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Title: Third class in Indian railways

Author: Mahatma Gandhi

Release Date: January 31, 2008 [EBook #24461]

Language: English

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THIRD CLASSIN

INDIAN RAILWAYS

BY

M. K. GANDHI

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03 01 2011 The Project Gutenberg eBook of Third …

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GANDHI PUBLICATIONS LEAGUEBHADARKALI-LAHORE



CONTENTS

THIRD CLASS IN INDIAN RAILWAYS

VERNACULARS AS MEDIA OF INSTRUCTION

SWADESHI

AHIMSA

THE MORAL BASIS OF CO-OPERATION

NATIONAL DRESS

THIRD CLASS IN INDIAN RAILWAYS[1]

I have now been in India for over two years and a half after my return from SouthAfrica. Over one quarter of that time I have passed on the Indian trains travelling thirdclass by choice. I have travelled up north as far as Lahore, down south up to Tranquebar,and from Karachi to Calcutta. Having resorted to third class travelling, among otherreasons, for the purpose of studying the conditions under which this class of passengerstravel, I have naturally made as critical observations as I could. I have fairly covered themajority of railway systems during this period. Now and then I have entered intocorrespondence with the management of the different railways about the defects that havecome under my notice. But I think that the time has come when I should invite the pressand the public to join in a crusade against a grievance which has too long remainedunredressed, though much of it is capable of redress without great difficulty.

On the 12th instant I booked at Bombay for Madras by the mail train and paid Rs. 13-9. It was labelled to carry 22 passengers. These could only have seating accommodation.There were no bunks in this carriage whereon passengers could lie with any degree ofsafety or comfort. There were two nights to be passed in this train before reachingMadras. If not more than 22 passengers found their way into my carriage before wereached Poona, it was because the bolder ones kept the others at bay. With the exceptionof two or three insistent passengers, all had to find their sleep being seated all the time.After reaching Raichur the pressure became unbearable. The rush of passengers could notbe stayed. The fighters among us found the task almost beyond them. The guards or otherrailway servants came in only to push in more passengers.

A defiant Memon merchant protested against this packing of passengers like sardines.In vain did he say that this was his fifth night on the train. The guard insulted him andreferred him to the management at the terminus. There were during this night as many as35 passengers in the carriage during the greater part of it. Some lay on the floor in themidst of dirt and some had to keep standing. A free fight was, at one time, avoided onlyby the intervention of some of the older passengers who did not want to add to thediscomfort by an exhibition of temper.

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On the way passengers got for tea tannin water with filthy sugar and a whitish lookingliquid mis-called milk which gave this water a muddy appearance. I can vouch for theappearance, but I cite the testimony of the passengers as to the taste.

Not during the whole of the journey was the compartment once swept or cleaned. Theresult was that every time you walked on the floor or rather cut your way through thepassengers seated on the floor, you waded through dirt.

The closet was also not cleaned during the journey and there was no water in the watertank.

Refreshments sold to the passengers were dirty-looking, handed by dirtier hands,coming out of filthy receptacles and weighed in equally unattractive scales. These werepreviously sampled by millions of flies. I asked some of the passengers who went in forthese dainties to give their opinion. Many of them used choice expressions as to the qualitybut were satisfied to state that they were helpless in the matter; they had to take things asthey came.

On reaching the station I found that the ghari-wala would not take me unless I paid thefare he wanted. I mildly protested and told him I would pay him the authorised fare. I hadto turn passive resister before I could be taken. I simply told him he would have to pull meout of the ghari or call the policeman.

The return journey was performed in no better manner. The carriage was packedalready and but for a friend's intervention I could not have been able to secure even aseat. My admission was certainly beyond the authorised number. This compartment wasconstructed to carry 9 passengers but it had constantly 12 in it. At one place an importantrailway servant swore at a protestant, threatened to strike him and locked the door overthe passengers whom he had with difficulty squeezed in. To this compartment there was acloset falsely so called. It was designed as a European closet but could hardly be used assuch. There was a pipe in it but no water, and I say without fear of challenge that it waspestilentially dirty.

The compartment itself was evil looking. Dirt was lying thick upon the wood work andI do not know that it had ever seen soap or water.

The compartment had an exceptional assortment of passengers. There were threestalwart Punjabi Mahomedans, two refined Tamilians and two Mahomedan merchantswho joined us later. The merchants related the bribes they had to give to procure comfort.One of the Punjabis had already travelled three nights and was weary and fatigued. But hecould not stretch himself. He said he had sat the whole day at the Central Station watchingpassengers giving bribe to procure their tickets. Another said he had himself to pay Rs. 5before he could get his ticket and his seat. These three men were bound for Ludhiana andhad still more nights of travel in store for them.

What I have described is not exceptional but normal. I have got down at Raichur,Dhond, Sonepur, Chakradharpur, Purulia, Asansol and other junction stations and been atthe 'Mosafirkhanas' attached to these stations. They are discreditable-looking placeswhere there is no order, no cleanliness but utter confusion and horrible din and noise.Passengers have no benches or not enough to sit on. They squat on dirty floors and eatdirty food. They are permitted to throw the leavings of their food and spit where they like,sit how they like and smoke everywhere. The closets attached to these places defy

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description. I have not the power adequately to describe them without committing abreach of the laws of decent speech. Disinfecting powder, ashes, or disinfecting fluids areunknown. The army of flies buzzing about them warns you against their use. But a third-class traveller is dumb and helpless. He does not want to complain even though to go tothese places may be to court death. I know passengers who fast while they are travellingjust in order to lessen the misery of their life in the trains. At Sonepur flies having failed,wasps have come forth to warn the public and the authorities, but yet to no purpose. Atthe Imperial Capital a certain third class booking-office is a Black-Hole fit only to bedestroyed.

