Ideology and Worldview in Textbooks: A Study of Cultural...
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Ideology and Worldview in Textbooks: A
Study of Cultural Aspects in ELT in Pakistan
By
Muhammad Tahir Yaqoob
Ph D in Linguistics
2011
Supervisor: Dr. Shirin Zubair
Thesis submitted to Bahauddin Zakariya University Multan, Pakistan in partial fulfilment of the requirements for the degree of Ph D in Linguistics
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DEDICATION
I dedicate this thesis to my parents who brought me on the earth and to
my teachers, particularly Dr. Shirin Zubair, who enabled me to fly up into
the sky.
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APPROVAL CERTIFICATE
This thesis titled “Ideology and Worldview in Textbooks: A Study of Cultural Aspects in
ELT in Pakistan” prepared by Muhammad Tahir Yaqoob under my supervision is hereby
approved for submission to Bahauddin Zakariya University Multan, Pakistan; in partial
fulfillment of the requirement of degree of Ph D in Linguistics.
Dr. Shirin Zubair
Professor
Department of English, Language and Literature
Bahauddin Zakariya University, Multan
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Declaration I hereby declare that this dissertation is the result of my independent investigation except
where I have indicated my indebtedness to other sources. It has not been accepted in
substance or in part for any degree and is not being submitted concurrently in candidature
for any other degree.
Muhammad Tahir Yaqoob
Scholar
Dr. Shirin Zubair
Supervisor
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Abstract
The present study is a critical discourse analysis of ideological contents related to culture
in Pakistan English language textbooks. It critically examines the following books:
Punjab Textbook Board (henceforth PTB) English textbooks and Oxford University Press
(henceforth OUP) English textbooks. These textbooks are taught in three different types
of schools in the country. The PTB English textbooks are taught in the government Urdu-
medium schools and private non-elite English-medium schools at the secondary level (i.e.
9th and 10th classes/grades), whereas the latter are taught at the same level (i.e. O level) in
some of the elite English-medium schools in Pakistan. The research aims at finding out
the cultural ideologies embedded within the textbooks. The research employs
Fairclough’s (2003) analytical framework of Critical Discourse Analysis (henceforth)
CDA) to explore cultural themes. The analytical categories adapted for analysis of certain
textual issues in this model are: ‘Social Events’, ‘Difference’, ‘Intertexuality’,
‘Assumptions’, ‘Representations of Social Events’ and ‘Styles’. Further analytical
devices include Presupposition/Assumption/Implicature, Metaphor, Identity,
Comparison, Contrast, Implication, Representation, Attribution, Backgrounding,
Foregrounding, Inclusion, Exclusion, Difference, Prominence/Reinforcement,
Dialogicality, and Universalization. The purpose of critically analyzing the discourse of
English textbooks is, in fact, threefold:
(a) To find out the implicit as well as explicit ideological messages related to culture,
(b) To see if these ideologies are different in the textbooks of different schools; and
(c) To see how far these ideologies impact upon the learners’ worldviews.
The analysis shows that both the PTB and OUP English textbooks are replete with
cultural ideologies. Moreover, they represent different cultural ideologies which are,
therefore, likely to impart different worldviews to their young readers. In order to
determine this aspect statistically, I constructed a questionnaire related to the major
themes such as gender, jihad etc. The results show that the government and non-elite
schools students (who read PTB textbooks) hold almost identical worldview; whereas
their counterparts from the elite school (who read OUP books) hold different worldview
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regarding most of the themes mentioned above. The former ones are more religious,
nationalistic, anti-Hindu, anti-Christians, anti-Israel, and closer to indigenous culture as
compared to the latter ones. As compared to elite school students, they like male
characters more than the females ones. However, so far as the desire for learning English
is concerned, difference is little – mostly the students of all schools disagree with the
abolition of English in the country. The findings of the present study can be useful in a
number of ways. They can be useful in developing new curricula and teaching materials
including textbooks with less nationalistic, religious and gender biases. They can also
help the policy makers, textbook authors and ELT practitioners to realize the politics of
language textbooks, and, thus, seek to establish an egalitarian and symmetrical
educational system.
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List of Tables
Table 5.1: Men’s and Women’s attributes related to abilities in OUP textbooks 212
Table 5.2 Men’s and Women’s attributes related to appearance in OUP textbooks 215
Table 5.3: Men’s and Women’s attributes related to character in OUP textbooks 220
Table 5.4: Men’s and Women’s attributes related to education in OUP textbooks 222
Table 5.5: Men’s and Women’s attributes related to feelings in OUP textbooks 230
Table 5.6: Men’s and Women’s attributes related to power in OUP textbooks 233
Table 5.7: Men’s and Women’s attributes related to socio-economics in OUP textbooks 236
Table 5.8: Attributes represented by men in OUP textbooks 237
Table 5.9: Attributes represented by women in OUP textbooks 238
Table 5.10: Men’s attributes related to abilities in OUP and PTB textbooks 241
Table 5.11: Women’s attributes related to abilities in OUP and PTB textbooks 243
Table 5.12: Men’s attributes related to appearance in OUP and PTB textbooks 246
Table 5.13: Women’s attributes related to appearance in OUP and PTB textbooks 247
Table 5.14: Men’s attributes related to character in OUP and PTB English textbooks 250
Table 5.15: Women’s attributes related to character in OUP and PTB English textbooks 257
Table 5.16: Men’s attributes related to education in OUP and PTB textbooks 258
Table 5.17: Women’s attributes related to education in OUP and PTB textbooks 259
Table 5.18: Men’s attributes related to feelings in OUP and PTB textbooks 261
Table 5.19: Women’s attributes related to feelings in OUP and PTB textbooks 263
Table 5.20: Men’s attributes related to power in OUP and PTB textbooks 264
Table 5.21: Women’s attributes related to power in OUP and PTB textbooks 265
Table 5.22: Men’s attributes related to socio-economics in OUP textbooks 266
Table 5.23: Women’s attributes related to socio-economics in OUP and PTB textbooks 267
Table 5.24: Men’s Attributes in OUP English Textbooks 268
Table 5.25: Women’s Attributes in OUP English Textbooks 269
Table 5.26: Men’s Attributes in PTB English Textbooks 269
Table 5.27: Women’s Attributes in PTB English Textbooks 270
Table 5.28: Over-all Men’s and Women’s Positive and Negative Attributes 272
Table 6.1: Men’s Professions in PTB Textbooks 324
Table 6.2: Women’s Professions in PTB Textbooks 324
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Table 6.3: Men’s Professions in OUP Textbooks 325
Table 6.4: Women’s Professions in OUP Textbooks 325
Table 6.5: Men’s Powerful Professions in PTB Textbooks 325
Table 6.6: Women’s Powerful Professions in PTB Textbooks 325
Table 6.7: Men’s Powerful Professions in OUP Textbooks 326
Table 6.8: Women’s Powerful Professions in OUP Textbooks 326
Table 6.9: Professions Shared by Men and Women in PTB Textbooks 326
Table 6.10: Professions Shared by Men and Women in OUP Textbooks 326
Table 6.11: Women’s break with the Professional Stereotypes in PTB Textbooks 327
Table 6.12: Men’s break with the Professional Stereotypes in OUP Textbooks 327
Table 6.13: Women’s break with the Professional Stereotypes in OUP Textbooks 327
Table 6.14: Social Actions Represented by Men in PTB Textbooks 327
Table 6.15: Social Actions Represented by Women in PTB Textbooks 330
Table 6.16: Social Actions Represented by Men in OUP Textbooks 331
Table 6.17: Social Actions Represented by Women in OUP Textbooks 335
Table 6.18: Social Actions by Men and Women in the Textbooks 338
Table 6.19: Attributes Represented by Men in PTB Textbooks 338
Table 6.20: Attributes Represented by Women in PTB Textbooks 339
Table 6.21: Women’s Negative Attributes 339
Table 6.22: Men’s Break with their Stereotypical Attributes 339
Table 6.23: Women’s Break with their Stereotypical Attributes 340
Table 6.24: Attributes Represented by Men in OUP Textbooks 340
Table 6.25: Attributes Represented by Women in OUP Textbooks 341
Table 6.26: Men’s Negative Attributes 342
Table 6.27: Women’s Negative Attributes 342
Table 6.28: Men’s Break with their Stereotypical Attributes 343
Table 6.29: Women’s Break with their Stereotypical Attributes 343
Table 6.30: Attributes by Men and Women in OUP and PTB Textbooks 343
Table 7.1 Questionnaire Data from the Students of Government Urdu-Medium Schools 344
Table 7.2 Questionnaire Data from the Students of Non-Elite English-Medium Schools 347
Table 7.3 Questionnaire Data from the Students of Elite English-Medium School 350
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List of Charts
Chart 7.5 Discussion of the Comparative Result of Government Urdu-Medium, non-Elite English-
Medium and Elite English-Medium Schools Students 353
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Chapter 1: Introduction to the Present Study 1
1.1) Major Types of Schools in Multan 3
1.1.1) Government Urdu-Medium Schools 3
1.1.2) Non-Elite English-Medium Schools 6
1.1.3) Elite English-Medium Schools 8
1.2) Development of Textbooks 11
1.3) Background and Context of the Current Research 12
1.4) Statement of the Problem 15
1.5) Significance of the Study 17
1.6) Scope 21
Chapter 2: Theoretical Framework 23
2.1) Ideology 23
2.1.1) Ideology in the Postmodern Era 28
2.2) Worldview 30
2.3) Discourse 33
2.3.1) Ideology and Discourse 36
2.4) Culture 37
2.4.1) Schools as Mechanisms of Cultural Distribution 41
2.4.2) ELT Textbooks as Cultural Artifacts 42
2.5) Critical Discourse Analysis: Theoretical Background 46
2.6) Ideology in Textbooks 49
Chapter 3: Research Methodology 60
3.1) Site and Purpose of the Research 60
3.2) Research Objectives 61
3.3) Data and Data Sources 61
3.4) Data Analysis and Analytical Framework 62
3.4.1) Explanation of Key Terms 63
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a) Presupposition/Assumption/Implication 63
b) Metaphor 64
c) Identity 64
d) Representation 65
e) Dialogicality or Attribution (of voices) 66
f) Difference 67
g) Exclusion, inclusion and prominence 67
h) Backgrounding 68
i) Universalization 68
j) Comparison 69
3.5) Questionnaire 69
3.5.1) Pilot Tests 72
3.5.2) Distribution of Final Questionnaire 73
3.5.3) Questionnaire Content and Research Aims 74
3.6) Research Ethics 79
Chapter 4: CDA of Contents Related to Culture, Religion,
Nationalism, Us and Them and English 83
4.1) Representations of Cultures 84
4.2) Reinforcement of Religious Practices 97
4.3) Religious Exploitation 103
4.4) Glorification of War / Jihad 108
4.5) Nationalism 114
4.6) Us and Them 124
4.7) Status of English 141
Chapter 5: CDA of Gender Representations 149
5.1 Qualitative Analysis 152
5.1.1 Change Strange! 153
5.1.2 Gender Bias Regarding Professions 165
5.1.3 Gender Bias Regarding Social Roles 175
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5.1.4 Gender Bias Regarding Attributes 204
5.1.4.1 Representation of Attributes in the OUP English Textbooks 206
5.1.4.1.1 Attributes Related to Abilities 206
5.1.4.1.2 Attributes Related to Appearance 212
5.1.4.1.3Attributes Related to Character 215
5.1.4.1.4 Attributes Related to Education 221
5.1.4.1.5 Attributes Related to Feelings 222
5.1.4.1.6 Attributes Related to Power 230
5.1.4.1.7 Related to Socio-economics 233
5.1.4.2 Representation of Attributes in the PTB English Textbooks 239
5.1.4.2.1 Attributes Related to Abilities 239
5.1.4.2.2 Attributes Related to Appearance 243
5.1.4.2.3 Attributes Related to Character 247
5.1.4.2.4 Attributes Related to Education 258
5.1.4.2.5 Attributes Related to Feelings 259
5.1.4.2.6 Attributes Related to Power 263
5.1.4.2.7 Attributes Related to Socio-economics 265
5.1.5 Role Models 273
Chapter 6: Gender Representations: Quantification of Data 278
6.1 Gender Bias in Profession 278
6.1.1 Representation of Professions 279
6.1.2 Representation of Powerful Professions 280
6.1.3 Equal Representation of Professions 282
6.1.4 Break with the Professional Stereotypes 283
6.2 Gender Bias in Social Actions 285
6.3 Gender Bias in Attributes 287
Chapter 7: Statistical Results 293
Chapter 8: Summary and Conclusion 302
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References 313
Appendix 324
Tables (chapter 6) 324
Tables and Charts (chapter 7) 344
Questionnaire 361
English Textbook for class 9 by Punjab Textbook Board (Lessons without exercises)
English Textbook for class 10 by Punjab Textbook Board (Lessons without exercises)
English Alive Book 1 by Oxford University Press (Lessons without exercises)
English Alive Book 2 by Oxford University Press (Lessons without exercises)
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List of Acronyms
CDA: Critical Discourse Analysis
ESS: Elite School Students
GSS: Government Schools Students
IQ: Intelligence Quonent
LMIA: Labour Market Information and Analysis
NESS: Non-elite Schools Students
OUP: Oxford University Press
PTB: Punjab Textbook Board
SDPI: Sustainable Development Policy Institute
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Chapter 1: Introduction to the Present Study
Textbooks like several other influences inside and outside a school are important in many
ways to a student or learner. Other things may include friends, teachers, school and
classroom activities, games, media and society which are significant in their own ways.
However, textbooks can be regarded as more important than them since students mostly
spend their time on textbooks particularly in the Pakistani society. This time is spent in
doing different kinds of academic activities related to textbooks, for instance, teachers
teach from them devising classroom activities and talk around textbooks; students read
them; engage in activities and classroom discussion; solve exercises given at the end of
each lesson, do preparation from them for (class) tests and examinations.
In short, looking at the kind of relation between textbooks and students, it is safe to
regard textbooks as ‘one out of many influences on a person’s world view’ (Rahman
2002a). However, it is very difficult to opine categorically as well as quantitatively about
the ‘howness’ of their influence – how much is the influence of textbooks – on a person’s
worldview yet this does not mean that one cannot claim about their impact, which is, of
course, a part of total influence, on learners. One way to know about how textbooks
influence learners’ worldviews is to have a close critical look at their discourses and the
ideological messages these discourses are likely to disseminate to their readers.
The present research is such an effort. It deals with the critical discourse analysis (CDA)
of the English textbooks being taught at the secondary level (O level / 9th & 10th
classes/grades) in different schools in Multan – a city in the province of Punjab in
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Pakistan. The textbooks chosen for CDA are English Language textbooks published by
Punjab Textbook Board (PTB) English Textbooks and Oxford University Press (OUP).
The former ones are being taught in the government Urdu-medium schools and non-elite
English-medium schools whereas the OUP textbooks are being taught in an elite school.
The description of these schools comes in the next section below.
Inside the PTB and OUP English textbooks, the present study focuses only on cultural
discourses – discourses related to culture. It is important to mention that the term
‘culture’ has been used in a broad sense. It denotes ideas, beliefs, customs and attitudes
accepted and shard by people in a society towards something, for instance, religion,
country, gender etc. Therefore, the other themes that have been subsumed under this
umbrella term of ‘culture’ are: religion, nationalism, gender, othering discourses in the
(English) language textbooks.
The purpose of critically analyzing these discourses of the English textbooks is, in fact,
three fold: (a) to find out the implicit as well as explicit ideological messages related to
culture, religion, nationalism, gender, othering; (b) to explore whether these ideologies
are consistent across the board in the textbooks of different schools; and (c) to analyze
how these ideologies impact upon the learners’ worldviews. In order to deal with the
explicit as well as implicit ideological messages successfully, the present research
employs the framework proposed by Fairclough (2003). The framework selected has
been found useful particularly in dealing with the ideologies in longer stretches of texts,
e.g. textbooks.
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Keeping in view the objectives mentioned above, particularly the second one , it would
be useful to briefly discuss , the type of schools in Multan and the textbooks being taught
in them, to acquaint the readers to the research sites.
1.1) Major Types of Schools in Multan
There are three major types of schools in Multan:
(a) Government Urdu-medium schools
(b) Non-elite English-medium schools
(c) Elite English-medium schools
There are also sub-categories within each category particularly in the non-elite schools
which are too varied to be classified. However, I focus only on the major types to
understand what type of worldview is disseminated in them via ideological messages in
their prescribed textbooks which, in return, shape the students’ worldview upon which
their norms, actions and values are contingent.
1.1.1) Government Urdu-Medium Schools
These schools, as obvious from the name, are the government schools. They are very
affordable particularly for the lower and lower-middle classes because they do not charge
any school fees. The students, however, pay a little amount as development fund every
month i.e. Rs 5 up to sixth class and Rs 10 from seventh to tenth class. This development
fund is, of course, not enough to meet their expenses. That is why these schools have
been, and are, totally dependent on the government funds. Almost all governments have
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regarded them as their step child especially in the grant of funds, maintenance of
buildings, provision of quality teachers and textbooks and so on. For instance, in the year
1998-99, the cost of the establishment of a government Urdu/Sindhi-medium high school
was Rs/- 3,580,000 in contrast to Rs/- 11,887,000 of Cadet College Razmak and Rs/-
10,000,000 of Cadet College Larkana – its two state-influenced counterparts where
governments spend much more in the name of ‘defence, modernization and efficiency’
(Rahman, 2002b, p. 296). Moreover, in these schools, status of English is not of a second
language but of a foreign language. Generally, Urdu is taught and learnt as a second
language. That is why their English textbooks do not lay as much emphasis on the
learning of English as the ones in the elite school do.
The English textbooks in these schools are the government textbooks. These textbooks
are developed and published by the provincial boards according to the educational policy
of the government. They are quite low-priced – twelve to fourteen rupees – as compared
to textbooks in the elite school that cost from five-hundred to six-hundred rupees.
Moreover, the government has been providing these textbooks to the students free of cost
for the past many years. They are written and published by the provincial boards under
the guidelines and supervision of The Curriculum Wing of the Ministry of Education.
Most of the lessons in them have been written by the Pakistani authors i.e. thirty three out
of forty three. The contents in these textbooks are, therefore, a clear reflection of the
government educational policies which tend to focus more on Islam, nationalism and
indigenous values. The lessons related to Islam include material about Islamic
personalities, fundamentals, events, practices and Jihad. And the lessons related to
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nationalism include material about national personalities, events, practices, movement of
Pakistan, patriotism and the products prepared in Pakistan.
The Islamic lessons carrying Islamic information, as mentioned earlier, represent Islam as
a complete code of life and urge the students to live their lives according to Islam in
Pakistan which has been achieved in the name of Islam. The discourses in these
textbooks represents Islam as an identity and equates it with Pakistan to create only one
identity i.e. Islamic identity against the other which is non-Muslim identity. Needless to
say, the non-muslim identity is of those who are treated as the others. They include the
Hindus, Christians and Jews.
The textbooks tell that the Christians and particularly the Hindus who are entirely
different from us (the Muslims in the sub-continent) were against the existence of
Pakistan and for this purpose both of them being united created hurdles in the way to
Pakistan. As far the Jews are concerned, they have not been represented as our open
enemies like the Hindus and Christians but a community different from us. Rather an
effort has been in one of the lessons to join hands with them against terrorism (Human
Rights and Madina Charter’ PTB 10, 2006, p. 31-2). However, as it is important to
mention, the influences on the students other than textbooks, for instance, peer group,
teachers, family and extra curricular discourses (e.g. T.V, radio, newspapers etc) are anti-
Israel and anti-Semitic (Rahman, 2007, p. 6). The textbooks then in order to reinforce the
differences as well as enmity among ‘us and them’ represent the others – Hindus,
Christians and Jews – in a negative way.
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Importantly, such negative representation is not limited to non-Muslims alone. The
textbooks also use it as a tool to marginalize women. This negative representation or
marginalization is at three levels: professional, social and attributive.
In short, the textbooks of government Urdu-medium schools are almost replete with
certain ideological messages about culture, religion, nationalism, gender, us and them and
English. However, these messages are different from those of the elite-school English
textbooks in a way that, unlike them, mostly they have an indigenous flavour.
1.1.2) Non-Elite English-Medium Schools
Non-elite English-medium schools include private as well as state-sponsored English-
medium schools. State-sponsored English-medium schools are the Federal Government
Model schools, public schools, and armed forces schools. Tuition fees in the non-elite
schools range between Rs 50 to Rs 1500 per month which is far higher than that in the
government Urdu-medium schools and lower than the elite schools (Rahman, 2002b, p.
301). However, in state-sponsored schools particularly public schools and armed forces
schools, fees is less for the children of the beneficiaries or army personal but more for
other people’s children. Mostly the people belonging to middle class admit their children
in these schools.
The non-elite English-medium schools are somewhat different and, at the same time,
similar to the government Urdu-medium schools. They are different in a way that the
textbooks of science subjects (Chemistry, Physics and Biology) and Mathematics are in
English in most of these schools. And they are similar in a way that they teach all
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subjects from the PTB textbooks. However, in the subject of English they supplement the
PTB textbooks with English readers like ‘Shakespeare’s Tales’, ‘Tales from the Arabian
Nights’ and others up to eighth class. In Matric / secondary classes, they use only PTB’s
English textbooks as prescribed by the provincial government. This does not mean that
the standard of teaching English is quite high in these schools. In fact, most of them are
English-medium only by name (Census Private 2001: 12). The medium of instruction is
mostly Urdu and, therefore, the competence of their students is higher than the students in
the government schools but lower than those in the elite schools. The same can be safely
said about the competence of teachers in English in non-elite schools who mostly come
from middle-class backgrounds.
The students in these schools are mostly exposed to a particular middle-class worldview
not only at home but also at school. At home, they watch Pakistan TV; read Pakistani
newspapers and magazines; speak indigenous language/s; interact with the members of
the family and so on. At school, they read Pakistani textbooks; interact with teachers and
school mates from the same social backgrounds mostly in Urdu and so on. Moreover,
they are less exposed to liberal and secular worlds represented in TV channels like BBC
and CNN, English movies and textbooks (published for the schools in West) etc. Thus the
world portrayed before them is religious, nationalistic and indigenous where there is less
tolerance for those who are not like them. Needless to say, this world is much close to the
worldview of the students reading in the government schools and much different from
their counterparts in the elite English-medium schools.
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In this section, we do not discuss about the PTB English textbooks being taught in the
non-elite schools as mentioned earlier and the ideologies embedded in their discourse
related to culture, religion, nationalism, gender, us and them and English for they have
already been dealt with in the previous section titled ‘Government Urdu-Medium
Schools’. Let us move towards the third major type of schools which is elite English-
medium schools.
1.1.3) Elite English-Medium Schools
Like the non-elite schools, elite English-medium schools also include private and state-
influenced schools. The state-influenced institutions are Aitchison College, Burn Hall,
Lawrence College, Public School Sargodha, to name but a few. They are located in
different big cities of Pakistan. However, no such school is located in Multan.
Conversely, a number of private elite English-medium schools such as Beaconhouse
School System, Bloomfield Hall School, Lahore Grammar School, City School etc are
present in the city. Therefore, my discussion will be mainly about the private elite
schools, their English textbooks and the worldview being disseminated in them.
The private elite English-medium schools are the most expensive schools. Their tuition
fees range between Rs 1500 to Rs 7000 per month. They also charge a high admission
fees ranging between Rs 15,000 to Rs 30,000. Besides this, there are also other expenses
e.g. examination fee, development funds, excursion fee, sports funds, textbooks and
uniforms. Indeed, these high expenses exclude the lower and middle class from these
schools.
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Expenses are, however, not the only reason for the exclusion of the poor and middle
classes from the elite schools. One more thing is the western and secular atmosphere of
these schools for which there has been an outcry in the past against these schools and
their products but the ruling elite whose power is English have always neglected the
matter (Rahman, 1996, p. 228-248). Mostly the people from lower and middle classes or
the students from government and non-elite schools still do not like their children being
western and secular. I during my service at a public school met a male student of an elite
school who had come to take admission test in the public school. On asking why he
wanted to leave his school and read in the public school, he said that his parents did not
like the liberal atmosphere of that school. But this is not the only evidence. Many people
particularly having middle-class backgrounds can be heard often advising the others not
to admit their children in elite schools lest they be spoilt.
The families that send their children to elite schools, in fact, possess Western, liberal and
secular views. They are rich enough to give their children an easy access to English
movies, TV channels like BBC and CNN, English cartoons, English newspapers and
magazines etc at home. Then, at school, textbooks, school mates, teachers (particularly
those from the elite class), classroom and school activities further reinforce their western
worldview. These schools prepare their students for O and A levels – they do not run
Matric classes. Therefore, mostly the textbooks they read are those originally written for
children in the Western schools. These books inculcate a heavy dose of western culture,
norms and beliefs into them.
