialontact
with the sourcesof modernization hich s
responsible.
Lifedoes exact
ts
toll. Those
who
have been ong
n
the city nd
in
ndus-
try
but
who
have failed
o rise
n
skill nd
earnings
re
somewhat
moredis-
tressed.But
thisoutcome an hardly
e
charged
o the
deleterious ffects
f
contactwith he
modern
world.
Perhaps
f
we
had
studied
he
unemployed
who
came
to
the city
with
highhopes
but
failed
o find
work,we might ave
found
hem
o
have morepsychosomatic
ymptoms.f we werefaced with
this
finding, owever,
t would
still
be
questionable
whether he observed
condition hould
be
attributed
o the
effects
f modernization. he
fault
would seemto lie equallyin theinability f traditional gricultureo pro-
vide men
with
conomic
ustenance ufficient
o
hold
them
n
the and.
We
conclude, hen,
hat
modernizingnstitutions, er se,
do not
ead
to
greater sychic tress.We leave
openthe question
whether
heprocessof
societal
modernization
n
general
ncreases ocial
disorganization
nd then
increasespsychic ensionforthose
experiencinguch disorganization. ut
we
are
quite ready
to
affirmhat
extensive
ontact
with he
nstitutions
n-
troduced
by
modernization-such
s the
school,
he
city,
he
factory,
nd
the mass media-is
not
in
itself onducive
o
greater sychic
tress.
Men
change
their ocieties.
But the
new
social
structures
hey
have
de-
visedmay nturn hapethemen who ivewithin he new social order.The
idea that social structuresnfluence
hepersonalqualities
of
those
who
par-
ticipate
n
them s,
of
course, s old
as
social
science
nd
may
be
found
n
the
writings
fthe
earliest
ocial
philosophers.
ts
most
dramatic
xpression,
relevant ous, was
in
thework
of
Marx,
who
enunciated
he
principle
hat
men'sconsciousnesssmerely reflection
f their elation
o the
system
f
ownership
f
the
means
of
production.
he
rigidity
f
Marx's
determinism,
and
the
counterdetermination
f
manypeople
to
preserve
n
image
of
man's
spiritual ndependence
nd
of
the
personal utonomy
nd
integrity
f
the
individual,generatedprofound esistance
o these ideas.
The
idea
that
ownership r nonownershipf the means of productiondetermines on-
sciousness
s
today
not
verycompelling.
o focus
n
ownership, owever,
s
to
concentrate
n
the
mpact
of
macrostructural
orces
n
shaping
men'sat-
titudes nd values at the
expense
f
tudying
he
significance
f
microstruc-
224
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Making Men Modern
tural
factors.
et
it
may
be that thesemicrostructural
eatures,
uch as
are
embedded
n
the locale and
the nature of
work,
re
prime
sources
of
in-
fluences nmen's attitudes nd behavior.
In
reviewing
he results f our research n
modernization,
ne must be
struckby the
exceptional tability
with
which
variables
such as educa-
tion,factory
xperience,
nd urbanismmaintain he absolute
and relative
strength
f
their
mpact
on individualmodernization
espite
he
greatvari-
ation
n
theculture f
hemenundergoing
he
experience
nd
in
the
evelsof
development
haracterizing
he countries
n
which
hey
ive.2 his
is notto
deny
he
ability
f the
macrostructural
lements f the social
order o exert
a
determiningnfluence n
men's ife ondition nd their
esponse
o
it.
But
such macrostructuralorces
an accountfor
nly
one
part
ofthe
variance
n
individual ocial
behavior, part whose relativeweightwe have not yet
measuredwiththe requiredprecision.When we attain that precisionwe
may find ome confirmationf popular theories,
ut we are also certain o
discover ome of
themto be
contradicted
y
the
data-just
as
we
have
in
our
study
of microstructural
actors.
he
resolution f the
competition
e-
tween hesetwo
theoretical
erspectives
annot
be
attained
by rhetoric.
t
requires ystematicmeasurement nd the confrontationf facts
however
far
they
re marshalled
n
the
service
of deas.
The
facts
we
have
gathered
leave us
in
no doubt
that microstructuralorces
ave greatpower o shape
attitudes,values, and behavior
n
regularways
at
standard or constant
rates within wide
varietyof macrostructuralettings.
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L. M.
1967. Traditional
ersusWesternAttitudes
n
Africa:The Con-
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f a
Measuring
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Journal
f
Social and
Clinical
sychology(2):81-96.
Doob,
L. W.
1967.
Scales for
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n
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Public
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R.
1968. On What s Learned
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Addison-Wesley.
Inkeles,
A.
1960.
Industrial
Man:
The
Relation
of
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American
ournal fSociology
6:1-31.
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1966. The
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In
Modernization,dited by
M.
Weiner.
NewYork:Basic Books.
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esearchn
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Faunce andHerbert
arfinkel.
ast Lansing,
Mich.: Social
Science
Research ureauand
New York:Free
Press.
Inkeles,A.,
and David
H.
Smith.
orthcoming.The Fate of
Personal
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n
the Process
f
Modernization. nternational
ournal
fComparative
ociology.
Kahl, J.
A.
1968.TheMeasurement
f
Modernism,Study fValues
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Austin
nd London:University
f Texas
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Leighton, lexander .,
T. A.
Lambo, C. G.
Hughes,
D.
C.
Leighton,
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Murphy,
and
D. B.
Macklon.
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isorder
mong
he
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thaca, N.Y.:
CornellUniversity
ress.
Scotch,
Norman
A.,
and H.
J.
Geiger.
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Smith,
David
H.,
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Inkeles.
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OM
Scale:
A
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ociometry
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21
This dea is
more ully
laborated
n
Inkeles
1960.
225