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Socialization for Conformity in a Pentecostal Boarding School

by

Barkley J. Engel

A Thesis Submitted to the Faculty of Graduate Studies

in Partial Fulflllment of the Requirements for the Degree of

Master of Arts

Department of Sociology University of Manitoba

Winnipeg, Manitoba 01999

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COPYRIGHT PERMISSION PAGE

Socidkation for Conformity in a Peatccortrl Boudiog Scbool

BY

BARKLEY J. ENGEL

A Thesis/Pncticum submittcd to the Frcrilty of Graduate Stuàies of The University

of Manitoba in partial frilffllment of the reqairementr of the degree

of

MASTER OF ARTS

BARKLEY J. ENGEL 01999

Permission brs b n grrinted to the Libruy of The University of Manitoba to lend or seU copies of this thesidpncticum, to the National Libnry of Cana& to d c m f i h tbis thesir rad to lend or seU copies of the film, and to Dissertrtiom Abstrirb Internationil to publish an rbstrrct of this thcrir/pncticum.

The author reserves other pablicstion rights, and neither this thesidpncticum nor extensive extracts fkom it mriy be printd or otherwise reproduced without the rothor's written permission.

Many signifiairit people bave positiveiy iduenced this Masters thesis. Throughout this proass, my Me Julie has been patieat and ullc0nditionaUy

supportive. As 1 have explored Pentecostalism h m within and outside it's borders, she has rernained a believer in me. Her unrelenthg fodtude and empathy have been my motivation and d e l . For being these things, 1 am g r a t a .

1 am indebted to Professor Julia Kwong, my thes'i director, and the thesis cornmittee, Professors Dan Albas, Douglas Rennie and Zaaa Lutiiyya, for thek tireles efforts, valued perspectives and guidance throughout this proces.

1 wodd especiaily like to thank Professor Dougias Remiie for bis sllicere and thorough efforts throughout the writing of tiUs thesis.

1 would like to express my gratitude to the &and -dents of the International Bible CoUege, Moose Jaw, Saskatchewan. This thesis would rot have corne to be without their ovetwheiming cooperattion.

. . Stattmtat o f objectrvt ............................................................................. P- 6 Thewctid framework Socirlizrîion for conformity ............................. P- 6 In ttnsive m c ~ t i o n ............................................................................. P- 6 The Total Institution as sddizing agent ............................................... P- 8 The Ptntaostai h r d i a g schd as a Tom Institution ......................... P- 8

Isolation ......................................................................................... . . P- 8 Geographic isolation ............................................................ . *

P- 8 Social isolation .................................................................... P- 8 I n f o d o n a l isolaaon, ........................................................ P- 8

IndOcfrination by use of ntual ......................................................... P- 9 .................................................... Dehitition of rituals .......p. 1 0

................................................ . Characteristics of rituals p 10 .......................................................... Modes of indoctrination p . 12

.......................................................... Intensification ritual p 12 ........................................................... . instructional rituai p 12 .......................................................... . Reintegretion ritual p 12

........................................................................................... Methodology p . 13 Desijp of study ............................................................................... p . 14

....................................................... Ethics ..p. 15 ..................................... . ............... .... Data collectio~~ ..... .... p 15

......................*.............................................. . Gaining amy p 15 ....................................................... . Participant observation p 16

.......................... ......................... Interviews .... ..................p. 16 ...*............................................................ . Student j o d s p 17

............................................ Institutional documents ........p. 17 ...................*........................................................... . Data analysis p 18

...................... - K Pentecoatrl ethm and Studeots9 backgio~ids p. 20 Pentecostal Etbos .................................................................................... p . 20

.............................................................................. . Mortification p 22 ......................................................................................... . Sacrifice p 24

................................................................................... . Communion - p 24 .......................................................... Students' backgrounds .................p. 25

................. Age, transition fkom M y , and contuniity with the past ...p. 25 .................................................................. Recniitment of students p 28

. , , . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .~.- . . . . . . .*.*-~. . .~.- . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .p. 95 . . Total conformity revmted .... ... .. .-. . . . .-.-. . .. . . . ... .. . . . . . - . . . . . . . . . . . . . . p . 95 Theoretical explanations.. .. . . . . . .-. - lanati lanati .. -. -. -. .. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . - . . . . . - - . . . . . . . . . . . . p . 98

Appendix A.. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .. . . . . . . . . . . . . .- - - -. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . - . . . . . . . -- . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . p . 101 Subject Lists Theology Theologicaîly Informeci Subjects Subjects on Application of Religious Tmths Applications of Reügious Truths (Misshl Work)

Appendis B .......................... .... ................................................. p. 102 A) Class Schedule for T m One (FaIl, 19%) B) Class Schedule for Term Tbree (Spring, 1997)

Appendix C. .. . .... ... . ....... . . . ...-.. .. ...... . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . .. . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . . p . 103 Example Demerit Slip

This thesis explores the design and mecbanisms utilized in Pentecod

socialization as mediateci by a Pentecostal boarding school, seen specifically as a "total

institution" and moulder of conformity. The following pages offer hypotheses as to how

confomity is produced by the institution studied.

c-

f i e socid orda of a group requires a degree of coaformity on the part of

individual members in order for it to exist (Westby-Gibson 1965; Johnson 1970:210).

Social order c m be viewed as a resuit of that conformity. When the individual's interests

and goals do not codom with those of the group, the individual must subordinate his/her

interests to those of the group. Hewitt suggests that individuals are prone ta

self-interested behaviour which o h wnflicts with the goals or interests of the group;

consequently the Wvidual must leam to mnform and so avoid committing breaches of

the established social order (1997:217). It is the objective of socialrzati . . .

on to produce

individuals who have intenialized the interests and goals of the group (Hewitt 1997: 167).

. - e-

Socialization can been divided into two relatively distinct proasses: primary and

seçondary (Berger and Luc- 1966: 129). Primary sociaiization is the process

whereby the individuai develops a social self in primary groups such as the M y .

Secondacy s o c i ~ o n is the process whaeby the individual i n t a spccirilind . . knowledge necessary for quiring an occupation Secondary socialuation tends to build

upon the attitudes and values intenialized during priniary soc ia l i ion but may involve the

maintenance of and, in some groups, the destruction of the indiV;dual's seIf. Secondary

socialization occurs in relation to sociai groups, serving to integrate or reintegrate the

individual into a group by maintaining or altering hifier attitudes and values.

Generaiiy, SOCi81iZ8tion processes ocau throughout the individual's Me, involving

many different locales, people and types of information. Individuais may also be socialized

in specific settings designed for the purpose of achieving confonnity with regard to

specific attitudes and behaviour. The private Pentecostal boarding schwl is one of these . . specific settîngs designed to provide effective and intensive socialization regarding the

Pentecostai ethic.

Intensive sociaiization is the deliberate and concentrated process through which an

individud is taught and cornes to internaiize the social standards, attitudes and practices of

a particuiar culture or subiAilture. The objective of the Pentecostal boardiug school is the

intensive socialization of the individual to the Pentecostal ethos which embodies the

characteristic concepts that form the social standards attitudes and practices of the

Pentecostal denominlition (Moore and Meyerhoff 1977:22; Mclaren 1993 : 125, 139, 300;

Geertz l957:42 1). This system of ideas dominates every aspect of the student's iife at the

Pentecostal boarding school.

Intensive Pentecostai sociaiiation is designed to produce total conformity to the

Pentecostal ethos. Total confonnity is dcfined as having ban achieved when conformjty

in public behaviour is accompanied by private acwptance of that behaMour by tbe

codorming individual. Such ptivaîe acceptance of public cornpliance &as been refèrred to

as "attitudinal dormity" and the mechanisms of intensive Pentecostal socralizatr . . 'on

faund in the Pentecostal boarcüng school are designed to produce such attinidinal

conformity and it is achieved when the individual's public behaviout conforms to the

Pentecostai ethos and is acçompanied by private acceptance of that behaviour (Festinger

1953:232).

The structure of the Pentecostal boarding school is that of a "total institution"

(Go- 1961; Peshkin 1986:90). Go&mn describes a total institution as including

those settings "designed as retreats fCom the world wen while often sening also as

training stations for the religious7' (1%1:5). For our purpose, the total institution is

defined as a setting t h t isolates and subjects the individual to all-encompassing

incioctrination. These two institutional feahlles - isolation of iîs members and

all-encompsing indocirïrscrtron - are crucial for the reahation of intensive socialkation

as they contribute to totai conformity to the Pentecod ethos.

The P p a T- m

1. Isolation

The Pentecostal boarding school, in acting as a total institution, isolates the

students by creating and maintahhg a "barrier to sociai intercourse with the outside"

(&£Enan 1961 :4; Peshkin 198699). Isolation fiom the "out~ide'~ ocairs in tbree ways:

geographically, sociaiiy, and through the wntrol of information. These forms of isolation

work to ensure that the efforts to develop and mold the -dents are pure and protected

fiom potentiaiiy wnflicting iduences that might wmpete with the intensive s o c i ~ t i o n

process. More spedically, isolation requires students to fom a life within the school

where they are virtually isolateci fiom the 'ternptations of the d a r worid' (Peshkk

1986:9, Gofhan 1%1:4).

The students of the Pentecostal boardhg school are isdaed geogrcqDhiaI&.

Geographic isolation is the product of cunsciws efforts by the Pentecostal boarding

schwl staE to restrict the influence of the outside world by physically 1-g the school

apart f?om the larger urban popuiation in a communal setting ôeyond city limits.

The students of the Pentecostd boardhg schd rlso are isolated suciaIfy. Social

isolation is the product of conscious efEoris ôy the Pentecostai boardhg schwl staff to

separate and insulate students fiom worldly influences. Evcn when students are off s c b l

grounds, the schoo1 encourages them to 'be in the worlâ, but w t of it.' (Peshkin l986:g).

Social isolation occurs in three ways: mwtriji~4non, cmnmunim, andsac~lpce.

Students undergo rnortrijïcufz-on whai they shed those pasonel characteristics

(physical belongings and attitudes that act as expressions of the "self") wbich conflict with

the Pentecostal scbool ethos, and adopt characteristics that are supportive of the

Pentecostal school &os. Communion is the resuft of stafFs coiiective efforts to

strengthen the bonds between the boardmg scbool and students. Surifice embodies the

systematic constraints placed on students which discourage and limit unauthorized

association with "outside" sociaî contacts (e-g., abstaining nom smoking and CUrfew).

Fùiaily, the students of the Pentecostal boarding school are isohted through the

connolof infnnation- Informational isolation is the product of conscious &rts by the

staff to control the type and amount of information the students enCounter while on

campus (Pesbkin 1986:262; Hassan 1990:65-67). For exampie, books and other resowces

in the library that wnflict with the Pentecostal ethos are prohiiited.

2. Indoctrinrtion

The school encompasses students by pavading every aspect of their Life with the

Pentecostal ethos (Laake 1993:20). The Pentezostal ethos - i.e., the set of unique ideas

that S o m the social standarâs, attituds, 4 pmctices of Pentecostalism - is designed to . .

be present in the public and private dimensions of students' lives. Indoamaaon are

efforts to instnict a doctrine or ideology. It is trammhed h tûree rituai modes:

intensification, instruction, and reintegraion. By puticipating in these rituals, students

embrace and intemalize Pentecostalism. More discussing the modes of ritual rdeMnt

here, a definition of ritual and its general characteristics wiii follow:

Definition of ritu@

Rituals are rites and ceremonies which celebrate certain values and help to instilî

these values in the mind of the participants. R U S are practices which embody the

ethos of a particular culture and, when performed, the d o s is adopted by the partcipants.

(Mclaren 1993:47). The indomhaîhg rituals of the Pentecostal boarding school include

rituals that Link the students to the Pentecostal &os; consequently the students' beliefs are

intensified and they are reintegrated with the school (Mclaren 1993: XE).

Characteristics of ritual

Perf nnmce

h u a 1 action is perfomed by participants of a distinct group. Mernbers of the

group adopt roles an4 with them, enpcctations for specific ritual actions. The

performance of those actions are conscious, deiiberate, syrnboiicaliy rne8nU1gfb.I and are

performed with a specinc intent.

Spciaiization

Rituds are not part of mundane existence. They are designed to occur at specific

times nithin speci6ic spaces. Preparations are d e to ensure that the space and time of

the ritual is priontized and distinct. hiring the ritual, s p e d attention is paid by

participants to t h e and space, creatiag a context separate fiom mundane existence, and

making it sacreci and memorable.

Reptition

Rituals bave a repetitive quality as they are a reguiariy recurring part of group He.

They occur in relation to speafic events (e-g.. during a scheduled ritual time More ladlor

after other group activitis or-circw&mces which require a ritual to be @ormeci).

Repetition is also apparent within the diffaeut segments of the rituai as certain words,

sounds and acts are repeated. Repetition is a crucial element in the structure of ntud as it

works to ensure prioritidon and indoctrination of group values and expectations (Slough

1996: 1 75).

Institutionai~zution

The structure of a rituai is consensual by dl participants in that they expect a

pattern of words and actions to occur during the ritual. Participants are socialized to

expect, understand, and participate in the ritual. in this sense, the ntual is informed by the

group's tradition and endorses the order of the group (e.g., the distribution of authority).

The distribution of authonty (the order of the group) is endorsed and perpetuated by the

method-and content of the ntual.

Vahe

Rituals are highly valued withiii the group. They are a tecognized f e r e of the

group's identity. Therefore, during the rihiai's performance, participants expience deep

feelings of commmity and belonghgg Participants ôecume aîtached to the group and the

group's vaiues when participaihg in riaials. The group d u e s are identifieci, vaiidated, and

represented as unquestionable for group rnembership.

En1 ightenment

In addition to becoming connectecl with the group and group values, the

participant eXpenences a transformation. This transformation is mt ody through the time

and space of the ritual but also into an awafeness of somethhg beyond h i d .

Participants are able to expand their sense of self and increase their awareness that the s u m

is greater than its parts. Participation in the ritwl connects the participant with something

beyond him/herseif(Grimes 199û: 18; Slwgh 1996:203).

Each rituai performance invohm the specïalized organiuition of tirne, space,

action, objects and language. Each ritual is ~iesigaed in such a way as to emphas'ie

confonnity to a specific aspect of the Pentecostal ethos.

Riîud modes of indoctrinrtion

Through the rituais of intensification, instruction, and reintegration, the stafiF

communicate to the students the expectations for attitudes and behaviour. They expect

students to mode1 the Pentecostal ethos in attitude and behaviour: mortification ( r e b i ) ,

sacrifice (seltlessness), and communion (coIIlIIUlILity).

Rihrors of intelt~~itwtion include private morning devotions, chape4 intermittentiy

scheduled throughout the day, and both collective and private prayer in the evenings. The

intensification ritual is designed to inculcate the idea of sacriricc by emphasiig

detachment fkom the outside world.

Rituas of illstrtlction constitute deîiberate and systematic attempts to instiil ideas

into students by pefvading the content and method of instruction with the Pentecostal

ethos. The instructional rituai is designecl to produce codormity to communion by

systernatically emphasizing aîtachment to the group.

Rifu~rls of reintegrdon are a series of institutionai procedures that are designeû to

manage and control the students' attitudes and behaviour. These rinials strengthen the

studea in the "student" role by eacouraging hi* unquestioned adhererice to the

PentecostaI ethos. They routinely recomect the student to the Pentecostal ethos by

remuiding himher of whet his/her role sbwld be, how hdshe s h d d act, and why hdshe

should act in that particuiar way. Reintegration rituals are designcd to produce conformity

to mortification by ernpbasizing a transformation of detachment fiom the "outside world"

and re-attachment to the institution.

- The design of this study - methods of daîa coiledon, analysis, and presentation -

was greatly influenced by thre fadors: the complexity of the research question, the

inherent dficulties associateci with researchixig the production of conforrnity, and the

priority placed on listening and bekg sensitive to the students' voices during the research

process.

The design of this study and its focus originated with a question, 'Wow does the

Pentecostal boarding school socialize it ' s students?" Consequently, a qualitative

methodology was selected as it dowed the examination of the cornplexity of the

PenteGstal boarding school more effectvely than a quantitative approach. It was the

intent of this study to explore the data with theoretiud ~ e ~ t i v i t y (Glaser 1978, Strauss

and Corbh 1990:41). The priority of this research was the accurate interpretation of the

data. The goal was to produce an insightfbl, theordcaily groded , ethnographic

account .

Qualitative reseaich methods presented in a descriptive and ethnographic rnanner

were chosen as they seemed most suitable to hearing the wices of the students. These

methods had the strength of preserving and ampiifjing the individual accounts and

understandings of private school We. Through the use of participant observation,

interviews, student journais, and institutional documentation, the accounts of Pentecostal

boarding school students d Jtan and the artidations of th& expenences at the

Pentecostal baarding school were wiiected.

There is a partiailar methodological chaiïenge in the research question. Tbere are

two sides to the production of total conformity - public codormity with private

acceptance and public confomiity without private acceptance. Festinger encountered a

sir2!ar problem and suggested that total conformity ("public cornpliance and private

acceptance") cari most accurateiy be determineci by the observation 9f public behaviour

with the elicitation of a priyate response (1953:247). In disaishg the idumce tbat

produces public conformity w i t h t pnMte acceptmce and that which produces public

conformity wirh private acceptance (to@ coy~foinni@), Festingr states

"Ifwe could observe, as neariy simultaneously as possiile, the pcrson's behanour under both public end private oonditions, we would bave a satisfàctory basis for distinguishing between the two types of influence. Ifthe private behavior is found to coincide with the public behaviour we may assume that we have observecl public comptiance with private acceptance. however, pubf cly the person shows the cornpliant bebaviour but privateiy reverts to his original bebaviour, we may then assune that public cornpliance without private a- has taken place" (Festinger 1953:247).

From his suggestions, I employed the obsewation of public behaviour (via participant

observation) and the elicitation of private responses (via inteMews and student journal) in

efforts to detennine the effectiveness of the Pentecostal boarding school as a sociaiizing

agent. 1 recognize that the elicitation of students' pnvate responses to determine their

private acceptance of the Pentecostal ethos was limiting as it provided an indication of the

students' conformity during the interMew and the times when they wrote in their journals.

Elicitation of private responses did not ensure that the student privately conformed during

other thes outside of the immediate presence of the researcher. However, the

wmbinarion of public observation and private elicitation was effective and proved to be

compatible with an ethnographie methoâology.

Etbics

The staff and students were asked to complete an infonned consent document.

Completion of this form was considered a prerequisite for participation in the study. This

document, as required and approved by the University of Manitoba Dcparünent of

Sociology Ethics Cornmittee, i a f o d the participants of their confidentiaiity, anonymity

and ability to withdraw fiom the study ifso requested.

The daîa coliection occurred in two phases. Contact with the Pentecostai boarding

school administration ocairrd in July of 1996. Verbal and written consent fiom the

administration was secured that same month. Prior to my arrival, the administration had

circulateci information regardhg my presence and the objective of the study.

Initial entrance in the field of study ocamed 6om November 4 to 26, 19%.

Inforrned consent of the study participants was obtained at that time. This was an initial

exploratory research visit to guide the development of a theoretical Perçpective. This

research visit consisteci mostiy of participant observation of instruction, reiigious

exercises, institutionai procedures, campus work, mission trips, and depotment. The

findings produced a beginning theoretid franiework for Pentecostal sociali7rition.

The second phase occurred during March 27 - April 21, 1997. This second

entrance into the field was more wncentrated and included participant obsenation, stafY

and student intecyiews, the obtaining of studemt jownals, and &onal ' documentation.

Gaining entty and maintainhg the rcscrrcber pemna

The student body and staff were generously accommodating. 1 was given a-s

to the rnajority of the buildings and was invited to the majority of the staff and student

fùnctions. However, 1 was granted ~ n i y partial access to the girls' dormitory. Males are

not allowed in the girls' dom.