Is it any wonder that plague has become endemic in India? Any other result isimpossible where passengers always leave some dirt where they go and take more onleaving.

On Indian trains alone passengers smoke with impunity in all carriages irrespective ofthe presence of the fair sex and irrespective of the protest of non-smokers. And this,notwithstanding a bye-law which prevents a passenger from smoking without thepermission of his fellows in the compartment which is not allotted to smokers.

The existence of the awful war cannot be allowed to stand in the way of the removal ofthis gigantic evil. War can be no warrant for tolerating dirt and overcrowding. One couldunderstand an entire stoppage of passenger traffic in a crisis like this, but never acontinuation or accentuation of insanitation and conditions that must undermine health andmorality.

Compare the lot of the first class passengers with that of the third class. In the Madrascase the first class fare is over five times as much as the third class fare. Does the thirdclass passenger get one-fifth, even one-tenth, of the comforts of his first class fellow? It isbut simple justice to claim that some relative proportion be observed between the costand comfort.

It is a known fact that the third class traffic pays for the ever-increasing luxuries of firstand second class travelling. Surely a third class passenger is entitled at least to the barenecessities of life.

In neglecting the third class passengers, opportunity of giving a splendid education tomillions in orderliness, sanitation, decent composite life and cultivation of simple and cleantastes is being lost. Instead of receiving an object lesson in these matters third classpassengers have their sense of decency and cleanliness blunted during their travellingexperience.

Among the many suggestions that can be made for dealing with the evil here described,I would respectfully include this: let the people in high places, the Viceroy, theCommander-in-Chief, the Rajas, Maharajas, the Imperial Councillors and others, whogenerally travel in superior classes, without previous warning, go through the experiencesnow and then of third class travelling. We would then soon see a remarkable change in theconditions of third class travelling and the uncomplaining millions will get some return forthe fares they pay under the expectation of being carried from place to place with ordinarycreature comforts.

FOOTNOTE:

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[1] Ranchi, September 25, 1917.

VERNACULARS AS MEDIA OF INSTRUCTION[2]

It is to be hoped that Dr. Mehta's labour of love will receive the serious attention ofEnglish-educated India. The following pages were written by him for the Vedanta Kesariof Madras and are now printed in their present form for circulation throughout India. Thequestion of vernaculars as media of instruction is of national importance; neglect of thevernaculars means national suicide. One hears many protagonists of the English languagebeing continued as the medium of instruction pointing to the fact that English-educatedIndians are the sole custodians of public and patriotic work. It would be monstrous if itwere not so. For the only education given in this country is through the English language.The fact, however, is that the results are not all proportionate to the time we give to oureducation. We have not reacted on the masses. But I must not anticipate Dr. Mehta. He isin earnest. He writes feelingly. He has examined the pros and cons and collected a massof evidence in support of his arguments. The latest pronouncement on the subject is that ofthe Viceroy. Whilst His Excellency is unable to offer a solution, he is keenly alive to thenecessity of imparting instruction in our schools through the vernaculars. The Jews ofMiddle and Eastern Europe, who are scattered in all parts of the world, finding itnecessary to have a common tongue for mutual intercourse, have raised Yiddish to thestatus of a language, and have succeeded in translating into Yiddish the best books to befound in the world's literature. Even they could not satisfy the soul's yearning through themany foreign tongues of which they are masters; nor did the learned few among them wishto tax the masses of the Jewish population with having to learn a foreign language beforethey could realise their dignity. So they have enriched what was at one time looked uponas a mere jargon—but what the Jewish children learnt from their mothers—by takingspecial pains to translate into it the best thought of the world. This is a truly marvellouswork. It has been done during the present generation, and Webster's Dictionary defines itas a polyglot jargon used for inter-communication by Jews from different nations.

But a Jew of Middle and Eastern Europe would feel insulted if his mother tongue werenow so described. If these Jewish scholars have succeeded, within a generation, in givingtheir masses a language of which they may feel proud, surely it should be an easy task forus to supply the needs of our own vernaculars which are cultured languages. South Africateaches us the same lesson. There was a duel there between the Taal, a corrupt form ofDutch, and English. The Boer mothers and the Boer fathers were determined that theywould not let their children, with whom they in their infancy talked in the Taal, be weigheddown with having to receive instruction through English. The case for English here was astrong one. It had able pleaders for it. But English had to yield before Boer patriotism. Itmay be observed that they rejected even the High Dutch. The school masters, therefore,who are accustomed to speak the published Dutch of Europe, are compelled to teach theeasier Taal. And literature of an excellent character is at the present moment growing up inSouth Africa in the Taal, which was only a few years ago, the common medium of speechbetween simple but brave rustics. If we have lost faith in our vernaculars, it is a sign ofwant of faith in ourselves; it is the surest sign of decay. And no scheme of self-government, however benevolently or generously it may be bestowed upon us, will ever

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make us a self-governing nation, if we have no respect for the languages our mothersspeak.