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Some of these books such as English textbooks published by the Oxford University Press
are being taught in most of the elite schools. Though these textbooks have been adapted
for use in South Asia but the changes brought into them are minor – the clothes and
names of some characters are Pakistani. Mostly the lessons have been written by the
foreign authors i.e. fifty eight out of sixty nine lessons. In spite of the fact that the
remaining eleven lessons have been written by the Pakistani authors, the representation of
Pakistan and most of the things related to it seem to bear negative representation. On the
other hand, most of the things related to the West such as English (as language), places,
characters, secularism, liberty, social events and practices project the western
perspectives.
Like PTB textbooks, the representations of women are also sexist or patriarchal in the
OUP textbooks. Mostly, women have been shown working inside homes as housewives
and acting upon what their husbands say. However, there are some women who have
been shown doing jobs outside homes. But most of them do not represent any higher or
powerful position. For instance, they are shown as tutors, weavers, beggars, etc. Even
those who work in any organization are shown in subordinate positions such as nurses.
Conversely, men mostly represent powerful positions like captain (of a ship), army
officials doctors, scientists, etc. The percentage of men representing weak positions is
much less than women’s. A similar inequality can be observed in the representations of
those women whose works have been great in the field of arts, music, education, etc.
Only their names and fields have been mentioned – their contributions get no
introduction.
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1.2) Development of Textbooks
The findings of the present research have corroborated the fact that the PTB and OUP
English textbook discourses carry different ideologies for different learners reading in
different schools. It must call one’s attention to the question how ideologies become a
part of these textbooks. One way to find an answer to this question is to look at the way
these textbooks are developed. The PTB English textbooks are developed under the
supervision of the Curriculum Wing of the Ministry of Education as per educational
policies formed by the state. The whole responsibility therefore lies on the shoulders of
the Curriculum Wing of the Ministry of Education that has an additional authority to
scrutinize the textbooks published at the provincial boards and recommend changes if
textbooks permeate with such ideologies.
The present research deals with the analysis of two types of textbooks, each representing
a different set of ideologies. Unlike the Punjab Textbook Board that works under
Curriculum Wing of the Ministry of Education of the state, Oxford University Press
comes under the chairmanship of vice chancellor of Oxford University and is controlled
by the renowned faculties of various departments at the Oxford University; hence, the
state has little to do with the development of OUP textbooks. The publisher plays an
important role in the development of a textbook in sense that he/she finds the authors for
compiling and preparing the manuscripts. Importantly, ‘It is the author’s responsibility to
research and compile the information and prepare the manuscript according to the
specifications (Borovilos 2007). These textbooks are originally written for children in the
Western schools. These textbooks have been adapted for use in South Asia but the
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changes brought into them are minor – the clothes and names of some characters are
Pakistani.
1.3) Background and Context of the Current Research
After the emergence of Pakistan on the map of the world on 14th August, 1947, one of the
biggest challenges for the state was to weld its people into one nation. It was not a plain
sailing for the people in different provinces – Punjab, Bengal, Sindh, Balochistan and
NWFP – had diverse ethnic identities, languages and cultures. The state planned to use
education as a tool for homogenization through the inculcation of religious and
nationalistic sentiments particularly into the young people. An evidence of it is the Sharif
Commission Report (1959) on education prepared – for the first time – one year after the
imposition of first Martial Law by General Ayub Khan. Following is an excerpt from this
report which reflects the imperatives of the state:
The disruptive forces of communalism, regionalism, and provincialism came to the fore in the subcontinent…progress and patriotism reflect, to a large degree, basic attitudes and values. … In a situation where the overriding objective is that of nation building, and where there exists these centrifugal forces of regionalism, indiscipline, and non-cooperation, the immense tasks to be accomplished can only be carried out when a strong and responsible leadership emerges. Such leadership must come from the highest levels and it must be strong enough to overcome these forces and by its public behaviour change the attitudes behind them (cited in Saigol, 2004, p. 2).
Moreover, Ayub Khan stated in 1962 that Pakistan was achieved in the name of Islam
which does not believe in ethnic or racial differences. It does not matter whether you are
a Punjabi or a Bengali, a Balochi or a Sindhi or a Pathan we are one as Islam binds us
together and does not believe in material boundaries like race, colour, language, etc
(Pakistan Publications, 1962, p.90). Thus it was religious nationalism focused in Ayub’s
13
regime. Along with it, emphasis was also on modern and technical education. Moreover,
since the emergence of Pakistan, English continued enjoying the status of official
language or language of the powerful domains like education, judiciary, army,
bureaucracy, etc in spite of the fact that the majority of people wanted Urdu as official
language. Thus focus on religious nationalism while not parting with the modern
language and disciplines like science and technology was a paradox.
It is important to note that, in Ayub’s regime and even when Zulfikar Ali Bhutto came in
power the religious and nationalist ideologies in the curriculum did not have a violent
face – ‘Ram, Buddha, Jesus Christ, Gandhi and several others’ have an honourable place
in the textbooks (Saigol, 2004, p. 12). But, later on, the two events, the war between
Pakistan and India in 1965 and particularly the break up of Pakistan in 1971 caused a
relentless exclusion of the other self and inclusion of narrow and violent ideologies
related to religion, nationalism, militarism, war / jihad, us and them, etc into the
curriculum. Though the fact that Pakistan is an Islamic country with an overwhelmingly
Muslim population may partly be accounted for their presence in the curriculum and
textbooks yet their ideological use cannot be regarded as a demand of the majority of the
Muslims but of the state to fulfill its certain ideological interests as Nayyar (2003)
observes:
Muslim majoritarianism has always existed in Pakistan on account of the population being overwhelmingly Muslim…since the Muslim majoritarianism was not experienced in the curricula and textbooks in the pre-Islamisation period, it leads to the obvious conclusion that this has been a result of the process of Islamisation under Gen. Zia-ul-Haq. (p. 01)
14
General Zia-ul-Haq, the martial law administrator who toppled the then democratic
government of Zulfiqar Ali Bhutto in 1977, did it for two reasons: (1) to win the nation’s
favour in the name of Islam (Rahman, 2002b) and (2) to produce Islamic mujahideen for
the Afghan jihad against the Russians to pay for the huge financial support from America
and Saudi Arabia (Ahmed, 2003, p. 01). At that time, the concepts of jihad and
martyrdom were incorporated for the first time into the Pakistani curricula (Sustainable
Development Policy Institute [SDPI], 2002-03, p. 89) which were indeed the continuation
of the themes of patriotism, militarism, nationalism and many more included in the
textbooks to create a new image of Pakistan and its nation ‘which required a new history,
a new interpretation and a new sense of nationalism’ after the great setbacks of the lost
war of 1971 and the fall of Dhaka (Ali, 2005).
The new image of the then Pakistan was thus appreciably Islamic which was used ‘as an
instrument of homogenization and control’ (Saigol, 2004,). Finding it successful, all other
subsequent governments raised the slogan of Islam whose reflection, if any proof needed,
could be found well in the textbooks. The textbooks equate Pakistan with Islam,
militarism with jihad, military with mujahideen and the Pakistanis with the Muslims
(Nayyar, 2003). Presumably, all others who are non-Muslims in Pakistan are others and
non-Pakistanis, having no representation in the textbooks; hence, the ‘textbooks tend to
create intolerance and rejection of the ‘other’ rather than acceptance’ (Engineer, 2000, p.
01).
15
The result of this indoctrination was religious intolerance, sectarianism and violence as
pointed out by General Pervez Musarraf – another military dictator who imposed martial
law in 1999 – in his independence-day speech to the nation on 14th August 2002 (SDPI:
2002-03, p. 17). Not satisfied with the standard of the textbooks of the past governments,
his government ‘developed, revised and updated’ all the textbooks – including English
textbooks – to bring it in tune with the modern standards (PTB English, 2006). However,
the reality is that the textbooks are not as much different from the past ones as claimed by
his government – most of the newly included lessons or contents in the textbooks contain
similar ideological messages as were present in the past (SDPI: 2002-03, p. 20). For
instance, the PTB English textbooks still contain a number of Islamic and nationalist
lessons. Some of these lessons contain contents on jihad, martyrdom, religious diversity,
discrimination towards women and other nations (Verghese, 2004). However, one thing
which differentiates these textbooks from the previous textbooks is the inclusion of some
(implicit) secular ideologies which urge that we should observe human rights, support
friendship with the non-Muslims particularly Jews in the war against terrorism and show
kindness and affection to non-Muslims. I may conclude the discussion saying that the
inclusion of ideological contents in the school textbooks with an intention to disseminate
ideological messages is not a new phenomenon. Varying in degree, they have been in fact
a regular part of the textbooks since decades (Zia, 2003).
1. 4) Statement of the Problem
Practice of effective discriminating writing and reading is of great importance in the
modern era particularly for the students due to textbooks politics. Ironically enough,
16
‘students and even some academics have turned a blind eye to the nuances and intricacies
of discourse production and comprehension’ (Rahimi and Sahragard, 2006). As a
consequence, school textbooks have become one of the most powerful tools either as
agents of change or means of ideology investment in the hands of those who have the
power to develop and control them. Textbook ideologies function to impart worldview/s
to their readers. Galbraith 1984: 131-4) states that this ‘social conditioning through
schooling is the most important way of changing worldview whether taken by business
organization or by the state’. Moreover, control on the production of textbooks enables
the powerful to produce such a particular worldview in textbooks or such different
worldviews in different textbooks being read in different schools that serve their
ideological vested interests. For instance, the PTB and OUP textbooks mostly represent
the Pakistani and Western cultures respectively. The contents in the former ones are
likely to make the students nationalistic, patriotic, religious, and militaristic; whereas the
contents in the OUP textbooks are likely to make the students secular, less religious and
militaristic, westernized, and friendly (towards others). This is further done through
exploitation of religion, reinforcement of certain practices, provision of incomplete
information (about something), misrepresentation of reality, concoction of facts,
misinterpretation of facts and many more; hence, education becomes ‘a political football’
(Apple 2004: xix). The deconstruction of textbook discourses is, therefore, useful in
laying bare the underlying ideological assumptions behind seemingly innocuous texts and
the politics being played in the name of education (Zubair and Yaqoob, 2008, p. 160).
Unfortunately, mostly people in educational institutions do not realize the power of
discourse as bearer of ideology. It is an admitted fact that discourse can be easily
17
manipulated in a number of ways to sustain the relations of power, create different
identities, justify certain actions, maintain dominance and seek hegemony. Hence, those
(individuals / institutions) who have this knowledge shape and subjugate those who have
not (Foucault, 1975); they use ‘a very powerful tool; that is language, to materialize their
wishes and aspirations’ (Rahimi and Sahragard, 2006).
1.5) Significance of the Study
The research studies dealing with the analysis of textbooks in Pakistan have always
neglected the application of critical discourse analysis. The works of Tariq Rahman
(2004 & 2002b), A. H. Nayyar (2003), Rubina Saigol (1995), Aamna Mattu and Neelam
Hussain (2003) and many others either employ content analysis or comparative analysis
of school textbooks of different classes (mostly from primary to pre-college textbooks) to
determine the ideological biases related to religion, nationalism, militarism, Jihad,
culture, gender, language politics (including English), etc. In this way, these research
studies focused only on the apparent meanings of ideological contents in the lessons but
not on the context which these contents have been used in. The consequence of it is the
exploration of not only the major ideological themes in the textbooks but also the minor
themes that support, strengthen and thus generate the major themes which have been
totally ignored in their works.
The present research, unlike the other ones, deals with the critical discourse analysis of
secondary-level English textbooks (published in 2006) and explores the minor as well as
major ideologies in the texts. It studies not only the explicit meanings but also the
18
implicit meanings of the contents by taking into account their context at the sentence
level.
More importantly, analysis of the textbook contents and discourses with special reference
to dissemination of western and indigenous values in different school systems in Pakistan
through ELT has been a relatively neglected area in the earlier as well as most recent
research studies. Tariq Rahman (2004) has touched upon this aspect only in relation to
the three school systems in Pakistan. He has not looked at the role of English Language
textbooks and the curriculum in creating bifurcation in the worldviews of the students in
these three types of schools. Zubair (2007a) has observed that Rahman ‘s (2004) data is
rather thin to be truly representative of Pakistani population across the board. Hence,
more qualitative research complemented by content analyses of texts was needed in this
field. The present research along with the themes mentioned above analyzes the English
textbooks published by Oxford University Press and their contents that represent the
western culture in contrast to their counterparts – PTB English textbooks – that represent
the Pakistani one. In this way, this research endeavours to bridge the gap that exists
regarding research and knowledge in the field of ELT curricula and their role in
imperceptibly shaping the worldview the Pakistani learners of English.
Moreover, none of the earlier research studies deal with the analysis of the English
textbooks published in the year 2006. As textbooks are published every year so,
therefore, it was necessary to critically analyze the most recent ones to see whether they
contain ideological or biased material. It was also essential because the earlier research
19
studies did not show any impact on the governmental policies regarding the curriculum.
Education is still not in the list of the priorities of the Pakistan government. Needless to
say, the degree of attention given to the deficiencies in the curricula and textbooks does
not go beyond lip service. It can thus be hoped that bringing the findings of the present
research in the public domain for debate will have an impact on the educational policy of
the government. The findings will also be useful for the Curriculum Wing that
commissions textbooks according to the educational policies developed by the
government.
The aim of the present research is not confined only to explore the ideological biases
present in the English textbooks but also to familiarize the readers with the power of
ideology, how it can work and who can benefit from it. The purpose is not to raise
agitation between the state (policy makers) and the people concerned with education.
Rather, it is to make them realize that education is a universal right of every individual,
be it male or female. If an unjust system can give birth to hundreds of problems in a
country, a system based on equality can eradicate the same number of problems. The
need is to understand where the problem lies and how it can be solved. Therefore, I
strongly hope that the present research will provide food for thought in this regard.
The findings of this study in the field of CDA and especially in uncovering the
underlying ideological assumptions of school textbook discourses will also be useful for
pedagogical practices in the field of Applied Linguistics. As far as pedagogy is
concerned, the modification of teaching strategies is an implication of the present
20
research. Our schools are usually seen as the producers of parrots – rote learning non-
critical students (Fraser, Malone and Taylor (1990), Samuelowicz (1987)) , who are not
able to perform better later in their university studies which demand critical thinking and
innovation particularly for research purposes. This is because neither the educational
system nor the teachers help them to be critical at an early stage. In order to sharpen the
students’ critical thinking, it is necessary to improve the educational system and enhance
first the critical ability of those who teach them – teachers. The findings of the present
study can help in developing certain courses regarding CDA and its various analytical
devices which teachers can employ themselves and help their students practice them in
classes to locate the underlying ideologies of textbooks.
The present research is also important in yet another way: it has been conducted in a
developing city like Multan (particularly from education point of view) in contrast to
most of the other research studies carried out in the developed cities of Pakistan such as
Islamabad (capital of Pakistan), Lahore (capital of the Punjab province) and Karachi
(capital of the Sindh province). Though Multan is equally big, its educational budget,
literacy rate and number of educational institutions are less than the other said cities. For
instance, educational budget of Lahore and Multan in 2003 is 67.04 percent and 63.38
percent (of the total budget of Punjab province) respectively (Husain et al, 2003, p. 775-
776); literacy rate is 64.7 percent and 43.4 percent respectively in 2006 (Khan, 2006);
and registered educational institutes (schools, colleges and universities) are 147 and 68
respectively.
21
One of the studies carried out in developed cities is Tariq Rahman’s (2002). It ‘does not
represent rural and small-town Pakistan’ (Zubair, 2007a). In the above-mentioned cities,
socio-economic situation and living standards are much higher than that of Multan. These
factors are likely to influence the way the students absorb the messages embedded in the
textbook discourses. They are also likely to influence the way the teachers in these cities
explain these messages to the students; hence, dissemination of a different worldview.
The earlier studies do not deal with the analysis of discourses of language textbooks
which the present research is going to undertake. It was, therefore, deemed useful to
explore the worldview of learners who represent a different and neglected geographical
region in terms of access to basic literacy and overall English education. In this area,
some other research studies have also been carried out. Zubair (2006, 249) attempts to
understand young Pakistani women’s identities in relation to their aspirations for learning
English. She finds out that, on one hand, these post-graduate students show a distance to
‘western culture and identities’ and, on the other, they opt for certain identities which are
associated with western culture. For instance, they have a strong desire to learn English
because it, as they believe, ‘opens up windows to the world.’ Similarly, Asif (2005, p.10)
whose work is on Siraki community in Multan, observes that ‘under the influence of
bright future’ parents are distancing themselves and their children from their own Siraiki
language. The present study is important and different from these research studies in a
way that it tries to discuss, along with other things, the impact of textbook discourses on
their young readers’ aspirations for learning English.
22
1.6) Scope
There is no one uniform factor that influences the students’ worldviews as discussed
earlier (Chapter 1, p. 1). Rather they are too many to be examined (at one and the same
time) and each too varied to be classified. The present research is, therefore, limited to
CDA of the English textbooks (PTB and OUP textbooks) being taught at the secondary
level in the government Urdu-medium schools, non-elite English-medium schools and
elite English-medium schools in urban Multan. It only analyzes the contents related to
culture, religion, nationalism, us and them, gender, and English. It does not analyze the
contents related to politics, environment, health, geography, general knowledge, morality
and science and technology. Similarly, it does not analyze the tables or contents of the
textbooks, the titles of the textbooks, the titles of the lessons, pictures, monograms,
exercises (given at the end of each lesson), and national anthem (as given in the PTB
textbooks).
I am fully aware that measuring attitudes and worldviews of individuals and communities
can be problematic and therefore research – tapping into this complex area of ideologies
and mindsets – cannot be without its limitations. Every person is mentally,
psychologically and socially different from others and thus ‘has a particular feeling,
opinion or a set of attitudes towards something’ (Shah, 2008, p. 14). Therefore, it is
difficult to bring empirical evidence of students’ wide-ranging and mixed attitude
towards the ideologies embedded in the English textbooks. However, as the students were
free to give their opinions in the questionnaire, the present research attempted to capture
reflection of their attitudes and worldviews.
23
Chapter 2: Theoretical Framework
We have discussed in the previous chapter that the present study deals with the concepts
of ideology, discourse, worldview, culture and textbooks. It is of course not a new work
in these areas. There have been many works which have contributed a lot by proposing
theories and analytical frameworks to the research studies related to these areas. The
theories and frameworks proposed by them not only lay a foundation for the present
study but also help in erecting its building. It is, therefore, absolutely essential to discuss
these works, at least briefly, that deal with the concepts of ideology, discourse,
worldview, culture and textbooks from different paradigms. This chapter tries to outline
the historical perspectives as well as the later developments in the fields of ideology,
discourse, worldview, culture and textbooks.
2.1) Ideology
The term ‘ideology’ though often found in dictionaries and particularly in the works
related to CDA of texts, does not have an exact meaning or definition. This is because it
has been looked at differently in different research contexts as I discuss below. Though
these different perspectives make its meaning/s elusive, they make it easier to have at
least a little understanding of what is ideology.
Francis Bacon, even before the advent of the term ‘ideology’, implicitly characterized it
in this way:
…people would never obtain true picture of the world unless certain false idea, or ‘idols’ were discarded or at least regarded as false (cited in Price 1993: 64).
24
The term was first used explicitly by a French philosopher and author, Destutt de Tracy
(1754-1836) at the time of the French Revolution, to refer to a science (logos) of ideas
(Cranston, 2003). The object of this science was the establishment of the origin of ideas
putting aside political, religious and metaphysical prejudices (Larrain, 1979). Up to this
extent, Tracy’s struggle against prejudices was under the influence of his reading of
thinkers like Locke and Condillac who believed in materialism – all ideas had their
source in material experience (Hawkes, 1996, p. 42-45). He himself says in the Elemens
d’Ide’ologie (1805-15) that there are no innate ideas, all thought being derived from
sensation (cited in Hawkes, 1996, p. 55). However, his notion of ideology moves beyond
materialism in a sense that it emerged as a science to study where ideas and prejudices
come from. Like any other branch of knowledge, the science of ideas could be sought for
unmasking the masked social, educational, religious and political ideologies prevailing in
the society. De Tracy’s school of ‘ideologues’, after years of revolution, wanted to
educate the French people especially the young ones on this line of reasoning for the
establishment of a happy society. This indicates that ideology in its origin had a positive
connotation.
It started getting negative connotations when his efforts for a just and fair France led him
to criticize the ways Napoleon Bonaparte was running the state. Napoleon was the first
to use this term in a negative sense. When he realized their ‘Ide’ologie’ a threat for his
despotic ambition, he labelled De Tracy and his colleagues ‘ideologists’ with the
derogatory meaning that they were unrealistic and doctrinaire intellectuals ignorant of
political practice (Larrain, 1979, p. 28).
25
Ideology becomes an important critical concept in Marxism. Karl Marx (1818-83) was
not consistent in his statements about ideology. The most straightforward statement about
ideology can be found in his The German Ideology (1846) which he wrote with Frederick
Engels. Ideology for him is the representation of ‘ideas, conceptions and consciousness’
and all that which ‘men say, imagine and conceive’ related to ‘politics, laws, morality,
religion, metaphysics, etc’ (cited in Felluga, 2002). The following Marx’s (1977, p. 176,
389) most celebrated contentions also outline Marxist concept of ideology as ruling
ideas:
The mode of production of material life conditions the social, political and intellectual life process in general. It is not the consciousness of men that determines their being, but, on the contrary, their social being that determines their consciousness. The individuals composing the ruling class possess among other things consciousness, and therefore think. In so far therefore, as they rule as a class and determine the extent and compass of an epoch, it is self evident that they do this in its whole range, hence among other things rule also as thinkers, as producers of ideas, and regulate the production and distribution of the ideas of their age: thus their ideas are the ruling ideas of the epoch (cited in Hartley, 2004, p. 104).
‘Their ideas are the ruling ideas of the epoch’ suggests that ‘our understanding and
knowledge of the world (and especially, if not exclusively, of the social world) is
determined by political interests. There are certain beliefs, and certain ways of seeing the
world, that will be in the interests of the dominant class (but not in the interests of the
subordinate classes)’ (Edgar & Sedgwick, 2004, p. 190). The dominant class controls ‘the
mode of production’ and, therefore, disseminates its ideas through the social institutions
like court, media, church, education, etc; hence, ideology is not limited to one aspect of
life rather there are cultural ideologies, religious ideas, educational ideologies, political
ideologies and many others. The ‘producers of ideas…regulate the production and
distribution of the(se) ideas of their age’ to legitimize their rule and reproduce the class
26
structure. They do it through the distribution and production of such knowledge that
varies in quality or in being useful and marketable (Phillipson, 1992).
Ideas in a society or ‘their social being’ speak of the Marxist idea of false consciousness.
However, ideology in Marxism is not strictly false nor it is a synonym for false
consciousness rather it characterizes ideology as ‘distorted ideas’ about the social world
(Edgar & Sedgwick, 2004). Hence, ideology in Marxism is a distorted form of
knowledge, ideas and beliefs that take us away from reality or true knowledge.
The Marxist concept of ideology as ruling ideas was criticized by the German sociologist
Karl Mannheim (1960). For him, ideology does not have a strong link with class and
domination (cited in Edgar & Sedgwick 2004). Though, he acknowledges the link that
Marxism establishes between idealism and materialism, he believes that different social
classes, for instance, the dominant and the dominated, in a particular society understand
and represent the world in different ways. Therefore, these different ways of
understanding the world should not be regarded as different ideologies of different social
classes but equally valid modes of thinking, criteria for ‘truth’ and Weltanschauung –
worldviews (Mannheim [1936] 1968, in Perdue, (1986, p. 388-93)). For Mannheim:
there is then no single truth against which all ideologies can be judged. Each ideology will have its own standards of truth and accuracy, dependent upon the social circumstances within which it is produced (Edgar & Sedgwick, 2004, p. 191).
Gramsci (1891-1937), the leader of the Italian Communist Party, also countered the
Marxist idea of materialist determinism after the failure of his communist revolution
against the Mussolini’s government. The revolution had failed in spite of having enough
27
‘objective’ material resources and that helped him ponder enough about the causes of ‘his
defeat in the subjective, ideological control which the capitalist state exercised over its
inhabitants’ (Hawkes, 1996, p. 116). His re-evaluation of Marxism leads him to note that
regarding ideology as false consciousness as the result of class struggle i.e. between
bourgeoisie and proletariat is not satisfactory. In order to resolve the conflict arising from
this conception Gramsci (1971) came up with the concept of ‘hegemony’ (cited in Buci-
Glucksmann, 1980). Hegemony does not entirely neglect the economic factor of
ideology. It, rather, takes a further step declaring that economics base alone is not
sufficient to maintain the dominance of the ruling class, unless there is a superstructure of
ideologies constructed over this base. This means ‘a creation of consensus culture in
which the people of working class identify their own good with the good of the
bourgeoisie, and help maintain the status quo rather than revolting’ (Rizwan, 2006, p. 14)
Further, Bocock (1986) in his analysis of hegemony stresses that
‘…a major component in Gramsci’s theory is the capacity of the dominant group (the ruling class or alliance of classes, or class fraction) to provide intellectual, moral and philosophical leadership and to pursue policies which are not on the direct, narrow interest of capitalists but rather which can be presented plausibly as being in the interests of the whole people, of the nation....’ (cited in Phillipson, 1992, p. 74).