Being a researcher fiom "outside" the fàith community and attempthg entrzlllce

into the Pentecostal boarding school (operatcd by impassioned and fiavent Mevers) was

a concem For a signifiant portion of the six weeks in the fid4 1 was assumed to be -of

the faith." 1 was regarded as a "believef' in conversation, and my cagemes to derstand

the Pentecostal woridvicw and be hoiveci in group activities probably gave staff and

students a suniiar impression Wbm questions of my church meiid.nce arose, particuiar

students began asking more poignant questions such as "Are you boni again" and "Do you

know where you will go when you dis," 1 answered them truthfblly regarchg my purpose

for being there. 1 explained 1 am somewhaî neutrai in my M&. 1 was quickly

bombarded by attempts at proselytktion. The remabhg weeks in the field, 1 experienced

the same enthusiasa for discussing the schwl experience and 1 receïved more invitations

to group meetings (with motivation lefi to speculatïon). The conversation topics were on

salvation and the possibility of a more meaningfid Me.

Partici pan t O bservrtion

In the attempt to approach the study fkom the students' perspective, 1 chose to

çonduct participant observation and be as close to the lives of the students as possible. 1

resided ïn student residence, kept the same tunetable and shadowed dEerent students m . upon invitation. Because the school admintstratiofi had circulated information regarding

my presence, invitations to join -dents in school- and non-schod related hct ions were

overwhelming. 1 attended class and chapel. 1 ate in the school cafeteria, accompanied

students in campus work and field (mission) work and generaiiy attempted to experience

and Uiteract in the environment as wouid a student on a d d y basis.

Interviews

Interview schedules were immediately organized upon adval. Soliciting

interviewees generally was not probletnatic. On the contrary, a portion of the student

population wished to be inte~ewed twice and some were so eager that they suggested

that 1 tape record casual conversations and impromptu focus groups. S e v d students

voiced suspicion of my preseace and the sincerity of the reseiuch. Consequmtly, they

chose not to be intemewed but suggested tbat never-the-Iess tby would be praying for

me and my thesis.

Ova 31 hours of taped intaviews, casual conversations, Md impromptu focus

group sessions were dected. Interviews (one-on-one) were wnducted in a confidentid

setting. Interviews focused on staffand student perceptions of the design and mechanisms

utiiized in the Pentecostal boarding school to produce conformity. More specifically, staff

and students were questioned regarding the rhool 's isolating pcactices and indoctrination.

Studcnt Joumals

In addition to student interviews, -dents were encouragecl to write about their

daiiy activities in journals. The content of the joumals included the practices of isolation

and the ailencompassing attempts at ïnd octrination- Spdcally, students were asked to

record their opinions of specific isolation pradces and indoctrination. Thirteen students

submitted their responses for anaiysis.

institutionai Documents

An examination was conducted of avdable documents which de- the

innitution's philosophy and objectives. S m c attention was given to documents which

dehed institution policy regarding isolating practices and indoctrhtion. SWar

atîention was given to documems which specif idy desccibed the implauentation of the

institution's isolation practices and indoctrhation.

Wlth respect to the student body, several studmts voluntady off& to submit to

the research process their own academic papem, arSgaments and creative writing that had

"insight" into Pentecostal boarding school We.

In the finai &YS of the daîa collection, the data a l r d y gathered was asSembled

and disaissed with participants in the study. The theoretical hmework was discussed

and modified through an exchange of questions and rtspollses baween myse& studeciis

and staff. Through the combination of these efforts, an derstanding of the d e P p and

mechanisms involved in intensive socialization via the total institution was gained.

The final stage of my research invoived reviewing and analyzkg the dara

Specificaiiy, a grounded theory method was used as it aüowed for tbe deconstruction,

conceptuaiization and reassembiing of the data in megnjngfùl ways (Strauss and Corûin,

1 990).

Staff and students were asked questions pertaining to the structure and practices of

the Pentecostal boarding school which they would d e s m i as isolating, instructionai,

inte~sifying, reintegratin& and wnfomiity-induhg. The responses to these inquiries

provided a fiamework of structural components and practices which reportedly produced

conformity. This information comprised the initial kunework for the second visit to the

Pentecoecostai boarding school.

Transcripts from participant observation notes, interviews, studemt jounials, and

content anaiysis of institutional documents consti~ed the data set. The data fiom the

fieldnotes were decunstructed, examine& conceptualized, and categorized. Monnation in

the field notes was conceptualiy labeled and asSembled into categories. The two major

categories, isolation and indoctnnation, emexged fiom this exercise. The foliowing table

(Table 1.1) describes the conceptuai categories and the conesponding methods of

documentation.

r : a t e p o r i e s c c . .

Categories of Investigation Methods of Documentdan Isal.tion

Geo,,kicholation Participant obwation, student journais, intewimvs

M L s d a t i o n Studcnt journds, iat+rvicns hforlllllfioual idathn Puticipint observation, intcwitws

Ilitellsl~&n Bual Participant otntrvatioa, iatcrvicws InSarrcrcOn Ribrai Participant observation, studeot journlls,

i n t t F v H n s institutionil documeab ReinUgraaion Rilval Participint obsematiou, iaterviews, iastitutionil

documents

Once the categories had been established, subategories and their propertïes and

dimensions were established.

These categories and sub-categories were systematically zirraaged so as to examine

their relationships with each other and to establish a logical representation of the intensive

efforts in the Pentecostal barding schwl to instill conformity among the students.

The goal of this project was to examine the mechanisrns of Pentecostal

socialization in the production of confiormity. Coriformity may be detected in student

respo-s as they interact and execute tbeir daily routine as 'students.' The mechanics of

socialization revealed a thorough description of the setting and practices of the

Pentecostal total institution- in dohg so, this research concentratexi on the encompassing

nature of the school's &os, its isowng prtztices, and the rituals of the Pentecostal

school that inmwct, reintegirafe and inremfi in efforts to socialize the student into the

Pentecostal community.

The mechanisms of Pentecostal sociaiization embody concepts that are

characteriztic of the Pentecostal denomination. These characteristic concepts rnake up the

Pentecostal &os. The objective of these mechanimu df Pentecostal socialilrrtion is

midents' adoption oc and total confofiI3ity to, the Penteconal ethos. The mechanisms of

Pentecostal sociaiization (isolation and indoctfination) are influenced by the students'

backgrounds which infiuence their decision to attend the Pentecostal boarding schooI.

The chitracteristics of the Pentecostal boarding school student population show a

predisposition to attend the Pentecostal bouding school (or a sunilar Pentecostal

sociaiization seîting). The folowing pages wiU de& the Pentecostal ethos and the

predisposition of the students' backgrounds.

-1

The &os2 of the Pentecostal boarding school - mortiûcation, d c e , and

communion - embodies the characteristic concepts that inform the social standards,

attitudes and practices of a Pentecostal denomination (the Church of God) (Kanter

1972:76). These in tura inform the social standards, attitudes, and p&ces of the

Pentecostai boarding school afEliated with that denomination. The mamer in &ch each

characteristic concept is actruüzed depends upon the nature of îhe secting. As the

objective of the Pentecostal boarding school is intensive socialization, every aspect of

Pentecostal boarding school Me (such as communal Living and wo* boundaries,

recruitrnent, intimate relationships, ciases, religious exercises, etc.) has implications for

producing conformity. These abstract concepts - mortification, sacrifice, communion - are translateci by the Pentecostal boarding school into concrete social 1 mctices for the

purpose of producing conforxnity-

The Pentecostai ethos encourages attachent to the Pentecostal community while

encouraging detachment fkom previous habits and relationships not aligneci with the

Pentecostal belief systern. In other words, in the boarding schml the ,ethos promotes

detachment fiom outside influences and attachent to the Pentecostai ethos. The

Penteestal boardhg schooi is in essence trying to compete with the "outside wortd" for

the students' loyalty and establish a separate social order within the larger Society (Kanter

1972:66; Goffinsui 1961 :9).

Penteçostalism is referred to synonymously as '?mm again" Christianity and

Fundamentalism, reflectiag attitudes toward the conversion experience and interpretation

of Scripture. The term c'Pentecostai" originaîes in the Book of Acts w k e , on the Day of

Pentecost, followers of Christ were "filled" with the Holy spirit3 and began to speak in

0 t h tongues "as the spirit4 enabled thern" (A- 2:4). The beliefs of the Pentecostals are

sunilar to, if not hdarnentally the same as, other Bible-based religious graups except for

slightiy dZerent ernphasis placed on varying areas of doctrine and practice.

The "Hdy Spiritm is cmsidered part dtk Triaity (W the Faîba* Gai tbc Sm, nid God the Hdy Spirit). Tbe "Spirit* (or Ho& Gbost as He is smmhœs d i ta) is amidcd an aaivc piicstnct in the eweryday iifè of tht Pcntœaîaî, This spiritnaf cnbity aets as an agent which i d e action, thought and situational factors. In short, tbe PcntsooQtal ataikitcs Iht ncspaasibility of action, tbaight and situational factors ta king inaucnead by tbe Hdy Spirit as much as üy Gad (the Fa-) and ksns Chnst (Goâ the Son).

Pentecostals believe in a strict adherence to fÙdameqtalist Christian doctrines

based on a titeral uilterpretation of an "inerrantn Bible (the belief tbat the Bible was

inspireci by God and is without error). The fact that Biblical scripture is treated as inerrant

speaks of their belief thaî the passages and words were v e M y insp'ued by God and

consequently, have a powerfirl effect even when spoken aloud.

Mortification describes a transfonnaiive process of death and rebirth. This

transformation fùndamentally refers to a death (or detachment) of an old Me and a rebii

(attachent) to a new Ne. This transformation niay be perceiveci as both a spirituai

transforination and a transfomation of the self Both spiritual transformations and

transformations of the self involve a shedding or stripping of "old" attn'butes and

adopting, or putting on, the "new."

Mortification as Spirituai Tnndormition

Ali Pwltecostals believe in a death-birth transformation. To becorne Pentecostal,

the individual must undergo an initial spiriaiai transformation which is commoniy referred

to as King ' h m agaùrns The individu81 must eXpenence spiritual rebirth (the "selvation

experiencen) so as to gain entrance into the Pentecostsl comnninity and, in this case, the

Pentecostai boardhg school. When an individual cxperienas spiritual rebirth or

"salvation" he/she undergoes a transformation. This transformation can be articulateci as a

stripping of the old seif attributes to replace them with the attributes of the new seIf.

To the Pentecostai, ali individuals are bom with a hfùl nature. When the

individual becornes 'bm again" h i d e r "old man" (spirituai king) is said to die and a

"new man in Christ" is said to be bom? When the "old man dies," he/she dies in his

conscious or unconscious comrriitnient to negiecting "God's wüi? He/she "dies to sin"

(Walvoord and Zuck 1987:461). This does m t mean an exhaion of sin but a spiritual

separationfrom sin. The individual is separated from the desire and not the tedency to

sin. In rebuth, hdshe is aware of the existence of Gd's "love" and, consequently, G d ' s

%Il" for W e r . Birth of the "new man7' suggests new We, that is to "lifk in Christ," a

new Efe modeled after Christ's (Walvwrd and Zuck l987:460).

When studems -ence a spirituaï rebirth, their desires are said to change ftom

"self-centred" to "Christ-cemed." Their motives in evayday experiences, even the act of

getthg out of bed, are now informed by their new desire to be upleasing to God."

Alexis: Wben I wasn't a Christian, a lot of those things Cpleasing God] didn't seem to matta and the way 1 went about life was totally diff'crent. Getting up didn't seem to matter. I'd go out tiü ali hours of the night, slap in half the day, and stualike that. Interyiewer: You don't do those things aymore? Alexis: No. To some extent the imerest seems to be gone. And the 0th- extent, 1 don? think I*d feel cornfortable doing them anymore. Nathae: 1 &ink it aSects it. You try a d do th nght thing...not paf- but the way the Bible says and everything, instead of wrong thuigs. Alexis: It's more about enjoying We. When 1 lived with my parents, they're good Christian people. You can tell by looking at them. Thy're happy. They've got a great marrhgz. They're invoived in a lot of thingo. They look happy, and 1 want that for my me. However, God is gohg to work tbis out and that is what 1 want. But 1 want that sanie happiness in my We, the same joy and enthusiasm for Ise. The joy to get up, maLe right decisions that are going to be helpfûl for yow fbture, in the world, spiritually.

When the "old man," who was p r m p i e d with pleasing himselfjdies, the Pentecostal

betieves that interests, goals, behaviours, language, and thought shodd then be changed to

be pleasing to God.

Sicrifict

Sacr~jke is to surrender something of value for the sake of a higher, more pressing

claim. The Pentecostal is to rehquish something of value as the cost of involvernent in

the Pentecostal lüèstyle. Sacrifice promotes detachment fiom the Pentecostal's previous

life and the outside world (Kanter 1972: 76).

Sacrx9ce for the Pentecostal's spirituai well being asks himiher to abstain fkom old

characteristics and habits so he/she may maintain his/her stahis as "born again Pentecostal"

and gain membership in the Pentecostal community (e-g., in the "body of believers").

"Old" characteris!ics and habits are those characteristics and habits that the Pentecostal

associates with being "Who hdshe was" in his fornier Mie before spiritual rebirtb, in the

outside world (e.g., Trm used to swear and smoke More he/she became a born-again

Christian). Sacrifice of something vaiued is not without its compensation This act of

commitment is believed to bring the Pentecostal closer to the Divine and be more worîhy

of that relationship.

Communion constitutes the coiiective unity through the valuing and sharing of the

basic elements of existence. Once Pentecostals have experiend spirituai rebirth,

sacrificeci parts of their "old* selves, renounced their past Nie, invested themselves totaiiy

in their new endeavor and becorne engaged in p u d j h g themselves, they find thek desire

is to interact with persons of like fkith, In other words, Pentecostals communicaîe and

feel a sense of comunity with other beiïevers. Communion is the nurhiring of

relationships based on cornmon interest. As believers have sgarated themselves fiom

previous atîachments, they attach themsetves to the Pentecostal ccmmunity to 6nd

collective unity. Communion provides a sense of comectedness, belongin& and

participation within the whole, with e q d opportunity to contribute and benefit. There are

shared feelings of brotherhood. T k e is a sense of togethemess in the fkcing of obstacles

and the overcorning of intemal discouragement. Communion mechanisms develop

equality in relationsbips, fellowship, and group consciousness which lead to "the formation

of a cohesive, emotiody involving and affectively satisfjhg commwiity" (Kanter

1 i72:93).

The marner in which students are taught and adopt the sociaf standards, attitudes

and practices of the Pentecostal boarding school depends upon their backgrounds. The

students' ages, history of religious involvement (continuity with the past) and the mode of

introduction and entry into the Pentecostal boarding school settuig (recluitment)

predispose the students to w d o m to the Pentecostal boardhg school ethos. These

characteristics wili be considered in ths section.

Age, Transition from the Farnity and Cootinuity with the Past

There are 15 males and 16 f d e s in the schwl of 3 1 -dents. The average

student age was 20 years. Ages mged between 17 years and over 25 with the majority of

the students reporthg their age at 18 years. Seventy-four percent reported theu move

into the Pentecostal boarding school as the h t move away fiom their fârniiy. The

rernaining twenty-six percent reported attending other ducational institutions (e-g.,

technical school, UNversity, c o d t y college) or living away fkom their immediate

family and working prior to attendkg the Pentecostal boarding school.

The majority of the -dents (97%) reported their religious background to be

strongly Pentecostal. The same number of students d f s c n i their immediate farnily as

Pentecostal or "bom a@." As well as king raised in a Pentecostal home,-the majority

of the students (Wh) reporteci being deeply involved in their home churches prior to

attendhg the Pentecostal boarding school. Forty-five percent of the student population

reported that their fathers were involveci in Pentecostal mkistry in a fidi time basis. The

same nurnber of -dents reported that church and home fkequently "overbpped" as their

home church minister was their father. The majority of the students (Wh) also reported

their hoïne church as beiig their primary social group. They suggested their home church

was a kind of wmmunïty multi-purpose centre, providing them with fiends and activities

after school and during holidays throughout their childhood. ~here was O* one

individual reporting he/she did not experience a religious sociabtion of any kind. The

logical conclusion is that students were socialized by Pentecostal W e s , closely atfiliated

with their local Pentecostal church. Therefore, there is a great deal of continuity between

the students' previous sociht ion environments and their present status as students in

the, Pentecostal boarding school.

These prior experiences prepared the studenîs for the school. Thirty (9Ph) of the

siudents suggested that their t'amilies' values and the manner in which they were

transmitted were similar to the content and mechanisms of the Pentecristal boarding

school. For example, these students reported king swngly encourageci to remain

separate âom a threatening outside influence (refêrreâ to as "sin" W o r "woridy thmgs")

while being raiseci by their fiundilies up umil they moved into the Pentecostal boarding

school. Similady, the majoriîy of the studerrts suggested the indoctrination mechanisms of

the Pentecostaf boarding school were fàmiliar to them as, in the words of one student,

"[we] have been totally surrounded by efforts to mold us into the perfect Christian More - none of this is new."

The rnajority of students reported king at a similar stage of indecision prior to

attending the Pentecod boarding schaol and the circumst8nces surrounding the students'

indecision were all quite similar. Prior to attending the Pentecostal boarding school,

snidents were experiencing a sense of uncertainty. The average studmt attending

Pentecostal boarding school seemed to belong to one of two scenarios. Nathan and Siil's

accounts represem the two typical scenarios.

Nathan: 1 came to schml in the fkü of 1 WJ. 1 was right out of high school. AU sumer 1 was wondering 'what am 1 going to do?' 1 was getting pretty wofiiec! because there were no jobs in my hometown and a secular univecsity was out cf the question. AU my fiends were eitha at University or at these jobs wbere al1 they wanted to do was drurk and swear. That wasn't how 1 m e d to live. On the other hanci, 1 had to move on uith my We. 1 couldn't stay home. My dad .ame home one day with some pamphlets &om [the Pentecostal boarding school] and it clkked - 1 was supposeci to g3 to Bible school. That's how the Holy Spi& worlrs . . He opens a door.

Jill: 1 m e to [the Pentecostai boarding school] after working a couple of years. U&e 0 t h people here, I didn't move here right after high school and start classes. 1 was working, living on my own and k i n g it. 1 r d y felt tbat Gad was telhg me to do sornetbhg Mirent with my We. I say that because He was letting me becorne discontent with my Me. My boss was cl* an atheist, my neighbors partie- ail the tirne, and 1 was having a d hard tirne living for God. Just by chance, 1 heard about the school. 1 went to Discovery Days [a promotionai weekend] and met a bunch of people. By Sunday of that weekend 1 had made up rny mind.

For Nathan, the decision to attend the Pentecostal boarding school was based on the

uncertainty he found after graduating fiom high sch001. Xe was disdissatisfied with his

options and felt thaî those options available to him threatened his values. W w u

dissatisfied with her occupation and social wtwork. Nathan end Jili were both

experiencing aruriety about their h r e s and dissatisfàction with their immediate

circumstances. Thqr resolved their anxiety and addressed th& dmathcû . . -on by chwsing

to attend the Pentecostal boarding school. Nathan and Si indicaîed that th& decision

was influencecl or validatecl by the Divine.

Recmitment

Recruitment usually is the resuit of readiig the Pentecostal ôoardiag school's

promotionai literature a d o r attendhg promotionai weekends. The promotional literature

and weekends are designed to foster an attachment to the Pentecostai'boarding school and

a sense of communion among potential students.

