Indonesia's Democratization after Suharto: Successes and Failures
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Transcript of Indonesia's Democratization after Suharto: Successes and Failures
Indonesia's Democratization after Suharto: Successes and Failures
Indonesia's Democratization after Suharto: Successes and Failures
Marcus MietznerAustralian National University
Boğaziçi University, Asian Studies CenterIstanbul, 18 December 2012
Marcus MietznerAustralian National University
Boğaziçi University, Asian Studies CenterIstanbul, 18 December 2012
Structure of PresentationStructure of Presentation
1. Overview of Indonesia’s Democratization Trajectory
2. Successes: Electoral Reforms, Military Reform, Institutional Strengthening, Decline of Communal Violence, Economic Stability
3. Failures: Corruption, Dysfunctional Party Financing System, Erosion of Religious Tolerance, Stagnation
4. Conclusions
1. Overview of Indonesia’s Democratization Trajectory
2. Successes: Electoral Reforms, Military Reform, Institutional Strengthening, Decline of Communal Violence, Economic Stability
3. Failures: Corruption, Dysfunctional Party Financing System, Erosion of Religious Tolerance, Stagnation
4. Conclusions
Overview of Democratization TrajectoryOverview of Democratization Trajectory
Suharto resigned in May 1998 after 32 years of military-backed rule
Handed over power to VP B.J. Habibie
Habibie quickly reformed political system, promising elections for mid-1999
Political prisoners freed, free press established
But he did not view himself as a transitional president - instead, he worked towards his re-election
Suharto resigned in May 1998 after 32 years of military-backed rule
Handed over power to VP B.J. Habibie
Habibie quickly reformed political system, promising elections for mid-1999
Political prisoners freed, free press established
But he did not view himself as a transitional president - instead, he worked towards his re-election
Overview of Democratization TrajectoryOverview of Democratization Trajectory
Habibie failed in his bid for re-election
Abdurrahman Wahid was elected president in October 1999 through the People’s Consultative Assembly
Erratic, chaotic presidency ensued
Parliament almost immediately turned against him
Political system paralyzed between early 2000 and mid-2001
Habibie failed in his bid for re-election
Abdurrahman Wahid was elected president in October 1999 through the People’s Consultative Assembly
Erratic, chaotic presidency ensued
Parliament almost immediately turned against him
Political system paralyzed between early 2000 and mid-2001
Overview of Democratization TrajectoryOverview of Democratization Trajectory
Wahid was impeached in July 2001
Under his successor, Megawati Sukarnoputri, fundamental reforms were brought on the way
Constitutional amendments passed in 2002
But Megawati seen as aloof, indifferent and elitist
Lost 2004 direct presidential elections to Susilo Bambang Yudhoyono
Wahid was impeached in July 2001
Under his successor, Megawati Sukarnoputri, fundamental reforms were brought on the way
Constitutional amendments passed in 2002
But Megawati seen as aloof, indifferent and elitist
Lost 2004 direct presidential elections to Susilo Bambang Yudhoyono
Overview of Democratization TrajectoryOverview of Democratization Trajectory
Yudhoyono benefited from many of the reforms put in place before he took office
Democratic consolidation began with his election
Initially, he seemed to live up to his reformist promises
His single most important achievement: settling the Aceh dispute peacefully in 2005
Won landslide re-election based on high likeability factor and generous cash hand-outs to the poor
But now seen as gentle but indecisive lame duck president; reform process has stalled
Yudhoyono benefited from many of the reforms put in place before he took office
Democratic consolidation began with his election
Initially, he seemed to live up to his reformist promises
His single most important achievement: settling the Aceh dispute peacefully in 2005
Won landslide re-election based on high likeability factor and generous cash hand-outs to the poor
But now seen as gentle but indecisive lame duck president; reform process has stalled
Successes: Electoral ReformSuccesses: Electoral Reform
Indonesia now the most democratic state in Southeast Asia
One of the reasons: it has one of the most open and competitive electoral systems in the world
President, governors, mayors, district heads, village heads all directly elected (since 2004)
Parliamentary elections moved from a closed party list system to an open one between 1999 and 2009
High incumbency turnover rate
Indonesia now the most democratic state in Southeast Asia
One of the reasons: it has one of the most open and competitive electoral systems in the world
President, governors, mayors, district heads, village heads all directly elected (since 2004)
Parliamentary elections moved from a closed party list system to an open one between 1999 and 2009
High incumbency turnover rate
Successes: Military ReformSuccesses: Military Reform
Military remained influential throughout the transition
But its power declined drastically after 2004 - especially after the Aceh peace accord
Main reason: intra-civilian consensus on pillars of political reform - military sidelined as a result
Military had to surrender internal security function to police (separatism, communal violence, terrorism)
Military remained influential throughout the transition
But its power declined drastically after 2004 - especially after the Aceh peace accord
Main reason: intra-civilian consensus on pillars of political reform - military sidelined as a result
Military had to surrender internal security function to police (separatism, communal violence, terrorism)
Successes: Institutional StrengtheningSuccesses: Institutional Strengthening
Most of Indonesia’s institutional innovations proved effective