In order to create such consensus culture with plausible policies, the ideologies are
naturalized and disseminated through ‘hegemonic apparatuses’. Hegemonic apparatuses
are ‘a certain number of institutions from ‘civil society’: the Church, the Schools, the
trade unions, etc. (Althusser, 1971, in Buci-Glucksmann, 1980, p. 64). In order to
perpetuate hegemony, it has to be continually ‘…renewed, recreated, defended and
28
modified. It is also continually resisted, limited, altered, challenged by pressures…
(Williams 1977).
Louis Althusser (1971), the French structuralist, in his theory of ideology, focused more
on other aspects of social life rather than ideas and economic determinism (cited in
Larrain, 1979). For him, ‘ideology need not be about what people think, but rather about
how they act – lived relations’ (Edgar & Sedgwick 2004, p. 191). In this view, ideology
then is not a ‘false consciousness’ rather it is something that has a material existence as
he (1971) observes that ‘an ideology always exists in apparatus, and its practice, or
practices. This existence is material’ (cited in Hawkes, 1996).
Needless to say as it may bear repetition that apparatuses are the social institutions.
Althusser (1971) identifies two types of apparatuses: the Repressive State Apparatus
(RSAs) that function coercively such as courts, police and army and the Ideological State
Apparatuses (ISAs) that function discursively such as school, church and media. The
ideological practices which seem to be ‘normal’ and ‘commonsense’ are in fact the
constructs of the social apparatuses. The people who are regarded as ‘objects’ in
Althusser’s theory of ideology do not challenge these practices and thus act or play their
roles as already devised by the apparatuses.
2.1.1) Ideology in the Postmodern Era
In Hawke’s (1996) view, the Postmodern era begins in the early twentieth century when
the Western society started shifting away from industrial production to consumption and
29
exchange-based economies. The history of capitalism was dominated by the media of
representation in the consumption-oriented and exchange-based markets. Money started
to represent material objects such as metals, credit, figures, interest, etc. The economic
change or development also occurs in ‘the technological media of representation’ such as
television, radio, cinema, internet, etc which are mostly used to bombard the people with
such images (carrying certain messages) that help create a consumer society. In short, we
live in the era of representation and image.
Regarding Postmodernism, Giddens (1990) argues that it refers to ‘styles or movements
within literature, painting, the plastic arts, and architecture. It concerns aspects of
aesthetic reflection upon the nature of modernity’ (cited in Edgar & Sedgwick 2004, p.
294). Harvey’s The Condition of Postmodernity (1989) defines postmodernism in socio-
economic terms, a bit similar to Hawkes, that Postmodernism ‘signify a decentralized,
diversified stage in the development of the market place’ in which Fordism replaces ‘a
form of manufacture which coordinates a diversity of sources in search of greater
flexibility of production’ (cited in Edgar & Sedgwick 2004: 294). Particularly, for our
purpose, Lyotard ([1979] 1989) regards Postmodernism as an end of ‘grand narratives’
(e.g. Marxism) and the beginning of ‘little narratives’ in the wake of ‘technologies which
have transformed our notion of what constitutes knowledge’ (cited in Edgar & Sedgwick,
2004, p. 296). Hence, it proposes an epistemological view of knowledge which raises
questions about the reliability, objectivity and justification of the knowledge connected
with earlier theories or the recent ones.
30
The Postmodernism and the changes or developments it has brought along with it in the
social, cultural, economic and the other realms of life have moved as well as enabled the
Postmodern thinkers to reread the earlier theories about ideology within the context of the
new paradigms. Foucault (1960), unlike Althusser who was materialist and focused on
ideological knowledge / practices constructed by RSAs’ and ISAs’, focused on
knowledge produced in each phase of history followed any law of a ‘certain code of
knowledge’ (cited in Hawkes, 1996, p. 160). In this way, he actually deals with that
power that control discourse (code) of knowledge like linguistics, science, economics,
etc. In order to identify that power, his work does not regard history as consisting of parts
but rather as a series of events connected with one another – truth can be found out only
if discourses are seen in their historical context. Similarly, as Postmodernism enjoys the
autonomy of representation, Foucault’s approach does not have any room for ideology as
false consciousness. For him, ‘it is no longer possible to use terms such as ‘true’, ‘false’,
or even ‘consciousness’ for objectivity of discourses that produce or represent them is
already in doubt (ibid. p. 161).
2.2) Worldview
In contrast to the term ‘ideology’ which is mostly regarded as a set of ‘false’ or
‘distorted’ ideas and beliefs in the society, the term ‘worldview’ refers to a set of
common ideas or beliefs prevailing in the society or, at least, the ones shared by people
within each social class. However, the way Althusser (1969) and Tollefson (1991) use the
term ‘ideology’ is not much different from the term ‘worldview’. ‘Worldview’ is
basically a combination of two German words: ‘welt’ and ‘anschauung’ which mean
31
‘world’ and ‘view’ respectively. They have been derived from the German verb
‘schouwen’ (to see or look at). Thus, an easy or cheap definition of ‘worldview’ can be: it
is the way we view the world.
In anthropology, the term ‘worldview’ is used for the study of how (primitive) people
understand reality. Blommaert (2005, p. 170) says that the way it is used in anthropology
refers to ‘the deep levels of culture, the kind of implicit, deeply normalized, patterns and
principles according to which culture became a cohesive whole’. Moreover, the terms
like ‘‘cognitive view’, ‘world view perspective’, ‘basic assumptions’, ‘implicit premises’,
‘Weltanschaung’, ‘World Outlook’ and ‘ethos’ are used as synonyms’ (Rahman, 2002b,
p. 62).
Foster (1967), an anthropologist, calls it ‘cognitive orientation’ and defines it as follows:
The members of every society share a common cognitive orientation which is, in effect, a universalized, implicit expression of their understanding of the ‘rules of the games’ of living imposed upon them by their social, natural, and supernatural universes (cited in Rahman, 2002b, p. 62).
This is somewhat similar to the Saussurean notion of ‘reality’ and linguistic
representation – different languages represent reality in different ways. Edward Sapir and
Benjamin Lee Whorf contributed to this idea by proposing a theory that ‘culturally based
‘ways of speaking’ exist: a concept that is the base of Sapir Whorf Hypothesis (Singh,
1999, p. 24). His hypothesis proposes that language controls thought and thus language
shapes one’s worldview. Thus as Whorf states:
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the forms of a person’s thoughts are controlled by inexorable laws of pattern of which he is unconscious. These patterns are the unperceived intricate systematization of his own language…every language is a vast pattern-system, different from others, in which are culturally ordained the forms and categories by which the personality not only communicates, but also analyzes nature, notices or neglects types of relationship and phenomena, channels his reasoning, and builds the house of his consciousness (cited in Singh, 1999, p. 25).
Although the later works proved the extreme interpretation of Sapir-Whorf hypothesis
wrong, they retain the link between language and worldview established in the
hypothesis. In these works, language is not the only influencing factor rather both of them
– language and worldview – are equally important in shaping each other – a dialectic
relation between them.
Rahman (2002b, p. 61-2) relates the concept of worldview to Manheimm’s ‘particular
conception of ideology’ which means ‘the ideology of an age or of a concrete historico-
social group, e.g. of a class, when we are concerned with the characteristics and
composition of the total structure of the mind of this epoch or of this group’. To him,
while ideology refers to political and religious ideas and beliefs, the term ‘worldview’
refers to all kinds of ideas and beliefs as a whole. He further says that it is problematic to
use this concept for ‘people in complex and literate societies’ where their ideas and
beliefs are always in a state of flux due to ever-increasing influences of media, education,
etc. Therefore, as it is difficult to find any fixed, monolithic and single worldview in any
society including Pakistan, it is useful to use the term ‘worldviews’ to refer to ideas and
beliefs of sub-sets of people such as students, peasants, traders, etc within each socio-
economic class. It can be argued that, in his analysis of language textbooks, while
confining ‘ideology’ to political and religious ideas and ‘worldview’ to all kinds of ideas
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and beliefs, Rahman regards textbooks as representative of not only ideologies but also
worldviews. Hence, textbook discourses influence not only ideologies but also
worldviews.
2.3) Discourse
The term ‘discourse’ is widely used in a number of disciplines such as linguistics,
sociology, philosophy, anthropology and many others. Importantly, the way it is used in
these disciplines brings it very close to the term ‘ideology’. Just like ‘ideology’, its use in
a variety of ways and contexts makes it difficult to trace any clear-cut definition or
meaning of it. A simplistic way to know what it does mean and how it is closely
connected with the term ‘ideology’ is to start with dictionary definitions and see how the
critical theorists connect it with ideology.
Concise Oxford Dictionary of Current English briefly refers ‘discourse’ to ‘Talk,
conversation; dissertation, treatise, sermon’ (1976). One may assume that, here, reference
has been made both to spoken and written dimensions of language. Crystal, however,
while defining discourse, makes a distinction between written and spoken discourses and,
therefore, assigns different terms to each:
Discourse analysis focusses on the structure of naturally occurring spoken language, as found in such ‘discourses’ as conversations, interviews, commentaries, and speeches. Text analysis focusses on the structure of written language, as found in such ‘texts’ essays, notices, road signs, and chapters (1987, p. 116).
In simple words, for him, the terms ‘discourse’ and ‘text’ refer to spoken and written
languages respectively.
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Longman Dictionary of Contemporary English (1995, p. 387) defines ‘discourse’ as (a) a
serious speech or piece of writing on a particular subject; (b) serious conversation
between people; (c) the language used in particular kinds of speech or writing. The first
and second definition refers ‘discourse’ to that kind of spoken and written texts which are
serious or formal. A number of points are important here: firstly, discourse goes beyond
the level of sentence; secondly, informal piece of writing and speech has not been
regarded as discourse; thirdly, discourse refers to both spoken and written dimensions of
language; lastly, discourse is something like language. The last definition refers to
discourse genre, a ‘…text with conspicuous distinguishing features’ (Trask, 1999, p. 79).
So far the definitions given above do not help much in creating a working definition. In
this regard, Foucault (1972) defines ‘discourse’ in a wider sense:
Instead of gradually reducing the rather fluctuating meaning of the word ‘discourse’, I
believe I have in fact added to its meanings: treating it sometimes as the general domain
of all statements, sometimes as an individualizable group of statements, and sometime
as a regulated practice that accounts for a number of statements (cited in Mills, 1997,
p.6).
Foucault regards all types of texts belonging to any discipline as discourse including
those connected to or produced by any social group or institution and even those that are
drawn upon as rules or structures while producing particular utterances and texts (ibid.,
1997, p.7). In all the definitions or theoretical perspectives discussed above, we see that
‘discourse’ has been restricted only to linguistic features of written and spoken texts –
ignoring the non-linguistic features of texts. However, whether directly or indirectly, all
the definitions cited above treat discourse in linguistic terms i.e. language used in
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everyday life as discourse. Hanks (1996) and Brown and Yule (1983) also regard
discourse as ‘language in use’ and ‘language in action’ and stress on the need for
attention to both language and action in critical analysis.
Blommaert treats discourse in the widest sense. He treats discourse in both linguistic and
non-linguistic terms. To him, discourse comprises ‘all forms of meaningful semiotic
human activity seen in connection with social, cultural, and historical patterns and
development of use’ (2005, p. 3). This semiotic definition of discourse focusses on
‘meaning’. Anything that gives meaning is discourse. In this way, language is just ‘one
manifestation’ of discourse. Thus all human activities whether linguistic such as speech,
dialogue, conversation, lecture, etc or non-linguistic such as practices, beliefs, customs,
pictures, etc that represent certain meanings or messages constitute discourse. Kress,
Leite-Garcia and van Leeuwen (1997, 257) propose the same idea but in a different way:
…it has become impossible to read texts reliably by paying attention to written language alone: it exists as one representational element in a text which is always multi-modal, and it has to be read in conjunction with all the other semiotic modes of that text.
2.3.1) Ideology and Discourse
The proposed definitions, notions and theories regarding ideology by different theorists
mostly connect ideology with power. Ideology functions to sustain and legitimate the
relations of power in society. The dependence of society on relations – social, cultural,
economic, political and other relations (among people) form society – means ideologies
prevail in every nook and corner of society. It further means that ideologies neither act in
a vacuum to influence social lives of people nor are they ‘mental’ representations which
mostly theorists ‘hesitate to postulate’ and ‘instead they have recourse to language use or
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discourse as a more ‘material’ or ‘observable’ form of ideology’ (Schaffner, 1995, p.
110). Thus, ideologies are located in language or discourse at large.
Thompson (1984) proposes that the theory of ideology needs to focus much on the study
of language. Similarly, Gruber (1990) says that ‘ideology manifests itself linguistically
and is made possible and created through language’ (cited in Schaffner, 1995, p. 110).
Ideology created in or through language may also be treated as representation of
discourses from another perspective. In this view, as forwarded by Blommaert (2005),
ideology is located in particular discourses operated by specific groups or actors. These
ideologies are ‘codified’ and thus texts become their representation and support their
views. There is also a seemingly opposite view to this one propounded by sociologists,
philosophers and linguists ( Gramsci 1971; Bourdieu 1990; Althusser 1971; Barthes
1957; and Williams 1973, 1977) that ideologies are not particular discourses rather they
are apparently general discourses that represent all institutions, social groups and
individuals – whole society – and implicitly function to normalize and naturalize the
existing phenomena including thought and behaviour.
For Fairclough, ‘ideologies are embedded in features of discourse which are taken for
granted as matters of common sense’. That is, the conventions which are drawn upon in
discourse ‘embody ideological assumptions’. These assumptions appear as a
commonsense for they are mostly ‘implicit, backgrounded, taken for granted’ and thus go
unnoticed and unchallenged. According to Fairclough, ‘commonsense’ is an important
characteristic of discourse. It helps sustain the relations of power without any resistance
37
or challenge (Fairclough, 2001). In short, we can say that ideologies and discourses are
complementary aspects of one another. Ideologies are created, disseminated, shared,
popularized, cherished and circulated through discourses (Rizwan, 2006, p. 17).
Street (1984) in his Ideological Model of Literacy attempts to understand the role or
function of ideology in literacy in terms of concrete social practices and to theorize it in
terms of ideologies in which different literacies are embedded. For him, literacy is not
simply a pure technical or neutral skill. In this model as literacies vary from one context
to another, Gee (1996) regards these particular versions of literacies as ideological both in
their meanings and in their practices. To him, literacy is always a representation of a
particular worldview; hence, its connection with power to dominate and marginalize
others. To sum up, discourses / literacies must be looked at as socially constructed
phenomena that act as means to sustain the relations of power in society. Therefore, the
success of any theory or critical study of ideologies depends largely on the degree of
focus on the study of texts discourses.
2.4) Culture
The term ‘culture’ in most of the dictionaries refers to ideas, beliefs and customs which
people share and accept in a society. Though it is a very simple definition of such a
complex concept as ‘culture’, it, at least, helps us keep in mind some points which can be
useful in dealing with an encompassing definition later: (a) there is a very close
connection between culture and people in a society; (b) there is something through which
people share culture or, in other words, something that becomes a means in this
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connection; (c) ideas, beliefs and customs which people do not share and accept cannot
be regarded as culture (of those people or society); (d) culture is something that functions
like ‘glue’ – it binds up people in a society. Something that seems to be missing in this
definition is the ‘action’ of people that materialize their shared and accepted ideas, beliefs
and customs.
For this, we may look at another definition whose formulators, Samovar, Porter &
Stefani, claim to cover a wide area of culture (1998):
We define culture as the deposit of knowledge, experience, beliefs, values, actions, attitudes, meanings, hierarchies, religion, notions of time, roles, spatial relations, concepts of the universe, and artifacts acquired by a group of people in the course of generations through individual and group striving (cited in Lund, 2006, p. 26).
This is indeed a comprehensive definition of culture which covers almost all aspects of
social life. Here, culture is something like a repertoire of knowledge, beliefs, actions,
attitudes, etc. associated with a group of people who have acquired and learned it from
their elders and are liable to pass it on to their coming ones. In linking ‘culture to ‘a
group of people’, the definition indicates that culture is shared by the members of a
particular community, and that one community is, somehow, different from another in
terms of culture’ (Lund, 2006, p. 26). Moreover, culture is not only an abstract
phenomenon (connected with knowledge, experience, beliefs, values, meanings, etc.) but
also a concrete one (connected with actions, attitudes, roles, artifacts, etc.).
Street (1993) deals with the concept of ‘culture’ in a similar way. Unlike many others
who regard culture as a static phenomenon, Street deals tries to define ‘culture’ from a
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new perspective – culture is a verb. That is, he does not regard culture as something with
specific characteristics, for instance, language, dance, etc. He is of the view that culture
should not be regarded as a noun (language, dance, etc.) but something that is functional
i.e. a specific dance, whether it is mythical or historical, might tell / represent a tale.
On a similar note, Kramsch (1998: 04) regards culture as something opposite to nature or
as a dynamic process of evolution:
Nature refers to what is born and grows organically (from the Latin nascere: to be born); culture refers to what has been grown and groomed (from the Latin colere: to cultivate). The word culture evokes the traditional nature / nurture debate: Are human beings mainly what nature determines them to be from birth or what culture enables them to become through socialization and schooling?
This definition indicates that culture is not a natural phenomenon but a socially
constructed one; the idea which can be quite helpful while dealing with the concepts of
ideology, power and texts below. However, in the end, it contains an important point
regarding the acquisition, learning, production and dissemination of culture in the society.
To her, the process of teaching and learning of culture starts from an early childhood in
formal and informal domains. That is, culture is shared through socialization and it is
groomed through social institutions. That is why, Kramsch (1997: 4) claims that ‘‘I could
have been you and you could have been me, given different circumstances’.
The question is if culture is groomed by the outer circumstances which can be too varied
to categorize what helps people identify their own culture. Lakoff & Johnson (1980)
compare culture with a mental model of people in a particular community through which
they see, understand and live in the world. The ways of seeing and acting in the world, as
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Zubair (2007b) observes, are different because different social and cultural groups have
different socioculturally discourses and practices. Similarly, the way these discourses and
practices are looked at and defined vary from one group to another one. Gee (1999) refers
to these (different) socioculturally practices as ‘cultural models’. Quite simply, ‘mental
model’ and ‘cultural model’ are like a framework within which a community identifies
itself and differentiates itself from another one with a different framework.
It will be useful here to compare the concepts of ‘mental’ and ‘cultural’ models with
Hofstede’s (1991) reference to culture as ‘the software of the mind’, i.e. the shared and
accepted ‘rules that tell us how to behave and act within a particular group. Culture
becomes a ‘perceptual lens’ through which we see and make sense of the outside world’
(cited in Lund, 2006, p. 26-7).
The concepts of ‘mental model’, ‘cultural model’, ‘perceptual lens’ and ‘software of the
mind’ are important in a sense that they indicate that culture is a by-product of the things
present outside in the society such as language, family, texts, social institutions and many
more. Though it is very difficult to judge how much each of them plays a part in the
production of culture yet research about any of them can catch at least a reflection of their
role in producing and circulating culture. I discuss below the role of schools and school
textbooks as mechanisms of cultural distribution.
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2.4.1) Schools as Mechanisms of Cultural Distribution
Hartley’s idea of culture in another context as ‘The production and circulation of sense,
meaning and consciousness’ presents culture something like material goods produced and
circulated by factories (2004, p. 51). He further elaborates his point that ‘culture is the
sphere of reproduction not of goods but of life’. Of course, we have not factories but
schools or other educational institutions such as colleges and universities that function to
produce and circulate common sense, meanings and consciousness. It can surely be
expected that being in the control of the state or the ruling elite, the culture these
institutions represent through their textbooks fulfill their ideological interests.
The Italian Marxist Antonio Gramsci (1975, p. 36)also notes that certain classes, for the
enhancement of their ideological dominance, control the knowledge-producing and
preserving institutions of a particular society (cited in Apple, 2004, p. 25). Hartley’s idea
is also important in a sense that culture gives social meanings to words and practices
which people use in their lives and transmit to next generations. Regarding the
ideological role of education in the social distribution of culture Williams (1961: 119-20)
states:
The pattern of meanings and values through which people conduct their lives can be seen for a time as autonomous, and as evolving within its own terms, but it is quite unreal, ultimately, to separate this pattern from a precise political and economic system, which can extend its influences into the most unexpected regions of feeling and behavior. The common prescription of education, as the key to change, ignores the fact that the form and content of education are affected, and in some cases determined, by the actual systems of political decision andeconomic maintenance.
Apple adds that schools disseminate meanings and values to process both knowledge and
people.
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…the formal and informal knowledge is used as a complex filter to process people, often by class; and, at the same time, different dispositions and values are taught to different school populations, again often by class (and sex and race). In effect, for this more critical tradition, schools latently recreate cultural and economic disparities, though this is certainly not what most people intend at all (2004, p. 32).
Rahman (2004 & 2002b, chapter 9 & 15) discusses how different schools socially,
culturally and economically polarize the Pakistani society. He recognizes three major
types of schools (Vernacular-medium schools, English-medium schools and religious
seminaries) and they are imparting different cultures, worldviews and knowledge to their
students through textbooks and the school ethos. Thus the products of each school speak
differently, behave differently and even think differently. This variety of culture and
worldview later slot them into different social roles, orders and positions.
Similarly, Mohan and I-chia Lee (2006) regard schools as place of ‘knowing and doing’
for the learners. In other words, schools impart knowledge to learners about life and the
world and provide them with a chance to practice that within the school premises. The act
of knowing and doing is not free of cultural constraints. We have already discussed above
that schools represent different cultures. Therefore, in each school culture, there are
certain rules regarding how to know and how to do. It reinforces the fact that getting hold
of social institutions such as schools and their curriculum and textbooks is getting hold of
people’s knowing and doing.
2.4.2) ELT Textbooks as Cultural Artifacts
T. S. Eliot defines culture as ‘Even the humblest material artifact which is the product
and the symbol of a particular civilization, is an emissary of the culture out of which it
43
comes’ (cited in Gray, 2000, p. 274). Though Eliot’s definition doesn’t show any link
with ELT textbooks, it helps John Gray regards ELT course book as cultural ambassador.
ELT materials……..for use in classrooms around the world are sources not only of grammar, lexis, and activities for language practice, but, like Levi’s jeans and Coca Cola, commodities which are imbued with cultural promise. In the case of ELT course books, it is the promise of entry into an international speech community which is represented in what tend to be very idealized terms (Gray 2000: 274).
Phillipson (1992) sees course books as agendas of ideologies which aim at making
economy and dissemination of culture or ideas. Thus he says that British course books
are ‘designed to boost the Centre’s commerce with the Periphery and the dissemination
of the Centre’s ideas and language’ (1992, p. 60). Though he talks in the British context,
it can be useful to apply his idea to other local English textbooks as well, for instance,
Pakistani textbooks, for all are developed, revised and updated mostly by those in power.
Moreover, his description of various institutions working as mechanisms under western
powers to propagate a particular language and its culture worldwide at the cost of other
languages and cultures may be seemed supporting Schiller’s definition of cultural
imperialism – the global process of structural and ideological incorporation. Indeed it is
only the English language ‘…in which this incorporation is taking place (form), and the
structures and ideologies connected with English operate globally (content). If
‘Americanization’ or ‘Westernization’ is what Schiller is describing, then English is the
key medium for this process’ (ibid.: 1992).
Modiano (2001: 340) observes that the formal education taking place in the educational
institutions especially in the peripheral countries is likely to provide much exposure to
English culture which, in turn, is a danger for the indigenous cultures and languages.
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Institutionalized English language learning based on culture-specific prescriptive norms,
and supported by exposure to the language in a wide spectrum of activities, comprises a
programme which can be perceived as being what Phillipson calls ‘an imperialist
structure of exploitation of one society or collectivity by another’ (1992). Such
positioning supports a belief that the promotion of the English language undermines
cultural diversity. English virtually Anglo-Americanizes the non-native speaker. Because
English is such a dominant force in world affairs (and the bulwark of Western ideology),
there is a danger that its spread dilutes (and ‘corrupts’) the distinguishing characteristics
of other languages and cultures.
Hyde (1994, p. 296) observes that the threat the foreign culture poses is ‘the erosion of
belief in the ability of native culture and language to deal with the modern world’. This
forces them to bring some changes in the process of learning and teaching in the
classroom as Gray (2000: 275) exemplifies that ‘just as Coca Cola can be used in popular
(if theologically unorthodox) religious ceremonies in Central America, so too are course
books subject (at least in theory) to change in the language classroom’. Similarly,
Hutchinson and Torres (1994: 325) observes in several ELT classrooms that
…teachers and learners do not follow the textbook script. Most often teachers follow their own scripts by adapting or changing textbook-based tasks, adding new texts or deleting some, changing the management of the tasks, changing task inputs or expected outputs, and so on. Moreover, what is also clear from the study is that the teachers’ planned task is reshaped and reinterpreted by the interaction of teacher and learners during the lesson.