The -en üteratwe advertizes the bendits of attending the Pentecostal boarding

school. It essentially fosters an attraction - an eady machment - to the Pentecostal

boaîdhg school by presenting a positive image of itself Gofihan suggested that, through

impression management, an individual is able to foster aa impression of himseif to another

individual during interaction (1959:208). In this case, the iiterature ernphasizes the

positive*aspects of the school and presents it in a positive way. The following passage, for

example, ernphasizes the strengths of the school in fostering reiigiosity.

"PBS] provides students with a solid foundation in the Word of Goà, equipping them to s t d in a world where Christian d u e s are continwiiy W g challenged and eroded. The college setthg provides opportunity for the Word of God d the Holy Spirit to produce positive life change and the ability to disciple othersn {Pentecostrsl boarding school, 1997).

Promotional weekends (e-g., Discovery Days) are designed by the Pentecostal

boarding school stpnwith the saw i n t d o n - to foster an impression of the Pemecooial

boarding school. Go- refers to such events as 'institutional displays" since the intent

is to foster a pleasing impression of instmmonal ' life for a congregation of those who are

not routinely pnvy to such kmwledge (1961 : 10 1). The promotional weekend is designed

and orchestratesi by stan and student volunteers to display the comrnunity of Pemecostaî

boarding schwl Me. Leisure adVities, sports events, d e versus f d e contests,

"i~reakers," student-hosted orientation to the fàcüities, intrcxiuction to staff and student

personalhies (e-g., President, teachers, student coud), and festive, energetic religious

services rnake up much of the weekend's scheduie. There is a strong emphasis on

excitement, making fiiends, and 'aight Livin'."

"Discovery days are fbr young people in high school or of coUege age. This year's weekend of fun and fellowship will centre around the theme, IUGHT LIVIN' is LlVIN' IT UP!" (Pentecostal boarding school Wuiter Newsletter, 19%)

Sharlene (a second year student) remembers bashg her decision to attend the Pentecostal

boarding school on her experience during a promotiod weekend.

Sharlene: 1 redy don't know why 1 wanted to corne. 1 had to do something with my We, because 1 didn't want to go to d e g e or aaytbing W<e t h . It didn't appeal to me. 1 met Jim and he took me to Discovery Days. Then 1 kind of made a deal with God. So 1 said, 'Ok, if1 have fun al1 weekenâ, i f1 have fun at Discovery Days then 1 wïli know.' 1 uwially don't b v e fUnj because 1 usuaiiy take forever to get to know pemple. Ri& fiom the beginning it was boom! - 1 am having fùn.

Both promotional literature and Discovery Days advertise the Pentecostal boarding school

as a setthg for students and potential students to M d social bonds. In a promotional

newsletter, a student reflects the inportance of social bonds when he writes:

Man: "Whaî can 1 say? YOU have :O be here to feel the warmth of fiends, the frenzied studying and the profound chapeî services. My onginai impression of [PBS] as a 1 st year student was the feeling of being at home away fiom home" (Pentecostal boarding school Wmter Newsietter, 1996).

The involvement of Etan and volunteer studenîs during Discuvery Days provides a

powerful impression to those students dcciding wbaha the Pentecostal boarding schod is

in their îùture. A majority of the students in this study attended Discovery Days and,

during the course of the weekend, devdoped relationships with staff. voIunt6et studcnts

and potential students who were influentid in the decision to enroil. The predominant

theme of these weekmds and of the promotionai iiteraturc is that of ''discover fiietrdships"

at the Pentecostal b o d i g school. They start to create a sense of wmmunity even at this --

early stage.

The objective of these mechanisms of Pentecostal sociaiiation is the student's

adoption oc and total conformity, to the Pentecostal ethos. In this chapter, ihe

Pentecostai ethos (characteristic concepts of the Pentecostal boardMg school) were

describeci. The iduential facts of the students' backgrounds, relevant to Pentecostal

sociaiïzation, were briefly identifieci.

The Pentecostal boardhg school isolates students in three main ways to exclude

outside influences thaî conflict mi& the Pentmstal ethos and Pentecostal s o c i ~ t i o n :

geographic isolation, social isolation, and informational isolation, These mechanisms have

predorriinately one goal: the strengthenmg and maintenance of Wh arnong dents.

These mechanisrns are successfùl when students detach themselves fiom the outside

world and increase their attachrnent to the Pentecostal boardmg school &os.

The Pentecostal boarding school was founded by a local minister in 1936.

Founder Rev.J.W.Bruce, believing the "outside world" was in desperate need of the

"Gospel" started the Bible school at Consul, Saskatchewan (small, rural, wmmunity).

Initially, calleci the South Saskatchewan Bible Training Schooi, the school began boardhg

students as the majority of them originated fkom sateiiite nual communities. It was

apparent a Bible boarding school was preferable since the majority of the students had to

travel signifiant distances to attend. It was during these years that the administration

(largely consisting of Pentecostal iilinisters) came to realize the campatiôility boarding

school life had with the "total Christian lifestyle" thqr were endorsing.

In 1937, the school moved to Robsart, Saskatchewan and then again to Moose

Jaw, Saskatchewan in 1943. Upon outgrowhg the Eacilities there, the school moved to a

former air force base outside of Outram, Saskatchewan in 1947- At this time, the school

became completely isolated, gengraphidy fiom the "outside world", by more than 10

miles. Students and staff resided on campus and dectively cooperated in the: operation

of the school. As the Bible school met with success, a high schwl was added to the

program and the name was changed to International Bible College. By the late 19507s, the

expansion of the denomkation in the western Canadian provinces, coupled with the aging

state of the air force base campus, motivated the decisim to relocate to a more centrai

location. The school relocated to its current location outside of Moose Jaw,

Saskatchewan. The new campus consisted of fourteen and one half acres, purchased

fiom the &y, aliowing ample room for fùture expansion. The first buildings were

prepxed for the beginning of the 1962-63 schaol tenn. The Pentecostal boarding school

continued to operate wirh support fiom the local Pentecostal Church of God cornmunity

and evennially fkom the intemationai headquarters in Cleveland, Tennessee. At this tirne,

the hi& r h w l offèrings were disantinued in order to foais oa pst-xcondary

To understand the role of the Pentecostal boarding school's geographic isolation,

the notion of "space" and how it is utilized must be addresseû.

"A society's buildings and other formal structurings of space may be regardecl as giant 'printouts' of what society believes it is doing, and so can be read as symbolic of that intent. A school, like any 0th- formai structure, may be interpreted as an expression of expectatioas about what soi-& of behaviours will go on within it, as weU as a fàditator of those behaviours. Sucb a structure, and the spatial arrangements within it, may be seen as a kind of seKWXng prophesy made materiai" (Sitton 1980:65-66).

As Sitton suggests, the manner in which space is used tells of the social realities that exïst

within that space.

The "outside worid" is considerd a threat to Pentecostal boarding schooI

çtudents. I n - o h words, the motiva5on for physicai separation fiom the h a n centre is a

negative perception of society or the "outside worid." The "outside worid" is threatening

to their spiritual, moral mâ, wentuaiiy, tbeg physicai weîi being.

Mr. Baldwin: We teach the individual to stand in a worid that has no values. 1 say that and 1 don't mind saying that. I'd say it publicly. Young people today bvedt

got a bench mark and that's why msay of them are strupnling. For young people today, nobody has said 'here is a standard you neeâ to try and achieve or reach, or is a good bench mark for your me.'

Mrs. Baldwin: The world ... is comipt. The bom-again believer is in a batde when he's in the world. We believe thaî the! worid is out to steal, kill and destroy the Christian because that is what the enemy wants. You know who the enemy is . . . he is in the world. He'il attack you spiriaially7 mentally, [and] physically. He wants you to fhii - the world wmts you to fd. That's what we are preparing for and t h ' s why we're car& with how much influence the worid has on us. Frankly, 1 think it's great that we have a location like we do. Here we can do the work of the Holy Spirit relatively unabated.

The perception of the "outside world" as hannfUl to the students' maintenance of

faith is the staffs motivation for maintaining distance between the wban centre and the

Pentecostal boardmg school.

The geographic separation f?om the local, urban centre ahd the use of the

Pentecostal boarding school's ecological environment, al1 reinforce the idea of

separateness and detachment fkom the outside world. Geographic isolation, and the

perceived outside threaf discourages students nom participating in activities and exciusive

relationships on îhe "outside." Tcgether tbey coatribute to the students' perception of the

"outside world" as foreign and threatening to th& maintenance of t%th

Sepantion fmm 1- urban e t n b t

The Pentecostal boarding school is located near Moose Jaw (a Jmrill, south

Saskatchewan urban centre). The campus, covering an area of 14.5 acres, is situateci on a

hill, in the far south east corner of the city-lin-&, ovdooking the &y. The campus is

hast entirely surrounded by a valley. On one side the school overlooks the va l l9 onto a

public park, several hundred yards below. On the other side, a d e s of train tracks wrap

around the foot of the hül, lending into an industrial prrls another buffer betweea the

downtown and the schml. The river fiom the valley winds its way around tk s c h d and

into the city, making entr;ance into the downtown possible by bridge. In addition to the

steep vaiiey, winding river, and train tracks, there is an unkempt basebail field and a

sentine1 of trees. This last b&er between the campus property and the city itself semes as

the entrance to the Pentecostal boardhg schwl property.

There is limited access to the Pentecostal boarding school. Two roads lead into

the Pentecostal bcarding school. One r d entas fiom the east, across a bridge and past

the President's home on the hiü. This road is regarded as the "back entrance." The

second entrance is a cürt-road, whicb leaùs up the steep valiey fkom the park beneath. This

bumpy dirt-road seems to be an extension of the rough prairie fields surroundhg it. The

road passes a dry, unkempt field and rows of trees. The entrance remains minvithg until

the manicured grounds of the campus corne into view. The stre!et sign, "Trinity Lane'', is

the first'indication that a religious school is near. At this point, the bumpy road meets the

smooth pavement, and a large wooden sign cornes Uito view. A giant wooden h e bears

the school's name in large red and white letâers. Worked into the Ictiaiag, is the school's

emblem - a bright, red flame. Amie, a -dent, provided h a intepretation.

Annie: Ther: is a reason why it is tbat way W e bdieve that the blood of Christ washes us as white as snow. We are Pentecostal. We believe in the &y of Pentecost.

She is referring to the Biblicd accomt of the Day of Pentecost when "tongues of

fie'' were reported to have appeared on the heads of those who received the Baptisn of

the Holy spirit7. This symbol is indicative of the encounters to be expected witlM the

Pentecostal boarding s c h d : students will experience iad octrination based on Pentecostal

tenets and dtimately be compdled to speak in tongues s i m k to the Day of Pentecost. It

is one of the constant reminders for -dents to remember Who thy an and what is

expected upon enterhg and leaviog.

The physicril tnvironmeat

The school President's home (formeriy caüed the "overseer's residence") is at the

highest point on the hülside, dowing for a view of the &y as weIl as the entire campus.

Between the President's quarters and the student residences is the staff houshg - a

four-plex, housing staff mernbers and their fhdies. The student residenc;es7 for both

males and fernales, are perpendidar to each other in pian and at approxïmately the sarne

elevation. At the lowest point in the campus are the administration building where the . . chapei, classroums, library* dining room, and admuunration offices are found. A paved

road connects the administration building, the student residences, the stan housing and the

President's quarters. Tbis geographic lay-out is symbolirally reminiscent of the

distribution of authonty at the Pentecostal boarding school: the President at the top, staff

beneath him and the students at the bottom. It also establishes a symboiic context within

which students are aware of who tbey are in relation to the carefid watch from WK house

on the hiii."

Controiied Movements Ac- Physicil Boundirks

As the 'outside woddn is considerd a threat, stafFattempt to control the students'

mobility across the physical boundaries which may have an unhealthy influence on

students.

Interaction with the outside world is discouraged. Firn year students are required

to live on campus. n i e distance between the urban centre and the Pentecostai boarding

school encourages that. The majority of the studcnîs do aot have automobiles and the

distance to the downtown area of the urban centre is several kilometres. Snidents rnust

arrange rides or w a k Furthamore, sîudentq iike Susan, fiid that going outside the

school is wmplicated by seved factors.

you have some psycho wolking in off the street, cornes in and rapes a girl. So secrrrity is the main thing

Nathan: 1 don't mind d e w . I totally know that 1 wodd be out till one or two in the morning if 1 was with the right people. Just having fùn. It d e r that way too. 1 heard stories where p p l e just wak in to the dom. lfits not locked at night people can just walk it. No 1 don't mind the CUrfew. 1 never had one when 1 was at home. 1 don? mind. It is :or our own good. 1 accept everything the teachers say. 1 guess 1 am naive.

Controiïed Movtment in tât "outside woiMn

The Pentecostal boarding school is able to exert intluence upon students even

when they are outside the Pentecostal boarding schwl property. As students are

effectively socialized into their student roles, they anderstand the staffs expectations for

them when they are beyond the spatial restrictions of Pentecostal boarding school

property. The Pentecostai student roles take priority over other rotes held by the -dents.

Mandeep (first y-) has adopted this responsi'b'ity - that of a Pentecostal student in the

outside world - and tries "to act like Christ would all the time." He continues to suggest

"1 am responsible to the school even when 1 am playing p l with rny buddies downtown.

I'm not even supposed to do that." The student handbook outlines a series of

expectations that are concertsed with behaviow outside of school property.

"Movie theatre attendance is iipt permitted while at Pentecostal boarding school."

"Ifa student is going to attend a different church, thy need to no* the school officiais of where they attend."

Such wntrols of the Pentecostal boardhg school discourage students and offai resuit in

social gatherings ocaimag on campus or for acceptable alternatives such as school

outings, student witnessing, and "coffeeing."

ControUed interaction with outsiders

The school controls students' interaction with "outsiders." Outsiders are those

who are not students or -of the Pentecostal boarding school. Students are encourageci

to socialize with indMduals who wiIl not "taraishm their "testimony'' (be regarded as a

negative influence). The staff even control visits to the school by outsiders. Viiting

Pentecostals or non-Pentewds - (including hdies) must abide by the airfew and

physical boundaries. Male visitors are not aiioweü in the fernale d o m nor are female

visitors aiiowed in the d e dorm at aay time. Unregistered visitors are expected to leave

the dorm areas by 9 p-m and be off schwl grounds by ~ E W . Registered visitors (those

guests who have applied, been approved and have paid at the administration office) rnay

stay the night at the boarding school abject to student rules such as c i e w and gender

segregation.

Sociai isolation in the maintenance of fbith is achieved by both weakening ties to

an "outside world" and strengthening ties to the Pentecostai boarding school. The

boarding school e s e p a m t e students from the outside worid by uring isolating p d c e s

which emphasize mortification and d c e . The boardhg schod staffkther strengthai

this connection to the Pentecostal barding school by Usng isolathg p&ces which

e m p h a s i communion.

Mortification in the Pentecostal boarding school is represeated by a series of

transforrnative practices by which students "dien to the outside world and becorne

"rebom" to a life within the boarding school. The midents must "die" or shed those social

standards, attitudes, and behaviours which link them to the outside world and which

contiia with the Pentecostai ahos, and adopt (bccome urebomn to) those &al

standards, attitudes and bebaviours that luik îhem to the Pentecostal ethos. Students

experience this shedding process during admission and orientation to the school and the

systematic l o s of seIf4etenninabon throughout tjustment to schwl Me. When shidents

are admittecl into the Pentecostal boardinp schooi, they are "stripped" of elements oftheir

personality by the removl ol' possessions and the assignment of the newly aquired

institutional title of "student."

Adoptiag the Title of "Studentn

Admission is a p d c e that begins what Gofhan refers to as systematic

''trimming." Trimming ocairs as "the new arriva1 ailows himseif to be shaped and coded

into an object that can be fed into the administrative machinery of the establishment, to be

worked on smoothly by routine operatioas" (Go£6nan 1 % 1 : 16). Trimming b e g b when

students adopt the title of "Pentecostal boarding school students." Dohg so requires

students to regard themselves differeatly fiom when on the outside. They are required to

begin thinking Wte "studaits." They arrive at the boarding school and begin followiog

instructions designeâ for them almost Ûnmediately. They follow the posted placards with

directions instructing where to register for the school tem, where to go for music lessons,

where to place their personal belongings, and where to park their cars.

Jill: 1 read where it says 'student' and 1 W o w the arrow, mm.

When newcomers consider themselves students thqr assume new, institutionai

identities.

Students are assessed by how they W I this role. For example, Rusty, a 6rst year

student, was surprised to leam how intrusive the admission process c m be.

Rusty: They need lots of d. 1 mean it's kind of surprishg that your new M y needs phone numbers and bank information. 'How are you going to pay? How

much a month? Where do you attend Church? Do you have a car? Have you paid a computer usage fm? Do you have di your textbooks.' Corne to think of it, they sound like my mom.

The Pentecostal boarding school staff corne t o know and gauge the success of the

students' socihtion by how these tasks are performed. For example, if Rusty pays

regularly, attends church at the approved location, pays for computer usage and purchases

a l i of his text books at the Campus bookstore, the staff will believe Rusty to be reliable,

sincere and eager. He will be regarded by staff as a g d Pentecostal boarding school

student by his conformity to these roles. AU this information is included in his student 61e.

Student histories are describeci in tenns of year one, year two, year three, payment

schedule for late fees, the need for special payrnent considerations, outstaading dements

f?om previous te-, eligibility for student aid, requiring special campus work to pay

student fees and others. Through the performance of these tasks, students corne

increasingly to define themselves in terms of how they measure up to these standards.

Removal o f Unsupportive Possessions

W~th the acquisition ofthe new title of "Pentecostal boarding school student" thcre

arise new expectations. Students are quired to "strip" themselves and dispose of

personai possessions that are not supportive of the Pentecostal ethos (Lofland 1966: 195;

Gofhan 1961 :79). If personal possessions are "unsupportive," their h c t i o n (be it

practical or symbolic) does not contribute to the 9rocess of adopting and conforming to

the Pentecostal &os.

If students arrive at the Pentecostal boarding school with forms of popular culture

(CD's, magazines, tapes, romance and horror novels, posters) that are not supportive of

the Pentecostal &os, they are required to remove them b m odiool property or dispose

of them by the end of the ht week Gofbm comrnents on the personal l o s when he

suggests that the removal of unsupportive possessions involves a loss of selfdetemination

as these objects constitute expressions and extensions of the students' selves (Go-

1961:18). Students removïng unsupportive possessions s igne to them a sense of

commit ment.

Jason (First year student): 1 gladly got rid of my stuff It felt good to make those kinds of changes for God.

But for some new students, this stripping of valued personal possessions may be dïfEcuit,

confusing, andlor a~ienating.~

Dean (First year student): I sit and think how much money 1 spent on CD's and tapes and wne of it was glorüjhg God. I mean, 1 took a garbage pail and went and threw it ail, man. It's tough. But it's what God wants. 1 didn't do it for President McAUen but for me, you know?

Another student, Alesha, reported that soon after arrjving at the Pentecostal boardhg

school, she was approached by feiiow students who idonneci h a that the Divine spoke to

them regarding her personal possessions. They informed Alesha that the Divine instnicted

them to help her destroy all her secular CD'S novels, and rweahg clathing. Swn after,

Alesha destroyed these possessions.

Some staff memben endorse the total removd of unsupportive possessions

because of their negative associations. As the Pentecostal hith perceives the worid in

absolutist terrns (either "good" or uevü"), certain unsupportive material is perceived as

absolutely harmflll to the student's s o d h t i o n and consequently deemed non-negotiable.

Mr. McAilen: But some choices shouldn't even be a choice ia a Christian school. Rock music, for instance, shouidn't even be a choice in a Christian schoot. 1 think it ' s the words more than anythhg 1 understand we have Christian songs thaî have the same beat and they are Christian. But it's [rock music lyrics] more about

death, suicide, and snr 1 thhk [studenîs'] honnones are struggling anyway. Ma* when [students'] are older, they can bandle it better or maybe they won't even want to lista to it. But at this age 1 don't thmk that it is good for them. So 1 wouldn't even let that be a choice.