FOOTNOTE:

[2] Introduction to Dr. Mehta's "Self-Government Series".

SWADESHI[3]

It was not without great diffidence that I undertook to speak to you at all. And I washard put to it in the selection of my subject. I have chosen a very delicate and difficultsubject. It is delicate because of the peculiar views I hold upon Swadeshi, and it is difficultbecause I have not that command of language which is necessary for giving adequateexpression to my thoughts. I know that I may rely upon your indulgence for the manyshortcomings you will no doubt find in my address, the more so when I tell you that thereis nothing in what I am about to say that I am not either already practising or am notpreparing to practise to the best of my ability. It encourages me to observe that last monthyou devoted a week to prayer in the place of an address. I have earnestly prayed thatwhat I am about to say may bear fruit and I know that you will bless my word with asimilar prayer.

After much thinking I have arrived at a definition of Swadeshi that, perhaps, bestillustrates my meaning. Swadeshi is that spirit in us which restricts us to the use and serviceof our immediate surroundings to the exclusion of the more remote. Thus, as for religion, inorder to satisfy the requirements of the definition, I must restrict myself to my ancestralreligion. That is the use of my immediate religious surrounding. If I find it defective, Ishould serve it by purging it of its defects. In the domain of politics I should make use ofthe indigenous institutions and serve them by curing them of their proved defects. In that ofeconomics I should use only things that are produced by my immediate neighbours andserve those industries by making them efficient and complete where they might be foundwanting. It is suggested that such Swadeshi, if reduced to practice, will lead to themillennium. And, as we do not abandon our pursuit after the millennium, because we donot expect quite to reach it within our times, so may we not abandon Swadeshi eventhough it may not be fully attained for generations to come.

Let us briefly examine the three branches of Swadeshi as sketched above. Hinduismhas become a conservative religion and, therefore, a mighty force because of theSwadeshi spirit underlying it. It is the most tolerant because it is non-proselytising, and it isas capable of expansion today as it has been found to be in the past. It has succeeded notin driving out, as I think it has been erroneously held, but in absorbing Buddhism. Byreason of the Swadeshi spirit, a Hindu refuses to change his religion, not necessarilybecause he considers it to be the best, but because he knows that he can complement itby introducing reforms. And what I have said about Hinduism is, I suppose, true of theother great faiths of the world, only it is held that it is specially so in the case of Hinduism.But here comes the point I am labouring to reach. If there is any substance in what I havesaid, will not the great missionary bodies of India, to whom she owes a deep debt ofgratitude for what they have done and are doing, do still better and serve the spirit of

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Christianity better by dropping the goal of proselytising while continuing their philanthropicwork? I hope you will not consider this to be an impertinence on my part. I make thesuggestion in all sincerity and with due humility. Moreover I have some claim upon yourattention. I have endeavoured to study the Bible. I consider it as part of my scriptures.The spirit of the Sermon on the Mount competes almost on equal terms with theBhagavad Gita for the domination of my heart. I yield to no Christian in the strength ofdevotion with which I sing "Lead kindly light" and several other inspired hymns of a similarnature. I have come under the influence of noted Christian missionaries belonging todifferent denominations. And enjoy to this day the privilege of friendship with some ofthem. You will perhaps, therefore, allow that I have offered the above suggestion not as abiased Hindu, but as a humble and impartial student of religion with great leanings towardsChristianity. May it not be that "Go ye unto all the world" message has been somewhatnarrowly interpreted and the spirit of it missed? It will not be denied, I speak fromexperience, that many of the conversions are only so-called. In some cases the appeal hasgone not to the heart but to the stomach. And in every case a conversion leaves a sorebehind it which, I venture to think, is avoidable. Quoting again from experience, a newbirth, a change of heart, is perfectly possible in every one of the great faiths. I know I amnow treading upon thin ice. But I do not apologise in closing this part of my subject, forsaying that the frightful outrage that is just going on in Europe, perhaps shows that themessage of Jesus of Nazareth, the Son of Peace, had been little understood in Europe,and that light upon it may have to be thrown from the East.

I have sought your help in religious matters, which it is yours to give in a special sense.But I make bold to seek it even in political matters. I do not believe that religion hasnothing to do with politics. The latter divorced from religion is like a corpse only fit to beburied. As a matter of fact, in your own silent manner, you influence politics not a little.And I feel that, if the attempt to separate politics from religion had not been made as it iseven now made, they would not have degenerated as they often appear to have done. Noone considers that the political life of the country is in a happy state. Following out theSwadeshi spirit, I observe the indigenous institutions and the village panchayats hold me.India is really a republican country, and it is because it is that, that it has survived everyshock hitherto delivered. Princes and potentates, whether they were Indian born orforeigners, have hardly touched the vast masses except for collecting revenue. The latter intheir turn seem to have rendered unto Caesar what was Caesar's and for the rest havedone much as they have liked. The vast organisation of caste answered not only thereligious wants of the community, but it answered to its political needs. The villagersmanaged their internal affairs through the caste system, and through it they dealt with anyoppression from the ruling power or powers. It is not possible to deny of a nation that wascapable of producing the caste system its wonderful power of organisation. One had butto attend the great Kumbha Mela at Hardwar last year to know how skilful thatorganisation must have been, which without any seeming effort was able effectively tocater for more than a million pilgrims. Yet it is the fashion to say that we lack organisingability. This is true, I fear, to a certain extent, of those who have been nurtured in the newtraditions. We have laboured under a terrible handicap owing to an almost fatal departurefrom the Swadeshi spirit. We, the educated classes, have received our education througha foreign tongue. We have therefore not reacted upon the masses. We want to representthe masses, but we fail. They recognise us not much more than they recognise the Englishofficers. Their hearts are an open book to neither. Their aspirations are not ours. Hencethere is a break. And you witness not in reality failure to organise but want of