My discussion so far about the presence of foreign culture in English textbooks should
not lead us to assume that only the foreign culture i.e. Western or English culture is
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promoted in and through all the English language textbooks. Aliakbari (2004) identifies
three types of cultures in the English textbooks: source culture, target culture and
international target cultures. The English textbooks that represent source culture represent
indigenous values, beliefs, customs, etc. Target culture represents English culture and
values whereas the international target culture represents ‘ a wide variety of cultures from
English-speaking countries and countries where English is not the first or second
language, but is used as an international language’ (p. 5). He also adds one more category
into them which is ‘text with little interest in culture’. According to him, Brumfit (1996)
calls it a ‘neutral’ variety. Although Aliakbar discusses the ideologies of Western or
English culture in the textbooks, he does not focus much upon the ideological presence of
indigenous cultures in the textbooks.
Rahman’s (2002b) analysis of language textbooks in Pakistan– including the English
textbooks – notes that different textbooks represent different cultures. For instance,
textbooks (in elite schools) written by foreign writers mostly represent the English culture
and their counterparts (in government schools) written by local writers in Pakistan
represent the indigenous one. His observation of the influence of these textbooks on their
readers is summarized as follows:
…the English-school students talked in English, very often in slang borrowed from comic books, informally with each other. Their body language was different from that of other students. For instance, the boys did not shake hands in the manner of ordinary Pakistani boys. While the latter put in much warmth in hand shakes and shook every male’s hand, English-school products shook hands much more casually and often merely waved at people standing away. They (the English-school people) never did the double hand-shake nor did they bend their body as a gesture of humility when they shook hands. Other aspects of the body language – the gait, the way one sits down, drinks, eats, etc – of both types of people are also different though some differences can only be perceived by continued interaction and cannot be described easily. What is most important is that the products of English schools thought differently from their
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vernacular-school products; that there was a difference in worldview between them (2002b, p. 299).
Rahman then goes on to connect these different cultural gains with ideology and
worldview and in the final analysis to power. The dissemination of different cultures, to
him, is the game of power.
2.5) Critical Discourse Analysis: Theoretical Background
The most important aim of (CDA) is to deconstruct the underlying ideologies of
discourse that ‘help produce and reproduce unequal power relations’ in the society
(Fairclough and Wodak, 1997, p. 258). In other words, the connotative and ambiguous
statements are clarified to expose their effective role in the maintenance of unequal
power relations in the society. The latent ‘ideologies under the cover of apparently
harmless and neutral discourse undergo a dissection or post-mortem procedure called
CDA to expose the toxic, debilitating agents’ (Rahimi and Sahragard, 2006).
For the purpose of the present research, ideology has been regarded as a set of explicit
and implicit themes embedded in textbook discourses to bring such changes in the
learners’ conceptions of life and world that benefit the state or the ruling elite; whereas
themes are the messages or ideas created through various discursive strategies in the text.
Unfortunately, the young learners, who mostly cannot realize the underlying ideologies
of the material, are likely to construe these themes as reality, reshape their knowledge and
act accordingly. Ironically enough, ELT practitioners and academics have turned a blind
eye to exploration of such ideological themes through CDA in the Pakistani educational
contexts.
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The purpose of drawing upon CDA in this present study is to detect effectively the
implicit ideological themes embedded in the discourse of Pakistani English textbooks. It
is pertinent to mention that in spite of sharing a common purpose i.e. analyses of texts,
there are a number of approaches to CDA varying from one discipline to another. In other
words, there is no single monolithic approach to CDA. Moreover, various types of texts
require different analytical frameworks for effective analysis. For instance, in the present
case where focus is on messages in long stretches of texts, I have found Fairclough’s
framework (2003) more useful than others.
Unlike many social scientists and linguists who refer to ‘language use’, ‘parole’, or
‘performance’, Fairclough uses it in its most usual or narrow sense to mean verbal
language – words, phrases, sentences, etc. That is, he talks of ‘language’ in a general
way, or of particular language such as English or Urdu. Conversely, he uses the term
‘discourse’ to refer to spoken or written language use which signals that discourse is a
social practice. His approach to CDA is based on the assumption that ‘language is an
irreducible part of social life, dialectically interconnected with other elements of social
life, so that social analysis and research always has to take account of language
(Fairclough, 2003, p. 2). As social scientists do not concentrate much upon linguistic
features of texts and linguists upon social effects of texts, Fairclough tries to go beyond
these divisions by proposing such a model framework that can be useful for both the
analyses of social and linguistic fields.
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Fairclough’s (2003) analytical framework addresses a number of social research themes
such as ‘the government or governance of new capitalist societies, hybridity or the
blurring of social boundaries, globalization, hegemony, universalization, ideologies, the
legitimation of social actions and societal informalization’ (p. 7). In order to research
these themes, the framework focuses on grammatical and semantic analysis employing
various macro and micro analytical categories. The macro ones include social analysis,
discourse analysis and text analysis; genres and action; discourses and representations;
and styles and identities which are materialized through some other micro strategies such
as dialogicality, meaning relation, genre, representation, inclusion, exclusion,
assumption, presupposition, metaphor, difference, collocation, styles, modality and
evaluation.
van Dijk ( 2004) also one of the key figures in CDA, holds that ‘ideologies are conceived
of as the basis of the social representation shared by (the members of) a group. As
socially shared belief systems of groups, ideologies are both social and cognitive’ (cited
in Schaffner, 1995, p. 109). Socially, they sustain group-related representations (identity,
values, norms, goals, tasks, position, mutual relationships and resources), monitor group-
related practices including text and talk. The members of a social group make use of
ideologies to justify and legitimize their dominance, and disseminate their ideas as well
as values. Cognitively, they organize, control, and even change the mental models i.e.
attitudes, of social groups. On the basis of the ideologically biased models and socially
shared beliefs as discussed above, members of different social groups use certain
strategies to produce and comprehend text and talk (van Dijk, 2004, p. 8). The purpose of
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CDA then is to see what are the discursive strategies and the means selected to maintain
dominance and power relations through discourses in society. In order to uncover the
sources of dominance and inequality prevailing in society, van Dijk resorts to social
analysis, cognitive analysis and discourse analysis of the texts.
In Pakistan, Rahman (2002b) has examined language textbooks of different schools to
see how ideology and worldview are connected with language teaching. His work also
provides answers into the way language teaching is related to ideology, worldview and,
in the final analysis, to power. He focuses on certain lexical items i.e. adjectives, whose
meanings create intriguing differences in human attributes. These differences are
expressed through the vocabularies of good and bad, able and unable, right and wrong,
sentiments, attitudes and norms of behaviour present in every language. Language
constructs this ‘signitive power’ (of languages) as a social reality or put simply, the
vehicles of worldview (De Kadt 1993). Though these words are not manipulated to
reinforce certain values, they help attribute distinguishing characteristics to someone.
Hence, in most cultures, those who are labeled intelligent, bold, confident, powerful, rich
etc feel superior and become more powerful and more capable of dominating other
human beings. Conversely, being labeled as poor, weak, unable, illiterate, dull, ugly etc is
to feel inferior and likely to be dominated and dependent.
2.6) Ideology in Textbooks
In this section, I discuss the works related to ideology in textbooks – including English
textbooks. Ideology is basically associated with power and relations of power. The
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textbooks become the means through which ideology functions to sustain the relations of
power in the society. Needless to say, textbooks are not the only means in disseminating
the ideologies of the powerful but they are far more important than any other means. As
compared with the other influences such as media the textbooks along with the family,
start shaping the learner’s perceptions of reality from the most formative years of early
school days.
Particularly school textbooks may rightly be regarded as ‘code of conduct’; hence, a
collection of ‘dos’ and ‘don’ts’. They disseminate messages about what to do and what
not to do; how to do and how not to do; when to do and when not to do and so on. These
‘ideas (often embedded in symbols and cultural practices) orient people's thinking in such
a way that they accept the current way of doing things, the current sense of what is
'natural,' and the current understanding of their roles in society’ (Lye 1997: 01). As these
messages relate to all aspects of life such as society, religion, nationalism, politics,
language/s and so forth, ideology is, therefore, not related to only one or some aspects of
life. That is why, those who have worked on it, have studied it from different angles and
have brought different but valuable and real insights into the study of ideology in
textbooks.
Apple (2004 & 1993) regards curriculum, in any society or country, as a means to an
unequal distribution of power and, then, to its legitimization with the minimum of
conflict. Although it can be made possible through coercive means which suggests that a
powerful group plans deliberately to force people to accept what the group commands
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yet, as it is likely to give rise to severe resistance, these are the dominant social
institutions that legitimate the current dominant order functioning through values,
conceptions of the world and life. Briefly, this legitimization is managed through the
widespread teaching of curriculum and textbooks. What curriculum and textbooks put
forward are the ideas of what is wrong and what is right, how the world is and how it
should be. This raises some serious issues – what and whose knowledge is worth
teaching? Which power to be legitimated and why? This is a deceptively simple question.
However, the conflicts over what should be taught and what not are quite serious. In fact,
the issue is not only educational but also ideological and political in its nature; hence,
education becomes a site of power. Criticism, controversies, likes and dislikes over what
should be included or excluded from curriculum makes the whole educational process ‘a
political football’ (Apple 2004: xix). The decision to define ‘some groups’ knowledge as
worthwhile to pass on to future generations while other group s’ culture and history
hardly see the light of the day says something extremely important about who has power
in society (Apple 2004: xx).
Crawford argues that knowledge in the textbooks is culturally oriented and it tends to
enforce and reinforce cultural forms:
School textbooks are based upon the cultural, ideological and political power of dominant groups and they tend to enforce and reinforce cultural homogeneity through the promotion of shared attitudes and the construction of shared historical memories. The construction of textbook knowledge is an intensely political activity and debates, controversies and tensions over the construction of school textbooks involve a struggle over the manufacture and control of popular memory. School textbooks are one vehicle through which attempts can be made to disseminate and reinforce dominant cultural forms (2004, p. 8).
52
The promotion of dominant cultural forms helps in creating certain concepts about life
and world. In other words, these are the ways of living, seeing and understanding life and
world within the prescribed cultural boundaries by those who are in power. Needless to
say, the concepts and meanings attached with life and world mostly serve the interests of
the powerful. Santos (2006, p. 1) argues that ‘textbooks are always value-laden and
reflect worldviews particular to certain social groups’. He regards them ‘effective tools in
the reproduction and legitimization of these values and beliefs’. The messages in
textbooks about life (particularly at school) and world are narrow, conservative and non-
critical and are likely to reinforce
…a conservative trend in the focused context. In addition, they suggest a simplistic and non-critical view of the subject matter, of learning, and of participation in society in general (Santos, 2006, p. 1).
Pinsent (1997) in her London-based research of children books holds a similar view that
‘all books express some kind of ideology’. She observes that ideologies in the past
textbooks for young children were explicit as compared to their counterparts in the
present school textbooks which are implicit and, thus, difficult to be located. She finds
out racial and cultural ideologies in the school textbooks which create a negative
impression about certain races, for instance, Negroes and Malays and their cultures.
There is a greater likelihood that students derive negative attitudes from these ideological
messages.
In the Pakistani context, Rahman (2004 & 2002b) has carried out an analysis of
ideological contents related to religion, nationalism, culture, racism and language i.e.
English, in the school textbooks. His work – though with a thin data of 300-350
53
questionnaires for a population of one-hundred and forty million – is important in the
sense that it examines the language textbooks of different schools i.e. textbooks of
government, non-elite and elite schools, and finds out that ideologies related to above-
mentioned themes are different in each school textbooks. Moreover, these ideologies do
have an impact on students’ attitude. Thus the students from government and non-elite
schools are more religious and nationalistic than their counterparts from the elite schools.
Similarly, the former ones are more racist and closer to indigenous languages, values and
norms. All-important point in his research is the finding that English and the culture
closer to it (or its culture i.e. English / Western) are related to power. And those (the
elites) who retain it find it easier to enter the domains of power than those (the lower and
middle classes) who do not.
Rahman, however, have touched this point only in passing that the lessons which
islamize and nationalize the students particularly from the government and non-elite
schools contain omission of historical facts and distortion of history of Pakistan. Mubarak
Ali (1986) has highlighted the distortion and omission of historical facts as well as biases
and inaccuracies in the school textbooks. He writes that
…Pakistan studies is projecting the wretchedness of the Muslims during the colonial period. According to these writings they were expressly kept backward through a “British-Hindu” conspiracy. This fact has emanated from ‘The Hunter Commission Report’ that highlighted the poverty and backwardness of Bengali Muslims but not those in the united provinces where they were in privileged positions.
Similarly, Aziz (1993) has analyzed sixty-six government as well as private textbooks on
history, social studies and Pakistan Studies from school to college level and found out
historical inaccuracies, exaggerations and errors. He listed these errors in eight categories
54
which are enough to show how history has been polluted, manipulated and murdered. For
example, he quotes the following excerpt from one of the analyzed textbooks:
After the partition of the sub-continent the Hindus and Sikhs started a properly planned campaign of exploiting the Muslims generally in the whole Bharat and particularly in East Punjab as a result of which the Hindu and Sikh the enemies of mankind killed and dishonoured thousands, nay hundreds and thousands of women, children, the old and the young with extreme cruelty and heartlessness.
His answer to this is that not only the Hindus and Sikhs but also the Muslims committed
this cruelty wherever they found a chance. In addition, Aziz points out that these
textbooks among other things glorify war / jihad and create hatred for India. Another
noteworthy work about the glorification of war and the military in the textbooks is of
Nayyar and Salim (2003). The existence of Pakistan on the basis of two-nation theory –
the Hindus and Muslims are two different nations – and the matter of security of the
newly born state were the two main reasons for an emphasis on nation building in the
textbooks by the government. With the passage of time, the first sanctified the armed
forces and the second ‘grew into the near theocratic nature of the state’ (p. 79). Thus as
militarism was a mutual interest of the military and theocrats, the curriculum directives
asked for and thus the textbooks included
……material creating hate and making enemy images; a glorification of war and the use of force; incitement to militancy and violence, including encouragement of war and shahadat; insensitivity to the actually existing religious diversity of the nation, and reinforcing perspectives that encourage prejudice and discrimination towards religious diversity (p. 79).
55
Nayyar and Salim then cite excerpts from different textbooks as well as policy documents
that favour nationalist and militarist ideologies in the textbooks. They are of the view that
the presence of such contents in the textbooks cannot pave a way for a peaceful Pakistan.
A number of other works refer to gender bias and discrimination in textbooks as well as
society. Gender bias and discrimination generally refer to equity and inequality of roles,
rights, power, etc between men and women in the society as well as unequal
representation of men and women in textbooks. As a result of such discrimination
particular against women, women appear to be weak creatures that are not able to do
better than men in the society. With regard to the asymmetrical representations of men
and women’s roles in language, feminist linguists such as Woolf (1972), Kaplan (1976),
and Spender (1980) – though working in different contexts – have argued that textbooks
provide classic examples of gender stereotypes and sexism against women. Woolf (1972)
starts to explain why women could not show their genius in literary circles in earlier
history particularly before the seventeenth century and finishes it off with a picture where
men and women lead a contrasting life even today. She holds the earlier laws and
customs largely responsible for women’s ‘strange intermissions of silence and speech’. In
making this argument, she differs from a conventional feminist as she argues not for a
woman but for a female artist. Similarly, unlike Kaplan (1976), and Spender (1980) and
Lakoff (1975) who find the roots of sexism in language, her work focuses on laws and
traditions that marginalize women in the society.
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Arguing that language functions to produce gender inequality, Lakoff (1975) points out
two areas where gender inequalities can be noticed in language in relation to social roles:
the language used for women and the language used by women. The former one
represents asymmetries between the seemingly parallel terms such as master and mistress
whereas the latter one represents them as double beings – fully human on one side and
appropriately feminine on the other one. Kaplan (1976) is of a similar view that men and
women have a different relationship to spoken and written discourses. It goes without
saying that such relationship with the language gives them a certain identity which
becomes peculiar to them. Zubair (2007b, p. 768) observes that ‘Language plays an
important role in the construction of identities; not only are identities forged through
language; languages are emblematic of multiple identities’. Tannen (1995) refers to it as
‘cultural learned signal’ – linguistic style:
Linguistic style refers to a person’s characteristic speaking pattern. It includes such features as directness or indirectness, pacing and pausing, word choice, and the use of such elements as jokes, figures of speech, stories, questions, and apologies. In other words, linguistic style is a set of cultural learned signals by which we not only communicate what we mean but also interpret others’ meanings and evaluate one another as people.
Importantly, all of the above-mentioned works do not touch the aspect of power in
relation to sexism in textbooks in detail. Spender (1980) looks at the close connection
between language, reality and power in the context of sexism. She holds that the world is
not a ready creation. It is created, categorized and organized by those who are powerful
enough to control and manipulate language to construct such ideas and realities which
can help them maintain their rule and dominance over the powerless. Doyle (1995) –
realizing the importance of language as an effective tool of dominance – recommends
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parallel or inclusive language ranging from words (e.g. fellow, master) to common
construction of adding (e.g. craftsmen and craftswomen or craftworkers or craftartisans)
for men and women.
In the Pakistani context, a number of works have pointed out gender ideologies in the
textbooks. Rahman (2002b) argues that textbooks use ideology-laden and emotive words
to construct a social reality for students. Along with the other clusters of words that
revolve around certain concepts such as martyrdom, holy war (jihad) and secularism, he
also points out the cluster of words that refer to social and cultural aspects, for example,
gender. The words pertaining to honour – izzat, asmat, ghairat, sharm, haya refer more to
women’s sanctity than to man (p. 66). These words, of course, give a certain conception
of reality to Pakistani women. As compared to men, they can never talk of having male
friends, let alone sexuality, at any public place. Indeed, in most areas of Pakistan, men’s
honour lies so much in the control of female sexuality that they kill women for it.
Moreover, the more they (females) remain inside the houses or observe parda, the more
they are considered sharif, pakiza, nake, khoob seerat, etc. (p. 67).
Mattu and Hussain (2003) lament over the disparity between the state rhetoric regarding
women’s rights and biased and discriminating stereotyping of women in the state-
developed textbooks. They have examined the aims and objectives of the past educational
policies and gender biases in the contents of the textbooks in use from seventh to Matric
classes. They found out that women’s roles do not show any break with their traditional
roles, for instance, they do not represent any sports or games. Similarly, their other
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positions in the textbooks are subordinate or referential. The textbooks contain ‘the
consistent articulation of a single unified message that women have a subsidiary status in
society, and that their only legitimate role or function is to do with household tasks
associated with nurturing and caring for the family’ (p. 96).
Realizing that language, or discourse at large, is a means of power and dominance,
feminist writers have started to draw upon CDA to deconstruct the ideologies related to
sexism and gender bias and discrimination embedded in discourses. However, as the key
theorists of CDA such as Norman Fairclough, Van Dijk and Ruth Wodak are not much
interested in the analysis of sexism and gender in discourses; the feminist writers have
started drawing upon Feminist CDA which has emerged as one of the most developed
branches of CDA. One of the principal aims of drawing upon feminist CDA is to
deconstruct and challenge the discourse that supports the patriarchal world. In this regard,
a number of analytical frameworks (Brickhill et al. (1996), Kabira and Kasinjila (1997),
Obura (1991) & Sifuniso et al. (2000)), have been purposed which can be successfully
used for the analysis gender bias, discrimination and sexism against women particularly
in textbooks.
Leach (2003, p. 103) emphasizes that ‘to minimize bias, curriculum developers and
materials writers need to engage in a systematic analysis and revision of all the materials
that are produced for any organized learning activity’. Her work seems to be a handbook
of feminist critical discourse analysis that presents a number of analytical frameworks
which can be employed successfully for research studies on sexism against women in
different contexts. It must be important to mention here that I draw upon some of the
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checklists mentioned in Leach (2003) for the quantitative analysis of gender bias in
chapter 6. These checklists have been proposed by UNESCO and Obura (1991) and have
been (as mentioned just above) discussed in Leach (2003).
Christie’s (2000) work is important in a sense that it offers something new to the field of
CDA by interrelating pragmatics with the study of sexism. It postulates that the critical
studies of gender bias must be drawn on different approaches to discourse/s for better and
comprehensive analyses. Other studies, so far I know, dealing with the analysis of
language and gender mostly draw on such branches of science as sociolinguistics,
anthropology and social psychology. According to Christie (2000) ‘…pragmatics
provides a solid descriptive basis for analysis…and feminism rich insights into socio-
cultural phenomena such as gender’.
In this chapter, I have briefly outlined the major theoretical perspectives related to the
key terms of the present study i.e. ideology, discourse, worldview, culture and textbooks.
Along with this, I talked about the analytical frameworks such as Fairclough’s (2003)
CDA that I draw upon and apply to my own research data in the subsequent chapters of
this thesis. Having outlined the major theoretical frameworks that I apply on the ELT
textbooks in the following parts of my thesis, I move on to a brief discussion of research
methods in the next chapter.
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Chapter 3: Research Methodology
In this chapter, first, I will outline the research objectives of the present research. It will
be followed by a discussion about data and data sources. Thirdly, I will discuss about the
analytical framework i.e. Fairclough (2003) and particularly its certain analytical devices
employed in the present research for the analysis of data taken from the English
textbooks. In this regard, the key terms used in the said framework are also briefly
defined. Finally, I talk about the research tool i.e. questionnaire used to collect data and
statistically determine the impact of textbooks ideologies on the learners.
3.1) Site and Purpose of the Research
This research is both qualitative and quantitative in its nature. It has been carried out in
three schools – government Urdu-medium schools, (private) non-elite English-medium
schools and (private) elite English-medium school – in Multan, a city in the Punjab
province in Pakistan. The purpose of this study is to critically analyze the discourse of
different secondary-level English textbooks in these schools to find out the cultural
ideologies / themes in them. The research also attempts at capturing the attitudes and
aspirations of the learners towards the cultural and ideological themes of jihad, women’s
roles in society, religious othering, religious and national events, and learning of English
encoded in the language texts to understand how these textbook ideologies impact upon
and shape the worldview of the learners in Pakistani schools. One of the objectives was to
find out the linkages, if any at all, between the language textbooks, teaching materials
and the worldview of the learners.
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3.2) Research Objectives
The objectives of the current research were to:
Locate the major cultural themes and ideologies encoded in the discourses of
English textbooks.
Find out the impact of cultural themes on the learners.
3.3) Data and Data Sources
In this research, data comes from two series of English textbooks: Punjab Textbook
Board (henceforth PTB) English textbooks and Oxford University Press (henceforth
OUP) English textbooks. Each textbook has two parts – PTB textbooks are English 9 and
English 10; whereas OUP textbooks are English Alive 1 and English Alive 2. The PTB
textbooks are published by Punjab Textbook Board, Lahore which is a government
organization for the development of textbooks and the OUP textbooks are published by
Oxford University Press. The OUP textbooks are being taught in an elite English-medium
school at the secondary level i.e. O level – English Alive 1 in the first year and English
Alive 2 in the second year – in Pakistan. The PTB textbooks are being taught in the
government Urdu-medium schools and private non-elite English-medium schools at the
same level i.e. 9th and 10th (Matric) classes – English 9 and 10 in the 9th and 10th classes
respectively – in the Punjab province in Pakistan. The students in these classes are
normally 15 to 18 years old. For analysis, the OUP textbooks will be referred to as OUP
1 and OUP 2 and the PTB textbooks will be referred to as PTB 9 and PTB 10.
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In the OUP textbooks, there are nine Units containing forty-three lessons in the first book
and eight Units containing twenty-six lessons in the second one – seventeen units and
sixty-nine lessons in total. In the PTB textbooks, English 9 has twenty-two lessons and
English 10 has twenty-one lessons – forty-three lessons in total. The lessons in all these
four books are further divided into poems, narratives, letters, essays, autobiographies,
articles etc. All these lessons directly or indirectly relate to gender, religion, morality,
nationalism, war, racism, society, science, education, nature, health and general
knowledge. However, the present research focuses only on those lessons and contents
within the various lessons related to culture, religion/Islam, nationalism, war/jihad, us vs
them, gender and the English language. It is worth mentioning that the term ‘culture’ has
been used as an umbrella term and, therefore, the other ideologies related to
religion/Islam, nationalism, war/jihad, us vs them, gender and the English language have
been subsumed under this term. These lessons/contents are then critically analyzed using
the selected framework.