Even possessions that are unsupportive of or seemingly neutmi to the Pentecostal

ethos have to be controlled. Merideth, a second year student, regulaffy receives secular

newspapers and magazines such as Time, Mcleans, and The Globe and Mail. Devout

students suggest that she spends too much the reading about the "evil" that goes on in

the world and not enough t h e r e d i g her Bible. To Merideth, however, she has

redirected and used them to support her fàith.

'%y reading this stuff: 1 am more aware of the hurt in the world. 1 thùik it would be too easy to stay up here in our little worid and pretend that everything is alî right. When 1 read the Globe, 1 b o w Satan is busy and 1 lcnow thaî there is a lot of work for us to do. ... Take that cult for example - the Bble says there will be Eilse prophets in the 1st days. mghs] You can't ignore that. Jesus is c o k g soon."

Mer removing unsupportive possessions fiom his daily routine, Dale, a first year

student, noticed a considerable change in his demeanor. In îhe pst, he would routinely

play Lively seatlar music as part of his mohg preparation Atta r e g the audent

manual and removing the d a r music, he reported "feeling much better" about king at

the school.

Substitution mth supportive possadoas

Everythiag in the students' lives have impiications for coaformity to the

Pentecostal d o s in some way. Sometimes even personal possessions essential for

everyday living cea be deemed unsupportive. For example, Ronny disposed of a calendar,

displaying partidy clothed members of the opposite sex, upon the urging of school sîatF

members. Within days of this, Ronny replaced it with a new, "appropriate" calendar at the

Pentecostal boarding school bookstore displaying scenes fiom nature and Saipture verses.

To fil1 vacancies such as RomyYs, students fiequent the Pentecostal board'ig

school bookstore in the administration office lobby. It sek items for school use as weil as

for personal purposes. The shelves are stocked with greeting cards, napkins, school pins

and badges, daily devotionals, calendars, writïng aids, didonaries, tex& and stacks of

literature not required for classes. This resembles any other community college bookstore

except for the fact that the items for sale contain messaga supporthg the Pentecostal

ethos. For example, greeting catds bave greetings o h including keywords

"Congratulations - May the Lord's blessing be upon you," "God loves you - Happy

Birthday," "Holy Spirit - the Cornforter in your tirne of need," and in most cases are

accompanied by Scripture. Napkins have sinrilar messages. They contain lines dealing

with a specific occasion (e-g., Christmas, birthday) - and then a keyward, Wïm" or

"blessing," and Scripture. Keepsakes, key-cbains, spoons, jewelry, T-shirts, bookmarks,

etc. bear messages with the school's crest: a tongue of fire. Tbis crest even reflects the

spintual nature of the Pentecostai boarding school as a fbil flame burns beside the letters

of the Pentecostal boarding school name. Pencils with Scripture inscribeci dong the side,

pins with silver crosses on them, calendars designed to be used as a toal in the student's

everyday reflection and meditation on Pentecostal values (e.g., Tt is weU with my soul"

written above a peac&l nature setting) are also on sale. Each daiiy page has a phrase of

encouragement or wisdom and the Scriptural refereme upon which it is g r d e c i .

One of the most effective tools in the mainté11~~1ce of fi& are the daily devotionals

used by staff and -dents. Daily devotionals are u s d y small, portable books containing

collections of stories, Scripture verses, plausible scenaios showhg how to apply the

Divine's wisdom, hints on how to d a l with difEa<lt problems in the mimienance of one's

faith (e-g., "how to say no to sex"), and words of advice and encouragement for every day

of the year. Students are encouraged to begin "hiding God's word" in th& hearts and to

memorize Scripture every day by way of a dwotionai. These have a way of instilling in

the reader a simple lesson, synthesized with Pentecostal values, to be applied throughout

the day-

The bookstore is such that it has s o ~ h g for every part of the students' &y. If

they are unable to locate a supportive version of an item that was disposed of; as it was

deemed unsupportive, they are made aware of networks that would be able to supply the

need through the bookstore (e-g., "ifyou don't see it, just ask and we can order it"). By

servicing the students in this wmplete way, the Pentecostal boarding school increases the

potential involvement of controlled material in the students' iives and simultaneously

lessens the need for the them to require other possessions unss~nctioned by the Pentecostal

boarding school.

Communion (unity by valuing and sharing common elements of existence) is

achieved by breaking down the barriers that separate work, sieep, and play (Go-

19615). More specitically, cornSig these three aspects coaStitutes the breakdown of

the barriers between the private and public spheres and enbances one's sense of

çommunity with the group.

"AU aspects of life are conduad in the same place and uada the same singie authority. Each phase of the membcr's daily activity is a d c d on in the immediate company of a large batch of others, aîi of whom are treated alike and required to do the same thing together. The vsrious d o r c e d activities are brought together into a rational pian plrportedly designeû to nII the official aims of the hsthtion" (Gofünan 1%1:6).

The Pentecostai boarding school has an ermmpassing nature regulating the three aspects

of the students' Me: worL, sleep, play. The practice is designed to anphuize communion

(unity) - strengthen the students' co~ect ion to the Pentecostal ethos. This is achieved

through communal Living and sharing, communal work, institutional completeness, distinct

language and preferred dress.

Communai Living and Sharing

First year students at the Pentecostal boarding s c h l are required to reside in

çtudent housing (male and fanale specific dormitories). This requirement results in

second and third year midents continuhg to reside on campus for the remainder of their

studies. For example, more than halfthe shidents in both male and female doms were

second and third year students.

Students in these dormitories iive in close proximity to each other. The top floon

of two- adjacent buildings house male and fernale students. Each flwr contains

approxirnately 10 rooms. Some rooms house two students ("doublesn) while most house

one ("singles"). Approxhately 15 students (per male and f d e dorm) iive together on

the one flwr.

Students share the essentials of life on campus. Students are required to eat their

meals with other staff and students in the communal dining room. They s k e a telephone

in the lobby, showers, sinks, toilets, one mirror, a washer and dryer, a game room and

storage space. The sharuig of physical amenities break down spsce. For

example, on any &en morning, the doon to the rooms in the male dormitory are

fiequently open. Darting in and out of each rwm, some students bru& th& teeth with

their neighbor's toothpaste, mmb th& hair with a nei@borls gel or styfiag mousse, get to

a job i n t e ~ e w with a roommate7s car. and get ready for chpd or class by dressing in a

feilow student's clothing. This idormal, and ofkm impromptu sharing, g e n e d y

contributes to an atmosphere of fratetnify and togetberness.

Students enter and exit the dorm by a single door. The foyer is a tocation where

mdents quickly exchange idonnation pauiouig to homework, transportation

arrangements, upcoming social ftnctions, or casually lounge on the stairs to disaiss

spïrituaiity Gr matters that require more attention (e-g., boyfnends W o r gidfiiends).

h these close and fiequent interactions, studenîs discuver pieces of Ulformation

about each other that foster communion. Goffinnn refers to this as "contaminative

exposure" when certain practices ( m d y of the private sphere) are not protected but

are exposed, shared, and made public because of the closeness of others (Gofian

1961:23). The areas usudy successf.UUy protected - Werritories of the self"- such as the

body (cg., taîtoos), actions (e-g., smoking aad going to the bar), possessions (e-g., secular

music and magazines), thoughts (e-g., anger or jeaiousy toward feliow students) are

exposed and made public (Goffinan 1961 :23). Deaüng with these inevitable discoveries or

"contaminative exposufes" is an integral part of adjusting to Pentecostal boarding school

Me. Students either totally accept or take issue with the student to whom the information

pertains. But more importantly, it aiiows the school to keep a closer watch on the

students and take timely and appropriate corrective action. Neal believes howing "too

much" about his fellow students is "good for the school."

Neal: Say we u e tdkhg about Kim. He Ûies to hide the fict that he haugs out with some non-Çhristian people fkom wo*. Sometimes he plays pool with them at a bar. 1 know about it. He doesn't want me to know, but 1 do. It doesn't bother me because 1 know thaî it is something he needs to work on and, hopefidly, 1 can pray for him or help show him thaî that is sornething Christ wouldn't do. That can only make us stronger when we are wiUing to do that for our brothers and sisters.

Consequently, other students exercise caution snd go to great efforts to ensure th&

pnvate idionnation is not made public (e.g., hidmg secular music and msgrzines, nwer

leaving without closing the door).

Communai Work

Communal work is a series of on-going tanks on and around the Pentecostal - -

boarding school (e.g., landscapmg, snow removai, library Services, dishwashing, food

preparation, vacuuming, cleaning the bathrooms, automotive mechanics, etc.). Each

student is assigned a series of tasks supervised by staff.

Students' generaily have two types of motivations for working at these tasks:

financial and spiritual. Even though students do not rcMve cash or a monthly cheque in

perfomiing these tasks, they are able to reduce the amount they owe the school by doing

so. By being able to perfonn these tasks and, consequently, sustain their existence in the

Pentecostal boarding schooi, students do not have the pressing need to pursue

employment off school property.

Others do these tasks for spiritual reasons. In r e f d g to communal work in

totalistic environrnents, Gofhan wggests that "whatever the incentive given for work,

then, this incentive will not have the structurai sigdicance t has on the outside ... There

will have to be Merent motives for work and different attitudes toward it" (1%1:8).

Students believe the pedormance of theu task is more than just aiding in the operation of a

post-secondary college. They believe the fÙiîïUment of their tasks is a test of their

integrity. Patricia, for example, believes thai she is obligated to perfonn ber vacuuming

and dusting of the administration building as thoroughly and as diligently as if Jesus Christ

was her foreman. In Patricia's words, "He watches everything 1 do and expects me to do

everythiag with pride ... after aü I am a Chiid of His." Students MM they are investing in

a higher purpose when they pafonn their communai work tasks ancl completion rates of

each task is hi@. There are very few incidents where a student n e d s to be r e p l d on a

communal work assignment. In generai, students klieve they are working for God when

shoveling the snow, mowing the lawn, vacuuming the doms and mopping the kitchen.

Furthemore, these tasks are supervised by staff members. Communal work

becornes an opportunity for staff to interact with students outside the classroom, to

casualiy d i s a i s their concerns with students or pst emphasize Peatecostai p ~ c i p l e s .

Institutional Compktcacss

Neal: 1 guess you could say that we are a comrnunity withh a community.

The Pentecostal boardhg school, whiie isolating students f?om the outside world,

has a tendency to be al1 inclusive and dots aot rely heaviiy on the outside world. Being al1

inclusive means that the Pentecostal boarding school is, in Kuiter's terminology,

"institutionally completen (197292). It offis a complete We for the students and, to a

lesser extent, the staff and their fàmilies, by attempting to meet their basic necessities for

an indenaite p e n d d time. The school provides for the students' food, shelter,

educational resources, incorne, and leisure. It promotes a detachment &om other potential

providers outside of the boarding school. This institutional cornpletenes deters the

students ffom looking elsewhere for the provision of those needs and induces them to

remain attached to the Pentecostal boarding school.

Sîudents gradually becorne accustomeci to king provided for by the Pentecostal

boarding scbool. Breakfast is served at appro-ely 8:30 am., lunch at 12:30 p.m., and

dinner at 5:30 Pm.. Studeats are required to aîtend meds in the Pentecostai boarding

school communal dining rwm. In the event they are absent fiom a meal, they are required

to "sign out," rnaking the cooking Stanaware of their absence. Even if students are aôsent

at meai time, they remain responsible for their kitchen work if they are so assigned for

communal work. Such practices discourage abseuteeism.

Dean: It's a pain. F ' i 1 have to sign out. Then 1 have to get socneone to cuver dishes for me. Then 1 have to do th& wodc if 1 switch. It jus gets oomplicated. And ifIYm late, 1 just might miss dimer alltogether. 'fay dean up so Esst because they wsnt to get out of there.

Distinct hnguage and Dress - -

Specitic practices that contribute to communion are the use of a distinct language

(Pentecostal vemacular) and distinct dress. Distinct Ianpiiape is insulating, as shidents and

s ta f f use esotcric terminology not s h e d with the outside. Distinct dress emphas i i

communion as students are both subject to regulations prohibitkg and making mandatory

certain kinds of dress. It encourages students to appear different to students in the outside

world.

Profanity and other forms of the vemacuiar not supportive of the Pentecostal ethos

is prohibited whiîe on Pentecostal boarding school property. A distinct language emerges

and is encourageci on campus. One example is refiming to thernselves as "children of

God" aiid singularly as a ''chiid of Gd" and addressing eacb other as "brother" and

''sister." The fiequent and easy use of these titles suggests a closeness and fratemity

surpasshg that of a -student relationship in the outside worid. They use this language

with each other in casual conversation and forma1 classroom indoctrination.

k4r Baldwin (referrkg to 2 f h t yrar student): Brcther James, -would yau read the outiined passage for us this morning please.

Paul (second year student speaking to a staff rnember): Sister Tamera, how about you make some of those fbdge bricks for your fivorite college students.

As students use these titles with their teachers mtside of the classroom, they also

exchange hugs and back-pats as if at a f k d y remion. These n i d y gerrturrs of Section

for each other produces an inclusive environment. Studcnts who experieace d i f h d t y

with their biological fàmiiy report that diffidty diaiinishes a f k k ing ''togaha" with

their "family of Go&"

There is a prefkrred dress code at the Pentecostal borirdmg school. Students are

subject to a degree of uniformity in their outward appearance as they collectively wnfonn

to the Pentecostal boarding school dress d e .

Students are not encouraged to Wear military style uniforms as in other private schools;

however, students are encouqed to dress in a marner that refiects their Merence to the

out side world.

Ponytails are not permittecl. Facial hair should be neaîly trimmed and tidy. .. ear rings for men are aot ailowed, either on or off campus, while a audent at Pentecostal boarding school.. . .Students will ~t be ailowed to bave studs in their nose."

- Student Handbook, 1996

The dress code controls students' appearance from head to toe and is conservative.

The student is required to maintain a certain hair length. This is speciûcaiîy spelleâ out in

the student handbook: "... hair should be neat and c l a n The standard for men will be the

middie of the ear on the sides, and the bottom of a dress shirt collar at the back."

Students with hair length beyond that standard are subject to a waxning and eventually

dements. Students are required to be neatly shaven. This is a problem for several

students in the habit of waking up late in the morning with only e t ~ ~ l g h time to shimble

intcl class. These sti~dents usuaüy are the exception b9t are closely watched by the Deac

of Students and other faaity members for fiirther signs of non-cornpliance.

A number of d e siudems have belpia the practice of shaving their heads. This is

reporte- as being an action which has pragmatic and spintual implications. On one band,

it allows them more tirne in the motning to do other tkplrs since washing their hir is

eljminated fiom their moming preparation On the other h;io4 these students suggest that

shaving their heads is an act of selflessness, of denying the se% in a r t s to focus on th&

personal relationship with the Divine. Not having to worry about the rush of morning

preparation, students are able to have a peaanil morning wbile going to prayer.

Occasiody, students' phys id appearances prove to be a disputeci ana to be

negotiated with the staff. This negotiation is between the audents pursuing individuality

and staff pursuing cdonni ty in the appearance of the students. At the t h e this research

was being conducteâ, a small group.. of male students were painting their fingemails,

wearing ear rings and jeans to chapel. A staffmember, becoming weary of the deviant and

"questionable" fashion that was becoming a growing presence on campus, addresseci the

students rerninding &em of their spiritual obligations.

Mr. McAllen: If you don't want to take the d g s 0% t h ' s your choice. We've been called to be separate fiom the world. Some tbings we do tie us to the world and not the church.

After reminding the students of their spiritual obligation to remah separate fiom the

outside world, the staff member went on to suggest that one's physical appearance is not

up for negotiation as each Pentecostal must present hiinseif "in a way acceptable to

God...a way that God can use to bring others into His Kingdom-" Students were then

informed that non-cunfoffnity to the distinct dress code would result in their removal fkom

mission teams (groups of students who traveI into the surrounding comxnunity to promote

the school and "spread the Word"). The teacher suggested that a conservaiive dress code

is necessary to build a rapport between the witness and the poteatial convert .

Mrs. McKorkle: I've been told up fiom Eastern Canada - if you Wear earrings, you don't minister. if you are going to minister, remove the d polish. If you're wearing di polish, it's simple - I'U go to Mt. Hooper and say [students name] doesn't want to be in campus rninistry.

In short, if the students did not conform to the dress code they would w t be part of a

school t'uaction. Conformïty to this practice meant participation in the school and

participation in the communion. They are constantly reminded that they are not in the

world.

Sacrifice is reflected in the Pentecostal boarding school by a series of institutional

practices which rquire students to systematically and totaiiy remove any property that

confias with tlie Pentecostal ethos.' These institutional practices emphasùe detachment

fiom the outside worid and an increased attachrnent to the Pentecostal ethos. Detachment

fiom the outside world is achieved through abstinence, b u q scheduiing, and the

weakening of exclusive relationships within the schooL An increased attacimmt to the

Pentecostal ethos is achieved on one hand through insulation tiorn the world, and on the

ot her, the strengthening of exclusive relationships with staff mernbers.

Abstinence

in order for students to maintain their faitb, they have to sacrifice parts of

thernselves that conflict with the Pentecostal ethos. Distinct fiom mortification, these are

not personal possessions but they are personal characteristics, habits, aod thoughts the

students are required to sacrifice for the sake of a higher, more pressing claim on them as

Pentecostal boarding school students. This requires students to cesse practices or habits

that conaict with the Pentecostal ethos upon arrivai at the Pentecostal boardiig school.

Sacrificing serves to promote detachment fiom the outside world.

Abstinence, and sacrifice in gened, is a practice designed to keep students pure,

uninfluenaxi by the outside world. Remaining miduenced by the outside wodd is

described as "keeping your temple pure." The "temple" tefers to a student's mind and

body and keeping it pure is aooomplished by sacrificing cbaractetistics of the self that

corne into conflict with the Pentecostal d o s . Sanya descrï'bes the pure "temple" as the

result of an intimate relationship with the Divine.

InteMewer: You know that verse "your mind and body are the temple of the Holy Spirit"? Do you live by that principle? Sanya: Not enough. 1 dweii on things that are good and wholesome. You have to be pure. You have to be pin in your actions because God dwelis withia you. He loves perfection ..; it is the same as God. You have to make sure your temple, U.our] body, ... is clean. 1 think your muid is the hardest part.

The challenge Pentecod students face is to maintain an immaculate ''templen within

thernselves, by sacrificing or abstaining fiom characteristics and hab'tts that codict with

the Pentecostal ethos, so as to host the Divine.

School regdations require students to abstain corn practices defined as harmfùl to

the body which are primarily h g , cigarette and alcohol use.

Student: 1 smoked. 1 tiad to quit to corne here.

Students are also to abstain fiom practices defined as harmflll to the their mind such as

premdtal or extramarital sexual relations. Chastity is the ideal for dl single students.

Students generdy reported strict adherence to this practice indicathg the lengtts they

were wiliing to go to suspend th& owa indulgences. Also ha& to the mind and body

dancing, ''ungodly" topics of discussion, personal adornment (painted nails and long heir

for men, excessive male-up for women). These things are coiicidmd *oMy" and

disruptive to the Pentecostal boarding school's leamhg environment.

Sometimes abstinence can go fiirther. Sanya, the student quoted dia, goes on

to suggest that ail hwnan beings are inherentiy sinfiil and in order to maintain an intimate

relationship with the Divine, one must deny one's natuai tendencies. Abstaining fkom

characteristics, habits and thoughts that cunflict with the Pentecostal ethos requires a

conîinuous denhl of one's self.