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correspondence between the representatives and the represented. If during the last fiftyyears we had been educated through the vernaculars, our elders and our servants and ourneighbours would have partaken of our knowledge; the discoveries of a Bose or a Raywould have been household treasures as are the Ramayan and the Mahabharat. As it is,so far as the masses are concerned, those great discoveries might as well have been madeby foreigners. Had instruction in all the branches of learning been given through thevernaculars, I make bold to say that they would have been enriched wonderfully. Thequestion of village sanitation, etc., would have been solved long ago. The villagepanchayats would be now a living force in a special way, and India would almost beenjoying self-government suited to its requirements and would have been spared thehumiliating spectacle of organised assassination on its sacred soil. It is not too late tomend. And you can help if you will, as no other body or bodies can.

And now for the last division of Swadeshi, much of the deep poverty of the masses isdue to the ruinous departure from Swadeshi in the economic and industrial life. If not anarticle of commerce had been brought from outside India, she would be today a landflowing with milk and honey. But that was not to be. We were greedy and so wasEngland. The connection between England and India was based clearly upon an error. Butshe does not remain in India in error. It is her declared policy that India is to be held intrust for her people. If this be true, Lancashire must stand aside. And if the Swadeshidoctrine is a sound doctrine, Lancashire can stand aside without hurt, though it maysustain a shock for the time being. I think of Swadeshi not as a boycott movementundertaken by way of revenge. I conceive it as religious principle to be followed by all. Iam no economist, but I have read some treatises which show that England could easilybecome a self-sustained country, growing all the produce she needs. This may be anutterly ridiculous proposition, and perhaps the best proof that it cannot be true, is thatEngland is one of the largest importers in the world. But India cannot live for Lancashireor any other country before she is able to live for herself. And she can live for herself onlyif she produces and is helped to produce everything for her requirements within her ownborders. She need not be, she ought not to be, drawn into the vertex of mad and ruinouscompetition which breeds fratricide, jealousy and many other evils. But who is to stop hergreat millionaires from entering into the world competition? Certainly not legislation. Forceof public opinion, proper education, however, can do a great deal in the desired direction.The hand-loom industry is in a dying condition. I took special care during my wanderingslast year to see as many weavers as possible, and my heart ached to find how they hadlost, how families had retired from this once flourishing and honourable occupation. If wefollow the Swadeshi doctrine, it would be your duty and mine to find out neighbours whocan supply our wants and to teach them to supply them where they do not know how toproceed, assuming that there are neighbours who are in want of healthy occupation. Thenevery village of India will almost be a self-supporting and self-contained unit, exchangingonly such necessary commodities with other villages where they are not locally producible.This may all sound nonsensical. Well, India is a country of nonsense. It is nonsensical toparch one's throat with thirst when a kindly Mahomedan is ready to offer pure water todrink. And yet thousands of Hindus would rather die of thirst than drink water from aMahomedan household. These nonsensical men can also, once they are convinced thattheir religion demands that they should wear garments manufactured in India only and eatfood only grown in India, decline to wear any other clothing or eat any other food. LordCurzon set the fashion for tea-drinking. And that pernicious drug now bids fair tooverwhelm the nation. It has already undermined the digestive apparatus of hundreds of

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thousands of men and women and constitutes an additional tax upon their slender purses.Lord Hardinge can set the fashion for Swadeshi, and almost the whole of India forswearforeign goods. There is a verse in the Bhagavad Gita, which, freely rendered, means,masses follow the classes. It is easy to undo the evil if the thinking portion of thecommunity were to take the Swadeshi vow even though it may, for a time, causeconsiderable inconvenience. I hate legislative interference, in any department of life. Atbest it is the lesser evil. But I would tolerate, welcome, indeed, plead for a stiff protectiveduty upon foreign goods. Natal, a British colony, protected its sugar by taxing the sugarthat came from another British colony, Mauritius. England has sinned against India byforcing free trade upon her. It may have been food for her, but it has been poison for thiscountry.

It has often been urged that India cannot adopt Swadeshi in the economic life at anyrate. Those who advance this objection do not look upon Swadeshi as a rule of life. Withthem it is a mere patriotic effort not to be made if it involved any self-denial. Swadeshi, asdefined here, is a religious discipline to be undergone in utter disregard of the physicaldiscomfort it may cause to individuals. Under its spell the deprivation of a pin or a needle,because these are not manufactured in India, need cause no terror. A Swadeshist willlearn to do without hundreds of things which today he considers necessary. Moreover,those who dismiss Swadeshi from their minds by arguing the impossible, forget thatSwadeshi, after all, is a goal to be reached by steady effort. And we would be making forthe goal even if we confined Swadeshi to a given set of articles allowing ourselves as atemporary measure to use such things as might not be procurable in the country.

