Given that Canadian society is considered to be remarkably multicultural and diverse, it may be difficult for many to imagine

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The globalization of international migration is the result of the North-South divide, that is, the discrepancy in economic and political stability, social conditions and life expectancy among others (Castles and Miller 124). As a result, temporary migration programs have been introduced in many developed countries in order to assist various industries (particularly the agricultural sector) that experience a shortage of employees. This is often done under the pretence of providing seasonal migrant workers with employment opportunity which is a tactic many believe is a covert form of racism by means of economic exploitation, especially since evidence shows that migrant workers are often mistreated (Castles 166). The Seasonal Agricultural Workers Program (SAWP) was developed for the purpose of assisting farmers who were particularly under pressure due to the labour deficit in agriculture (Binford 2). The Program has indeed assisted Canadian farmers by delivering to them experienced migrant workers from Mexico and the Caribbean who are faced with minimum wages and few legal rights (Justice for Migrant Workers 1). The Seasonal Agricultural Workers Program is an example of institutional discrimination as it deprives non-white, seasonal workers of certain rights for the sake of stimulating agricultural production and ultimately increasing the profits of Canadian farmers and economy.

Temporary labour migration, a phenomenon linked to globalization, has long been an indispensable part of the world economic order and has been actively pursued by governments and companies (Castles and Miller 172). Canadian farmers take in temporary migrant workers because it is cheap, docile, non-unionized, and the individuals are willing to take on menial tasks; in addition, it helps Canada achieve labour flexibility which is a critical feature of accumulation in the contemporary capitalist economy (Preibisch 421). Third World authoritarian governments are also willing to encourage such moves since they help slow their urban population growth, increase foreign exchange revenues through remittances sent home, and because these Third World countries are reliant on the West for political support (Binford 4). The programs external benefits exist in the supplying of jobs for non-Canadian individuals who are seeking opportunity through employment: Workers and employers sign a contract that outlines respective rights and obligations and length of employment that generally ranges between three to eight months (Justice for Migrant Workers 1). Due to the detail in the contract which states that workers can be sent home before the season ends, the migrants become vulnerable to exploitation as they fear being sent home if the task is not completed or enough hours are not worked in a week. Statistics show that an average of eighteen thousand workers enter Canada to work at low wages and do rigorous work that Canadian permanent residents are unwilling to carry out (Walia 3). Temporary migrant workers are a modern-day example of colonization and regressive and discriminatory policies which promote white privilege. Some examples of Justicia/Justice for Migrant Workers provided were:

-cultural differences and acute pay discrimination-working 12-15 hour days without overtime and denied necessary breaks-use of dangerous chemicals without safety equipment-being crammed into substandard housing with inadequate washrooms-unfair pay deductions such as EI and other services which they have little orno access to-inadequate health attention and service and exclusion from basic human rights-unavailable to claim residency or obtain educational opportunities for childrendespite extensive years of work in Canada

Temporary worker programs and restrictions are not only morally offensive but also politically less and less tenable in Western societies, like Canada, which is a highly developed multi-cultural society. The reality of migration is one that reveals the asymmetrical relations between rich and poor and between North and South, where the effects of colonialism and corporate globalization have created political economies that compel people to move (Walia 2). Individuals who work in a country that is not theirs in order to better their lives should not be denied the opportunity to apply for citizenship within that country, especially when they pay taxes that positively affect the economy (Martin 22). The past ideology of a white settler nation seems to still be the impression in Canadian institutions; institutions physically built on the backs of immigrants.

As whiteness has been normalized in Canadian society, institutional forms of racism which place non-white individuals at a disadvantage can exist because the populace assumes that Canadian programs are egalitarian and non-discriminatory. Unfair policies, such that SAWP participants are paid little more than provincial minimums for their labour and must pay into the Canadian Pension Plan (CCP), and until a recent court challenged, paid employment insurance which they were unable to collect are often not exposed to the public (Binford 2). These injustices may lead us to questioning why a program which allows the exploitation of non-white persons is almost never publicly criticized. The answer lies in the fact that the majority of Canadians believe that this is a society in which Canadian rules and policies are universal and faultless and thus should not be questioned (Mackey 163). Others believe that it is natural for non-Canadian citizens to encounter discrimination. Consequently, they remain preoccupied with cases of discrimination while those who encounter racial discrimination or who know of its existence often do not have the power to make a statement. In defence of the SAWP, politicians argue that program workers are treated better here than they would be at home and that with conversion rates, seemingly low wages have much more value in Mexico and other Caribbean nations (Preibisch 420). The government also promotes the positive aspects of the temporary migrant programs, causing people to believe that they are beneficial programs based on fairness and acceptance of cultural diversity (Bakan and Stasiulis 13). However, because people believe Canada to have remarkable multicultural policies which benefit not only Canadians but also immigrants, Canadian practices, programs and policies are left alone. Consequently, criticisms of these programs are left to small grassroots organizations or scholars who do not have the authority to change these discriminatory practices.