Sanya: Weli, it's [abstaining] denying your nature; what's cornmon; what's naniral for you to do. It's naturai through Society's influence; it's natural to swear ifyou hurt yourseK You have to wntroi yourseif. 1 watch too many shows that have violence or nudity or wbatever and it has especialiy affècted my thought We. images and words - you don't fwget too easily. They don't r d y disturb me. Thcy bug. Why do they bug me? Because 1 M. 1 M. That means 1 spend too much time on them - 1 don't take them captive and then they keep corning then 1 dwell on îhem, That's sin.

This student suggests thaî what is natural is wrong and, therefore, sin- Cathy also

suggests that confironting the sin or taking it "captive" is crucial in order to distance

Interviewer: Do you try and monitor your thoughts to try and keep them pure? Cathy: I do. Its definitely a constant problern. For one thing, it says in the Scriptures ... ' t h evey fhought ~~ to the things of Christ'. It's not a sin to think. But when we dwell on thoughts, it thefi gives b i i to sin and sin brings death. It's when we dwell on it and let Satan in, that we let ourseives be ternpted.

Abstaining fiom characteristics, habits or thoughts thaî contlict with the

Pentecostal ethos is strongly encouraged by staff

Mrs. McDean: I think [abstinence] is baving the awareness that our bodies, and everything thsrt we do with the- should be under the conîrol of and foilowing what God wants, ushg them in obedicnce to what He bas shawn us through the Bible. In the past, [Scriptwe] has k e n wed to say that this is a reasan why a person should not smoke, and do dmgs - these are all tme things. Basidlys [Scripture] is sa& that you are not your own and you belong to God. You should honour God with whatever you do.

Busy scbedule

Students adhere to a busy schedule set by the staE Thqr are required to attend

mandatory activities, the sequence of which is imposed fiom above by a system of explicit

rules and executed by the staff menibers. In doing so, they are reminded they are students

and dependent upon the administration of the Pentecostal boarding school.

Student are f o d y involved in their student. roles tiom 7:30 am. to 11 p.m. (12

midnight on Fridays). Some students h d the expectations as "always present."

Alexis: It seans like every - n e you tum around there is something to do Wre CO-ed [devotions] o r musicd practice.

The tight scheduie is intended to involve students' whole selves as wmpletely as possible.

The staffbelieve that their mandate is not just to produce Biblical scholan but total beings

with a deeply rooted taith in the Pentecostai ethos. To maintain their fkîth in every way,

statf must address the students' entire day, and even what transpired the night before.

Mr: C a ~ e l : 1 t d y believe that your day starts the Nght before and the quality of your day depends on what you did the night before. What time ;.ou went to bed, how much sleep that you got. It is important as well t o be well rested. we] are talking about ... d o m We. We are talking abmt a number of people who are h g together. If people are loud and ofien coming in and out unt3 three o'clock in the moming, that affkcts student We.

Susanne, a student, m o t even tind enough tirne to leave the school to nin

errands as it involves "so much hassle to get permission to miss lunch, find someone to do

rny kitchen work wMe I'm gone. 1 have to start my car, let it wam up, dnve h o town,

do my stua... It just gets to be a bigger hrissle than it is wod." Some students waït und

the afternmn between lunch and dinner and on the odd day when they have fewer

demands on them to leave campus.

To say that the students' day is planned suggests that th& biologicai and d

needs must also be planned by the Pentecostal boardmg school. Appaidix B shows is a

list of mandatory activities. This scheduk reflects the institutional oompleteness of the

Pentecostal boardhg school. Students are able to dine, rest, socialize, work and leam on

school property with little need to go into the outside worid. This schedde is so

thoroughly planned that a srnail nwnber of students (19?!h) leave the school property only

on Sunday when they are required to attend churcb at the school's atnliated denomination,

Go- suggests that the students' "ecamny of action is âisrupted" when they

mua submit to the scheduling of the total institution. M e n residing outside the

Pentecostal boarding school, students are fke to schedule personal adVities- In the

Pentecostal boarding schooi, activities are more tighly scheduled and mandatory

attendance is emphasited (Gofhan 1461 : 41). Students must dismpt o r temporarily

sacrifice their fieedom and do what the school demands. The students' position is one of

powerlessness as they must consistently obtain permission fiom a figure of authority. In

doing so, students attach themselves to the Pentecostal boarding school and detach

themselves fiom the outside world.

Wea kening of exclusive rdationships

Students sacrificing exclusive relaîionships means they must weaken their

connection with other people if it is defined by stan as potentiaily disniptive to their

maintenance of fiiith. Laon i d d e d "dispensing of existencen as the withdrawing f?om

relationships with those who are doctrinally impure (1991 :4). Similady, the Pentecostal

boarding school staff ernphasize a sacrifice of those relationships that are "negatively"

influentid on the shidents.

I'he weakening of exclusive relationships is most prevdent in the drning

relationships between students. Students are strongly encouraged to mead or terminate

dating relationships with ''unbdievers'' or non-Pentecostals. Those in a dating rehtionship

with an "unbeliever" are referred to as king "unequatly yoked." It means

Kyla: You can't many or date someone who does not value and beiiew the saw things you do. It a c n w s it up. You can't rnake decisions. You vaiue Metent things. You want to spend money on this, he wants to spmd money on that. Everything is in conflict. You can't agree on anything.

Mr: Baldwin: We strongly discourage our students fiom'dating Non-Christians. It tends to get in the way of their growth here. Personally, 1 believe students will eventually back slide if they begin dating non-christians. I've seen it too many times.

Weakening the "unequal" relationship is a control rnezhanism that promotes a detachment

fiom the outside world. But studenîs may amend the dating relatioaship by convincing the

"unbetievei' to b m e a "believer."

Dating relationships between students of the Pentecostal boarding school are dso

controiied by staff. Staff strongly encourage students to pl= Scripture reading and their

"personal relationsbip with Jesus Christ at the very centre of the romance." To them,

dating may circurnvent the students' maintenance of faith. Students may becorne so

enthraiid in each other that they wiU neglect their studies, communal work

responsibilities, and personal devotions. Mrs. Cratle suggests that "becorning so immersed

in another human being and forgetting God can lead to dangerous things ... like sen"

Students in daîing relationships must routinely consider their actions as a couple

and assess them to ensure they are "pleasing to Gd." To do this, couples are encourageci

to exercise exîreme caution when dating so that the appearance of every interaction rnay

be deemed pure and "pleasing to W." The student guidebook outlines these concem.

"Couples should avoid king alone in C ~ ~ S S C O O ~ S , library, chape4 lounges, offiampus residences or 0th- secluded places" (Studmt Handbook, 19%).

"Excessive physical contact in personal relationships is to be avoided. Couples are reminded to be aware of the implications of excessive physid contact, as weU as the uncornfortable position it puts others in" (Studenî Hamibook, 1996).

Informally, students have been given a "6 inch d e n which describes the amount of spâce a

couple is to exhibit when done together. The "6 inch rule" is the staffs d o n to control

the kinds of relationships snidemts have while in the Pentecostai boarding school.

Mrs.Cratle: We are concerneci with students being sexuaily active. We beiieve that sex is for marriage and that students shouid wait to be married before having it. They are here to get closer to God. Dating may get in the way of that.

Students also have the responsibility of monitoring each other so as to ensure that

their "brothers and sista maintain a relaîionship that is pfeasing and acceptable to Gd."

Finaiiy, engagement and marriage are discouraged.

"Student engagements and mamages are not encourageci during the school year. Those considering arch relationships wiU need tbe prior approval of the President, and in the case of dependent students, their parents" (Student Handbook, 1996).

These major decisions adults typically d e have to be approved by the school

The naff moniton and controls the types and amounts of idormation with which

students corne into contact. The control of information is formal in that it is exercised as a

mandate of the institution and outlllied as an expectation witbin the student handbook.

"Every student is encourageci to carefùiiy examine the philosophy and content of material presented to him(her by the secular Society in music, video, television, theatre, and the media This is to heighteit one's ability to discern between the true and the fiitse, the valuable and the worthless, that which is good and that f i c h is evil" (Student Handbook, 1996).

The control of information is aiso ùiformai in that it is exercised throughout a variety of

situations at the discretion of the M. The staff control the type and amount of

information to which students are exposed in three ways: through limiting access to media,

by the oontrol and ceosorship of Library resources, a d by reckdhg unsupportive

information so that it supports the Pentecostal ahos. The nrst two serve to ddach

students fiom the outside world, the last serves to attach students..to the Pentecostal

boarduig school.

Limitation of Media

The Pentecostal boarding school isolates students by iimiting the type and amount

of media that they consume by consistently monitoring and limiting television, radio, and

sccular literature. This is a systemafic process of isolation, separating one tiom a s W

Mestyle and, consequently, a sinfiil world.

Afler the initial c d to sacrifice unsupportive materials, students are expected to

maintain a pure lifistyle in terms of the type and amount of media they listen to, read md

watch. ' The Pentecostal boarding school begh this purification by making changes to

students' Mestyle and particularly to thek leisure time. Students are exhorted to iimit the

amount of seailar media they consume by designating specific tixnes media consumption is

allowed. As the Student Handbook clearly states, "TV's are not to be used in the doms."

Students' access to the school television in the lounge, which is the designated space for

media consuniption, is schedded between the hours of 4 p.m. and 11 p.m. daily. in

addition, students are expected to view only those videos and TV programs approved by

the College Viewing Committee. The College Viewing Committee screens the

programmhg d u ~ g the viewing hours, ensures that it does not conflict with the

Pentecostal ethos, and prohibits programs that do not meet the moral standards of the

Pentecostal boarding school.

To a great extent, the limitation of media is left to the responsibility of the

individual student as surveillance of this expectation is ditficult. Students are exhorted to

monitor themselves and their intake of al1 foms of media. They rely on seIfdiscipline to

enforce private conformity .

Paul: You can bring anythuig that is in a theatre into a VCR and people don? shut . it off when its time to &ut it o E Thae's things that 1 should shut off but 1 say

to myself 'oh, 1 can hande this.'

Students also play the enforcer role. Students feel responsibility toward each other and

are encouraged to be their "brother's keeper."

Paul: Braveheart . . . was gory. Jenna: It was good. 1 didn't think there was anything wrong with that- Paul: (Smiling at the other student) It also says in the Bible that some things for some people are a sin. It cornes down to what you believe. But, it also says not to bring someone else down.

It is not only the viewing of television in which studeats are cxpected to mainttain

vigilance. It extends to books.

Interviewer: In terrns of books. what kind do you buy? Cathy: 1 get whatever 1 want to r d . 1 read autobiographies. 1 love them. Because I'm interested in leaniuig about other people. I've read Heather Whitestone - she was a Christian deaf person. I'd say 1 read more Christian than nonChristian just because they are around.

The control of information serves to suspend sesdetermination. By institutional

decree or personai conviction, students are not aUowed to îiberaliy consume al1 forms of

media. The Pentecostai boardhg school @es students choices but regulates the

"freedom" of choice by iimiting the options. Certain options, for example listening to

secdar music, reading secular matenal or watching secular television programs are

considered unsupportive of the Pentecostai ethos and are consequently prohibited in the

Pentecostal boardhg schwl. In other words, students may choose what to waîch and

listen to ody fiom the staff-selected choices, ail of which are sc~eened and supportive of

the Pentecostal ethos.

Mrs. Baldwin: I believe in giving choices, but all the choices must be good. Not two choices of the bad one. For instance, you can listen to Christian music, you

can listen to classical - whatever those choices are. But you can not iisten to hard rock music. So 1 beiieve in giving choices. 1 don't believe in saying $NI can only iisten to Christian or you can dress, but you can't Wear jeans. AU kids should have those choices but ail those choices should be good. Not something that is wrong. To me that is not cuntrolling because they are leaming to make choices.

Mr. Balwin: 1 believe in giving them the ch~ice to watch any movie they want as long as it is not bad ... 1 know that almost aii movies are R-mted. 1 am a trusting person. 1 believe if1 told a college student, and 1 might be naive, 1 am, '1 trust you to watch any movie as long as its not R But when its R you can't go anymore, that is the cut-off for you.' 1 believe it is their choice what they see but an R movie, they don? need that in their life right now. I don3 watch them myseK 1 guess you try and protect them like they are your own kids but you can ody do so much.

If students choose beyond those choices sanctioned by the stafS they are not guaranteed

acceptance or good standing in the Pentecostal boarding school. In addition, in neglecting

to confom to the Pentecostal boarding school's d, they also neglect to conform to the

Pentecostal ethos.

Ir? the library, students are supplied with unlimited contact with approved

supportive resowces ("acceptabIe literaturen) which validate the PentecostaI ethos. The

coUection of the Pentecostal tmarding school library is overtly supportive as the majority

of the items in the hirary refer to religion and Pentecostalism.

The library's fùnction is to buse materiais that are aligned with the Pentecostal

ethos and the Pentecostal bowding schoot cunicuium.

Mr. Benn (iibmrïan): 1 have a respoll~t'b'ity to keep in touch with what is * d g taught 4 t h the Bible college. It is my responsibility to ensure that the liirary - when I am doing the coliection and deveopment - has the kind of materials that support the arnicuiurn If you look at Our c011ection, you can see the wmbers, you can see that the majority of the numbers are of the 200 section. The 200 section in the Dewey system is the religion section Our collection is at least 65% in the religion section.

The: Iibrary also houses a collection of resources that do not exclusively deal with

religious topics. These resources (books, magazhs, audio resowces, j o u d s , etc.)

pertain to other subject and are supportive of the Pentecostal d o s in a variety of ways.

For example, there are books regarding pedagogy and elementary education written by

Pentecostal authors, published by a Pentecostal pubiishing house, and greatly infiised with

the Pentecostal ethos. Magazines regarding women's issues are published by the

denomination's publishing house and pertain to the woman's role in the Pentecostal

denomination. Audio resources (such as music) are thoroughiy supportive of the

Pentecostal ethos as the lyric is based on either scripture or the composer's life as a

Pentecostal.

To Mr. Benn (the librarian), Scripture and the "Truth" is at the foundation of ali

other knowledge. But one can amve at the "Truth" through a variety of ways.

Mr. Benn: 1 üke to integrate ciiffiirent disciplines. 1 beIieve that all tmth is God's tmth regardes of what . . . discipline you are looking at. If you are looking at psychology or sociology or history - there are tniths in aü of these. 1 believe 1 c m lead a prima1 therapist to the Lord using bis own therapy. Men you have to get enough of that truth to get down to the key. There are key truths in every discipline in We. This is an arnnljng thing. You go ri@ down to the bottom of ail that and you will find God. But most people don't go fiu enough dom into it. If 1 wrote a book on d e v e l o p m d psycbology, it would be God's psychology. Even though 1 might not always use God in the terminology, it is sti l l there. You have equations thaî you can take and fiad saipture references that teach the exact sarne tmth. You take a scriptwe like 'why are you trying to pull a spesk out of someone's eye when you have a log in your own eye.' First take the log out of your own qre, now you can see. That is part of psychotherapy. You carmot do thaï in psychotherapy unless you have deAt with your own sûE If you have not d d t with your own stuff you have ali sorts of blinders and blind spots [and] you can't reaily see how to d d with the othr perron. If you get nd of the baggage in your own We, then you are fk to see and help somebody else. In ma the ma tic^^ a lot of those equations, ifyou r d y tlimk through the- We accountùig, deal with numbers and deficits. Spiritualiy, don't we nui a deficit. m n ' t we] S p a d more than what we have corning in? You can take accounting and find Biblical teaching around it.

Consequently, materials on other disciphes are inciuded.

The Libtary also holds certain resources that are deemed "controversial." These

resources are censorecl because of th& "demonic potential" and are kept in a locked

office in the library. Among these censored material are titiss such as "Dianetics,"

"Scientology," "Wicca," and "The New Age." These materials are kept away nom the

students in a shelf in a locked office. Students have access to them only when they take

comparative resgion, wodd religions or other such courses and are rnonitored by a staff

member.

Mr. Benn: I believe that students need to have a certain amount of what we cal1 controversial literature. But when 1 catalogue . . . a new book t h cornes on quite strongly, 1 wiU label it 'new age - controversial literature' because they are dealing with issues that the evangelical group does not believe in. With the new age movement, I tell students that they have to be carefiil of those who criticize our doctrines or teachgs because they go off on a tangent. You have to be so carefiil. This rnaterial [motionhg to the sheifbehind hirn in the office] we got fiee. They are wanting to promote their material. 1 will not encourage that by leaving this out thae and saying this is what we promote. if students are studying world religions they can have them. Tbat is in the context of wass] studying. They need to think for themselves. But ifshidents just want somcthing interesting te do, I don't see why 1 should give them this kind of material.

Staff of the Pentecostal boarding school perceive students as a contested b a t h ground

between good and evil forces, the struggle of which is manifestecl in the students'

everyday dezisions and actions. Conquentiy, the control of infortnation becornes part of

that struggle between good and evü. They are granted accpss to supportive library

resources whiie being denied access to controversai literature. This serves to attach

students to the Peutecostal ethos while detaching thern fiom the outsîde wodd.

Redinction of Unsupportive Infornation

Unsupportive information is information which questions Scripture or conflicts

with the characteristic concepts of the Pentecostal ethos. However. this information is

"redirected or used to support the Pentecostal ethos. The redirection of information to

be supportive most occurs when students encounter idormation of world events o r

information describing the moral, social, economic, or political climate of the outside

world. By rediredng the information received or interpreting them as examples of what

would happen ifthe Scriptwe is not foiiowed students reinforce their fith.

Asher: Everywhere we look we see corxuption. That is a reminder to us who knowth Tmth that Jesus is c c h g soon- .-. this is a reminder to me - aii of this is God's plan.

Sarhan daily receives the newspaper and finds herser fiequently reading about events that

cause her to question her faith. Again, she strengthens her faith by simply putting trust in

God.

Sarhan: I read that people in my home country are killing each other for nothing. It really bothers me. 1 have family back home. 1 get scared and 1 start to think 'why is God letting this happen?' Then 1 remeinber what His word says, 'Trust in the Lord with aU of your hart and lean not on your own understanding." 1 start to tbidc that God is in control. These t d l e t ,hgs just mean He is coming back won. Fraise God!

In this instance, Sarhan has tunied distresshg information, causing doubt and clearly

unsupportive of the Pentecostal &os, and has redirected it to be supportive of her fgith.

The control and censorship of library resources and the limitation of media serve to

detach students fiom information that may be a "negative influence" and unsupportive of

the Pentecostal ethos. Even if their unsupportive information cornes through, the

redirection of unsupportive information to be supportive promotes attachment to the

Pentecostal ethos.

The students of the Pentecostal boarding schwl are indoctrinated by a series of

rituais which intens* their faith, instnsct them in the d o s , and correct their

short-comings. These rituals are purported to achieve the goals of "Intensification,"

"Instruction," and "Reintegration." In the following, 1 shall describe how these rihials are

instituted in the sctiool.

Intensification rituals are designed to incuicate the idea of sacrifice by emphasizing

detachment fkorn the outside worid. Intensification rituals occur both pnvately (e-g.,

moming and evening devotions) and in the presence of others (e-g., chapel services and

group devotions).10 In the foliowing, 1 SM analyze private devotions and group

devotions. However, the focus is on chapel seMces as they are most effective.

Private Devotions

Moming and evening devotions are private intensification bals. Momhg

devotions @rayer and Scripture reading) begin at 7130 am wexy weekday morning in the

chapel. Mandatory attendance at these devotions is recorded by a sign-up fom on the

chapel door. When students arrive, they sign-in, quietly kneel at a chair, read fiom th&

Bible and pray. Evening devotions do not ocair in a specific, school designated location.