There now remains for me to consider one more objection that has been raised againstSwadeshi. The objectors consider it to be a most selfish doctrine without any warrant inthe civilised code of morality. With them to practise Swadeshi is to revert to barbarism. Icannot enter into a detailed analysis of the position. But I would urge that Swadeshi is theonly doctrine consistent with the law of humility and love. It is arrogance to think oflaunching out to serve the whole of India when I am hardly able to serve even my ownfamily. It were better to concentrate my effort upon the family and consider that throughthem I was serving the whole nation and, if you will, the whole of humanity. This is humilityand it is love. The motive will determine the quality of the act. I may serve my familyregardless of the sufferings I may cause to others. As for instance, I may accept anemployment which enables me to extort money from people, I enrich myself thereby andthen satisfy many unlawful demands of the family. Here I am neither serving the family northe State. Or I may recognise that God has given me hands and feet only to work with formy sustenance and for that of those who may be dependent upon me. I would then atonce simplify my life and that of those whom I can directly reach. In this instance I wouldhave served the family without causing injury to anyone else. Supposing that everyonefollowed this mode of life, we should have at once an ideal state. All will not reach thatstate at the same time. But those of us who, realising its truth, enforce it in practice willclearly anticipate and accelerate the coming of that happy day. Under this plan of life, inseeming to serve India to the exclusion of every other country I do not harm any othercountry. My patriotism is both exclusive and inclusive. It is exclusive in the sense that in allhumility I confine my attention to the land of my birth, but it is inclusive in the sense that myservice is not of a competitive or antagonistic nature. Sic utere tuo ut alienum non la isnot merely a legal maxim, but it is a grand doctrine of life. It is the key to a proper practiceof Ahimsa or love. It is for you, the custodians of a great faith, to set the fashion andshow, by your preaching, sanctified by practice, that patriotism based on hatred "killeth"

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and that patriotism based on love "giveth life."

FOOTNOTE:

[3] Address delivered before the Missionary Conference on February 14, 1916.

AHIMSA[4]

There seems to be no historical warrant for the belief that an exaggerated practice ofAhimsa synchronises with our becoming bereft of manly virtues. During the past 1,500years we have, as a nation, given ample proof of physical courage, but we have been tornby internal dissensions and have been dominated by love of self instead of love of country.We have, that is to say, been swayed by the spirit of irreligion rather than of religion.

I do not know how far the charge of unmanliness can be made good against the Jains. Ihold no brief for them. By birth I am a Vaishnavite, and was taught Ahimsa in mychildhood. I have derived much religious benefit from Jain religious works as I have fromscriptures of the other great faiths of the world. I owe much to the living company of thedeceased philosopher, Rajachand Kavi, who was a Jain by birth. Thus, though my viewson Ahimsa are a result of my study of most of the faiths of the world, they are now nolonger dependent upon the authority of these works. They are a part of my life, and, if Isuddenly discovered that the religious books read by me bore a different interpretationfrom the one I had learnt to give them, I should still hold to the view of Ahimsa as I amabout to set forth here.

Our Shastras seem to teach that a man who really practises Ahimsa in its fulness has theworld at his feet; he so affects his surroundings that even the snakes and other venomousreptiles do him no harm. This is said to have been the experience of St. Francis of Assisi.

In its negative form it means not injuring any living being whether by body or mind. Itmay not, therefore, hurt the person of any wrong-doer, or bear any ill-will to him and socause him mental suffering. This statement does not cover suffering caused to the wrong-doer by natural acts of mine which do not proceed from ill-will. It, therefore, does notprevent me from withdrawing from his presence a child whom he, we shall imagine, isabout to strike. Indeed, the proper practice of Ahimsa requires me to withdraw theintended victim from the wrong-doer, if I am, in any way whatsoever, the guardian of sucha child. It was, therefore, most proper for the passive resisters of South Africa to haveresisted the evil that the Union Government sought to do to them. They bore no ill-will toit. They showed this by helping the Government whenever it needed their help. Theirresistance consisted of disobedience of the orders of the Government, even to theextent of suffering death at their hands. Ahimsa requires deliberate self-suffering, not adeliberate injuring of the supposed wrong-doer.

In its positive form, Ahimsa means the largest love, the greatest charity. If I am afollower of Ahimsa, I must love my enemy. I must apply the same rules to the wrong-doer who is my enemy or a stranger to me, as I would to my wrong-doing father or son.This active Ahimsa necessarily includes truth and fearlessness. As man cannot deceive the

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loved one, he does not fear or frighten him or her. Gift of life is the greatest of all gifts; aman who gives it in reality, disarms all hostility. He has paved the way for an honourableunderstanding. And none who is himself subject to fear can bestow that gift. He must,therefore, be himself fearless. A man cannot then practice Ahimsa and be a coward at thesame time. The practice of Ahimsa calls forth the greatest courage. It is the most soldierlyof a soldier's virtues. General Gordon has been represented in a famous statue as bearingonly a stick. This takes us far on the road to Ahimsa. But a soldier, who needs theprotection of even a stick, is to that extent so much the less a soldier. He is the true soldierwho knows how to die and stand his ground in the midst of a hail of bullets. Such a onewas Ambarisha, who stood his ground without lifting a finger though Duryasa did hisworst. The Moors who were being pounded by the French gunners and who rushed tothe guns' mouths with 'Allah' on their lips, showed much the same type of courage. Onlytheirs was the courage of desperation. Ambarisha's was due to love. Yet the Moorishvalour, readiness to die, conquered the gunners. They frantically waved their hats, ceasedfiring, and greeted their erstwhile enemies as comrades. And so the South African passiveresisters in their thousands were ready to die rather than sell their honour for a littlepersonal ease. This was Ahimsa in its active form. It never barters away honour. Ahelpless girl in the hands of a follower of Ahimsa finds better and surer protection than inthe hands of one who is prepared to defend her only to the point to which his weaponswould carry him. The tyrant, in the first instance, will have to walk to his victim over thedead body of her defender; in the second, he has but to overpower the defender; for it isassumed that the cannon of propriety in the second instance will be satisfied when thedefender has fought to the extent of his physical valour. In the first instance, as thedefender has matched his very soul against the mere body of the tyrant, the odds are thatthe soul in the latter will be awakened, and the girl would stand an infinitely greater chanceof her honour being protected than in any other conceivable circumstance, barring ofcourse, that of her own personal courage.