3.4) Data Analysis and Analytical Framework
This research has employed Fairclough’s (2003) analytical framework for the critical
discourse analysis of the contents related to culture, religion/Islam, nationalism,
war/jihad, us vs them, gender and English in the above-mentioned English textbooks. The
analysis has been carried out at the sentence level. The sentences have been randomly
selected from the lessons in the said textbooks. The reason for randomly selecting
sentences / lines instead of complete passages is the plenty of material related to most of
the themes in the textbooks. Moreover, the material related to each theme is present in
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different lessons of the textbooks and, that is why, it was quite difficult to select them in
passages and, then, analyze them. If only one or two passages related to each theme were
selected, it could not have been possible to discuss each theme from different dimensions.
The said analytical framework has not been applied fully as some of its analytical
devices, for instance, ‘exchange’, ‘speech function’ and ‘grammatical mood’ in chapter 4,
5 and 6, are meant for grammatical analysis – relation between sentences and clauses –
which the present research has not undertaken. Instead only those analytical categories
are followed that have been used for analysis of certain textual issues in the said model
such as ‘Social Events’, ‘Difference’, ‘Intertexuality’, ‘Assumptions’, ‘Representations of
Social Events’ and ‘Styles’. The analytical devices include
Presupposition/Assumption/Implicature, Metaphor, Identity, Comparison, Contrast,
Implication, Representation, Attribution, Backgrounding, Foregrounding, Inclusion,
Exclusion, Difference, Prominence/Reinforcement, Dialogicality, and Universalization.
3.4.1) Explanation of Key Terms
The selected key terms of the framework have been briefly explained below:
a) Presupposition/Assumption/Implication
Inferring/deducing implicit information or implied meanings from the texts. Implicitness
is one of the pervasive properties of discourses or texts. In any community, solidarity and
fellowship depends largely on the meanings which are known or shared among the
members of that particular community. Where this shared knowledge gives room to
social and cultural dominance, power and hegemony within a particular community, it
also gives room to change or shape this shared knowledge to a certain degree. In the
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context of such a situation, implicitness and assumptions become an important issue in
the critical study of ideology.
b) Metaphor
Fairclough (2003) refers the term ‘metaphor’ to words that generally represent one part of
the world in relation to another one. That is, in everyday life, we have different choices in
choosing metaphors to represent or signify one thing in our written and spoken
discourses. Thus the use of a particular metaphor instead of another is to construct our
reality in one way rather than another. Defining the term in a broad sense, Lakoff and
Johnson (1980) regard it as a mental phenomenon rather than linguistic one – metaphors
are ‘a matter of thought not language’ (cited in Zubair 2007b, p. 766). That is, people
make metaphors in their brains; they call them metaphorical mappings. People then draw
on these metaphors to explain the way they see, perceive and think of the world as argued
by Lakoff and Turner (1989) that metaphors is an‘ordinary language and is the principal
way of conceptualizing the abstract concepts of life, death, and time (cited in Zubair
2007, p. 2). In short, metaphors are concerned with the phenomenon of representation.
They represent those particular meanings, concepts, ideas, beliefs, theories, etc the
speaker or writer attaches with anything and conveys to the reader.
c) Identity
Identity may be defined as an image of who someone is. However, it is too simple to
capture the complex notion of identity. Realizing the necessity of a working definition of
identity, linguists, sociolinguists, anthropologists, and researchers in different fields have
65
tried to explain this notion from different dimensions (Erikson 1968, Hogg and Abrams
1988, Deng 1995, Bloom 1990, Wendt 1994, White 1992). Fearon (1999, p. 2) argues
that the term ‘identity’ is used in two senses: social and personal. Social identity,
according to him, is ‘A social category, defined by membership rules and allegedly
characteristic attributes or expected behaviours.’ A personal identity is a ‘A socially
distinguishing feature that a person takes special pride in or views as changeable but
socially consequential.”
Fairclough (2003) also identifies two types of identity – social identity and personality.
He distinguishes social identity from personality (personal identity) in this way: ‘one’s
social identity…..is a matter of the social circumstances into which one is born and early
socialization – aspects of gender identity…’ To him, the other part of this identity –
personality – is acquired in later life when begins to perform social roles i.e. politician or
teacher. In this context, there is a dialectic relationship between social identity and
personality: social roles influence one’s way of seeing, perceiving and changing the
social life. It goes without saying that social groups have different ways of understanding
and explaining their world. This difference becomes their identity. Identity is, therefore,
something that informs the others, about who you are, what sort of people you are and
how you relate to others.
d) Representation
Representation means a mark or sign of someone or something particular; or describing
someone or something in a particular way to make people form a particular opinion about
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them. For instance, in politics, elected politicians represent the people of their country in
parliament. Similarly, in language, words that stand for different ideas, concepts, facts,
emotions, etc, are their representations. For mutual understanding ‘Representations rely
on existing and culturally understood signs and images, on the learnt reciprocity of
language and various signifying or textual systems’ (Hartley 2004, p. 202). It is this
functional aspect of language – sign – that helps us in knowing and learning some reality.
Representations, in this context, may rightly be regarded as a concrete form – signifiers –
of language. Importantly, there is a process of selection of signs to represent the things
particularly related to our political, social, and cultural life; for instance, gender, class,
groups, nation, etc. It, therefore, really matters which signs are preferred to others to
represent something or someone in discourses – and this is what we term as the
ideological function of representation in language.
e) Dialogicality or Attribution (of voices)
Dialogicality or attribution may simply be defined as inclusion of voices in texts or
quoting source/s of information that one shares with people. Importantly, difference is
one of the fundamental elements of dialogicality. Where dialogicality of texts, as
Fairclough (2003, p. 41) argues, ‘broadly opens up difference by bringing other ‘voices’
into a text’, assumption ‘broadly reduces difference’ by establishing common ground.
Bakhtin (1986) holds that every text is unavoidably and inevitably dialogical in a way
that ‘any utterance is a link in a very complexly organized chain of other utterances’ with
which it ‘enters into one kind of relation or another’ (cited in Fairclough 2003, p. 42).
Thus in such a context where texts are inevitable dialogical, it is important to see how the
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voices included in the texts differ from one another in terms of their orientation to
difference: their speakers, their ideological viewpoints, ideas, beliefs, etc. It also needs to
be clear that, by voices, I mean the characters/personalities and the ideas, beliefs, styles,
etc they represent in the textbooks to disseminate ideological messages to the students.
f) Difference
The context, in which the term ‘difference’ has been used in the analysis of textbooks,
has been briefly explained in the previous section i.e. Dialogicality or Attribution (of
voices). However, it is not limited to this theme only. Rather, the difference between the
social, cultural, nationalist, religious and political events and practices has also been
analyzed in the present research (see chapter 4). Similarly, difference in gender
representations has been analyzed in chapter 5 and 6.
g) Exclusion, inclusion and prominence
Exclusion means not including something as a part of something large. Inclusion means
to make something a part of something large. And prominence is to put something in a
position to be easily noticed or considered important. Keeping in mind the above
mentioned terms, I have looked at the textbooks from the representational point of view
which focuses on which characters / personalities and elements of events have been
excluded from the textbooks; which characters / personalities have been included and,
finally, which ones have been foregrounded or given the greatest salience or prominence.
The matter of excluding, including and foregrounding (prominence) something or
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someone is highly important in a sense that it points towards the ideological function of
texts i.e. how persons / things are represented in them?
h) Backgrounding
The term ‘backgrounding’ means to regard something as less noticeable or important. It
is opposed to the term ‘foregrounding’ we have discussed above under a similar term
‘prominence’ in the previous section i.e. exclusion, inclusion and prominence.
i) Universalization
The term means giving something a universal status to authenticate or legitimize it. It is
an important ideological issue how particulars – particular representations, identities,
ideas, interests, and beliefs – in textbooks are universalized or given a universal status for
ideological purposes. Fairclough (2003) frames this issue
…within questions of hegemony – of the establishment, maintenance and contestation of the social dominance of particular social groups: achieving hegemony entails achieving a measure of success in projecting certain particulars as universals.
Hegemony, the concept given by Gramsci (1971), focuses on achieving dominance
through consent rather than using only force. Laclau and Maouffe (1985), in the ‘post-
Marxist’ theory, have approached this concept from a new dimension i.e. how discourse
helps gain dominance (cited in Fairclough 2003). Butler, Laclau and Zizek (2000) hold
that one of the means of gaining hegemony for the political forces is to represent their
policies and views as having a universal status. Thus it is important to see which
identities, practices, representations, etc. are represented as universal in the textbook
discourses.
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j) Comparison
The term means to show similarities or differences between people, things, ideas,
concepts, practices, etc. represented in both the textbook under analysis.
3.5) Questionnaire
In the beginning, many careful readings of all the English textbooks helped me know
about the presence of cultural, religious, nationalistic, war/jihad, us and them, gender and
(English) language ideologies or themes and the differences among the contents related to
these ideologies in the textbooks. In order to determine the different impact of these
ideologies on the students reading in different schools, I constructed a close-ended
questionnaire based on the above-mentioned themes.
The idea of open-ended questionnaire was dropped for some reasons. Firstly, along with
the qualitative analysis of the textbooks, I wanted to quantify the students’ responses
regarding themes in different English textbooks and for this purpose, close-ended
questionnaire was a better option. Secondly, the government and non-elite schools are
English medium only by name (Rahman, 2002, p. 301). Their students lack adequate
writing skills, let alone speaking skills, to put on paper their ideas regarding the selected
themes in a short time. Finally, the present study looks at the influence of textbooks
ideologies on the learners. Questions with multiple answers are closely related to only
those ideologies present in the textbooks. Therefore, it was possible for me to anticipate
the full range of possible responses. Moreover, the list of possible responses given in the
questionnaire also contained the option of ‘any other’ for those who wished to give
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answer other than those in the list. In such a situation, close-ended question was a better
option as Ruan (2005, p. 131) argues that ‘Providing a pre-determined set of responses is
advisable when it is possible to anticipate the full range of possible responses and when
these responses are relatively few in number’.
Similarly, other research tools such as interviews and focus-group interviews were not
selected for a number of reasons. Firstly, as discussed above, particularly the students of
government and non-elite schools are not good enough at spoken English to communicate
in a group setting to a stranger, as they are not used to giving interviews or taking part in
recorded group discussions. Secondly, another problem would be to get an appropriate
and representative sample of students. Questionnaire can be widely distributed and
students can express their views without hesitation or shyness just by ticking. Therefore,
close-ended questionnaire that usually takes little time, contains clear, simple and direct
questions, becomes easy to fill out, deals with single idea in its each item, goes from
simple to complex and so on (Verma 2005, p. 97-98), was constructed to secure a reliable
data.
Thirdly, the present study deals with the sensitive themes of culture, religion,
nationalism, gender, us and them, and (English) language. The students reading in
government Urdu-medium schools, non-elite English-medium schools and elite English-
medium schools belong to different religious sects, ethnic groups, and social classes. In a
personal interview or focus-group discussion, they would hesitate to share their personal
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views or might criticize the others’ views. In such a setting, conducting interviews could
be a distinct disadvantage (Ruane, 2005, p. 155).
Fourthly, it was not possible to collect as much data from interviews as I did from the
questionnaires. Then, the recording, transcription, data analysis and other complex issues
could have made it too difficult for me to complete the research project in time. Finally,
there is a possibility of not getting a reliable data through interviews. Gillham (2000, pp.
91) says that ‘there is a general assumption that we ‘know ourselves’: that we can give a
uniquely valid account of how we feel, of how we typically behave or what we intend to
do’. Gutek (1978, pp. 44-56) doubts the reliability of the data taken by different studies
using interviews about the employees’ job satisfaction (cited in Gillham (2000, p. 92).
Gutek (1978, pp. 21-3) makes an important point that in order to assess the validity of
interview data ‘interviews need to be part of a multi-method approach, like case studies
(cited in Gillham (2000, p. 93). Instead of interview supplemented with any other multi-
method approach, I deemed close-ended questionnaire more appropriate for the young
students in the said schools.
The initial questionnaire consisted of two parts: Part A and Part B. The first part
contained seven questions while the second one contained thirteen questions – twenty
questions in total. In order to seek reliable information, the format of the questions asked
was not of a single type. In part A, the first and third questions required answers in a
word and the rest of the (five) questions were of multiple choice. However, the second
part was a Likert scale (also known as agree-disagree scale). It had provided the
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respondents a five-scale battery such as ‘strongly agree; agree; strongly disagree;
disagree; and unsure’.
3.5.1) Pilot Tests
In order to ‘establish the content validity… and to improve questions, format, and the
scales in the questionnaire’ (Creswell 2003, p. 158), it was thought necessary to run the
pilot tests. For this purpose, fifteen questionnaires were distributed randomly to fifteen
male and female students each studying at the secondary level in one of the government
schools, not-elite schools and elite schools – the same schools in Multan where the
research has been carried out. It is important to mention that government and non-elite
schools do not run co-educational classes; therefore, each time questionnaires were
distributed in the schools for boys and girls separately. Total strength of Matric (10th
class) students in the government schools for boys and girls were 424 and 280
respectively; in the non-elite schools for boys and girls were 180 and 120 respectively,
and in the elite school, O level students (boys and girls mixed) were 128. Piloting was
conducted for three times and every time the questionnaires were distributed among the
new students.
I myself ran the pilot tests. In running the pilot tests, each time the students were
informed about the importance and objectives of the research and were given guide lines
regarding solving the questionnaire. I found the administration in all of these schools
cooperative and, therefore, did not face any difficulty in the whole process of piloting.
The feedback given in the pilot tests were indeed of immense importance to the
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researcher. In the light of the feedback after every time, changes were made in the
questionnaire such as exclusion and inclusion of some questions / statements,
simplification of few questions, change in the format of two questions and a little change
in the sequence of questions.
After all of these changes, the final close-ended questionnaire was a bit different from the
earlier ones. It comprised two parts: Part A and Part B. There were six questions in the
part A and nine questions in the part B – fifteen questions in total. Regarding the format
of the questions included in the questionnaire, in the first part, the first question required
the answer in a word and the remaining five questions were of multiple choice. Once
again, the second part containing nine statements was a Likert scale.
3.5.2) Distribution of Final Questionnaire
As a whole, one hundred and fifty questionnaires were distributed in the schools – fifty in
each type of school. The detail related to it is present in the following table.
Schools No. of questionnaires distributed
Govt. school for boys 25
Govt. school for girls 25
Non-elite school for boys 25
Non-elite school for girls 25
Elite school 50 (25 boys and 25 girls)
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The questionnaires were distributed randomly among those students who were not
included in the pilot tests. The respondents in all of the said schools did not face any
problem in solving the questionnaires. And this was done through the prior permission of
the concerned authorities. I had informed these students about the objectives and
importance of research one day before the distribution of the questionnaires. So far as the
time consumed in solving the questionnaires is concerned, the students in the government
and non-elite schools took about fourteen minutes and their counterparts from the elite
school took about twelve minutes. The students filled in the questionnaires in my
presence. Therefore, I was able to retrieve all the questionnaires distributed among the
students. The results of the questionnaire have been presented in tables in chapter 6.
3.5.3) Questionnaire Content and Research Aims
This section discusses the actual content of the questionnaire (see appendix) in relation to
the research objectives. The objective of the present research, as discussed above (in
section 3.2) is twofold: to find out cultural ideologies embedded in the discourse of PTB
and OUP English textbooks and their impact on the learners. It is this second research
objective for which a close-ended questionnaire was constructed to find out the impact of
these ideologies on the learners quantitatively. We must remember that the term ‘culture’
has been used as an umbrella term in this research study. The other themes subsumed
under this term are nationalism, religion, gender, us and them, and (English) language.
While constructing the questionnaire, I was aware of the immense importance of the
questions to be asked to the respondents. Ruane holds that ‘the exact questions we ask are
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our operationalizations. That is, the concepts we are interested in studying (e.g., fear of
crime) are measured via the questions or statements we pose to respondents…’ (2005, p.
126). The fifteen questions included in the questionnaire were closely related to the
themes. They were clear in meaning, exact in wording, well in sequence and were
formatted in a common every day language for the convenience of the young
respondents.
A good questionnaire moves from simple to complex. Therefore, the questionnaire
started with simple questions (with multiple options) about choice of school and country,
and celebration of Islamic and national events to critical questions (with agree-disagree
scaling) about complex concepts such as language, life style, war, and others (see
questionnaire in appendix). Moreover, it was tried to keep the questionnaire as short as
possible for the young students – a lengthy one could prove to be a boring one.
In order to arouse respondents’ interest in the questionnaire, it was started with a simple,
interesting and indirect question to know which school they recommend someone for
studies. In the first chapter, we have discussed that a school is a representative of certain
beliefs and practices particularly in the Pakistani society. Therefore, the logic behind
asking this question was to be able to know which beliefs and practices the students in
each school prefer. Putting it in another way, the question also helps us know which
beliefs and practices are not liked or preferred by a particular school.
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The next question was of a similar type but moved from choice of school to country. It
was asked to see the influence of the representation of Pakistan in the PTB and OUP
textbooks on the learners. That is, how many of them particularly from the elite school
were much nationalistic – ready to live in Pakistan, a country with limited resources and
facilities. However, as it was difficult to form an opinion about their nationalism from a
single question, therefore, one more question i.e. third question, related to nationalism
was asked. It was set to find out their degree of likeness towards the celebration of
national events e.g. Independence Day and Defence Day. I assume that those students
who take part more actively in national events are more nationalistic. It is based on my
own personal observation in my five-year job in a public school and college where such
activities are given much importance. The logic behind not asking separate questions
about the events (Independence Day and Defence Day) is that people perform similar
celebratory practices on these events. The question provided the student with five
multiple options starting from ‘very much’ to ‘not at all’.
The fourth and fifth questions deal with the theme of religion. Much similar to previous
two questions, they were asked to find out how much they like Islamic events e.g. Eid
Milad-un-Nabi (SAWW) and Shab-e-Barat and which practices they perfume most often
to celebrate these events. Notably, people perform similar activities such as illumination
of buildings, offering prayers, giving alms, and participating in Mehfil-e-Milad to
celebrate these events. The fourth question provided the student with five multiple
options starting from ‘very much’ to ‘not at all’. The fifth question contained a list of all
those (three) celebratory practices in the multiple options which have been mentioned in
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the textbooks. However, if one did not find any particular activity in the list, one could
specify that in the option of ‘other’ in the list.
Question number 6 (part ‘a’ and ‘b’) was related to over-all representation of men and
women in the textbooks. It is based on the assumption that representation could make
some either visible or invisible in texts. It is natural to idealize one who stands out in a
text. Moreover, it is not the sex or name of someone which makes them prominent but the
roles, actions and attributes associated with them. Therefore, the logic behind this
question was to see which sex after being represented more positively with regard to
roles, actions and attributes, has influenced the students more. In simple words, which
sex has been idealized more by the students?
The rest of the questions (from seven to fifteen) were a Likert Scale. Unlike the previous
questions, they were much critical and required the students to be more careful and
thoughtful in answering them. They were critical in a sense that they were designed to
seek their answers on somewhat more complex themes related to language, life style,
war, and friendly relations with the non-Muslims.
Question number seven was related to the theme of (English) language. English has been
represented as a means to progress, modernity, and survival particularly in the OUP
textbooks. The question was about the abolition of English in Pakistan. It is important to
mention that I explained the meanings of all difficult words – including ‘abolition’ – in
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the questionnaire to the students. The question of its abolition was asked to learn whether
students would consider English an important subject or not.
Question number eight was related to the theme of culture. Most of the contents in the
PTB textbooks reinforce only indigenous beliefs, values and practices (see chapter 4). On
the other hand, though the OUP textbooks are a mixture of western and indigenous values
and practices, they seem to reinforce western lifestyle more (see chapter 4). Thus the
objective of the question was to see which lifestyle was liked more by the students.
The next two questions (ninth and tenth) are related to the theme of war. Contents in
some of the lessons are related to war in both the textbooks under examination (see
chapter 4). The question was set to see the influence of these contents on the students.
Though there is no mention of Kashmir in both the textbooks, it was thought better to
seek students’ reply in its particular context because there has always been a possibility
of war between Pakistan and India on Kashmir issue.
The next three questions are related to the theme of us and them. The representation of
Hindus, Christians and Jews is negative in the PTB textbooks. It is not so in the OUP
textbooks (see chapter 4). The underlying message being conveyed in the former
textbooks is that they are not our friends. Hindus are not our friends because they did not
want the Muslims of the sub-continent to have a separate homeland. Christians are also
so because they opposed the Quaid in this regard. The inclusion of a lesson titled ‘Human
Rights and Madina Charter’ itself implies that it was a treaty between those who were not
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at least friendly towards each other. Thus the question was asked to learn how the
students regard them.
The second last question about having friendly relations with Hindus, Christians and
Jews was asked to see whether students want this enmity to continue if they regard them
as their enemies. In other wants, if they want change in their past relations with them.
The last question was asked in the context of terrorism – the topic implicitly discussed in
the lesson titled ‘Human Rights and Madina Charter’. That is, terrorism has emerged as a
new challenge for all so if they need others’ help to deal with it successfully.
To conclude, the questionnaire was constructed to learn students’ attitude towards
ideologies related to culture, nationalism, religion, gender, us and them, and (English)
language in the PTB and OUP textbooks. It was tried best to keep the questionnaire
simple, clear, short, relevant, and well-sequenced. Consequently, it was observed that the
students did not feel any difficulty in filling it up.
3.6) Research Ethics
Ethical issues are a part and parcel of any research study. A researcher has to confront
them at different stages of his/her work whether qualitative or quantitative. In order to
provide a moral ground to a research, a researcher is, therefore, ought to be aware as well
as trained enough to successfully deal with such issues that might range from selection of
texts to analysis of texts and from selection of research tools to collection of data. In
other words, almost all research studies get engaged not only the researcher but also
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research texts, research participants and public. Taking into account their privacy,
feelings and concerns reflect our professionalism and honesty as Ruane observes that ‘our
research endeavours must abide by standards of professionalism and honesty; our efforts
must strive to earn the respect and trust of both research participants and the public at
large’ (2005, p. 16)
In the present study, the most sensitive parts in regard to ethics were the construction of
questionnaire and collection of data. In the questionnaire, most of the questions were
related to the sensitive themes of culture, religion, nationalism, gender, us and them, and
(English) language. The students reading in government Urdu-medium schools, non-elite
English-medium schools and elite English-medium schools belong to different religious
sects, ethnic groups, and social classes. Therefore, it was tried to ask questions in such a
way that could get the relevant information and pose no harm to students’ feelings,
schools, values, etc. For instance, the question “Which one school do you not like
someone to read in?” if asked instead of question 1 (see questionnaire in the appendix),
could have given the students a chance to show dislike against a specific school.
Similarly, the question “Do you like male characters more than the female ones?” if
asked instead of question 6b (see questionnaire in the appendix), could have been
regarded as biased by the female students because the sentence emphasizes ‘male
characters’ and deemphasizes ‘female characters’.
After the construction of the questionnaire, the next stage was to get the questionnaire
filled in. Prior to it, the researcher got permission from the principals of the three types of
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schools in face-to-face meetings for data collection. On their request, the anonymity of
their and their schools’ names was promised. The principals were informed about the
objectives of the study. Then, the researcher visited the secondary classes in each school
for data collection with the help of a teacher of that respective school. Before handing
over the questionnaire, the students were also informed about the objectives of the
present study. Fortunately enough, there were more than forty students sitting in the
classes in government and non-elite schools. It helped me randomly select twenty-five
students easily only from those who showed willingness to fill in the questionnaire.
However, there were not as much crowded classes in the elite school as in its two
counterparts. But there were a number of sections of O Levels (grade 10) consisted of
near about twenty students each. I randomly selected fifty students (boys and girls mixed)
from the volunteers to fill in the questionnaire. Moreover, in the part of the student’s
profile in the questionnaire, name was also kept optional to keep the identity of those in
secret who wished. After the collection of data in each school, I personally visited the
principal and thanked him/her for cooperation in the collection of data.
In this chapter, I have outlined the research objectives of the present research. Along with
this, I have discussed about the data and data sources, the analytical framework which I
have employed in my study i.e. Fairclough’s (2003), the key terms of this framework,
and, in the end, the research tool i.e. questionnaire. The next chapter four is a critical
discourse analysis of the contents related to Culture, Religion, Nationalism, Us and Them
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and English. The selected analytical devices, which I have discussed above, will be used
to analyze the contents in the PTB and OUP English textbooks.
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Chapter 4: CDA of Contents Related to Culture, Religion, Nationalism,
Us and Them and English
This chapter is a critical discourse analysis of Punjab Textbook Board (PTB) English
textbooks and Oxford University Press English textbooks. It critically examines their
discourse related to culture, religion, nationalism, us and them and English. The theme of
‘gender’ has been discussed in the next chapter. In this way, it finds out the explicit as
well as implicit messages embedded in their discourses related to the above-mentioned
themes. A critical discourse analysis of the textbook discourses will also help us know if
the ideologies of PTB English textbooks are different from those of OUP ones. The
analysis has been carried out at the sentence level so that the present research may deal
with both the major and minor messages in the discourses successfully.