1% stwimt fiapmuy ~ K X I U I ~ ~ C I S <he inensitication ri- - or variations d i t - âuring ~ b e teguiar school we& Monday thnnigh FriQy at 7:30 am, TucsQy and ThurSday Chape1 at 11 am and wiiectivc devotions at cur f i i in the &g, Surday W&p wïîh sunoundllig church Community at 10:30 am, and coaduaing thcir own rimais in the field, for example at local mental bospitai, and nursing bornes in the afternoans thraigbad the wadc

Consequently, students locate themselves in places they believe to be inspiring or

conducive to reflection, Bible reading and prayer. On average, students spend 2.5 hours

per week in private Scripture reading, rdection, and prayer.

Group Devotions

At 9 p.m. on Tuesday evenings, each d o m (men's and women's) separately has

mandatory group devotions. AU the occupants meet in a pre-designated dom room and

are led by a Resident Assistant ( d o m leader) in Scripture resrdings and prayer.

Ocwionally, the d o m leader will ask for "prayer requests" which is an opportunity for

students to voice wncerm or problem they wish the others to remember in their prayers.

On huisd da^ evening, at 9:00 p.m., both d o m s gather in the chapel for CO-ed devotions.

A leader appointeci pnor to the devotions reads to the group fiom Scripture and prays

while they quietiy pray dong. On average. studcats spend 1.75 hours per week in these

mandatory group Scripture readhgs, prayer requests, md prayer.

Chapel Services

Chapel senices strongly emphasize d c e or detachment from the "outside"

world. The components of this intensfication rituai, music. prayer, sermon, and altar call.

work to emphaske detachment fiom thoughts and action outside of chape1 and strengthen

the student's faith in the Divine. Music provides an atmosphere wherein -dents are

subject to messages enwuraging deta~hwnt fiom the outside and receptivity to the

Divine. Prayer encourages uninhibited concenûation on and rrceptivity to the Divine.

The sermon iastructs students to apply religious tniths to everyday Me. The ihar cal1

inspires students t o d e physical and attiaidinal commimiait.

W~th the exception of Sunday Church semices, most instances of chapel h c e

oecur on weekday momings throughout the school year (Tuesday, Thursday and Friday).

On average, studemts spend 3.5 hours per weck in chapel. Chapel ocairs between classes

of religioys instruction during the week. As chapel takes priority, other school activities

are subject to change in duration to accommodate a frequentiy elongated chapel service.

Chape1 times are rec-g and consistent throughout the school year. Seldom is chapel

canceled as it is considered a maïnstay of school Me, dong with instruction.

The spatial arrangement creates an environment conducive to the reception of

musical direction and spoken word and establishes the authority of the chapel leader and

his direction of the chapel service. The shape of the chapel is approxhately that of a

triangle. It is arrangeci in a theatre format. The phmacle (one-third) portion of the room,

opposite the entrante, houses a platforrn 6 inches hi@. With wds slanting toward the

front, the space seems naturaUy to draw one's attention to the elevated platform and the

objects on it. On the plaaorm is a wooden pulpit, fiom the centre of which al spoken

word and direction corne. On the w d above the pulpit hangs a large wooden cross

(considered to be the focal point of the room) suspended on an incline be-g down upon

the congregation. The remainuig two-thirds of the room accommodates the congregation.

This congregation space is crescent sbaped and partiy encircles the platform. The

student's sight is attracted to the fiont, with no extravagant colour scheme or series of

icons to distract him from being intensely receptive.

The manipulation of sound is cornplex Before chapel begins, students manipulate

the amplification equipment or physicaiîy arrange the piano and drums to achieve

acoustical balance and, ultimately, to produce the desired volume and musical experience,

conducive to the intensification of fiaith. The music is to encompass the studenîs so

completely that they becorne receptive to the mood of the environment: festivity,

harmony, lucidity, and serenity, relaxation and lack of inhibition. The sanctity of the

chapei is fûrther enhanced by the authority of the leader, a student occupying the p l d o m

space, and sets expectations for behaviour in chapel.

Student musicians begh performing music as the congregation casually enters and

before seMces begin. Typicdiy, a fernale student with a microphone wiü stand behind an

overhead projector and project lyrics of a song on the wall behind her. Two other

students with microphones sing in harmony occasionally giancing at the lyrics on the wall.

Off to the side three male students play vibrantiy on a piano, drum kit and bas. Tbey sing

dong with the women on the platform. The music is quick, simple and loud with a

contagious energy.

As other students enter the chapel, their behaviour visibly changes fiom jesting and

physical jostling to composure. Walking down an aisle, they begin singing and nodding

their heads to the contagious rhythrn. They scan the room, find a seat, adjut their jackets

around the chair, and put their Bibles and books under their chairs. They exchange

glances, greetings and hugs with their neighbours, twn toward the tiont, and join in the

singing'and clapping. Some students sing passionately with their eyes closed and arms

outstretched towards the ceiling iike a chiid waiting to be picked up by a parent. Others

s d e and dance energeticaüy with the music. Everyone in the roorn is immersed in the

The student Ieader sits on the platform, the congregation of about twenty students

occupy the s p m below. The music and the singing establishes a wntext of togethemess

as ali students focus on a wmmon object and participate in a common activity under the

direction of the leader. Music endorses the order of group Me. The collective

crescendohg and decrescendoing, accelerating and decelerathg in concert under the

direction of a leader strengthens hisher authority. The lyrics provide imagery that

contributes to the SILIlCtity of chapel.

Song: Take me past the outer gates, into the holy place. Lord 1 want to see your face. Take me past the crowds of people, the pnests who ring your praïse. Lord 1 hunger and thirst for our nghteousness, its only fwnd in one place. Take me into the Holy of Holies, l' . . . Take the c d , cleanse my üps, hem I am.

' l The " ~ o l y of ~ o l i a " refets M a sacrd qmx in rn amiein Hekew Ccmpde arbcrr ody dsigiistcd individuals (derrad to as ''High Prieslsn) wrc dolrived to enter and wwship. This location is dscri'bed

Afier ail the students have entered and settîed imo the 'îvorship mode", the leader

forrnally opens with a prayer. Openhg prayer activates a sense of propriety by

consecrating the space to be used for the Divine and fiequently includes an invitation to

the Divine to enter the presence of the students. In this example, the leader re-establisha

the sense of sanctity through prayer.

Music leader [with eyes closed]: Father, we corne inîo your presence this moming with thanksgiving and joy and graîetiiiness because of who you are. Lord, we just pray that through this time . . . God's going to touch our h e m , and our We, and more than our intellect, touch our spiritual man that we might be able to grasp hold of yoy and be one in our spirit. W e just thank you for the pndege that we have access to your very presence, to commune with yoy to sup with you.

Though the invitation for the Divine to =enter the presence" is a collective act, each

individual student is encourageci to personally iwite the Divine "into your thoughts and

hearts to work in your Me."

Music leader (praying): We give our hearts to you and receive into our hearts a deeper relationship ... . Open up our hearts. We welcome you to do a work in our hearts and minds. We pray that you will help us set aside those things that occupy our attention and cause us to be distracted.

The music leader is suggesting students establish a relaîionship" with the Divine.

After the opening prayer, music resumes. Cho- predominate the musical

interludes. Choruses are simple, short musicai stnictums which are easily memorized.

They are repeated as many times as the music leader deems necessary sometimes as many

as 10 times before segueing into another chorus. The duration of a chorus may continue

from 2 to 15 minutes which rnay prolong the musical part of the service for up to 30 - 40

in the OId Testament and is sumniaded by ehbotaic riiuais. It is a phx assachM wiîh status and prestige.

minutes. Typically, the progression of cboruoes moves fiom quick, Lively, energetic, and

loud to slow, moving, Senous, cuntemplative, and soothing, wrging hto the praya

portion of the service. The musical style is both energetic and charismatic. It is energetic

as it employs both loud and soft dynarnics (with a range ofpimisirno toforfissimo) and

quick and slow tempos (presto to &te). It io charismatic in that if and the genre

employed, are immensely appealing to the students. Sounds and chord progressions of the

choruses are repücas of popular styles of music iistened to by students in their spare time

(e-g., rock rhythm and blues). Together, the energy and cbarisna of the music provides

the student with an invigorating and empowering apainice.

The iyrical content of most choruses foiiows a theological thune: "more of God,

less of -me." It strongly encourages the student to substitute quaiities of the Divine

(perfection) for his human qualities (imperfection)). This substitution of the Divine's

quafities, for example, love, patience, and purity, is achieved by shedding human

characteristics, for example, disdain for O- inattentiveness and impatiencey and

impunty, in order to attain and/or nurture an m g relationship with the Divine.

Chorus: More of yoy more of you. 1 have aü but what 1 need - more of you.

Chorus: You are rny ali in aü. You are rny s~riength when 1 am weak You are my treasure that 1 se&. You are my aU in d. Sceking you as a precious jewel. Lord to give up I'd be a fool. You are my aii in ail.

Chorus: My Me is in Yoy Lord. My straigth is in Yoy Lord. My hope is in You Lord, is in You, is in You. ... Give thanks with a gnüefùi kart, give tbanks to the Holy one, give thanks because he's @en Jesus Christ His son And let the weak say 'Thou art strong,' let poor say 'Thou art rich,' because of what the Lord has done for us. Give thanks.

Students are encouraged to abstain from seLfkemeâ thoughts and adopt thoughts of the

Divine.

Student (in an interview): Well [singïng choruses] helps to release a lot of stu£ï that 1 hold for a whiie like stress fiom the trip, needs, things tbt I've been praying about for a wMeY things that I'm womed about. But at the same time you're doing things that glorify him and not your seE Yw're asking God to help you concentrate on Him and not on yourseK You're constantIy thinking the words and trying to think about God and forget about your problems. Those rhings weigh you down.

Sometimes the music leader interrupts and exhorts the students to becorne totally

Music leader: J just want to encourage you to use your hearts, to sing this song. Prepare your heart and rnind for worship. . . . Forget what is going on around you, focus in on Jesus. When we sing this part, 1 want you ail to focus in on Jesus. Lisîen to what He is saying .... [singing] He is allI need. He is all 1 need. Jesus is al1 1 need.

In another instance, the music leader interrupts the singing and encourages the

congregation to let the Divine corne into them.

Music leader: Don't just sit back now as if -ne is gohg to preach. The Lord is just 5eghig to move here today. We have prepard our hearts. We need to be sensitive to the Spirit. Let Him speak to you. The Holy Spirit is seeking ernpty vessels he can fill.

Slower choruses presage the next act of worship - prayer. The transition &om

music to prayer is remarkably smootb, & d v e and powerfui. In almost di cases, music

becornes a soothing backdrop behind "concert prayei" (one l d g ail in unison) or

"coUectïve-individuaf" prayer (sirnuitaneous prayer). This smootth transition allows

students to remain unintempted, deeply contemplative and receptive upon moving bom

the musical interlude to prayer.

Before the concert prayer in which one saident prays aloud and the congregation

prays dong quietly, the music subsides, aeating a sole^^, meditative atmosphere.

Musicians play soffly over the munnurs fiom the congregation. Most of the students are

in a contemplative or prayerfid state, siaging with their eyes closed, hands raised towards

the ceiling or kneeiing at theu chairs with th& hands wvering their faces. The leader asks

if there are any prayer requests (problems or concems that students would like to be

mentioned in concert prayer). The leader encourages the students to "sharen andior "give

your [problems] up to God ... put them in His haridsn One by one, -dents speak above

the music and briefly describe a situation or mention a name they wish the other students

to remember in prayer.

Student: 1 would ike prayer for a guy at work. He's been really hungry for the Word lately and believes God is going to save him. He's had some hard tïmes lately with wotk and his girIfnend and stuff. He's really been a bwden on my heart and 1 would like it if we could remember him in prayer today.

At the end of the description, feilow students nod their heads in agreement and vetbaily

respond with "amen" and "yes, Jesus.''

As the leader begins to pray, he/she elevates his voice above the music and

elaborates on each request mentioned. The congregation is relaîively dent with the

exception of fiquent, quietly spoken affirmations and the occasionai victorious shout.

The content of concert prayer is always spontaneously composed. Students do not

pre-write or read prayers but are urged to approach prayer as if "talking to your best

fiend" ("talk to God as if you are talking to me, right hem"). Students may quote fiom

scripture to articulate the predorninant emotion behind their prayer.

S t d f 'By Your mips we are healed,' Gd. 1 just want to bhg Beverly and her family before You. Be with thern at this tirne of los . Bring to their memory the promises of God, Lord. Cornfort them, Lord. Even though theii loved ones are in heaven, Lord, there is pain. Be with them.

"Continuous prayex" dur'-ng concert prayer gives rise to an imegral and defining

aspect of Chape1 ritual: "spealaag in tangues."' "Speaking in tonguesn, or glossolalia

phenomenon, is dehed as 'the religious phenomenon of making sainds that constitute, or

resemble, a 1&7guage not known to the speaker" (Burgess, et al 1988:335). It occurs

when the mident participates in an intense emotional atmosphae, or to use Kildahl's

tenninology, the "induction process" (Kildahl 1986: 3 53-3 55). The intense emotionai

atrnosphere is created by continuous music, repetition of choruses and prayers, and

repeated instruction to 'Torget the 'yourseif' and the 'right now' and receive" fiom the

Divine (Kelsey 1968: 138). speahng in tongues is a result of the student submersing

himselfkerself in this intense emotional environment, by singing, clapping, dancing, raising

hisher àrms toward the ceiling and fervently praying.

When prayer cornes to a close, a speaker (student or staff) goes to the elevated

plaâorm and addresses the congregation. At this the , attention foaises on the speaker as

hdshe sets a context for the sermon.

Speaker: Tum with me now, to Psalm 61. Fust, let's ask God to be with us as we study His Word. 'Father, we ask You to be with us, with me as 1 deliver this message You have laid upon my hem. Help us to be receptive and open to Your voice, God. And 1 corne against any spirit of unrest or distraction that may hiader this message, in the name of Jesus. We rejoice in the victory, Lord. Thank yoy Jesus. Amen.' Tuni with me to Psalm 61 and let's listen to what God has to tell us.

l ~o addition to --g in tongwsn (glossolalia pimorneon) was what participants dtie P w h boarding scbool itnaed "manif&aîions of tbt Spirit" These arc mas pufimm3 by M a a d students w b "uoder the contrai oftbe Holy Sphi~" Ractias witncsssd during chi@ merc =slaying in ttre Spiritn (fauing into an uac~IISCious state), 'signing in the Spiritw (pdonning sign language while in an altered state of C O ~ ~ ~ ~ O U S I I C S S ) , "quivcring in tk Spiritn (mmntmWW trrnibling), "Word of knowledge" (au ability to perceive information otherwisc privy regadhg a pcrson or situation; tht Divine is creûited witb gMog the participant doscs of insi- information), and "intcrpdation of tonguesw (an abiiity ta interpret glossolalia phc~)muia).

The Bible is fiequently used in chapel and ail students are encourageci to bring

their own. l 3 During the reading of Scripture, students and stafhpproach visiton to the

chapel and oEer to share their Bible with them for the reading. The reader identi6es the

Scripture readings and people respond by finding the verse to follow dong with the

reader. Occasionaîiy, students will be spontaneously cded upon by the speaker to read

fiom the Bible in fiont of the congregation.

In addition to the reading of scripture, the sermon consists of the interpretation

and application of scripture. Historical eras and paradigms are recalied. There is a ünk to

the past and an inherent appeal to return to that past ("when things were better"). A need

to reconnect or to reMtalize certain beliefk or practices (past ways of thinking) is stressed.

Upon the completion of the sermon and music in the background, the speaker

invites the congregation to respond to "the c d of (iod" by wming "up to the fiont [altar]

for prayer."

Speaker: Some of you need to be here today. God is talking to ail of us. If you feel you need to talk to fFim, the altar is open.

The invitation establishes an atmosphere of waiting and expectation There is a sense that

the Divine is waiting ("The Holy Spirit is waiting for you to respond this modng. He is

speaking to some of you here.").

A heavy responsibiîy is placed on students to "res~ond," that is, moving to the

altar, f&g the speaker on the platfom d e r the hanging cross. Responding to the

invitation is an act of submission to the authariîy of the speaker and the Divine.

Neglecting to respond to an "invitation" (or "altar call") by not conhg forward is referred

to as "ignoring the cal] of W." Going up to the fiont for prayer is an act of confonnity

and refùsing is an act of non-confonnity. l4 One by one, -dents lave their seats, move

toward the pladom and stand or kneel a$ the altar on the platfonn stairs- Students and

aafTlay their hands on each other and "anoint" each other with oïl. * The speaker uses different verbal strategies to solicit a response fiom the

congregation. Gentle encouragement is used to instill confidence within students to

accept the invitation ("Gd loves you and He wants to see a work done in your Me7').

Sometimes the speaker may adrnonish the students with rnild reprove.

Speaker: ifyou are not serious &out God today, ifyou are not committed to what He wants and you want to do your own thing, then the best t h g to do is to walk out that door [points to the back entrances] because God can't use you if you aren't willing to do what He wants.

The speaker may exhort, strongly advise or urge students to accept the invitation as " t h e

is running out."

Speaker: There is a lot of cornpIacency [in the church] and 1 for one do not want to be cornplacent when Christ reaims. He 1s coming for a spotless, pure bride. We are the bride - the church. 1 don't know about yoy but 1 want to be ready. That starts here, today.

The speaker also may challenge students to inspect his w d t m e n t in efforts to solicit a

response to the altar d l .

Speaker: Ask yourseif how much you love Jesus. Keep standing and ask yourseIf, how rnuch do you love Jesus, to yourseIf. Sometimes 1 feel like Peter when Jesus asked him, 'Peter how much do you love me?' 1 ask myselfthat ... 'How much do 1 love Him?'

in the congregation space fanbcst away h m the pladorm. Participating h m the ôack is thought to be a sign that one is appttbcnsive, bcsitant andior unwilling to participate witbout inhiition. Ody during special services (e-g., webdings) is amving iate and siltiag in tbc "backW, out of irrrrcrty not considcred nonsonformity. l5 The ''anoinîing with oü" omus when sndents arc in Dctd d a physicaî kahg Sianor students gather a r o d the ailing shdcnt, place a drop of oil on Ibe shdcnt's forehcad, Lay theh bands on himmer and pray for the Dhhc to heal the studtnt.

As each segment is c a r M y planneci, the manner in which it ends is of qua1

importance. To a great extent, the mood of a partidar chape1 service detemines its

endhg. For example. chapd services that have been exciting and energetic may end in an

upliffing prayer. A dosing prayer such a this will contain uplidüng themes and be

delivered in a jubilant m e r . In contrast, those chapel senices that have been

predominantly contemplative, deeply reverent and serious may end with a quiet dismissai

and an open opportunity to rernain within the chapel to pray. Sometimes, there is no

formal dismissal given and students remain and pray until they are finished. Here, the end

of chapel occurs when one leaves the space and the sacreci state is ongoing until there is

no one left to sustain it.

Communion is the emphasis on attachment to the group. Instructional ntuais are

used to strengthen students' attachment to the Pentecostal boarding schwl (communion)

are deliberately and systematically articulated in instruction. Attachment to the group is

achieved not oniy tlirough the instructional i na te ri ai but also through the Ctassroorn's

spatial arrangement and instructionai activities (class opening, lesson, and closing).

Instructiod mattriab

Instruction in the Pentecostal boarding school is made up of a series of theulogid

and practicai subjects which are intended to transmit religious tniths and offer an outlet for

application of those truths (see Appendix A ) . ' ~ Theologicsl subjects may be divided into

two categories: theology and theologidy infornecl. Theology are those classes that

explicitly concentrate on the study of the Divine, His attributes, and relevant religious

l6 ~heology is mai.niy thc sîudy thiiis abd/or rcligiow tnahs- ~ a e spocificaüy, t ~ o g y is the study of God aod His a m i e s .

tmths. The theologically informed are those L~kral Arts classes that do not directly

pertain to theology but are implicitly saturated with religious truths. For example,

Anthropology class - the study of the origin, physical and cultural development of man - begins with a discussion of thc Divine's creation of Adam and Eve and a description and

exphnation of an inherently s i . human nature.