The Seasonal Workers Agricultural Program is discriminatory in an exceptionallycovert way in that it appears to be beneficial to both parties but is truly only advantageous to one: the Canadian party. Sacks and Lindholm argue that modern racism or discrimination is subtle and direct and works to locate white people in a structurally advantageous social position which becomes evident when we critically examine the Workers Program (137). According to Castles, there has been a changing nature of racism as a result of globalization (164). He asserts that any program that practices exclusion or inferiorization is racist as it not only gives underprivileged migrant workers (usually non-white) unequal opportunities in relation to those around them but it also sends them away when they are no longer needed (171). In the case of the Seasonal Agricultural Workers Program, farmers, who are predominantly white males, being granted the power to decide the wages, farm duties and work schedule for the migrant workers; these in turn are, as we have seen, are often oppressive. In most cases, the decisions they make are beneficial to them only and therefore they are placed at an advantageous position in which they can subjugate the migrant worker. The unwillingness of the Canadian government to grant migrant workers citizenship or rights that citizens are entitled to demonstrates that the Program is exclusionary and thus, racist. Peggy McIntosh states that she was taught to see racism only in individual acts of meanness, not in invisible systems conferring dominance in my group and many Canadians undoubtedly have been educated in the same way (1). Farmers who employ migrant workers may be unaware that they are adhering to a racist policy or believe that they are providing migrant workers with employment which they could not find in their own country. Therefore, it is possible that they are ignorant of the fact they are promoting a discriminatory policy. Regardless, the migrant workers who should receive the same rights as Canadian workers do not. If they did receive the same rights, farmers would not be at such an advantage in regards to profits and power and various injustices that Canadian farmers have been practicing would be inexistent. Therefore discrimination is evidently reinforced by the Program because it was created and continues to exist in order to benefit the Canadian farmers, the Canadian economy and the Canadian people who in the most part, refuse to be employed on farms.

Significant changes have occurred as a result of globalization and as noted above, an important outcome is the emergence of temporary migrant workers. These Mexican and Caribbean migrant workers choose to work in North America because they are often faced with unemployment, underemployment, political instability, violence, urban migration and in the case of Mexico, dropping rates of fertility (Castles and Miller 152). The Canadian government, however, is the beneficiary of this program as it allows Canada to maintain a competitive advantage in the global agricultural field while it fills unsolicited job position. The seemingly innocent Seasonal Agricultural Workers Program is therefore a form of institutional discrimination as it is used to benefit Canadian farmers and Canadian economy by disadvantaging migrant workers from developing countries. Though these labourers contribute to our economy and livelihood, the compensation and treatment they receive is inadequate and unjust in a society which is accredited for protecting human rights. This form of institutional racism which functions in a significantly discrete way has individually affected each Canadian because we all reap the benefits of what underprivileged workers sow and not abroad but here in Ontario! (Binford 2). We have eaten the produce farmed by Canadas migrant workers without considering that perhaps their rights are infringed upon or that the program was created to benefit predominantly white Canadian farmers; many believe that the program was created in order to assist farmers from the developing world. This fact in itself demonstrates institutional racism in Canadian society as institutional forms of racism are often hidden behind the rather misleading view of Canada as an outstandingly multicultural and just society.

Works CitedBinford, Leah. The Seasonal Agriculture Workers Program and MexicanDevelopment. WWW Document. Available athttp://www.focal.ca/pdf/pp_leigh_binford.pdf.

Castles, Stephen. Age of migration international population movements in the modern world. New York: Guilford P, 1993.Castles, Stephen. Age of migration international population movements in the modern world. New York: Guilford P, 1993.

Justicia/Justice for Migrant Workers - J4MW. The Seasonal Agricultural WorkersProgram. WWW Document. Available at:http://www.justicia4migrantworkers.org/bc/pdf/sawp.pdf.

Mackey, Eva (1999). The Bottom Line: Canada First and the Limits of Liberalism, The House of Difference: Cultural Politics and National Identity in Canada. London: Routledge.

McIntosh, Peggy. Excerpts from White Privilege?: Unpacking the Invisible Knapsack. Preibisch, K. 2007a. Local produce, foreign labor: Labor mobility programs and global trade competitiveness

in Canada. Rural Sociology 72(3):418449.

2007b. Globalizing work, globalizing citizenship:Negotiating Citizenship: The case of foreign domestic workers in Canada

Authors: Daiva Stasiulis; Abigail B. Bakan

DOI: 10.1080/014177897339687

Publication Frequency: 1 issue per year

Published in:

HYPERLINK "http://www.informaworld.com/smpp/title~content=t713394170~db=all" \o "Click to go to publication home" \t "_top" Feminist Review(on-Line), Volume 57, Issue 1 September 1997 , pages 112 - 139

Subject: Social Sciences;

Formats available: PDF (English)

Sacks, Michael Alan and Marika Lindholm (2002). A Room Without A View. SocialDistance and the Structuring of Privileged Identity, pp. 129-151 IN Cynthia

Walia, Harsha. Colonialism, Capitalism and the making of the Apartheid Systemof Migration in Canada. Znet, March 4, 2006. http://www.zmag.org/content/print_article.cfm?itemID=9850&sectionID=1

Martin, Philip L. "Managing Labor Migration: Temporary Worker Programs for the 21st Century" (Geneva: International Institute for Labour Studies, 2003).