In this chapter, a chronological order of the themes analyzed is: (a) Representation of
cultures (b) Religion (c) Nationalism (d) Us and Them (e) Status of English. It is
important to mention that within the macro theme of religion, the present research
focusses on three micro themes: (a) Reinforcement of religious practices (b) Exploitation
of religion and (c) Glorification of war. While analyzing these themes, I will apply the
key terms / concepts briefly explained in chapter three such as metaphors,
presuppositions, identity and difference etc. It is also necessary to mention that, for a
better and convincing discussion about their contrasting ideologies, sentences regarding
each theme have been taken from both the PTB and OUP textbooks. In short, both the
textbooks have been analyzed in the following two chapters in terms of cultural and
religious themes followed by a discussion of the questionnaire findings in chapter 6.
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4.1) Representation of Cultures
This theme deals with the representation of Western and Pakistani cultures in the OUP
and PTB English textbooks respectively. The PTB textbooks are a clear reflection of the
Pakistani society including various religious, national and cultural events and practices to
inculcate the learners with nationalistic, cultural, and religious fervour (see lessons 1, 2,
3, 5, 7, 19 in PTB 9 textbook and lessons 1, 2, 5, 7, 9, 10, 11, 14, 19, 21 in PTB 10
textbook). They become sixteen out of forty-three lessons (37.20 percent). In the OUP
textbooks, the lessons mostly represent the instances of western culture (In book 1, see
lessons 2, 3 in unit 1; lesson 4 in unit 5; lessons 2, 3, 5, 6 in unit 6; lesson 3 in unit 8 and
lessons 2, 3, 4, 5 in unit 9. In book 2, see lessons 3, 4, 5 in unit 1; lessons 2, 4 in unit 3;
lesson 2 in unit 4 and lessons 2, 4 in unit 5.) They become twenty out of sixty-nine
lessons (28.98 percent). Moreover, there is no instance of western culture represented in
the PTB textbooks whereas the OUP ones include some instances of Pakistani culture
(see lesson 3 in unit 2 and lesson 1 in unit 6 in book 1 and lesson 4 in unit 2 and lesson 3
in unit 4 in book 2 (5.79 percent)).
This all indicates the learning of a different culture i.e. Western culture by the elite-
school students in contrast to their counterparts from the state-run and non-elite schools
students who are exposed only to the indigenous culture. The representation of western
life with its all liberties before the young elite-schools students is likely to train them to
regard western life as norm in contrast to social life in Pakistan. The specimens of such a
life may clearly be observed in the following lines randomly selected from different
lessons in the OUP English textbooks.
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This chapter focuses, from a representational point of view as discussed in chapter 3, on
the instances of western world represented in form of practices, values and conceptions of
life in textbooks to illustrate the social messages these instances impart to the learners
from the elite class.
The stooping figure of my mother…was the last I saw of my country home as I
left it to discover the world. (OUP 1, p. 3, l. 1-3)
It was a bright Sunday morning in early June, the right time to be leaving
home. My three sisters and a brother had already gone before me; two other
brothers had yet to make up their minds. (OUP 1, p. 3, l. 9-12)
The lines reflect the Western culture where leaving home is worth an adventure.
However, it is better to look first at some of the implications in these lines before
analyzing them from the point of adventure. This is because these social messages seem
to accomplish or at least support the adventurous act of leaving home. They are: people
in the West have full right to explore the world and decide independently the kind of life
they choose; they have fewer restrictions over them but must also take responsibility for
their decisions and actions; they care less for everything that may come in their way
including the parents; their leaving home seems to be a sort of regular social practice and
is regarded as discovering the world. Thus all of these social phenomena combine to offer
an adventurous world to an individual in the West when he or she comes of age.
Interestingly, none of these notions match with the social practices in Pakistan (see this
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section below and section 4.2 & 4.5 in this chapter) and, therefore, seem to be the sole
characteristics of the Western culture.
The act of ‘leaving home’ has been positively equated with knowing about the world.
Then, the use of certain words and phrases such as ‘bright Sunday morning’ and ‘early
June’ as ‘the right time’ for the adventure adds something to the expected charm and
attraction of the adventure. Moreover, the ‘bright Sunday morning’ (as Sunday has its
own value and reverence in Christianity) also gives a religious touch to this adventure –
leaving home on a Sunday is a good omen. All of these things indeed portray a relatively
adventurous and restriction-free world.
In order to learn more about the underlying ideology of the lines, it is useful to compare
the act of leaving home in the Pakistani context. The ideological load is inescapable for
the simple reason that the explicit as well as the implicit meanings related to the act of
leaving home are likely to influence the learners’ ideas of life at home and in society. Let
alone leaving parents, leaving home whether for adventure or for free life are nothing
short of a social taboo for the majority of the Pakistanis. In effect, living with parents
(with a purpose to serve them in their old age) is considered more important than living
independently. In this context, the OUP textbooks then introduce a thing far removed
from the local culture. However, it should not be assumed from the discussion that life is
not, or cannot be, adventurous here. In fact, the things that make it adventurous are
different. Similarly, the degree to which it is adventurous is also different. Therefore,
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what is ideological here in the textbooks is to show the Pakistani elite learners only the
Western specimens of adventurous life by excluding the indigenous ones.
Along with the instances of an adventurous life, the textbooks are also replete with the
instances of a liberal world. Once again, these examples come from the representations of
the Western world. For instance,
Once a weak he and my grandmother would go into town for tea and
afterwards to the cinema. (OUP 2, p. 50, l. 61-62)
The car started. It was full of young white men. They were drinking. I watched
the flask pass from mouth to mouth. (OUP 1, p. 160, l. 52-53)
It was a favourite place for lovers and on summer nights their long
whisperings floated among the branches and out over the currents. (OUP 2, p.
49, l. 21-24)
In the lines above, the liberal themes such as going ‘into town for tea and afterwards to
the cinema’, ‘they (the young white men) were drinking’, ‘a favourite place for lovers’
and ‘their long whisperings’ on ‘summer nights’ all function to create such a romantic
world which is quite alien to an average Pakistani who cannot enjoy these things publicly
and openly. Although these activities are norms in the Western societies, they are social
taboos in the Pakistani society particularly among populations belonging to middle and
lower classes and living in rural areas. Though going for tea and cinema have found their
way into the contemporary Pakistani society yet drinking and dating openly have not
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been accepted so far. So, what is not acceptable in Pakistani society has been presented as
normative and acceptable practices in the textbooks of the elite school. This exposure to
liberal and romantic culture is likely to lead them either to want to follow suit, or to
disapprove of the social life in Pakistan, or to question it.
In Pakistan people do go out on dates and have clandestine affairs without bringing it to
the knowledge of their families and the wider community. Scholars like Rahman (2002)
and Zubair (2003) have observed that although the themes of romantic love abound in
Urdu and English Literatures, in reality romantic love and sex are taboos in Pakistani
society. Zubair (2006) in a study of young women studying English Literature at
Bahauddin Zakariya University, Multan, reported that several of the young women she
interviewed had either dated or had boyfriends or felt the desire for romance but curbed it
fearing the familial or societal disapproval.
It is also important to mention that the elite-school students use English not only in the
schools but also at homes. Therefore, through protracted and simultaneous exposure to
the English language and culture they may feel at home in the English language and its
associated cultural values and distanced from their own indigenous culture as cultures
tend to be embedded in their respective languages. Moreover, no two words in a language
are ever exact synonyms, let alone in another language. For instance, the semantic and
ideological underpinnings of the English words such as wine, drinking and dating are not
negative whereas the Urdu words sharaab, sharaab peena, and wad-e-mulaqat karna
carry negative implications. Thus the students of the elite English-medium schools who
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are not quite at home with their indigenous culture embedded in Urdu, are thus exposed
to the liberal values of the English culture through ELT textbooks which may result in
cherishing these values at the expense of indigenous cultural values.
Along with the Urdu language, less exposure to religion Islam also accounts for their
inclination towards the Western culture. The OUP textbooks, as mentioned above,
contain only one lesson (only 1.44 percent) related to Christianity. It is about Christmas
Eve and deals with it in a vey liberal way as follows:
What’s Christmas time to you but a time for paying bills without money; a
time for finding yourself a year older, and not an hour richer; a time for
balancing your books and having every item in ‘em through a round dozen of
months presented dead against you? (OUP 1, p. 107, l. 48-52)
Here is a character of Scrooge arguing with his nephew over Christmas Eve. The Uncle’s
response to his greetings ‘Merry Christmas’ is not expected in the Pakistani culture even
on non-Islamic events, let alone Islamic ones. The response is in fact a sign of his liberal
attitude towards one of the most important religious events in Christianity i.e. Christmas
Eve. The response can also be taken as representation of a particular culture i.e. the
Western culture which, unlike the Pakistani culture, offers much liberty to its people
regarding religion.
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More importantly, this liberty allows one to look at life and religion from a pragmatic
and/or casual point of view. Scrooge’s question ‘What’s Christmas time to you’ and then
his own hasty answer to his question containing certain words such as ‘paying bills
without money’ and ‘finding yourself a year older, and not an hour richer’ represent a
practical approach towards religious festivals, which is certainly not spiritual. He clearly
refers to the celebration or arrival of Christmas Eve in a lighter vein likening it to a
business where people are only losers. Over all the lines portray such a world where
religion plays a minor role in peoples’ lives and where religion is a matter of individual
choice.
Ideologically, Pakistan is an Islamic Republic which was founded on the basis of
religion, and, where religion Islam is central in shaping the lives and worldviews of a vast
majority of people. Even more ideological is the inclusion of a non-Islamic event instead
of an Islamic one in the OUP textbooks.
On a different note, my discussion now moves on to an analysis of the contents of the
PTB textbooks and their representations of a different cultural world, which we hope will
illustrate our argument.
As mentioned above, a part of the PTB textbooks has been devoted to religion. At some
places full lessons i.e. eight out of forty-three (18.60 percent) which is much higher than
5.79 in the OUP textbooks; and at the other places contents within the lessons are related
to Islam. Importantly, the exclusion of these contents is not acceptable at all in the society
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as most of the people particularly belonging to religious seminaries and parties hold
demonstrations against it. This inevitably leads us to believe that the Pakistanis as
Muslims hold extreme love and devotion for their religion. Apart from these statistics,
several other instances present in the book also strengthen our point. For instance, both
the textbooks (for 9th and 10th classes) start with the lessons about the Holy Prophet
(SAW). It is not something exclusive to these textbooks as it has become almost a
tradition as the previous textbooks prove. Similarly, the Islamic teachings in the form of
Quran and Hadith are regarded as unparalleled and, therefore, deserve to be regarded as
the only way of their life in their culture.
In the PTB textbooks lessons, the emphasis is on religious way of life whereas the focus
in OUP lesson is not religious teaching. This dichotomy is further enhanced by the
teaching methodologies of the school teachers in Urdu-schools who, like the lessons,
emphasize adherence to religious values. In fact, the teachers in these schools themselves
are products of similar schooling and mostly come from lower income groups.
The PTB textbooks include various religious events that are common among the
Muslims. Not only these events but also the way they are practised help one know the
way ideologies are naturalized in Pakistan through textbooks.
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The Muslims (on Shab-e-barat) illuminate their houses and masajid
(mosques). (PTB 10, p. 6, l. 12)
The buildings are bazaars are illuminated (on Eid Milad-un-Nabi (the
birthday of the Holy Prophet SAW)). (PTB 10, p. 7, l. 34)
The word ‘The Muslims’ indicates that there is not any sort of division among the
Muslims towards the celebration of the religious events. Rather the Muslims all over the
world take equal part in celebrating these events. Moreover, the words ‘illuminate’ or
‘illuminated’ give insights into the mindset of traditional Muslims in Pakistan. It
indicates that the Muslims regard their religious events very sacred and, therefore,
celebrate them with full zeal and zest. This religious fervour presents them as enthusiasts.
Moreover, they do not suppress and hide their emotions and feelings on such occasions.
They rather express them overtly through illumination of houses, buildings and bazaars.
The presence of ‘houses/bazaars and masajid’ in the sentences can be taken as metaphors
for world and religion respectively. It means they go side by side in their lives. Or there is
a dialectical relationship between them – religion teaches them how to live a life and
living a life accordingly is likely to result in a success in this life and the life hereafter.
Looking at it from another angle, people think of religion as a source of peace,
tranquility, and satisfaction in life; hence, being away from religion signifies being
distanced from a peaceful life.
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We can now clearly observe how the Pakistani and the Western cultures teach differently
their people the ways to celebrate the religious events. In the former one, the importance
of these events is much more than the latter one. We can draw inferences from the
relative significance of religion in both cultures. Arguably, the Western people keep their
worldly affairs away from their religion as does the character of Scrooge in the lesson
‘Christmas Eve’ in the OUP textbooks. Whereas, in the PTB textbooks, even the
celebratory practices of other than religious events show a certain influence of Islam (e.g.
the marriage ceremony of Hazrat Fatima in lesson 19 and the sayings of the Quaid
regarding the creation of Pakistan in lesson 21 in PTB English 10). In this regard, though
society also performs certain practices borrowed from the Hindu culture in real life, the
textbooks indirectly disapprove these practices to urge the learners to practise only their
own indigenous culture.
‘Oh well’ said the woman, ‘Silk dresses, sets of jewellery, pairs of shoes and
sets of bed linen and a fully furnished house with a car’. The lady explained (to
Farah) the dowry items that had just been displayed. (PTB 10, p. 82, l. 38-41)
It is from the lesson ‘Two Wedding Ceremonies’ that describes a wedding ceremony and
the social practices the people perform to celebrate it. Right from the beginning, the
lesson mentions display of ostentation and overspending on such occasions. For instance,
besides what we see above there is a lot more in the lesson as follows:
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The entire front of the house was illuminated with coloured lights and tube
lights were erected all along the path way. (PTB 10, p. 81, l. 1-3)
Near the house itself, rows of young girls dressed in gold and silver and bright
eye catching colours, holding flower petals in baskets, were waiting for the
Barat. (PTB 10, p. 81, l. 12-15)
Each woman was loaded with jewellery around her neck, on her head, in her
ears, on forearms and fingers. (PTB 10, p. 81, l. 16-18)
To have a certain impact on the learners’ perception, the textbook first describes the
event of marriage and the way the people celebrate it. A tinge of satire goes along with it
through a character named Farah who ‘started feeling uncomfortable’ and ‘looked around
to find a quiet corner’ to indicate disapproval of what is going on:
Farah shut her eyes and rested her head on the back of the chair, ‘Alas! If
people here only remember how simply the Holy Prophet (SAW) married his
daughter Hazrat Fatima (RA) to Hazrat Ali (RA).
How simple, sacred and holy the ceremony must have looked’, she thought to
herself. (PTB 10, p. 82, l. 52-57)
Assumingly, the textbooks consider simplicity, contentedness and frugality as elements
of our culture. Obviously, then lavishness and ostentation are not the characteristics of
this particular culture rather they are cultural imports from the Hindu culture as a result of
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living together for many centuries in the sub-continent in the past and extensively
watching Indian movies or programmes on the cable.
So far, we have seen how the PTB textbooks promote the Pakistani culture and exclude
or disapprove the other cultures just like the OUP textbooks that mostly promote the
Western culture. The following extract serves as a good example:
They (Hazrat Ali and Hazrat Fatima (RA)) found their only luxury in prayers.
(PTB 10, p. 46, l. 16-17)
In contrast to a Western couple going for tea and cinema in the lines above, we see here a
couple preferring prayers to everything else as implied by the phrase ‘found their only
luxury in prayers’. In other words, the OUP textbooks show a western couple finding
pleasure in the activities other than religious whereas the PTB ones show a couple finding
pleasure only in a religious activity. I do not imply that couples in the West do not offer
prayers and in Pakistan they do not go out for tea and cinema. The point is to see which
practices these textbooks ideologically include and exclude for the readers coming from
different social classes.
One similar instance given below is of a child who is supposed to act differently from
that of a boy mentioned above in the OUP textbooks who left his home for the world.
Who sat and watched my infant head,
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When sleeping on my cradle bed
And tears of sweet affection shed?
My Mother.
And can I ever cease to be
Affectionate and kind to thee,
Who was so very kind to me,
My Mother. (PTB English 10, p. 88, l. 1-4 & 14-17)
The first stanza of the poem ‘My Mother’ may be regarded to a certain degree as a
generalized association of the attributes of a mother sitting, watching, lying (with her
child) and loving her child. Somewhat same role of woman as a mother can also be
observed in the lesson ‘Leaving Home’ in the OUP textbooks. However, the response
from the child in the second stanza may arguably be culture specific. In the Pakistani
context, the children usually internalize the traits of a typical mother or father from their
tender age and are, therefore, supposed to act motherly as well as fatherly when they are
grown ups. This good return, however, is also under an obligation of their religion Islam
that directs them to be obedient, kind and affectionate to their parents especially mothers.
The underlying message for the learners is to be devoted as once their mothers were. This
concept differs with the earlier one ( in OUP text) – where a boy feels free and confident
in leaving home and mother for an adventure – in its expression of love to the mother
which is never represented in the PTB textbooks. Generally (owing to economic
constraints) people from lower and middle-classes in Pakistan prefer living with their
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parents; among these classes living in a separate home is a social taboo as it implies
forsaking your parents in old age.
Not surprisingly, the Western culture represented in the OUP textbooks with its full
liberty, modernity, romanticism and secularism is likely to attract their readers more than
their own indigenous one. Similarly, their counterparts from the government and non-
elite schools for being not exposed to the Western values in the PTB textbooks are likely
to cherish only their own indigenous culture. In the questionnaire (see chapter seven), the
research, therefore, shows a stark contrast between the elite-school students’ and the
government and non-elite schools students’ responses to the question if western life style
attracts you more than the Pakistani one. The 58 percent students from the elite schools
favour the Western life style against the 10 and 12 percent students from the government
and non-elite schools students respectively.
4.2) Reinforcement of Religious Practices
This theme deals with the religious events and practices mentioned in the English
textbooks. In order to analyze this aspect from an ideological point of view, it is
important to see which religious events are included in the textbooks, who (which
religious sect) the events and religious practices represent, which practices are being
reinforced, and do inclusion and representation observe equality. The following lines
have been taken from the lesson ‘Festivals of Pakistan’ (PTB 10: 6-7).
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Shab-e-barat, a night of blessings is celebrated on 14th Shabaan, 8th month of
the Islamic calendar.
The Muslims illuminate their houses and masajid (mosques).
The use of ‘The Muslims’ instead of ‘most Muslims’, ‘the Muslims in Pakistan’ or ‘the
Pakistani Muslims’ indicates that there is not any sort of division either among the
Pakistanis or the Islamic world towards the celebration of Shab-e-barat. Rather all the
Muslims take equal part in celebrating this event. It is a matter of concern that the
writer’s statement may become a code of conduct for the young learners for they are not
given any practice in linguistic deconstruction of the texts at the secondary level. The
above-mentioned sentence is likely to be perceived by the young learners as ‘The
Muslims should illuminate their houses and masajid.’ Or ‘Islam expects the Muslims to
illuminate their houses and masajid’. Thus what may be deduced by the learners as a
normative construction of these religious festivities assuming the level of religious
teachings to be strictly observed is, in fact, the writer’s own generalization of a particular
practice which is not rooted in religion but is a socio-cultural practice. This is how
ideology functions in texts. Moreover, whether the act of illuminating the houses and
masajid on Shab-e-barat is the practice and representation of a particular segment in the
Muslim community is another moot point and will be discussed below in this section.
The next sentence reads the core activities of the event.
Devotional prayers are performed throughout the night to seek the blessings of
Allah.
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The sentence is ideologically loaded in a way that it narrows the concept of prayer. The
prayers have been reduced only to worshipping Almighty Allah for his blessings. Can
blessings not be sought through other means and actions and practices, such as good
deeds, acts of kindness to fellow human beings, honesty, charity and love for humanity in
general? Of course, there are other practices and ways to seek the blessings of Allah but
the sentence excludes those and emphasis is laid on prayers on that specific night.
Further, the implicit ideology is that ritual prayers are the means for a devout Muslim to
seek communion with Allah, particularly on that night. This ideology which emphasizes
devotional prayers to the exclusion of other forms of devotion is misleading as it paints a
very restrictive and ritualistic concept of Islamic faith and practices. According to one
Hadith: to earn an honest living tantamounts to prayers too.
However, in spite of the exclusion of the practices or ways to seek the blessings of Allah,
I consider the above-mentioned sentence less ideological than the previous instance. This
is because it represents at least the general concepts and practices regarding Shab-e-barat.
This mixed presentation of ideological (in the previous instances) and less ideological
elements (in the present instance) in the textbooks are worth noticing. This technique is
rather an ideological tactic that helps get the contents presentable and thus reduce any
resistance from those religious sects of the society who have been denied any
representation in the textbooks. It may rightly be regarded as a consciously ideological
inclusion for I observe the same style in introducing and representing the next religious
event i.e. Eid Milad-un-Nabi (SAW) in the same lesson.
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Eid Milad-un-Nabi is celebrated on 12th of Rabi-ul-Awwal, a birthday of the
Holy Prophet Muhammad (SAW).
The buildings and bazaars are illuminated.
Seminars are conducted to induce the devotees to follow the life of Hazrat
Muhammad.
In the first sentence, there comes the name of the religious event. It is followed by its date
and month, and brief introduction. Secondly, comes the way to celebrate it. Finally, the
basic purpose of celebrating the event of Eid Milad-un-Nabi has been mentioned.
Once again the second sentence is more ideological than the first and the last one, as it
does not represent the general practices of all Pakistani religious sects regarding this
particular event. Like the previous example, it – the act of illumination – reflects only the
dominant representation of the Barelvi sect. As the Barelvis are not in majority as
compared to the Deobandis (Rahman 1999: 104), therefore, the inclusion of its certain
practices in the lesson meant for all students who vary in their association to different
religious sects is quite ideological.
So far we have noticed two things in our analysis: firstly, both Shab-e-barat and Eid
Milad-un-Nabi are quite popular and acceptable (by their name and nature) for all the
religious sects; secondly, their celebratory practices represent only Barelvi sect. Other
main sects such as Deobandis (it is in majority in Pakistan) and Ahl-e-hedith consider
such practices bid’ah (any innovated practice in religion) and, therefore, do not support,
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approve and preach them because, according to them, Sahab-ai-Karaam (RA) (the
disciples of the Prophet Muhammad (SAW)) did not observe them. In short, the
textbooks are biased in giving a balanced representation to certain religious practices of
all sects. It is indeed this ‘unbalancedness’ among certain representations in the PTB
textbooks that claims them to be ideological.
These religious ideologies show a fairly strong influence on the readers of the PTB
textbooks. The research shows that most of them are quite religious. They have been
considered religious in a sense that 100 percent students from the government schools
and 96 percent students from the non-elite schools like much to celebrate the religious
events in contrast to elite-schools students who are 52 percent. Moreover, they – the
government and non-elite schools students – observe most of the religious practices in the
ways as described above while celebrating the religious events like Shab-e-Barat and Eid
Milad-un-Nabi.
The case of OUP textbooks is quite the opposite. There is only one lesson i.e. Christmas
Eve (OUP 1: p. 106-7) but even that seems to be religious only by name for it does not
contain any religious practices associated with this event. Instead it has a secular or
liberal tone. Consequently, the students are not as much religious as their counterparts
from the government and non-elite schools are. There are some sentences in different
lessons that mention some words like pray, gods, God, Allah, Christmas, religion, church
and heavens but we can see below that the usage of most of these words except Christmas
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and churches neither show any direct link with any religion nor do they reinforce any
particular religious practice.
Thank God the scorpion picked on me and spared my children (OUP 1: 63).
‘A merry Christmas, uncle! God save you!’ cried a cheerful voice (OUP 1:
107).
As the man fell, Yasin heard him scream, “Allah…” (OUP 2: 37).
These were joined together by numerous bridges and above them rose the
steeples of many churches like a vast and elegant ocean liner. (OUP 2: 48-9).
I believe the decision to have a large family was based less on any deep
religious conviction than from a profound love of live (OUP 2: 49).
‘Oh, God,’ I said raising my hands to the heavens, ‘my son wants to become
some artist or musician… (OUP 2: 58).
he said: ‘I prayed to all the gods in the world for a son (OUP 2: 79).
The absence of the representation of any particular religion and any particular sect’s
religious practices in these textbooks makes most of the elite-school students i.e. 52
percent, unlike their counterparts in the government and non-elite schools i.e. 21 and 28
percent respectively, celebrate the religious events in a common way i.e. offering prayers,
as mentioned in the questionnaire (see chapter seven). However, this does not mean that
OUP textbooks are free from religious ideologies because exclusion of religion is also
ideological for the simple reason that they have been especially developed to produce
secular minds.