Constitutional Court established in 2003, creating an effective, independent and reformist arbitrator of political conflict
Anti-corruption Commission also created in 2003, which quickly gained public trust through high-profile arrests
Executive-legislative relations turned from being hostile in the early 2000s to complex but polite in the early 2010s
Most of Indonesia’s institutional innovations proved effective
Constitutional Court established in 2003, creating an effective, independent and reformist arbitrator of political conflict
Anti-corruption Commission also created in 2003, which quickly gained public trust through high-profile arrests
Executive-legislative relations turned from being hostile in the early 2000s to complex but polite in the early 2010s
Successes: Decline of Communal ViolenceSuccesses: Decline of Communal Violence
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Successes: Economic StabilitySuccesses: Economic Stability
Successes: Economic StabilitySuccesses: Economic Stability
Successes: Economic StabilitySuccesses: Economic Stability
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Failures: CorruptionFailures: Corruption
Despite high-level arrests by the KPK (ACC), corruption remains rampant
In the TI Corruption Perception Index 2012, Indonesia ranked 118th (2011: 100th; 2010: 110th)
Patronage remains all-pervasive in politics and society
Corruption makes legal sector weak and an instrument of the rich
Despite high-level arrests by the KPK (ACC), corruption remains rampant
In the TI Corruption Perception Index 2012, Indonesia ranked 118th (2011: 100th; 2010: 110th)
Patronage remains all-pervasive in politics and society
Corruption makes legal sector weak and an instrument of the rich
Failures: Dysfunctional Party Financing System
Failures: Dysfunctional Party Financing System
One of the reasons for the continued corruption is the dysfunctional party financing system
Indonesia cut state subsidies for parties by 90% in 2005
All Indonesian parties get together around US$ 1 million a year, allowing them to cover far less than 1 % of their expenses
Result: parties squeeze their legislators and executive representatives for funds
They, in turn, recoup the funds through corruption and lobbyism
One of the reasons for the continued corruption is the dysfunctional party financing system
Indonesia cut state subsidies for parties by 90% in 2005
All Indonesian parties get together around US$ 1 million a year, allowing them to cover far less than 1 % of their expenses
Result: parties squeeze their legislators and executive representatives for funds
They, in turn, recoup the funds through corruption and lobbyism
Failures: Erosion of Religious ToleranceFailures: Erosion of Religious Tolerance
Democracy has opened the door for the expansion of radical Islamist groups
These groups have agitated against Christians, Ahmadis, Shias, atheists and other minorities
Government reluctant to take action because it does not want to be seen as un-Islamic
Erosion of minority rights particularly pronounced under Yudhoyono
Rise of moralist conservatism
Democracy has opened the door for the expansion of radical Islamist groups
These groups have agitated against Christians, Ahmadis, Shias, atheists and other minorities
Government reluctant to take action because it does not want to be seen as un-Islamic
Erosion of minority rights particularly pronounced under Yudhoyono
Rise of moralist conservatism
Failures: StagnationFailures: Stagnation
No significant reforms since 2004
Yudhoyono has administered the country’s stability, but has launched no new initiatives for change
Indeed, some conservative elites have tried to roll back reforms (electoral rights, ACC)
Economically, wages have remained stagnant, informal labour rates high and near-poverty widespread
Wealth concentration increases while ordinary Indonesians get few benefits from the strong GDP growth
No significant reforms since 2004
Yudhoyono has administered the country’s stability, but has launched no new initiatives for change
Indeed, some conservative elites have tried to roll back reforms (electoral rights, ACC)
Economically, wages have remained stagnant, informal labour rates high and near-poverty widespread
Wealth concentration increases while ordinary Indonesians get few benefits from the strong GDP growth
ConclusionsConclusions
Indonesia has recorded remarkable achievements in its democratization process
It has avoided a fresh military take-over, territorial disintegration and another economic collapse
The political institutions are functional, and economic growth respectable
But the country has stopped in the mid-2000s to pursue further institutional reforms
Most importantly, it has not managed to establish a workable party financing system
As a result, corruption remains endemic, the influence of oligarchs on politics is increasing, and the reputation of party politics is declining
If this situation continues unabated, and no further reforms are being launched, the public could become disillusioned with democracy, and calls for a neo-authoritarian solution could emerge
Thus, the 2014 elections will be crucial in deciding Indonesia’s democratic future
Indonesia has recorded remarkable achievements in its democratization process
It has avoided a fresh military take-over, territorial disintegration and another economic collapse
The political institutions are functional, and economic growth respectable
But the country has stopped in the mid-2000s to pursue further institutional reforms
Most importantly, it has not managed to establish a workable party financing system
As a result, corruption remains endemic, the influence of oligarchs on politics is increasing, and the reputation of party politics is declining
If this situation continues unabated, and no further reforms are being launched, the public could become disillusioned with democracy, and calls for a neo-authoritarian solution could emerge
Thus, the 2014 elections will be crucial in deciding Indonesia’s democratic future