If we are unmanly today, we are so, not because we do not know how to strike, butbecause we fear to die. He is no follower of Mahavira, the apostle of Jainism, or ofBuddha or of the Vedas, who being afraid to die, takes flight before any danger, real orimaginary, all the while wishing that somebody else would remove the danger bydestroying the person causing it. He is no follower of Ahimsa who does not care a straw ifhe kills a man by inches by deceiving him in trade, or who would protect by force of armsa few cows and make away with the butcher or who, in order to do a supposed good tohis country, does not mind killing off a few officials. All these are actuated by hatred,cowardice and fear. Here the love of the cow or the country is a vague thing intended tosatisfy one's vanity, or soothe a stinging conscience.

Ahimsa truly understood is in my humble opinion a panacea for all evils mundane andextra-mundane. We can never overdo it. Just at present we are not doing it at all. Ahimsadoes not displace the practice of other virtues, but renders their practice imperativelynecessary before it can be practised even in its rudiments. Mahavira and Buddha weresoldiers, and so was Tolstoy. Only they saw deeper and truer into their profession, andfound the secret of a true, happy, honourable and godly life. Let us be joint sharers withthese teachers, and this land of ours will once more be the abode of gods.

FOOTNOTE:

[4] The Modern Review, October, 1916.

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THE MORAL BASIS OF CO-OPERATION[5]

The only claim I have on your indulgence is that some months ago I attended with Mr.Ewbank a meeting of mill-hands to whom he wanted to explain the principles of co-operation. The chawl in which they were living was as filthy as it well could be. Recentrains had made matters worse. And I must frankly confess that, had it not been for Mr.Ewbank's great zeal for the cause he has made his own, I should have shirked the task.But there we were, seated on a fairly worn-out charpai, surrounded by men, women andchildren. Mr. Ewbank opened fire on a man who had put himself forward and who worenot a particularly innocent countenance. After he had engaged him and the other peopleabout him in Gujrati conversation, he wanted me to speak to the people. Owing to thesuspicious looks of the man who was first spoken to, I naturally pressed home themoralities of co-operation. I fancy that Mr. Ewbank rather liked the manner in which Ihandled the subject. Hence, I believe, his kind invitation to me to tax your patience for afew moments upon a consideration of co-operation from a moral standpoint.

My knowledge of the technicality of co-operation is next to nothing. My brother,Devadhar, has made the subject his own. Whatever he does, naturally attracts me andpredisposes me to think that there must be something good in it and the handling of it mustbe fairly difficult. Mr. Ewbank very kindly placed at my disposal some literature too on thesubject. And I have had a unique opportunity of watching the effect of some co-operativeeffort in Champaran. I have gone through Mr. Ewbank's ten main points which are like theCommandments, and I have gone through the twelve points of Mr. Collins of Behar,which remind me of the law of the Twelve Tables. There are so-called agricultural banksin Champaran. They were to me disappointing efforts, if they were meant to bedemonstrations of the success of co-operation. On the other hand, there is quiet work inthe same direction being done by Mr. Hodge, a missionary whose efforts are leaving theirimpress on those who come in contact with him. Mr. Hodge is a co-operative enthusiastand probably considers that the result which he sees flowing from his efforts are due to theworking of co-operation. I, who was able to watch the efforts, had no hesitation ininferring that the personal equation counted for success in the one and failure in the otherinstance.

I am an enthusiast myself, but twenty-five years of experimenting and experience havemade me a cautious and discriminating enthusiast. Workers in a cause necessarily, thoughquite unconsciously, exaggerate its merits and often succeed in turning its very defects intoadvantages. In spite of my caution I consider the little institution I am conducting inAhmedabad as the finest thing in the world. It alone gives me sufficient inspiration. Criticstell me that it represents a soulless soul-force and that its severe discipline has made itmerely mechanical. I suppose both—the critics and I—are wrong. It is, at best, a humbleattempt to place at the disposal of the nation a home where men and women may havescope for free and unfettered development of character, in keeping with the nationalgenius, and, if its controllers do not take care, the discipline that is the foundation ofcharacter may frustrate the very end in view. I would venture, therefore, to warnenthusiasts in co-operation against entertaining false hopes.