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4.3) Religious Exploitation
Owing to a regular inclusion of Islamic contents in the PTB textbooks in the past (as
discussed above), Islam is now considered to be an indispensable part of these textbooks
both by the state and its people, albeit for different reasons. The people want it for
inculcating Islamic values, awareness and knowledge among the students whereas the
state realizing the peoples’ attachment to the religion exploits it for its own interests –
promoting ideologies of religious difference and intolerance. In a society like Pakistan,
ideology in the name of religion can be both influential and harmful as politics for
people, let alone learners, who tend to take it for granted. This makes the injecting of
implicitly ideological patterns easier for the government. Such exploitation can be
noticed well in the lesson ‘Human Rights and Madina Charter’ (PTB 10, 2006, p. 31-2)
which is about a treaty entitled Misak-e-Madina between the Muslims and the Jews.
To create a harmony and mutual corporation, a just and fair treaty was signed
by the two parties, Jews and Muslims (in Madina – the city of the Holy
Prophet (SAW)).
Before analyzing the contents and context of the sentence, it is necessary to keep in mind
particularly the factors of time and place. Of course, the place where the sentence
originates is Pakistan, a front ally in a war against terrorism, and the time is post 9 / 11
that has brought the centre (the west) and the centres of the peripheries closer for mutual
ideological interests.
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Here are certain overt and covert points: the Muslims and the Jews (a) were living
together in Madina, (b) signed a treaty for certain mutual interests, (and c) pledged to live
together in complete harmony putting aside their social, cultural and religious
differences. Thus the sentence if seen in context of the current political scenario implies
that the Muslims can live and sign treaty with the Jews even today. A similar message
lies in one of the following clauses of the treaty:
Muslims shall join hands with the Jews to fight anyone
The phrase ‘join hands’ metaphorically indicates the forming of friendship. The use of
‘shall’ instead of ‘will’ and the sentence in a directive form reinforce this underlying
message. However, though both parties sign the treaty as friends, the level of relationship
is asymmetrical in the sentence – the Jews seem to be more powerful and dominant – as it
addresses the Muslims to join the Jews. Otherwise the sentence could have been
‘Muslims and Jews shall fight anyone together who rebels or promotes enmity’. Arguably
the sentence as a mouthpiece of the state legitimizes its policy of having friendly relations
with the Christians and the Jews in various affairs especially in what comes in the
following sub-ordinate clause.
…who rebels or promotes enmity.
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The dependent clause introduces two types of enemies: (a) who rebel and (b) who
promote enmity. So both the parties shall fight inside the country with the rebellions and
outside the country (in the world) with the promoters of enmity.
It will be useful to transform the sub-clause ‘who rebels or promotes enmity’ into a
nominal or noun-like entity i.e. terrorists / terrorism, to probe into the ideology of the
state. We see both the nations as victims of this evil. However, both have a different
concept of the term ‘terrorism’. A majority of the Muslims call fight and suicidal attacks
against the non-muslim occupiers (e.g. Americans in Afghanistan and Israelites in
Palestine) jihad, while the non-muslims including the Jews call their resistance
‘terrorism’. Hence, as the book does not distinguish between terrorism and jihad, the
incumbent government can be thought of regarding suicidal attacks or fighting with the
non-muslims and their Muslim supporters as terrorism and wishing to eradicate it by
joining the western allies. This point becomes clearly evident in another line at the end of
the lesson.
They were to be equal partners in peace and war and enjoyed all human
rights.
This line is not a part of the treaty mentioned in the lesson. It is a comment from the
writer at the end of the lesson on the participants of the treaty declared as partners instead
of friends. Clearly, the language shows distance between them. Moreover, the sub-
ordinate clause ‘and enjoyed all human rights’ also points towards the differences
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between them and a confession of them (differences). Of course, these differences are
quite natural for both the communities have their own language, culture, religion, and
priorities. The message of the lesson thus should be to join the West in fighting with the
terrorists irrespective of each other’s social, cultural, religious and racial differences –
observance of human rights. In other words, at present there is no harm in joining the
Christians and the Jews in the war against terrorism for such alliance was also formed in
the Islamic history.
Importantly, the alliance that was formed in the Islamic history was in fact against the
foreign aggressors (particularly the Hindus of Mecca regarded as the worst enemies of
the Muslims at that time) who were intending to attack Madina to weaken or crush the
Muslims gaining power in Madina after a migration from Mecca They were also unhappy
with the Jews for building ties with the new comers (Muslims) in Madina. Consequently,
the Holy Prophet (SAW) signed a treaty with the Jews to put a joint resistance against the
common enemy. Another clause of this treaty reads:
If a common enemy attacks Madina, joint resistance by the Jews and the
Muslims shall be put up against the enemy.
An important thing here is the focus shifted from ‘Hindus’ to ‘(Muslim) terrorists by the
previous clause i.e. ‘…who rebels or promotes enmity’. Even more important than this is
the absence of this clause in the actual treaty (Rasool 1959: 38). Being not too simplistic,
the PTB textbooks has concocted this sub clause as one of the conditions of the
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agreement to manipulate the learners’ opinions regarding joining hands with the non-
Muslims such as the Jews, Christians and Hindus in the war against terrorism.
It is quite important to note that with regard to war against terrorism the PTB textbook
also tends to confuse the learners in that on the one hand it is biased and promotes
intolerance of other religions or even certain sects in Islamic faith (see section 4.2 in this
chapter), and yet, on the other, promotes the notion of joining hands with the Jews when
it serves the interests of the state and the state policies. Certainly, there is a lot of
ambivalence here in the messages being signaled to the PTB learners.
This manipulation or exploitation of Madina Charter in this lesson has worked well as
most of the learners from all schools agree with the signing of treaties with the non-
Muslims to fight terrorism in the questionnaire (see chapter seven). It is unexpected
particularly on the part of the government and non-elite school students whose majority
does not favour friendly ties (in the questionnaire) with their enemies or ill-wishers – the
Hindus, Jews and Christians – as mostly represented by their textbooks. As far OUP
textbooks are concerned, religious exploitation is not found. However, the positive
representation of the others brings the elite-school students close to them. They do not
possess such feelings for them as their counterparts from the government and non-elite
students do.
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4.4) Glorification of War / Jihad
The textbooks equate religion Islam with Pakistan by explaining the only purpose of
making untiring and incessant struggle for Pakistan was to be able to live according to
Islam. Therefore, Pakistan as an Islamic state is so dear to her inhabitants that they can
sacrifice even their lives for it as proved below:
That is the only way in which we can achieve our goal: the goal of our struggle,
the goal for which millions of Mussulmans (Muslims) have lost their all and
laid down their lives for the cause of Islam and Pakistan. (PTB English 10,
2006, p. 97)
Losing lives for the cause of Islam and Pakistan indirectly presents the Hindus as enemies
of both Islam and Pakistan for, as the background assumption is, it was not possible for
the Muslims (in the presence of the Hindus) to live according to Islam. Thus Pakistan as
an Islamic state is unbearable for India which is waiting for any opportunity to
dismember Pakistan. The overall purpose of the lines is indeed to present Islam as an
identity of the people of Pakistan and, therefore, harming this identity is worth harming
the religion Islam.
The metaphorical expression that ‘targeting Pakistan is targeting Islam’ is likely to justify
the need of jihad and the presence of a big army in the country. Then the army must be
regarded as sacred and nationalistic for its mujahid soldiers are there to defend both Islam
and Pakistan. The textbooks also romanticize this aspect by selecting such a personality
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from the Islamic history who has been quite prominent regarding jihad. The following
instances have been taken from the lesson ‘Hazrat Khalid bin Waleed (RA)’ (PTB
English 9, 2006, pp. 8-9).
Hazrat Khalid bin Waleed (RA) was a great warrior of Islam.
Hazrat Muhammad (SAW) admired the valour and bravery of Hazrat Khalid
bin Waleed (RA) and gave him the title of ‘Saifullah’ (sword of Allah).
He promised to devote his future life in the service of Islam.
The first sentence describes the personality of Hazrat Khalid bin Waleed (RA) in relation
to religion Islam. Though its structure could also be ‘Hazrat Khalid bin Waleed (RA) was
a great Arab warrior’ or he ‘was a great Muslim warrior’, it would not have shown him as
high in his status as his present description in relation to Islam does. The last line makes
it reasonable to argue that it was only his act of jihad (for Islam) that won him the titles
of ‘a great warrior’ and ‘the sword of Allah’. Putting it another way, in return, it was
Islam that honoured and blessed him. These are indeed the very messages of the texts that
function to value jihad and infuse a jihadi spirit into the Muslim learners. It will also be
useful to see how the textbooks define jihad to the learners in an implicit way as follows:
At last the Muslims won this battle (of Yermuk) due to the bravery and
planning of Hazrat Khalid bin Waleed (RA).
At last the Muslims won this battle (of Yermuk) due to the bravery and
planning of Hazrat Khalid bin Waleed (RA).
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The Islamic concept of jihad ‘…has two meanings: firstly, personal struggle against
temptation and secondly, war of Muslims against aggressors’ (Noreen, Ahmed-Ullah &
Barker, 2004). Unexpectedly, the lines implicitly show only one side of the coin i.e. a war
of Muslims against aggressors (In the battle of Yurmuk, the non-Muslims encamped near
Yurmook with an intention to invade Madina – the city of the Holy Prophet (SAW) and
his companions). Needless to say, the other one has been kept hidden; hence, the meaning
implicitly given in the textbook may rightly be regarded as an intentionally controlled
meaning of jihad. Next comes the concept of ‘martyrdom’ (shahaadat) in the lesson:
Despite his utmost desire, he was not martyred but died a natural death at the
age of sixty-one years. (PTB English 9, 2006, p. 9)
This has become ‘so much a feature of official vocabulary that …all army officers even
when they die in accidents are called shaheeds (martyrs)’ (Rahman, 2002b, p. 65). The
phrase ‘his utmost desire’ conveys martyrdom (to the readers) as something to be desired
for very keenly, something far better than a natural death, and the sole aim of a mujahid
for which, as the lesson indicates, jihad is the only means. Arguably, the phrase directly
increases the value of jihad (as compared to life at home), mujahid and shaheed and,
therefore, is likely to urge the young Pakistani students to religiously desire for
martyrdom; cherish, love and honour the shaheeds (the martyred); and consider them
holy protectors / heroes of both Islam and Pakistan.
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It is not surprising then, that, unlike elite-school students, mostly their counterparts from
the government and non-elite schools strongly agree with the struggle for the occupied
Kashmir. The former type though also in good strength support the struggle, the affinity
with it is not as strong as of the latter types. However, there is a clear difference in their
opinions regarding the adoption of jihad / war as a means to achieve the occupied
Kashmir. We find only 28 percent elite-school students supporting war against the
percentage of 64 and 60 of the government and non-elite schools students respectively.
To a certain extent, it can be the result of those contents included to disapprove war in the
OUP textbooks. Unlike the PTB textbooks, the OUP textbooks contain three lessons that
disapprove war. It is worth mentioning that two lessons i.e. ‘A Piece of Wood’ by Ray
Bradbury and ‘Scenes from a Bomber Raid’ by Len Deighton indirectly and one lesson
i.e. ‘Biological Warfare’ by Wendy Barnaby directly disapproves war in the textbooks.
The major themes that overlap in these lessons are: killing human beings is brutal, peace
is far better than war and war is fought only for vested interests as follows.
(The official asked) ‘What do you want?’
The sergeant shrugged and looked at his hands. ‘To live in peace… That’s
what I’d like. (OUP 1: 140)
It will be quite useful to know briefly about the context of the situation represented here
first. The sergeant is a man who has spent sixteen years of his life in war. In this long
span of time, realizing the disastrous effects of war he silently started working on a kind
of machine that could rust all weapons in the world and at last made it. The above-
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mentioned lines have been taken from the beginning of the lesson ‘A Piece of Wood’
where the army official after listening rumours about the sergeant considered him
mentally unfit and, therefore, he called for him.
The question ‘What do you want?’ is in fact an offer of options (from the official to the
sergeant) – going to some other war area; seeing a doctor for a complete medical check
up; and going overseas. In return, the response ‘To live in peace’ does not come from an
ordinary immature person but an aged, professionally experienced and mature character
represented as sergeant in the OUP textbooks. The effect on the learners’ perception
might have been different if an ordinary person would have given that response. It shows
that the sergeant has achieved nothing from fifteen-year war and, therefore, peace is far
better than war. His short response ‘To live in peace.’ also indicates that there is no
chance of peace and comfort in war which further assumes that peace cannot be achieved
through war. Moreover, all of these implicit messages are very likely to make the learners
think of the basic reason behind war. The answer to this question lies in the lesson
‘Scenes from a Bomber Raid’ which indirectly again strengthens the previous messages.
‘Well, on this business of killing Huns, sir. There is a pilot … (who) told me
that he thinks our bombing attacks are “just-old fashioned murder of
working-class families”.’
‘This war, he says, is just the continuation of capitalism by other means.’
(OUP 2: 103)
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These lines also represent a worldview of an assumingly intelligent, competent, mature
and professionally experienced person – a British pilot – regarding war and, therefore,
carry much weight. The text is not in form of information but a critique related to Second
World War. It regards war as nothing else but an old way of killing the poor people. The
phrase ‘just-old fashioned’ is a bitter criticism on the present so-called worldly
modernity, progress, enlightenment, and civilization. In other words, they do not
represent any break with the past but the continuation of the barbaric past that was used
to wage wars for vested interests whose victims were only the poor. The textbooks thus
represent war such a ruthless thing whose victims are the poor and beneficiary is the
capitalist system.
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4.5) Nationalism
The theme of nationalism deals with the nationalistic lessons and contents (in other
seemingly non-nationalistic lessons) included in the English textbooks that function to
arouse feelings of nationalism and patriotism in the learners. Just like Islamic lessons,
there are more nationalistic lessons in the PTB textbooks than the OUP ones i.e. 4 (1.72
%) and 1 (.69 %) respectively. The PTB’s four lessons are particularly and completely
about Pakistan whereas the OUP’s one lesson is though about the Pakistani flag yet the
underlying theme is related more to poverty than patriotism. The situation is clear that the
OUP textbooks do not put much emphasis on promoting nationalism. Rather, realistically
speaking, there are many places where they create a negative image of the country
against a positive image of the Western countries. This aspect has been discussed in the
section ‘us and them.
The PTB textbooks inculcate the learners with the nationalistic fervour or patriotic
passion by carrying information about Pakistan’s history, national events, national
heroes, Pakistan’s ill-wishers and so on. We may start with the national events given in
the lesson ‘The Festivals of Pakistan’ (PTB 10: 6-7).
The day of the Pakistan resolution (23rd of March 1940) and Independence
Day (14th of August 1947) are the most remarkable days in the history of
Pakistan.
The nation as a whole celebrates these occasions every year to refresh the
greatness of these events.
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They also give us the knowledge and information related to freedom
movement of Pakistan and the sacrifices made by the leaders in getting a
separate homeland for the Muslims of South Asia.
The textbooks include two national events: the Pakistan resolution (the resolution passed
to achieve Pakistan) and the Independence Day (the day when Pakistan was achieved).
They introduce them as ‘the most remarkable days in the history of Pakistan’ to the
learners; hence, the celebration of these events by the whole nation every year in the
second sentence has been justified by presenting them as V.I.P (very important). In other
words, they are celebrated for they deserve to be celebrated. It contains an implicit
message for the learners that they are also supposed to keep alive this remarkable
tradition when they are grown ups. In the last line, there lay three pieces of information:
firstly, Pakistan was achieved through a freedom movement; secondly, sacrifices were
made for its achievement and, lastly, it is more than a country – a homeland – for them.
Semantically, as home is to house, the concept of ‘homeland’ is sweeter than that of
‘country’. It gives a deep sense of freedom, belonging, security, peace, tranquility,
affiliation, etc. Similarly, the phrase ‘a separate homeland’ seems to create the concept of
othering i.e. the piece of land we Muslims have gained is ours and the remaining part of
land which is of course ‘India’ is theirs. In effect, the information residing in all three
lines arouses nationalistic feelings in the learners and, therefore, being inculcated with
nationalism and patriotism is a norm and being not inculcated with them is likely to be
regarded as deviation from this norm.
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Importantly, the second sentence does not address the people of Pakistan as ‘the
Pakistanis’ but ‘the nation as a whole…’ which again highlights the importance of these
national events. Moreover, this phrase also seems to perform two ideological functions:
firstly, it indicates the oneness and unity of the Pakistanis as a nation towards the
celebration of these national events for it could also address them using their provincial
identity as Punjabis, Sindhis, Balochis and Pathans which it did not. Secondly, it
represents these events as uncontroversial unlike some other social events where society
is divided on their celebrations (see section 4.1 in this chapter above) and, therefore, the
students must feel free and proud to celebrate these events.
The inclusion of the two national events also justifies the inclusion and description of the
national hero and founder of Pakistan i.e. Quaid-e-Azam Muhammad Ali Jinnah, in the
lesson ‘The Great Leader: Quaid-e-Azam Muhammad Ali Jinah’ (PTB English 10, 2006:
93-7). His description as a giant and creator of Pakistan is undoubtedly a great source of
promoting nationalism through the textbooks.
The 20th century has seen a number of great personalities on the international
political scene.
None of them is equal to Quaid-e-Azam Muhammad Ali Jinnah in intellect
and honesty of purpose.
Our great leader had great qualities.
He was a symbol of integrity and honesty.
He was fearless and courageous.
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The lesson introduces the founder of Pakistan as the greatest of all who emerged as
leaders in different parts of the world in the twentieth century. The mention of other
personalities as ‘great’ but without names is clearly an effort to emphasize the greatness
of the Quaid. The second line ‘None of them is equal to Quaid…’ then portrays him as
‘matchless’, which indicates that the other leaders including obviously the Indian ones –
Gandhi, Nehru – stand nowhere before him. Therefore, he is the only one who is worth
being a role model for the young Pakistani learners. In other words, when ‘our great
leader had great qualities’ (line 3), why look at others! Moreover, Quaid-e-Azam means
the great leader, and it is considered a profanity to call him by his original name, as if his
name is Quaid-e-Azam. As a child and young adult, I could never dare to refer to him as
Jinnah; such is the power of these ideological messages!
The lines also mention the qualities he (the Quaid-e-Azam) had. They are intellect,
honesty, integrity, fearlessness and courage. The lines also presuppose that the other
leaders were not intellectual, honest, fearless and courageous or at least not more than
him. Clearly, the overall purpose of the Quaid’s portrait seems to rouse the feelings of
love among the (Pakistani) learners for him and the feelings of disapproval and hate for
the leaders other than him. Moreover, it may also be argued that the greatness of the
Quaid has been intentionally intensely emphasized (because his shortcomings are not
pointed out) to highlight the greatness of Pakistan – great leader, great country is the
message.
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At another point, the textbooks represent the Quaid as a devout Muslim or an Islamic
hero whose sole aim in life was to achieve a separate homeland in the name of Islam so
that his Islamic nation could live their lives according to Islam.
Religion is there and it is dear to us.
That is the only way in which we can achieve our goal: the goal of our struggle,
the goal for which millions of Mussulmans (Muslims) have lost their all and
laid down their lives for the cause of Islam and Pakistan.
The lines put Islam and Pakistan – religion and nationalism – together to show a strong
connection between them. The underlying assumption is that the only purpose of making
untiring and incessant struggle for Pakistan was to be able to live according to Islam.
Therefore, Pakistan as an Islamic state is so dear to the people living in it that they can
sacrifice even their lives for it. It is worth mentioning here that the lines / lesson do not
show any representation of minorities in Pakistan. Moreover, they do suppress the other
political and economic factors that caused the emergence of Pakistan such as the
domination of Hindus over the economy and job market in the undivided India.
Losing lives for Islam indirectly present the Hindus as enemies of both Islam and
Pakistan for, as the background assumption is, it was not possible for the Muslims (in the
presence of the Hindus) to live according to Islam. Thus Pakistan as an Islamic state is
unbearable for India who is waiting for any opportunity to dismember Pakistan. The
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overall purpose of the lines is indeed to present Islam as an identity of the people of
Pakistan and, therefore, harming this identity is worth harming the religion Islam.
The concept of ‘targeting Pakistan is targeting Islam’ is likely to justify the need of Jihad
and the presence of a big army in the country. Then the army must be regarded as sacred
and nationalistic for its soldiers / mujahids are there to defend both Islam and Pakistan.
The textbooks also romanticize this aspect by selecting such personalities from Islamic
history who have been quite prominent regarding Jihad (see lesson Hazrat Khalid bin
Waleed (RA) in PTB English 9, p. 8)
It will be useful to quote from Rahman (2002b) here to summarize the points raised
above. According to him, ‘the state uses the emotive power of religion, patriotism, and
romanticized history to create a Pakistani identity which supersedes kinship, regional or
ethnic identities’ (p, 519). It can be safely argued that mostly the contents in the PTB
textbooks about Islam, history, Jihad, social and cultural events are directly or indirectly
related to Pakistan. Contents that can connect the learners with the outer world are rarely
found. This aspect again presents Pakistan as the only world for the students from the
government and non-elite schools. Therefore, we find that these students are much more
nationalistic than the elite-schools students.
Such a focus on Pakistan is not much found in the OUP textbooks. We see that the
nationalistic contents and the themes they carry in the PTB textbooks are different from
those in the OUP textbooks to a great extent not only in quantity but also in quality as
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mentioned above. The following lines have been taken from a poem entitled ‘Buy My
Flag’ (OUP 2: 31-2):
Fourteenth of August.
A tribute to the boy who
Still sees the glamour of the flag
Through hard metal and
Eternally turning wheels,
Through dust and gas and grime,
Through choking fumes,
Exhausted.
Green and white, star-studded
Flags of independence
Fluttering like bunches of
Meaningless market wares.
Green and white, the colour of
Summer grass and jasmine,
Trees and icy river-foam,
Purity and peace
Contorted into someone else’s
Dream of grasping a ten rupee note.
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Buy my flag! Buy my flag!
So that I can pull myself out of
Searing flames of engine heat
And hellish, gnawing need,
So I can cool my face,
Hide from the heavy weight
Of the immovable sun,
Retreat into some silent,
Full-stomached sleep
In a country of my own.
This poem consists of three stanzas. In the first stanza, the date ‘Fourteenth of August’ is
the day when Pakistan came into existence. However, the poem neither mentions the
background or history of this date nor does it tell its importance. Rather the date has been
used to provide a certain context in which a boy is out of his home holding flags in his
hands.
The underlying theme in the first two lines of the first stanza is quite opposed to the one
present in the PTB textbooks. There, the students are strongly urged to remember and
celebrate the national days every year – independence celebration is a norm. Here, the
boy’s act of holding flags has been regarded as a surprise as the word ‘Still’ conveys to
us. Its usage is quite connotative. Had it been removed, we would have a positive image
of the boy. The lines represent him as a deviant from the norm – a vast majority of people
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who do not see glamour in it. The rest of the lines raise a number of questions about the
boy’s own status: (a) Is the boy a real patriot who being out in a hot weather still
celebrates and sees glamour in the flag? (b) Is the boy a poor flag-seller who still expects
people will buy his flags? Answers to these questions if found in the next lines (in the
third stanza) of the poem can indeed expose to us the major theme of the poem.
In the first four lines of the second stanza, the green flags containing stars represent
independence. However, at the same time, considering them like ‘Fluttering like bunches
of meaningless market wares’ does not create a positive image either of independence or
of the flags held by the boy. Moreover, the whole stanza does not come up with what the
green colour and star in the flag really symbolize in the Pakistani context i.e. green colour
represents majority, white colour represents minority – Muslims and non-Muslims in
Pakistan respectively – and star represents brightness. Contrary to it, the poem comes up
with their worldly representations i.e. green and white colours stand for purity and peace
respectively. Thus the OUP textbooks do not explain the Pakistani symbols such as flag
purely in the Pakistani context. In this way, they seem to connect their readers with the
world instead of Pakistan.
The last two lines of the second stanza put forward a philosophical view of ‘purity and
peace’ which may have different implications for different persons in different situations.
For instance, the full-stomached may perceive independence as a source of purity and
peace; however, at the same time, the empty-stomached may regard it as a ‘Dream of
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grasping a ten rupee note.’ Simply, getting rid of hunger is more important for them (the
poor) than celebrating independence.
The very first line of the third stanza i.e. ‘Buy my flag! Buy my flag!’ clarifies the social
status of the boy – flag seller – and thus poverty becomes a more dominant theme in the
poem than patriotism. Some of the phrases such as ‘searing flames’, ‘hellish, gnawing
need’, ‘heavy weight’ and ‘immovable sun’ reflect a critical situation of the poverty-
stricken people like this boy in Pakistan. Moreover, this pitiable situation also indirectly
creates a negative image of the country the boy is living in. Rather the last line may be
regarded as quite ironical – he cannot have a ‘Full-stomached sleep’ even in his own
country.