Practical subjects providing an outlet for application are dinded into two

categories: subjects on the appticaîion of religious truths and outlets for the application of

religious truths (Appendix A). Subjects on the application of religious tnitbs prepare

students for applying reiigious tmths in both religious and secular settings. These classes

train students to communicate retigious truths convincingiy, counsel believers and

non-beiievers accordmg to those religious tmths, effectively educate childten and aduts,

and manage and lead groups of believers in churches. Students apply reiigious tniths

outside the classroom by wnducting religious church services in local churches, nuroing

homes, and mentai hospitals. Students also apply reiigiws truths in informai settings such

as proselytizing at a local inner-city drop-in centre.

Instruction in these subjects is intensive. It ocairs between 8:30 am and 12:30

p.m. every weekday moming (see Appendix B). Each class is 55 minutes in lcngth. The

students spend on average eighteen and one quarter h o m in class a weeL Instruction

(specialized and concentrated religious instruction) is prefaced by moming prayer' which

serves to intense the students' faith, and bmakfàst which serves to fort& the students'

bodies. With full stomachs and prrpared mindg hidents enter instruction Class

aîtendance is a central aspezt of the students' Me. They moditjr th& own activities

around this schedule. Students arrange part-ime work schedules and sleep h e s around

classes.

Classroom amngemcnt

The Pentecostal boarding school classrooms are large square roorns with

semi-&ed features arrangecl in a theatre format. Typically they have a large heavy

teacher's desk at one end of the room, making it the fiont and centce of attention. Behind

the teacher's desk is an overhead projector and a wall of chalkboards. The wdls are

white- The absence of decoration and the grey carpet focus students' attention on

remulders of upcoming fùnd-raisers, music rehearsals, and assignment due dates on the

chalkboards. Facing the teacher's desk are symmeîrïcal rows of student desks arranged in

straight, vertical and equally spaced Lines. This orderly and simplistic format undergoes

iittle alteration throughout the school term.

Sitton suggests that the classroom can be interpreted as an expression of

expectaions for the behaviour that is to occur withui it as well as a facilitator in reabhg

those expectations (198056; Sommer 1%9:8).17 Classroom arrangement transmits a

symbolic message to students as to what is supposexi to occur in that space: students sit

facing the fiont in an orderly &hion, and observe as the teacher conducts an

"information-transtger kind of education" (David 1974:696). ûetzel suggests thaî these

arrangements endorse a conception of the student as an "ideationally empty orgaoism

associating dismete stimuli and responses through the operation of rewards and

punishrnents under the control of the teachei' (Getzels 1974530).

The classroom arrangement is sociopetaî to student-teacher interactions. It is also

sociotùgal with regard to student-student interaction (Sitton 1980:71). The theaîre format

is an expression and facilitator for student behaviour during class but it also becornes a

way for organiPng student identity ('we are aU here under the legitimate leadership and

direction of the teacher').

l7 '...Our visions of buman nature find cxphsslon in the buildings wc oonstnict .ad these constnidians in turn do the silent yct in#isa'bIe work of tclling us who WC arc abd what wc mua do. Our babits impcl our habitations, and our habitations impcl oar livcsn (Hall 1%9:8).

Instructional activitics

As students file into the bnghtly lit, sparsely decorated classroom, they laugh,

jostle with one another, and continue conversations initiaîed outside the classroom.

Students are lively and boisterocis, sustaining a mood of play and festivity fiom the

hdway. They move to a preferred desk and begin readying the space for the upcorning

activity by s e a r c h g in their backpacks for notebooks and texts. As the teacher is noticed

standing behind his desk, signaiing for the students' attention, the students case talking

and quickly ready themselves for the lesson. The mooâ smoothiy changes to one of work

and seriousness.

Teachers obtain the attention of the students. Mr. Baldwin predorninantiy stands

s o l e d y behind his desk with his hands clasped behind his back while looking out at the

rows of students. Mrs. McNeil promptly and assertivety calls for the students' attention

when the t h e for instruction has arrived. Mr. McKorkle stands behind the fiont desk

with his arms crossed and a solemn expression on his fhce. Mr. Mitchel tends to ftrrow

his brow and rest his closed fist on his chin as ifcontemplating the upcoming lesson. Mrs.

McDciugai f i equdy stands at the front of the room 4 t h her eyes closed as if in prayer.

AU rnembers of the faculty wait und the boisterous noise level subsides M o r e they open

the class in prayer.

In addition to these âisplays of authority, teachers estabiish their authority by

' ' s a n ~ g " the instruction with an opening prayer. Prayer validates the tacher's

position in formai instruction. W s h e is the only one etigible to spealr. Prayer validates

the content of instruction as it is 'of the Divine' or a part of "God's word." Thereafter,

the position of 'teacber' and content carry with them an unquestionable quality. Students

respond to this 'sanctüication' of instruction through prayer by immediately bowing their

heads, closing their eyes, and assuming earnest and thoughtful Êc*l expressions.

Mr. McDougal (eyes closed): Let's pray. Father, we want to thank You for the beautifid day You have given us. 1 just ask that You will be with us today as we hear and read fiom Your word. Speak to us today. Be with each of these young people, God. B M ~ to memory all that is talked about t d y 7 Lord. In Yow name we ask it, amen-

A basic d e of instruction is "there is a time and place for everything and

everything is in its time and place." Students are shepherded promptly, by teacher's

displays of authority' h o the fixe4 task oriented schedule ("everythhg is in its tirne").

Mr. Baldwin: Class, the tirne to begin has passed. Let's get in the fiame of mind please. We've got a lot to cover this morning.

To use Hali7s terminology, instruction operates on "monochronic tirne" (M-tirne)

(1 969: 15). l 8 There is only one activity (the right one) going on w i t h any given space at

any given time. Teachas create lesson plans that try to ensure an exact sequential

development of content for a spedied amount of time (Sitton 1980:79). Students are

expected to remain in th& seats and remah attentive and quia for the rernainder of the

lesson ("everything is in its place").

Teacher displays and postures that establish authonty dso define the expectation

the teacher has for the students. Students recognize the authority behind the teacher's

displays and accordingly respond to those displays. Simply, the -dents manage

themselves in such a way that supports the suthonty of the teacher and, therefore, the

authority of the institution.

When the teacher stands at the fiont of the classroom, with arms folded and a Stern

and determined fhal expression, students becorne dent and attentive. When the teacher

writes on the chalkboard, and begins reciting religious .tniths or Scripture references,

students take notes. They read along with the teacher when helshe reads fkom the Bible or

text. Students bow their heads and close their eyes when the teacher beguis to pray.

Students becorne task oriented when thc actions of the teacher presmibe a task.

These primary actions of the students, compliant to teacher authority, (silence,

taking notes, reading along with the teacher, bowing one's head and closiag one's yes)

are prefaced by a series of hcilitating actions. Faciîitating actions are those that students

must perform in order to perform the primary actions. In order for students to take notes

or read dong in the required text, they must be sitting quietiy, watching and Listening

attentively. When students comrnunicate with one another, for example asking for a

rnissed page number or requesting to borrow notes or pen, they do so quickly and with a

whisper. Students who siIeatly pray in concert with the teacher at p r d b e d moments

m u a be either sittïng or standing, depending upon the direction given by the terieha,

Listening to the teacher as hdshe prays with closed eyes. In orda to ask questions during

instruction, students rnust be sitting orderly, Iistening attentively, cugnitjvely arranging

hCormation, rephrasiag and inquiring. In this way, pedorming the actions of a Ugood

student" - note-taking, reading, asking questions, and prayhg - are tàcilitated by a saies

of compliant actions.

Students perform these primary and fhcilitating kbeviours with r e m

attentiveness, moderation, obedience, and pliability. These qualities are vaiued concepts

applicable not only to the "student" role but to the 'Tentecostaln role. Perfonning the

primary and facilitating actions during instruction, and oonsequently, enacting th&

qualities also, is the initial step to possessing them beyond the classroorn-

The components of the "macro instructional ritual" (the series of Iessons ocaimng

throughout the school tam) resernble that of a University or community d e g e : as&&

reading, lecture, and exarns (Mclaren 1993 :8 1). Students are assigned readings h m a

series of selected texts including the Bible. The subject matter of the assigned rendings

comprises the content of the teacher's lecture. At the middle and end of each terrn,

teachers test the students' grasp of the materiai wvered during the lesson and readings.

Exams are the primary means of student acadernic assesment, Individual lessons which

are tacher-centred and are directecl toward the instillation of specialired religious content

into the student, predominantiy wnsist of lecture. Lecture c o n t . both overt and subtle

forms of indoctxination. Subtle indoctrination validates the authority of the teacher and

content. Overt indoctrination empôasizes the impressiveness of belonging and anpchment

to the group.

The teacher exercises authority during the lecture, through movement and taUcing.

As the students remain cloistered in their own desk space, al1 other spacës are off-limits

and belong to staff. The teacher's ability to move about the classroom, when others may

not have that liberty, is a demonstration of power to a sessile congregation. Teachers

make occasional forays into student seating to selectivity address student queries at

effective, intimate distances. Teachers routinely lecture fiom diffèrent parts of the room

which aiiows them to survey their listenefs and reduce umthorized student behaviour

during instruction- Students' restriction of movement and teacher's fieedom of movement

reiterates the difference in authority between the two groups during instruction

Teachers control the atmosphere, as they taïk for the grtater part of the instruction

time. Through taiking, they introduce, cl* and reiterate the expectations of the

midents inside and outside the classroom with minimum ambiguity and make aâoption

imperative. Making imperative student expectations is accomplished by teachers'

authority. This authority cornes from their position as legitimate institutional

representatives worthy of studea~' merence and trust. Talkiag, the unhampered ability

to speak, gives the impression that what teachers have to say is of importance, valid and

legitimate. When teachers speak, eveqhody is to listen.

To the class, these behaviours of the teachers or, what Mclaren woud tem

'performatives', legitrnizes the school's stams quo (Mciaren 1993:107). These

performatives in speciahed religious instruction are effective because they are delievered

by the tacher, a remgnized authonty figure. However, the teacher does not just

represent the school but also the Divine. Consequently, everything the teacher says bas

the same authority as ifit were spoken d i r d y bq the Divine.

Mr. Baldwin (during a lecture): You look around and you see the things of the world. 1 mean you see people hurting each other, drinking, haWig promiscuous sex, dmgs . . . you name it. Real Chrisrians don't act that way. Real bom-again believers have a sincere desire to do the will of God in their life.

The teacher describes traits atypical of the "born-again believer" and, in dokg so,

describes traits that are definitive of the "boni-again believer." The teacher is not merely

describing standards for attitudes and behaviours, he/she is bringing the expectation into

existence (making these attitudes and behaviours desirable). Not only is he/she desaibing

a "boni-again believer" but he/she is establishg the criteria to which the students must

adhere to in order to becorne or remain "boni-again believers." At the sarile tirne, helshe

also assigns moral worth to the criteria.

Mr. Baldwin (dwing a lecture): If we know what is right and we don't do it, our testimony is affected . . . we've failed. Something's not right. Chances are, we, in our spirit, are not nght with God. God says i fwe are neither hot or cold ...if we're luke warm, He'll spit us out.

Teachers, like M . Baldwin, articulate the critena for "boni-again believers" by descriiig

behaviour as being "right" or "wrong ."

Teachers also set the criteria for the students' behaviour inside the classroom.

Teachers occasionally direct students to perform specific acts which encourage and

facilitate the intemaikation of the teachings of Pentecostalism.

Mr. Mitchel (during lecture): You'il want to &te this down in your notes - rnay be on the exam.

E-xpectations for the students are defined by expiicit directions. In addition, teachers apply

moral worth to the iÙifUment oc or aeglect oc student expectations. In other words,

when students follow directions, they are "good students" and when they do not, they are

"bad students." The designation of "good" and %ad" may not be explicitly stated.

Mr. Mitchel: Don't wait untd the 1 s t minute to study ... that's l a q and it doesn't work.

Mr. McDougal: Take Rick - he was involved in everything. He was in every group and he studied hard. His grades waenYt great but he had integrïty. He was a servant leader . . . a mode1 student .

Students' behaviours (reai or hypothetical) are associateci with positive (integrity,

servitude) or negative (laq) qualities.

The perfomtive marner in which teachers tend to inform students of their

expectations gives the impression that their instruction is legitimate and not to be

questioned (Olson 1980:186). Once expectations for -dents, inside and outside the

clzssroom, are with a mord order, they are made sacred and, therefore,

unquestionable. These expeaations are not amenable to verifkation without calling into

question the underlying beliefs (Rappaport 1980: 189). l9 To question the undalying

beliefs is taboo as it displays disbeiief within a group in which belief is essential for

membership. If a stude~tt displays disbeliec "questions the fath," hdshe is acting contrary

to the expactaîions of student and of bom-again betiever, thenfore jeopardizing h i d e r

membership in the group. Consequentiy, most saidents codorm t o what is requind of

them. Though students' conformity d a s not neassarüy symbolize students' belief in the

l9 7ba< which is poshi~~ed as wrquestionablc may bu< d mt bc rclighs. It mny bul nceû m< have 10 do with mysticai forces and the spint world Unquesiionability may instcad k invcsted in a system of authonty or a politicai idaology or othcr mattcrsm (Moore and Mcycrboff 1977: 22).

values of the school, it does serve as an index of accepting those values. rming through

the motions of instruction, no matter how pehc tody , brings conforniance into being.

The end of the lesson is frequently rnarked by a verbal cadence (a bief

summarinng statement) or traclemark assigning of homeworWreaâing. Occasionally,

instruction ends with prayer. Prayer Wtates instruction as it relaxes the rigidity of the

spatially ami vehally established expectations for student behaviour. Prayer and

meditation serves to foster an atmosphere of reverence, contemplation and reflection.

Meditation often includes the use of audio-visuai resources with a musical a d o r

inspirational program which promotes a relaxed and fiaterual atmosphere. Students are

asked to take time to reflect on themes previously wvered in the lesson.

At the end of the meditation and prayer, and instruction formally over, students file

out of the single exit. The mood created by the meditation extends into the Wway as

students greet each other warmly. Touching &er class through, accepted foms of

contact, is muent even between student and teacher. Hugging and back-patting break

the tension of the instructionai ritual caused by the formai teacher-student relationship. It

serves to re-ignite the spontaneous bonâing and feelings of goodwili that prevails outside

the classroom.

Reintegration rituais are the series of institutional procedures to reconnect students

to the fentecostal ethos when they have breached the sociai order of the Pentecostal

boarding school. Students are then remindeci of what the expectations of them are, how

they should a d and why they should act in that particuiar way. To do so, the staff

emphasizes the idea of mortification. Mortification refers to the transformation fiom

"death of' or separation fiom, an afEiliation to the outside world to "rebirth ton or

achievement of an institutionally approved status within the Pentecostal board'ig schml.

These ntuals serve to establish the authority of the sta f f and the submissiveness of the

student. ..The staff critïcize students' unsuitable actions, thus making them aware of theu

offence against the school's authority and assign them an unfavourable stanis by giving

them &meriris. Staff then require students to perfiorrn remedial tasks (correction) to

re-establish their status in the school. In efforts to achieve fàvowable status with feiiow

students (reinfegrate), students will voluntady describe and confess their offence to the

student population in a public confision.

Awareness of Od&nce: Dtments and Guilt

Students who adhere to the code of conduct experience fkvourable status within

the Pentecostal boarding school. They are also adhering to the instituti~nal authority of

the code of conduct enforcers (the

Ln contrast, those who violate the code of condua are considered offenders agaht

the school and the stagauthonty. Non-compliance with the code of conduct may also be

an act of non-cornpliance with the authority of the Divine. Students caîegorize their

offences in two main categories: breaches of the operational order and breaches of the

moral order.20 Breaches of the operational order are those aas of non-cornpliance with

the staff and are contrary to the -011s of the "student." Examples of breaches of

the operational order are unexcuseci absence eom class and chape4 beiag late for d m ,

wearing ripped jeans to class or chapel, and neglecting to sign out for mds. Breaches of

the moral order are those offences agaiost the authority of the Divine, and contrary to the

expectations of the "bom-again ôeliever-" Examp1es of breaches of the moral order are

drinking, gambüng, profimi@, and pre-marital sex.

Students are made f o d y aware of their offence through a system of demerits

given by the Dean of Students. Derne* are rnainly gïven for a violation of the

operationai order articulateci in the code of conduct. Offences wmmitted by students are

brought to the Dean's atte~tion by staff members.

Mrs. McDougai: 1 know I'm obiigated. If1 see a student break a rule' 1 must report them. So it does aect me Ut that way. It would be hard. 1 beiieve that if1 saw someone leaving after curfew or someone being inappropriately involved together, I'd have to report them both. But I'm the type of person that would go to those people and say '1 have to report you. I'm sorry but that's the way it is,'

Students as well are encouraged to report student offences as they are their "brother's

[sister's] keeper." Being a keeper means that one is obligated to one's feilow students.

Student: You can break d e s without getting caught by Mr. Mitchel [Dean of Students]. When we corne in late for curfkw, the RA cornes into my room. 'Hi guys. Its pretty late, we might have to do something about that.' And he reports us. It's like littie versions of Mr. Mitchel. Sometimes they even wait up for us.

Offendhg students are notifieci of thek demerits through a mailing system. Demerit slips

are deposited in their mailboxes. Demerit slips record the offence, the date of the offence,

the offending student, the required correction, and the supervisor of the correction

(Appendix C).

Breaches of the moral order are i n f o d y addressed by the Dean of Students or

other concerned staffmembers in a way other than giWig demerits. They approach those

students and make the latter feel "guiit" of non-cornpliance. Students refer to this as "guilt

trips," staffgently remind students of their obligation to the school's authority.

Student: They shape you by making you feel guilt for certain things. Ifyou do something against what they beiieve, they make you feel bad, like you screwd up.

Maybe you don't feel guilty yet, but they let you know that they don't approve and that you are not fitting in to what they think is the mold. You WU have to change if you want to get on anybody's good side at ail.. . .But they make you feel guilty and it works.

On these "guilt trips," students are remuided of their obligation to the authority of the

Divine.

Student 1 : They make you feel guilt by suggesting that you are not meeting our expectations. Student 2: You are not meeting Jesus' expectations. Student 1 : That is what they are dways bringing up, "would Jesus do that." They try and lay on the M t . They think ifthey do, it will smarten you up and sometimes it will.

Guilt acts as a social force upon these students wmpeibng them to examine their actions

to see if they fit with their self concept.

if offences to both the operational and moral order are serious, non-compiiant

students are referred to a discipünary cornmittee. The disciplinary cornmitte is made up

of the Dean of students, one 0th- facuity member, d o m supervisors and two student

representatives. The disciplinary cornmittee determines d i s c i p h q action when

"extreme" discipline is necessary. Deviant students are asked to appear in fiont of the

discipline committee and address accusations of non-cornpliance.

Student (Interview): The thing about Nadine was ... she wasn't living how Christ would. She wore her bra over top of her shirt. That was just stupid. It was a joke that was taken by some other student to be offensive. I think rnost of all, people thought that she was doing damage to her testimony and that it was done with a bad spirit. She got 20 demerits for impropnety and she apologized to those people who were offended.

Staff member on Disciplinary Committee: We want to maintain an orderiy leanhg atmosphere ... one that's based on Christ. We can't have people running a r o d here being inappropriate and still have a Christ-like setting. It just doesn't work.