With Sir Daniel Hamilton it has become a religion. On the 13th January last, headdressed the students of the Scottish Churches College and, in order to point a moral, he

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instanced Scotland's poverty of two hundred years ago and showed how that greatcountry was raised from a condition of poverty to plenty. "There were two powers, whichraised her—the Scottish Church and the Scottish banks. The Church manufactured themen and the banks manufactured the money to give the men a start in life.... The Churchdisciplined the nation in the fear of God which is the beginning of wisdom and in the parishschools of the Church the children learned that the chief end of man's life was to glorifyGod and to enjoy Him for ever. Men were trained to believe in God and in themselves,and on the trustworthy character so created the Scottish banking system was built." SirDaniel then shows that it was possible to build up the marvellous Scottish banking systemonly on the character so built. So far there can only be perfect agreement with Sir Daniel,for that 'without character there is no co-operation' is a sound maxim. But he would haveus go much further. He thus waxes eloquent on co-operation: "Whatever may be yourdaydreams of India's future, never forget this that it is to weld India into one, and soenable her to take her rightful place in the world, that the British Government is here; andthe welding hammer in the hand of the Government is the co-operative movement." In hisopinion it is the panacea of all the evils that afflict India at the present moment. In itsextended sense it can justify the claim on one condition which need not be mentionedhere; in the limited sense in which Sir Daniel has used it, I venture to think, it is anenthusiast's exaggeration. Mark his peroration: "Credit, which is only Trust and Faith, isbecoming more and more the money power of the world, and in the parchment bullet intowhich is impressed the faith which removes mountains, India will find victory and peace."Here there is evident confusion of thought. The credit which is becoming the money powerof the world has little moral basis and is not a synonym for Trust or Faith, which are purelymoral qualities. After twenty years' experience of hundreds of men, who had dealings withbanks in South Africa, the opinion I had so often heard expressed has become firmlyrooted in me, that the greater the rascal the greater the credit he enjoys with his banks.The banks do not pry into his moral character: they are satisfied that he meets hisoverdrafts and promissory notes punctually. The credit system has encircled this beautifulglobe of ours like a serpent's coil, and if we do not mind, it bids fair to crush us out ofbreath. I have witnessed the ruin of many a home through the system, and it has made nodifference whether the credit was labelled co-operative or otherwise. The deadly coil hasmade possible the devastating spectacle in Europe, which we are helplessly looking on. Itwas perhaps never so true as it is today that, as in law so in war, the longest purse finallywins. I have ventured to give prominence to the current belief about credit system in orderto emphasise the point that the co-operative movement will be a blessing to India only tothe extent that it is a moral movement strictly directed by men fired with religious fervour.It follows, therefore, that co-operation should be confined to men wishing to be morallyright, but failing to do so, because of grinding poverty or of the grip of the Mahajan.Facility for obtaining loans at fair rates will not make immoral men moral. But the wisdomof the Estate or philanthropists demands that they should help on the onward path, menstruggling to be good.

Too often do we believe that material prosperity means moral growth. It is necessarythat a movement which is fraught with so much good to India should not degenerate intoone for merely advancing cheap loans. I was therefore delighted to read therecommendation in the Report of the Committee on Co-operation in India, that "they wishclearly to express their opinion that it is to true co-operation alone, that is, to a co-operation which recognises the moral aspect of the question that Government must lookfor the amelioration of the masses and not to a pseudo-co-operative edifice, however

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imposing, which is built in ignorance of co-operative principles." With this standard beforeus, we will not measure the success of the movement by the number of co-operativesocieties formed, but by the moral condition of the co-operators. The registrars will, inthat event, ensure the moral growth of existing societies before multiplying them. And theGovernment will make their promotion conditional, not upon the number of societies theyhave registered, but the moral success of the existing institutions. This will mean tracing thecourse of every pie lent to the members. Those responsible for the proper conduct of co-operative societies will see to it that the money advanced does not find its way into thetoddy-seller's bill or into the pockets of the keepers of gambling dens. I would excuse therapacity of the Mahajan if it has succeeded in keeping the gambling die or toddy from theryot's home.

A word perhaps about the Mahajan will not be out of place. Co-operation is not a newdevice. The ryots co-operate to drum out monkeys or birds that destroy their crops. Theyco-operate to use a common thrashing floor. I have found them co-operate to protecttheir cattle to the extent of their devoting the best land for the grazing of their cattle. Andthey have been found co-operating against a particular rapacious Mahajan. Doubts havebeen expressed as to the success of co-operation because of the tightness of theMahajan's hold on the ryots. I do not share the fears. The mightiest Mahajan must, if herepresent an evil force, bend before co-operation, conceived as an essentially moralmovement. But my limited experience of the Mahajan of Champaran has made me revisethe accepted opinion about his 'blighting influence.' I have found him to be not alwaysrelentless, not always exacting of the last pie. He sometimes serves his clients in manyways and even comes to their rescue in the hour of their distress. My observation is solimited that I dare not draw any conclusions from it, but I respectfully enquire whether it isnot possible to make a serious effort to draw out the good in the Mahajan and help him orinduce him to throw out the evil in him. May he not be induced to join the army of co-operation, or has experience proved that he is past praying for?