Festinger suggests that, in efforts to maintah an inter@ semie of equiliiinum and order, an

individual needs to believe helshe is acting according to hi f i er self concept and values. If

behaviour changes for any reason and is not in accordance with the individual's self

concept, hdshe experiences dissonaxe and is impelled to r e d v e the discrepancy ôetween

hidher self concept and behaviour. To rainunite the discrepancy between thought, feeling,

and action, which are components of the individual's identity, the individual re-aligns

behaviour with hisher seif concept and values, re-establishing a sense of equilirium and

order (Festinger 1 953 : 1-9; Hassan 199059)-

Students of the Pentecostal boarding schwl encounter this jmttem of dimpancy

whenever they commit acts contrary to the school policy for behaviour. They re-establish

personai equilibrium through repentance and restitution. These punitive procedures the

school institutes allow the institution to impress upon students disdain for actions not in

accordance with schml policy and consequently inspire feelings of personal dissatisfaction

and gwlt within the students. As these students arrange their private and public life

accordhg to the wi l of the total institution, aspects of the students' selves are significantly

shaped.

Correction

Correction consists of the fernedial tasks performed by students intended to help

them regain favourable status within the school. This is, in Tumer's teminology, the

liminal stage, wherein the offending students are in transition between the unfavourable

status associated with non-cornpliance and the favourable status of cornpliance with staE

and Divùie authority (1%9:94-96). To obtain favourable status, these students must

perfom actions which endorse the social order which they have breached. In this

institutionalized act, which endorses the order of group Me, offending students perform

campus work to alleviate the dmeri ts (and, occasionally guilt) a~companying the offence

to the code of conduct.

Students who tàil t o meet the required standards of campus Iife are given demerits.

Demerits are not an end in themselves, nor are they endlessly accumulated without

reprieve. Students may work to reduce th& number of accumuiated demerits through

campus work such as work in the kitchen, landscaping, and janitorial assignments. While

other students with campus work assignments work to lessen th& payment to the schwi,

these shidents with demerits work to lessen the number of demerits.

Such students are given work assignrnent for a number of hours. They are given

campus work sheets to record the progress of their rehabilitation. They are requed to

record the start and finish times of a task and the total t h e on that task. Then they obtain

a signature 6om the work supervisor and given a rathg based on their performance of the

correcti've task.

Student: 1 get demerits mostiy for skipping prayer in the moming. 1 know I've been caught when 1 look in my mailbox in the morning and 1 see that little m e slip. So 1 get ... 10 dements and one hour of campus work to work it off 1 do the routine - go to Mr. McDougai [campus work supervisor], get him to s i g it when I'm done the hour of raking. He signs it and the Dean signs it. Then 1 do it dl over again- Cheap labour, eh?

Students with 100 demerits may be suspended or even expeiled fkom the Pentecostal

boarding schoof. Students may appeal a dismissal case to the President who uitimately has

the last say. Though excessive demerits result in dismissal, staff express a sincere desire to

keep students within the school program as it is considered beneficial for -dents'

character. Therefore, staff oftea relax the dismissal standard, using it only in severe

breaches of the social order, and assïgn campus work to offending students instead.

Rein tegratioa

Reintegration are those actions in which students work to regain status within the

school and with fellow classrnates. As the students' status is altered by non-cornpliance

with staffauthority, they may regain favourable status by a voluntary act of submission to

the authority of the df The most effective voluntary act of submission to authority - of

reintegration - is public confession.

Public confession is effective as it - requires students to separate themselves

temporarily and expose themselves to the remaining population. It usually o«ws in

chapel and other student assembly settùigs such as gmeral assemblies and c d

devotions. On this occasion, students have just completed a musical portion of the service

in the chapel when the leader asks,

Leader: 1s there anyone that has a testimony or a Word fiom the Lord that they would like to share?

Isaac (a £irst year student) takes this opportunity to "get some things off my chest that

God's been burdening me to say." He stands up fiom the middle of the seated

congregation, clears his throat, and, clutchhg a Bible in his hand, begllis to speak.

Isaac: 1 have had a rough couple of weeks and I'm srire 17ve been hard to live wit5 [chuckles]. I'm sony about that. 1 really let my devotional life slide and 1 guess that's what happens. Yesterday and today, I've been getting back into it and I've really been blessed. 1 just want to encourage you aii to stay in the Word. That's your strength.

While speaking, he faces the fiont as if intending to speak to the leader standing on the

elevated p l d o m and makes the occasional glaces to his le& and right, to include his

fellow congregation members. The r d c i t r a n t student is required to separate

himseIMierself fiorn the congregation by stand'ig up alone and in fiont of his fellow

students and staff and declare his i n a d e q d e s to his peers.

The public c o n f i i o n generaily has t h e parts: the admission, the apology, and

attribution. Students admit to an inadequacy or offence against the school. Admission

allows students to shed any association with actions and attitudes that are not valued by

the sta f f and students.

Student (during confession): When 1 came here, 1 was not totally interested in Living for the Lord. 1 listened to s e d a r music, dressed how 1 wanted, didn't corne in for d e w , and 1 wasn't interested in going to old foiks homes and stuff- 1 guess you couid say I was a back-slider. But Mrs. McDougal [staff member] talked to me and showed me that she cared about me. 1 got back right with God and now 1 don't have any cxaving to do any of that stuffanymore-

Upon adrnitting inadequacy, offending students direct some fonn of apology to ste

students, and/or the Divine. The apoiogy is a crucial eiement of pubic confession as it is a

statement of submission to aii those listening that the confesser is inadquate or wrong

and desires to be adequate or right.

Student (during confession): 1 am sorry ... and 1 want to make things right.

Students fiequently attnbute the success of theu new awareness to the Divine. Students

tell of how the Divine convicted, cleansed, inspired and generalIy motivated them not only

to confess publidy but to alter their lifestyle because of their new awareness.

Student 1 (during confession): 1 just wmt to theak God for getting me through this tenn. 1 'kind of lefi everything to the end. Without God's strength 1 wouldn't have been able to do that. 1 shouid have been ready for that test but 1 guess that's what grace is - gettïng what you don't deserve. Next term 1 won't be doing that again.

Student 2 (during confession): If it wasn't for Jesus Christ 1 would never have gotten this fàr. 1 just want to thank Him for his love and kindness. He changed me big the . 1 can't imagine Him not being a big part of my Me.

Individual mortification becornes evident in these theraputic narratives. Students publicly

shed inadquacies, subtnit to authority, and attribute their success to the Divine and

emerge fkom "death" to We."

Although other means for students to tegain favourable status exkt within the

Pentecostal boarding school (e-g., private apologies with staff), public confession seems to

be the most effective for reintegrating them into a favourable status with aU members of

the Pentecostal boarding school.

Student 1 (interview): Let's say you have a problem wif'n somebody. .. and you've done something really mean to thern. You go to them and say 'sorry. ' They rnight forgive yoy but everyone else thinks you're a jerk. They don't see that you were forgiven by that person and by God. They think you are d l a loser. But at k b l y 7 they give oppominity for people to speak and say what God has on their hearts. And this person gets up and says, 'look I've been a loser to everybody here. 1 am sony about thinking this way about Jason.' Then everybody's opinion of you changes. Since he announceci it, everyone thinks 'now he is OK.' You are back into the little spot they fit you in before you broke out. That is ... how the schwl operates.

Student 2 (inte~ew): Ya, 1 n o t i d that with Darlene. Everyone thought she was a witch ribcut e v m g . So they took her to apologize to Mrs. McNeil in

fiont of the whole student body for her to gain acceptance. That helped ber fit back into the clique.

Student 1 : m b l i c confession] didn't make a Merence with Darlene's standing with God but it made a clifference as far as how she feels. She didn't have to be on the defensive aU the time. She didn't have to think tbat everyone was down her back. She didn't have to think everyone was looking at her badly. They were. Everyone was wondering, 'whaî is the matter with Dariene?' Right d e r the confession, atl of a sudden, it was like 'Oh she is right with everyone npain.' But really it didn't &éct her standing in the spirinial but it effected her standing in the social. Confession probably made her fe1 more spiritual though.

mer a public confession, students reported experiencing better relationships with staff

and other students.

Public confession is "voluntary" as it is not a school requirement for students.

However, the voluntariness of this act of submission seems less voluntary as students are

strongly encouraged to Wake whatever means appropriate to remedy a wrong doing with

another brother or sister and God."

Staff member (interview): Personaliy, 1 think corifession helps a whole lot. I did wrong. It bothers me. I can't sleep at night. You coafess your wrong and all of a sudden it helps your ernotional health and your physical health. 1 think it also has a big bearing on our relationship with God. It is the Biblicai principle to forgive a fellow man like God has forgiven you. There is something about the environment here that is very constructive.

The rituals of the Pentecostal barding schwl indoctrinate students in the

Pentecostal ethos by establishing staf f authority and, subsequently, legitimizing the content

of the rituais. Students' faith is intensifieci when they respond to staff messages of

detachment t?om the outside world and receptivity to the Divine. Students experience

O-~ert md subtie inda-tion ouring classrwm instruction which emphasizes

unquestionable adherence to the expectations of the "bom again beliwef' and the student.

Reintegration traasfomis students by encouraging detachent or "death" to an

unfavourable status and "rebirth" to a f'avourable status in the boardhg school-

r 5: T d Conformih.? The purpose of this research was to determine whether or not the Pentecostal

boarding school produces total conformity to the practïces of the school and the broader

concepts çontained in the Pentecostal doctrines amol~g the students. The data suggest

that the isolating and indoctrinating practices are not always effective. There are instances

of fidi conformity through both public and private acceptance of the practices and

concepts but in other instances, pubiic or private conformity, or both, may not have been

achieved. In other words, there are two types of conformity achieved by the ~ s o I ~ M ~ and

indoctnnating practices: total (pubiic conformity with private acceptance of that

behaviour) and partial (public codonnity without pnvate acceptance of that behaviour).

In the fotlowing pages, the effectiveness of the Pentecostal board'mg school in producing

total and partial confonnity WU be assesseci and an explanation provided.

Total codonnity is achieved when wnformïty in public behaviour is accornpanied

by the ùiilividUa:'s private acceptance of that behaviour. According to Festinger, total

conformity (public confomity with private acceptance) can be determine. by obsexving

public behaviour and eliciting private responses.

"If we couid observe, as neady simultaneously as possible, the person's behaviour under both public and private conditions, we would have a satisfktory basis for distinguishing between the two types of iduence. If the private behaviour is found to mincide with the public behaviour we may assume that we have observed public cornpliance with private -ce. however, pubiicly the person shows the cornpliant behaviour but privately reverts to his original behaviour, we may then assume that the public cornpliance without private acceptance has taken place" (1 953 :233).

The use of private elicitations to determine the students' pnvate acceptance of the

Pentecostal ethos was the most acwate way to determine private acceptance in the

Pentecostal boarding school. The data obtained during interviews and journal writings

provides an acairate indication of the students' private aaeptance during the interview

and while writing in a j o d but provides a less accurate indication of the students'

pnvate acceptance outside of the immediate presence of the researcher. However, both

public observations and private elicitaîions cacried out in the Pentecostal boarding school

suggest that total coafocmity has not been achieved among aü it's participants.

The objective of the Pentecostal boardhg school's isolating and indoctrinating

mechanisms is to produce conformity to the Pentecostal &os, namely mortification,

sacdice and communion. Most students (97%' N = 30) regulariy conform to the

Pentecostal ethos publicly with or without private acceptance. In other words, codormity

to practices embodying mortification, sacrifice and cornmuion may be achieved, however

that confonning behaviour is not always accompanied by private acceptance.

Generally, di students public& wnform to the Pentecostal ethos. Their

participation in, and conquent public confonnity to, the isolathg and indoctrbating

mechanisms bas beea obsewed. Descriptions of audents' public conformity to the

isolating and indocirinating practices are typical of the entire student population.

Generally, these students bot& adhere to the Code of Conduct Guidelines which isolate

them and participate in the rituals of indoctrlliation with few instances of non-cornpliance.

The boarding school staff reporteci a û% drop-out rate for the school term. Of these

students that r&ed, not one suggested that they were having serious doubts about the

Pentecostal boarding school or that they were considaing dropping out.

Only 45% (N = 14) of students unquestionably codonn, pubIimî& undpnwrteiy,

to the ail the practices of the Pentecostal boardhg school. Students' private responses,

made avdable by intewiews and journal entries, include a rich e e t y of justifications and

r a t i o ~ t i o n s for confornilng to the school's p d c e s . The accounts, some of which

have been deScnbed or quoted in the preceding pages, strongîy suggest that they deeply

believe the isolating and indoctnnating practices necessary for the times in which they îive,

in order to meet their social needs and Divine approvd. These responses coincide with

the observed behaviour and support the notion that students codorm to the isolating and

indoctruiating practices.

Some students (55%' N = 17)' however7 question tLe means for achieving those

ideas. In other words, these students value the Pemtecostal ethos but do not always agree

with how it is achieved tbrough isolation and indomination- They suggest that it is

possible tçi believe in the idea but not in how it is realized.

Hilroy: 1 think you bave to be carefül as a Christian. You have to be caretid what you take in because sooner or later it rnakes you who you are. But I r edy think 1 can Wear my hair long, wear jeans to church, go to a movie theatre, or stay out past eleven and d l be a great Christian. I can do those things and still be pure. So, 1 guess 1 don't believe in how [the schwl] encourages putity and separateness but 1 do believe in k i n g pure. 1 mean, I'ii still respect the school's des, I'll still pIay the role but 1 won't always buy into it.

Whichever the case, public conformiq can produce p h t e acceptance. In the end,

individuals may even exceed standards of public behaviour set by the school.

Stuart: 1 don't necessady enjoy doing everything we're supposeci to do but I'm learning to. The school is set up to [heip us] develop as Christians. 1 get up in the morning, eartier than 1 would like to, and rejoice in the Lord because 1 am in a place that is dedicated to helping me becorne the stronges~ Spirit-filleci Christian 1 can be. By the end of my moming prayer, I am then2diil people üke President McAiien and the Baldwins are looking out for me.

Angela: mghs] I've even starteci praying M o r e chape1 and classes. They don't make you .... But after I startecl praying at the begùining of the day and noticing what a difference it made...in my mood, I just wanted to get iuto the Spint more. 1 get so much out of classes now. You shodd try ptgying. Ilaughs] It doesn't hurt.

Accounts such as Stuart's and Angela's suggest the extent total conformity may be

achieved by the Pentecostal boarding schwl.

Reasons for the different reactions of the students cm be found in their readon to

the isolation and rituais in the Pentecostal boarding scbool. Accordimg to Festinger, the

forces shaping the individual may be intqreted as "induceci" or "owned." Induced forces

are those perceived as emanating f?om the authority and do not necessarily wincide with

the individuals' interests. "Owned forces" are seen as those correspo~ding to the

individuais' interests and meanin@ to them. The process of codonning to the

Pentecostal ethos can be viewed in terms of students accepting or rejecting these forces of

influence (Festhger 1953 :233).

Public codormity without private acceptance occurs when the institutional

practice is perceived as an induced force. Practices in the school influence students to

rernain in the Pentecostal boarding schmi, restrain or discourage interaction with the

outside world, and promote fear of the consequences for leaving the Pentecostal boarding

school. The students' busy scheduliag, the weakening of exclusive relationships, the

adoptïng of a "student" title and the removai of unsupportive possessions influence their

decision to rernain students. Geographical isolation provides the physical resaaint. The

constant reiteration of the "outside" threaî also make students aûaid to teave. These

practices detach students fkom the "outside wodd" and encourage investment in or

attachrnent to the Pentecostai boarding rhool. Becsuse of these practices, students

pubiicly conform. At the same the, these students see the forces of infiuence or "induceci

forces" as originating fiom the expressed d of auother, namely the Pentecostai boardhg

xhool statf: and do not directly wrrespond with their needs (Festinger 1953 :233). Even

if the students do not reject the practice openly, they do so prïvately.

Public wnfonnity with private accqtance is the produa of two facors: the

attractiveness of the Pentecostal boarding school and pleasure derived fiom being a

student. Here personal and uistmitiod Unerests coincide. The practices of communal

Living and sharing, communal woric, institutional wmpleteness, distinct âress and language

and the instructional rhd foster an attractiveness to the Pentecornal boarding school.

Intensification rituals and communal living make life pleasurable and meaningfiil. If

students are highly attracted to the school or derive pleasure 6om being students, they wïil

exhibit public d o r m i t y with private acceptame. These forces diiectly correspond to the

students' needs and therefore are rneruiingfùl to them. Since these forces are meaningfùl,

students are more likely to publicly codorm to and privately accept them.

Induced forces of influence originate Erom the expresseci will of another, such as

the Pentecostal boarding school sta@ and not with the d s of the student. These forces,

however, may becorne owned forces of influence if the student accepts them (Festinger

1953: 233). When the student accepts the induced force, it no longer originates with the

express will of the Pentecostal boarding school staff but becornes "owned by the student

and, therefore, corresponds to the student's needs.

Isaac: At tirst 1 was really rebeüious. I thought that 1 didn't have to do what everybdy else did. 1 guess my heart wasn't right with God either. But f ier the fh t couple of weeks, 1 was reaiiy miserable. I was getting into scraps with President McAlien and sorne teachers over cwfew and dress code and stuff. One night 1 went to the dm7 and 1 was really hstrated, and 1 just prayed about it. It was awesome. God really took away my rebellious spirit. Now 1 know that these rules may seem silîy but fiom this side 1 can see they are nezessary- It's because they're necessary that 1 submit. I don't just submit to [PBS]. 1 think of it as submitting to the Holy Spirit each time 1 have to do something. Man, does it make things a whole lot easier. You should think about it.

Isaac is an example of a student who, for the sake rernaining a student, choose to accept

an induced force of influence, therefore, making it an "owned force.''

In this process7 the attitudes and behaviour instigated by the induced force will

continue to occw in it's absence. There students publicly coriform to a boarding school

practice but also privately endorse such behaviour. They accept that influence and adopt

the charactexistic concept embodied by that practice.

The Pentecostal boardhg school uses isolating and indoctrinating practices to

produce total conformity to the Pentecod ethos. Practices that correspond to the

-dents' needs are more likely to produce public wnfonnity with private acceptance.

However, when those practices are not seen to correspond with the needs of students they

tend to remit in public cunfonnity without acceptance. Whichever the case, the

Pentecostal boarding school is largely successfiil in producing public wnformity in the

schooi.

Theolonv Acts Ancient and Medieval Church History Christology (Study of Christ) Early Pauline Epistles General Epistles Gospel of John Helrrews History of Israel(1 and II) History of Missions Introduction to the Bible North American C hurch History Pneumatology (Smdy of the Holy Spirit) S w e y o f the Bible Twentieth Century Pentecostahm

Anthropology Communication (I and II) (Written and Oral Communication) Music Fundamentals Physicai Education

T m Christian Education of Adults Christian Education of Children Christian Education Principles and Methods Church Management Counseling Basics Leadership (I and II) Fractical Situational Counseling

Joe's Place (Inner City Drop-in Youth C m ~ e ) L o d Church Meetings Local Nursing Homes Pentecostal Boarding School Players Pentecostal Boarding Scbool SUigers Pentecostal Boarding School Tours Vdey View Mental Health

Note: This slip must be signed by your supervisor and retumed to the Dean of-Students by the date indicated.

Name: Evan Jasper Offence: Skipping morning prayer Dements: IO Work Homs Assigneci: 1 hour Supervisor: Mr. McDougal Supervisors Signature: Mr. Mcbougal Date Completed and Retumeû to Dean: May 3, 1997

Date: May. 6, 1997 Date: May. 3, 1997 Suspemded: No. Task Assigneci: Mowing Complete by: May 15, 1997

Signahire of Dean: MP. Mitchel

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