I note that the movement takes note of all indigenous industries. I beg publicly toexpress my gratitude to Government for helping me in my humble effort to improve the lotof the weaver. The experiment I am conducting shows that there is a vast field for work inthis direction. No well-wisher of India, no patriot dare look upon the impendingdestruction of the hand-loom weaver with equanimity. As Dr. Mann has stated, thisindustry used to supply the peasant with an additional source of livelihood and aninsurance against famine. Every registrar who will nurse back to life this important andgraceful industry will earn the gratitude of India. My humble effort consists firstly in makingresearches as to the possibilities of simple reforms in the orthodox hand-looms, secondly,in weaning the educated youth from the craving for Government or other services and thefeeling that education renders him unfit for independent occupation and inducing him totake to weaving as a calling as honourable as that of a barrister or a doctor, and thirdly byhelping those weavers who have abandoned their occupation to revert to it. I will notweary the audience with any statement on the first two parts of the experiment. The thirdmay be allowed a few sentences as it has a direct bearing upon the subject before us. Iwas able to enter upon it only six months ago. Five families that had left off the calling havereverted to it and they are doing a prosperous business. The Ashram supplies them at theirdoor with the yarn they need; its volunteers take delivery of the cloth woven, paying themcash at the market rate. The Ashram merely loses interest on the loan advanced for theyarn. It has as yet suffered no loss and is able to restrict its loss to a minimum by limitingthe loan to a particular figure. All future transactions are strictly cash. We are able to

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command a ready sale for the cloth received. The loss of interest, therefore, on thetransaction is negligible. I would like the audience to note its purely moral character fromstart to finish. The Ashram depends for its existence on such help as friends render it.We, therefore, can have no warrant for charging interest. The weavers could not besaddled with it. Whole families that were breaking to pieces are put together again. Theuse of the loan is pre-determined. And we, the middlemen, being volunteers, obtain theprivilege of entering into the lives of these families, I hope, for their and our betterment.We cannot lift them without being lifted ourselves. This last relationship has not yet beendeveloped, but we hope, at an early date, to take in hand the education too of thesefamilies and not rest satisfied till we have touched them at every point. This is not tooambitious a dream. God willing, it will be a reality some day. I have ventured to dilateupon the small experiment to illustrate what I mean by co-operation to present it to othersfor imitation. Let us be sure of our ideal. We shall ever fail to realise it, but we shouldnever cease to strive for it. Then there need be no fear of "co-operation of scoundrels"that Ruskin so rightly dreaded.

FOOTNOTE

[5] Paper contributed to the Bombay Provincial Co-operative Conference, September17, 1917.

NATIONAL DRESS[6]

I have hitherto successfully resisted to temptation of either answering your or Mr.Irwin's criticism of the humble work I am doing in Champaran. Nor am I going tosuccumb now except with regard to a matter which Mr. Irwin has thought fit to dwellupon and about which he has not even taken the trouble of being correctly informed. Irefer to his remarks on my manner of dressing.

My "familiarity with the minor amenities of Western civilisation" has taught me torespect my national costume, and it may interest Mr. Irwin to know that the dress I wearin Champaran is the dress I have always worn in India except that for a very short periodin India I fell an easy prey in common with the rest of my countrymen to the wearing ofsemi-European dress in the courts and elsewhere outside Kathiawar. I appeared beforethe Kathiawar courts now 21 years ago in precisely the dress I wear in Champaran.

One change I have made and it is that, having taken to the occupation of weaving andagriculture and having taken the vow of Swadeshi, my clothing is now entirely hand-woven and hand-sewn and made by me or my fellow workers. Mr. Irwin's letter suggeststhat I appear before the ryots in a dress I have temporarily and specially adopted inChamparan to produce an effect. The fact is that I wear the national dress because it is themost natural and the most becoming for an Indian. I believe that our copying of theEuropean dress is a sign of our degradation, humiliation and our weakness, and that weare committing a national sin in discarding a dress which is best suited to the Indian climateand which, for its simplicity, art and cheapness, is not to be beaten on the face of the earthand which answers hygienic requirements. Had it not been for a false pride and equallyfalse notions of prestige, Englishmen here would long ago have adopted the Indian

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costume. I may mention incidentally that I do not go about Champaran bare headed. I doavoid shoes for sacred reasons. But I find too that it is more natural and healthier to avoidthem whenever possible.

I am sorry to inform Mr. Irwin and your readers that my esteemed friend BabuBrijakishore Prasad, the "ex-Hon. Member of Council," still remains unregenerate andretains the provincial cap and never walks barefoot and "kicks up" a terrible noise even inthe house we are living in by wearing wooden sandals. He has still not the courage, in spiteof most admirable contact with me, to discard his semi-anglicised dress and whenever hegoes to see officials he puts his legs into the bifurcated garment and on his own admissiontortures himself by cramping his feet in inelastic shoes. I cannot induce him to believe thathis clients won't desert him and the courts won't punish him if he wore his more becomingand less expensive dhoti. I invite you and Mr. Irwin not to believe the "stories" that thelatter hears about me and my friends, but to join me in the crusade against educatedIndians abandoning their manners, habits and customs which are not proved to be bad orharmful. Finally I venture to warn you and Mr. Irwin that you and he will ill-serve thecause both of you consider is in danger by reason of my presence in Champaran if youcontinue, as you have done, to base your strictures on unproved facts. I ask you to acceptmy assurance that I should deem myself unworthy of the friendship and confidence ofhundreds of my English friends and associates—not all of them fellow cranks—if in similarcircumstances I acted towards them differently from my own countrymen.

FOOTNOTE:

[6] Reply to Mr. Irwin's criticism of his dress in the Pioneer.

Printed by K. R. Sondhi at the Allied Press, Lahore, and published by R. P. Sonifor Gandhi Publications League, Lahore.

Gandhi Series

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