In this poem, the theme of patriotism may rightly be regarded as secondary to poverty in
the poem. A number of instances in the poem such as mentioning the date of fourteenth
August, regarding flag as the symbol of independence, and finally regarding the colours
of the flag as symbols of purity and peace are likely to inculcate the students with the
feelings of patriotism.
I would like to conclude my discussion by saying that both the PTB and OUP textbooks
are different from each other to a certain degree regarding the dissemination of
nationalism and patriotism. The former ones contain more nationalistic contents than the
latter ones. Similarly, the choice of certain words such as ‘the most remarkable days’ and
‘greatness’ for the national days, ‘great’ for the Quaid and ‘separate homeland’ for
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Pakistan show a great emphasis on the inculcation of nationalism and patriotism into the
readers of the PTB textbooks. Quite importantly, the dominant theme in all of the
nationalistic contents in the PTB textbooks is nationalism and patriotism. On the other
hand, nationalism or patriotism is not a dominant theme in the nationalistic contents in
the OUP textbooks. That is why, the results in the questionnaire (see chapter seven) show
that the students from the government and non-elite schools are much more nationalistic
or patriotic than their counterparts from the elite schools.
The competing discourses of the two textbooks may lead to systematic and planned
bifurcation in the worldviews of the learners. The PTB learners are raised on a staple diet
of Islamic, nationalist discourses with a high premium placed on martyrdom; hence they
tend to be oblivious like ostriches to the real issues confronting Pakistan. Whereas the
discourses in OUP textbooks representations are not only secular, they often tend to view
Pakistan from an outsider’s perspective too, since most of the lessons are written by
foreign writers.
4.6) Us and Them
The presence and reinforcement of particular identities in the textbooks function not only
to distinguish but also distance one from the others either on religious or geographical,
social or cultural, ethnic or racial basis; hence, it is a social creation of distinctions,
distances and alienations such as ‘this is mine’, ‘that is yours or theirs’, ‘I am this’ and
‘you or they are that’. The textbooks under analysis do not emphasize much upon
differences lying between the social and ethnic groups in Pakistan. Rather they intend to
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suppress the differences and reinforce the similarities to create only one identity i.e.
Islamic identity, against the other i.e. Hindu identity. It is attained by repeating a few
basic messages in the textbooks as follows. The lesson is ‘The Great Leader: Quaid-e-
Azam Muhammad Ali Jinnah’ (PTB English 10, 2006, pp. 93-97).
In all these things our outlook is not only fundamentally different but it is
opposed to the Hindus.
‘Outlook’ has been defined as ‘general attitude towards life and the world’ (Longman
Dictionary of Contemporary English (1995, p. 1005-6). Not surprisingly, the Muslims
and the Hindus look at life and the world differently like all other social communities of
the world. However what catches our immediate attention are the use of ‘fundamentally’
and ‘opposed’ in the sentence; hence, what becomes now is ‘(the Hindus are)
fundamentally different and opposed (to us)’. It indicates not only the intensity of
distance and difference but also the element of enmity between (only) these two nations –
other nations are excluded from this realm of relationship.
There is nothing in life that links us together.
The message has been intensified more through the metaphorical use of ‘link us’. It
presents both the Muslims and the Hindus as inanimate objects, as they cannot move
themselves to join each other. It again emphasizes upon the high degree of difference,
distance and coldness between them. Moreover, ‘nothing in life’ implies that nothing is
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common (between us) to bring us close which, as indicates the word ‘life’, further implies
‘even not the relation of being human beings’. The next sentences come up with the
elaboration of these differences:
Our names, our clothes, our food, our festivals, our rituals, they are all
different.
The book mentions our things that differ with the Hindu culture; not theirs that differ
with us. The inclusion of our things indicates emphasis and exclusion of their things
indicates de-emphasis. Moreover, it does not mention the way/s they differ with the other
culture. The things included are material (clothes and food) and abstract (names, festivals
and rituals). So the Muslims are different from their counterparts physically as well as
spiritually – in appearances and ideas – obviously then the practices they perform within
the festivals and rituals are to be different automatically.
Our economic life, our educational ideas, our treatment of women, our
attitude to animals, our humanitarian considerations are all very different.
The lines here widen the gulf between the Muslims and the Hindus. All the differences
mentioned above are of abstract type. It suggests a different worldview. In other words,
they think, learn, act, and behave very differently in keeping with their two extremely
different worldviews. And then, to crown it all, the regular occurrence of the possessive
pronoun ‘our’ intensifies the whole theme of the extract. Firstly, it overtly declares us
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(Muslims / Pakistanis) from head to toe a different nation but covertly it constructs us as
the norm: a human species who are far better than the Hindus. And secondly, it implies
that our things are ours, their things are theirs – nothing can be connected and shared
(Zubair and Yaqoob, 2008, p. 175).
Along with the Hindus, we also find the negative description of the British though not as
explicit as of the Hindus in the same lesson.
The motto of the Quaid, “Unity, Faith, Discipline” enabled the Muslims to
achieve their goal against the combined and staunch opposition of the British
Rule and the Hindu Majority.
To free the Muslims from the British and Hindu rule, he worked hard day and
night, despite his failing health.
Unlike the previous instances, the lines do not focus upon the differences between us, the
Muslims and the British. However, they do represent them as the others or outgroup like
the Hindus on the basis of their opposition along with the Hindus to the struggle of the
Muslims of the sub-continent ‘to achieve their goal’ i.e. Pakistan. Therefore, it can be
safely assumed that the lines regard them not as much different from us as the Hindus
are, however, consider them equal to the Hindus in enmity against us – both are our
enemies. Further, the phrase ‘staunch opposition’ presents them as our staunch (worst)
enemies. One more difference as indicated by the phrase ‘the British Rule and the Hindu
Majority’ between the two enemies lies at the level of power – one has the power of rule
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(government) and the other one has the power of being in majority. Then what unites
them or their powers against the Muslims is their common intention (i.e. do not free the
Muslims). The textbooks thus present both of them (the enemies) as captors and us (the
Muslims) as captives and, therefore, it was incumbent upon the leaders especially the
Quaid to realize the gravity of the situation and make all-out efforts to free the Muslims.
Moreover, freedom from the British and Hindu rule has been equated with the
achievement of Pakistan. This means that the biggest hindrance in the way to achieving
Pakistan were the British and the Hindus.
This in-group and out-group representation has shown profound effects on the learners’
worldview. The majority of the students particular from the government and non-elite
schools students regard the Hindus and the Christians as their enemies in the
questionnaire. The case in the elite schools is different. Most of their students do not
regard them as their enemies. The reason for it is quite obvious i.e. the OUP textbooks do
not portray the Hindus and the Christians as the enemies of the Muslims. However, this
does not mean that these books are free from any positive in-group and negative out-
group representation. In fact, the difference between both the textbooks lies in the way
they deal with the themes related to us-and-them representation. Unlike the PTB
textbooks, the OUP textbooks do not represent the others as enemies; however, they do
create a negative image of others through a negative description of the things related to
them, for instance, culture, education, places and so on. It is worth mentioning that the
Pakistanis and the Blacks have been predominantly dealt with as others; and, the present
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research therefore reasonably focuses only on these two races’ negative representation in
these textbooks.
The following instances have been taken from the lesson ‘Black Boy’ (OUP 1: 159-60):
The shop was always crowded with black men and women pawing over cheap
suits and dresses. And they paid whatever price the white man asked.
The boss, his son and the clerk treated the Negroes with open contempt,
pushing, kicking or slapping them.
We find in these lines two races of people quite opposed to each other. The difference has
been developed in many aspects: physical, financial and facial. The so-called black
people have been portrayed physically helpless and weak in the third and second line
where three white men (the boss, his son and their clerk) treated them ‘with open
contempt, pushing and kicking or slapping them’ and the black people had to pay
‘whatever price the white men asked’. Secondly, the first line that shows the black people
‘pawing over cheap suits and dresses’ presents them as financially weak. The same can
also be inferred from ‘The shop was always crowded with black men and women…’ that
they cannot afford to go to other shops to buy expensive clothes. Finally, naming or
calling someone ‘black’ after his or her colour implies s/he is not one of us; hence,
negative out-group representation. To crown this all, the use of the word ‘pawing’ for the
black men and women presents them as animals.
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Contrary to this all, the same sentences implicitly portray the white men strong, rich and
powerful. For instance, the white men are rich for they own the shop; they are strong for
they push, kick and slap the black men; and they are beautiful for they have white
complexion. The lesson also contains some hidden racial differences for which the
readers will have to read between the lines. I mean we should also see what images
‘black’ and ‘white’ as colours convey. Black stands for ‘ugliness’, ‘darkness’, ‘evil’,
‘mourning’, ‘death’, ‘impurity’, ‘illegality’, ‘sadness/grief’, ‘gloom’, ‘hatred’,
‘untidiness’, ‘anger’; whereas the white colour stands for ‘innocence’, ‘peace’, ‘light’,
‘cleanliness’, ‘beauty’, ‘simplicity’, ‘purity’, ‘chastity’, ‘legality’ etc. We see that the
word ‘black’ not only points towards the colour but also to many other socially
constructed concepts attached with it. They all combine to create an extremely negative
image of the Afro-Caribbean people in a stark contrast to what is created by the word
‘white’ for the white people. In other words, it is the creation of distance – us and them –
through discourse between the two races.
Apart from distinguishing the two races in terms of their skin-colours, there are also some
other ideological social constructions that denote negative representation of the other in
the textbook.
Wanna drink, boy?
‘Yes, sir’.
‘Nigger…’Ain’t you learned to say sir to a white man yet?’
‘Aw, leave the bastard alone.
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‘Well, walk, you black sonofa – ’
The words ‘Nigger’ and ‘black’ have been used to address a boy from a particular race in
a way as they are his identities opposed to ours. Where the words ‘boy’, ‘bastard’ and
‘sonofa’ degrade or attach negative attributions with his identity, they also indicate the
white men’s derogatory attitude towards an Afro-Caribbean boy. Verkuyten (2005)
observes that ‘Discrimination in society is something people talk about, and it is the way
in which it is talked about that performs a variety of social functions, with different social
consequences’ (p. 67).
The purpose of the construction of such our-and-their identities through discourses seems
not only to distinguish one race from the other but also creates the difference of status
and position on the basis of attributions attached to them in a society. Moreover, these
identities offer certain limitations as well as liberties to different races regarding social
functions. For instance, the identities such as ‘Negro’ and ‘Nigger’ are not likely to give
much freedom and authority to the Afro-Caribbean race to call themselves ‘White’ or pay
back the White’s inhuman treatment in the same coin as described above. Thus discourse
imparts different degrees of power to different races by constructing their social identities
on the basis of us and them. These identities are (abstract) boundaries for they
simultaneously declare certain social functions as taboos to one race and non-taboos to
the other.
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The categories of backgrounding and foregrounding can help us compare the two races in
terms of representation. Generally, negative out-group representation declares the others
as inferior in the foreground and declares us superior in the background in the lines
mentioned above. The textbooks give the same ideologically unbalanced representation
to other races as well, for instance, the Pakistanis or Pakistan and the Indians or India (see
lesson 3 in unit 1 in OUP 1 and lesson 5 in unit 2 in OUP 2 respectively). Historically,
Britain colonized the sub-continent from 1857 to 1947 and during that time the British
government not only demeaned the culture of the Muslims and the Hindus but also
excluded it to a certain extent from the textbooks. The British textbooks presented its
culture as ‘the superior’ and the other cultures as ‘the inferior’. Even after the
independence on 14th August 1947, the residue of this ideology has not been examined
critically enough in the study of education. To date, this ideology is so deeply embedded
in Pakistani conceptions that it is considered to be natural in everyday life.
In the following instances, we may clearly observe how the textbooks implicitly construct
a dominant ideology about Pakistan through their representations.
The universities here are good, but there is nothing like a foreign education.
All my friends have sent their children abroad and they come back during
their holidays, full educated, wearing such nice-nice clothes. It is such a
pleasure to see them acting all cultured. (OUP 2: 56)
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As mentioned in the lesson, here is a Pakistani mother comparing Pakistan and England
in the field of education. Though the Pakistani universities have been apparently
acknowledged in these lines, they stand nowhere before the English ones in comparison –
the latter one dominates the former one completely in providing quality and standard
education to people as implied by the noun-phrase ‘nothing like a foreign education’.
Similarly, regarding the output of education, foreign education outdoes the indigenous
(Pakistani) one in imparting civilized manners to people regarding clothing and
behaviour. In short, the universities in Pakistan lacks in two things: partially in providing
quality education and completely in imparting cultured manners.
We must not neglect some of the presuppositions here: the Pakistani universities can in
no way compete with the foreign ones; people do not wish to educate their children in
Pakistan; education in Pakistan has no standard; and the educated Pakistanis are not well-
read and cultured. The word ‘cultured’ has been used quite connotatively and, therefore,
needs our attention. Firstly, it seems to be used for the ideas, beliefs, or customs of a
particular society i.e. English. Secondly, it also seems to be used for (English) art, music,
literature etc. As a matter of fact, more than the latter one – knowledge, it is the former
one – practices – that have been appreciated in the lines. Thus the English culture, or let
me call it English life style, has been shown dominating the indigenous one.
‘In fact, most of the students who are rich enough to go abroad and study
don’t even return. They get fancy jobs and say to themselves, ‘‘Oh, how can
we return to Pakistan, that hell-hole, where we can’t go to cafes and the
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cinema, where there are no bookshops and the streets aren’t paved.’’ (OUP 2:
60)
In the previous lines, most of the words refer to England to create a positive image of her
in the foreground and a negative one of Pakistan in the background. Conversely, in the
present lines, mostly the words refer to Pakistan to create a strongly negative image of
her in the foreground and a strongly positive image of England in the background. A
number of points simultaneously create a positive and a negative image of England and
Pakistan respectively. For instance, people wish to go abroad and do not want to return to
Pakistan; they are able to get better jobs in England than they can have in Pakistan; and
as compared to Pakistan, they have more everyday-life facilities in England; hence, the
people have been shown so fed up with Pakistan that those who can afford going abroad
do avail this opportunity – everyone is waiting for a chance.
Moreover, ‘hell-hole’ has been used as a metaphor for Pakistan – Pakistan is a hole of
hell. In contrast to it, it must be assumed that England or West is a heaven-hole. To be
exact, Pakistan has been presented as a hell and England or West as a heaven. Thus the
image created is that Pakistan is a damned and unbearable place where people do not
wish to live in and even those who do, are living a miserable life. Though the lines
apparently mention a few demerits of Pakistan (that we have discussed above) yet the
ideological use of the metaphor ‘hell-hole’ (for Pakistan) leaves the other unmentioned or
unlimited possibilities of negative images associated with hell-hole, to the imagination of
the readers to visualize at will.
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What we perceive from the above-mentioned lines is the image of a developing,
dependent and dominated Pakistan. It will not be wrong to point out that the previous
instances reflect a social dominance whereas the present lines reflect an economic
dominance of England or the West over Pakistan. Social dominance has been conveyed
in two ways: firstly, the Pakistanis practise the English culture and, secondly, England
offer more social liberty to her citizens than Pakistan. I have raised the latter point
because the words ‘…where we can’t go to cafes and the cinema…’ imply that the people
in Pakistan are not allowed to go to such entertainment centres or going to cafes and
cinemas is somewhat like a social taboo. Finally, the economic dominance of England
has been implied by the implication that England is economically strong enough to
provide such basic facilities of life to its citizens which Pakistan cannot.
The dominance of England or the West over Pakistan has not been conveyed only in the
social and economic fields, it has also been done through the description of certain
characters and places in the textbooks. The English men have been shown more skilled,
brave, educated than the Pakistanis. Similarly, the Pakistani places have not been
described positively. They have been depicted as dirty, filthy, chaotic etc. We may
observe this aspect in the following examples.
The stooping figure of my mother…was the last I saw of my country home as I
left it to discover the world. (OUP 1: 3)
…despite handicaps women like Angelica Kauffmann in the eighteenth
century, Mary Cassatt, Marie Laurencin, Georgia O’ Keefe, Laura Knight
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and Ethel Walker in the nineteenth and twentieth, besides many hundreds less
well-known who have shown their works in exhibitions in every capital of the
world, have demonstrated their abilities as artists. (OUP 2: 94)
Few people have entered the centre of a thunderstorm unprotected, and lived
to tell of it. One of them was a US pilot, William H. Rankin, a decorated
veteran of two wars. (OUP 1: 60)
Captain MacWhirr could catch a desolate glimpse of a few tiny specks black
as ebony, the tops of the hatches, the battened companions, the heads of the
covered winches, the foot of a mast. (OUP 1: 66)
British Olympic rower Matthew Pinsent had a scare on Friday when his gold
medal and briefcase went missing at the Heathrow Airport. (OUP 1: 73)
The English characters may clearly be seen occupying different high positions or
professions of social life and the abilities required for them. They have been presented as
‘artists’, ‘pilot’, ‘captain’, ‘Olympic rower’ and many more (in the textbooks). Though
not all the English characters occupy high social positions in the textbooks as some
characters do occupy low positions as well yet their percentage of occupying such (high)
positions is quite higher than the other Pakistani or Indian characters that do not possess
even a single such position .Similarly, the former ones are lower in number than the latter
ones in occupying low positions in the textbooks.
It may be argued that the Pakistani learners are likely to take these ideological
representations for granted. They are expected to automatically think of the English men
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as more brave, skilled, intelligent, hardworking and professional than themselves. To be
exact, we are completely dominated and they are completely dominant. This is what we
call the hidden and discursive ideologies of the textbooks. We may now look at how the
Pakistanis and the Indians have been represented in the textbooks.
What action had the police taken when the bakery in Sakinaka, where he
(Yasin (a Muslim)) had worked, had been set on fire? (OUP 2: 34-5)
The watchman (an Indian) stood on the tank bund and took a final survey.
(OUP 2: 76)
Her (mother’s) grandparents, like my father’s, had been conscripted for the
British colonial sugar armies in 1985…My mother…had been kept waiting in
a queue for ‘Illiterates’. (OUP 1: 7)
Two miles short of Pir Pindo the cart-driver (Imam Din) prods us awake with
his whip. (OUP 1: 74)
His (a Pakistani weaver’s) fingers blunt with wool
labour at the ancient contraption
to the scurry of a rat. (OUP 1: 95)
There were master craftsmen in Lahore who specialized in making different
varieties of kites. I can still recall the names of famous kite masters: Pahlwan,
Rato and Khushia. (OUP 1: 132)
Unlike the English persons, the Pakistani and the Indian ones occupy here such social
positions or professions as are low in dominance and value. For instance, they have been
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shown as baker, watchman, soldiers in the British army, illiterate, cart-driver, weaver and
kite-makers. Moreover, in the previous instances, all the persons except the first one have
been mentioned with their names but here half of the Pakistani and Indian persons i.e.
three out of six, have not been named. It seems that they have not been considered
important enough to be named, and their personal identity is of lesser significance than
their professional identity in the social hierarchy. We can also say that the textbooks
have consciously avoided giving them a personalized identity to create a weak image of
the low-paid professions. This interpretation is further strengthened by the fact that both
the textbooks do not contain even a single name of any famous personality of Pakistan
and India.
It is important to note that certain professions require certain abilities. Therefore, it is
natural to think that persons representing high professions are likely to have higher
abilities than those having low professions. Similarly, the former ones are likely to outdo
the latter ones in performance. The textbooks show the Pakistanis and the Indians
representing petty professions to construct a poor image of them and their abilities – they
are less intelligent, competent and skilled than the English persons – the English men
thus dominate them in positions, professions and abilities.
In the next instances, we may see that dominance is also constructed through a positive
and negative description of places / cities.
A social canvas in some dusty book,
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The hidden secrets of a nation in pain.
We are driving through the streets of Karachi. (OUP 1: 26)
Filthy with dust, exhausted, we roll into Wagah, a village halfway to Amritsar.
(OUP 1: 74)
There had been riots in the city for the last four days…Bombay was
overflowing with hot news and hot blood… (OUP 2: 33)
The lines describe Karachi (a city of Pakistan), Wagah (a village of India) and Bombay (a
city of India) in a certain way. Certain adjectives and nouns such as ‘dusty book’, ‘hidden
secrets’ and ‘pain’ (in the first sentence), ‘filthy’ and ‘dust’ (in the second sentence) and
‘riots’ and ‘hot blood’ (in the third sentence) have been used to describe the places in a
way that implicitly construct a negative image of the two countries. In the last instance,
we can observe that the textbooks refer to a violent situation of a city (Bombay) to show
the country (India) in a complete turmoil. Thus as these cities represent Pakistan and
India, the images constructed about them also refer to their respective countries.
In contrast to it, the description of the Western places is quite positive.
Months of restless unease, leading to this inevitable moment, had been spent
wandering about the hills, mournfully whistling, and watching the high open
fields stepping away eastwards under gigantic clouds…And now I was on my
journey…Naturally, I was going to London…(OUP 1: 3)
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Happy childhood summers were spent at grandmother’s ivy-covered house in
the hills near the city of Cork in South-west Ireland. (OUP 2: 48)
Unlike the Pakistani and the Indian places, here London and the city of Cork in South-
west Ireland have been regarded as worth living. It may clearly be assumed from the
somewhat poetic description of one’s impatient longing for the journey to England. The
tranquility, peace, natural serenity, and calmness present in the second line are not found
in the previous instances. What we found there is a dirty, filthy, and violent picture of the
two countries that claimed them to be not worth living.
I may conclude my discussion by saying that the ‘O’ Level textbooks contain certain
ideological representations. These representations implicitly reinforce and maintain the
dominance of the West over Pakistan and India by constructing an image of superiority
and inferiority respectively. The Western places, people, their professional abilities and
skills have been represented in such ways as seem to be superior to or dominating the
other (Pakistani and Indian) ones. Their presence in the books being taught in the
Pakistani schools is indeed to make the learners cherish the Western things – the superior
ones – and distance themselves from their indigenous ones – the inferior ones. The
influence of this ideology on the elite-class learners’ perception can be observed well in
the statistical results where majority of them have shown a preference for living in the
Western countries (see chapter seven).
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4.7) Status of English
The OUP and PTB English textbooks describe English as the most important language
though in their own styles. The former ones openly regard English as a matter of survival
whereas the latter ones implicitly consider it important for success. Ideologically, more
than a means of communication it has been introduced as a means of power, superiority,
modernity and success through different arguments. For example, in the following
extracts from the lesson ‘The Signature’ (OUP 1: 7-10), English has been introduced as a
way of life.
My mother did not think that the old language would help her children
survive in the new ways of the modern world.
The sentence raises a number of points that indirectly speak volumes about the value of
English in the world. Though the name of the language i.e. English has not been
mentioned in these lines yet the context and the noun phrase ‘the old language’ being
used against the background of another language – the new language – implicitly informs
about its presence. The value of English has been conveyed to the readers through a
touchy, caring and loving attitude of a mother. Moreover, the word ‘mother’ also
indicates the age and experience of a woman. In other words, a woman who is mother is
appreciably expected to make a right choice about her children’s future due to her vast
experiences of life.
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It would be better to look at some presuppositions and assumptions before exploring the
underlying ideology of the sentence. The whole sentence presupposes that his (the
writer’s) mother thought that the new language would help her children survive in the
new ways of the modern world. Then ‘…the old language would (not) help her children
survive in the new ways of the modern world’ presupposes that the old language could
help her children survive in the old ways of the old world. Similarly, we can also observe
three existential assumptions in the sentence: firstly, there is a new language in the world;
secondly, there is a modern world; and finally, there is life and existence. Hence, the
under lying message is to feel the presence of a new language in the world for life and
existence (survival).
Keeping all of these assumptions and presuppositions, we can argue that the English
language has been approved because it brings survival for the fittest –the ones who
discard old languages and opt for English. Thus making a choice about a language is a
matter of life and death. This is what the line seems to convey. Relating English to
survival indicates that the old language being unable to cope with the modern trends leads
to death. Similarly, as ‘the new ways’ have set in ‘the modern world’, the old language
and the old ways (values, traditions, ideas etc) must be regarded as ‘gone are the days’ –
the new generation must discard them. Compared to it, English has been presented as the
only (successful) language of the modern world. In short, the underlying ideology of the
lesson or line is to say ‘good bye’ to old language, old world and ways and say
‘welcome’ to the new world. In this regard, English is the only way that can lead to the
new world.
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Introducing English as new and modern should also be seen as an effort to seek
hegemony and universalize its status – globalization. This situation is likely to spread not
only the language but also its worldview in the whole world – globalization is not limited
to language only. It is coming in every field whether education or profession, religion or
business. Therefore, the societies in the whole world are likely to accept the influence of
the globalization coming through language in almost every field of life. This is of course
an ideological work of English and it will continue until or unless the indigenous
languages fail to understand that ‘…there is a relative autonomy for institutions,
communities, and subjects to work out alternative meanings, statuses, and uses for the
discourses intended to dominate them’ (Canagarajah 1999: 208).
What we have discussed so far especially about the approval and disapproval of the new
and the old language respectively is quite evident in the next line.
She knew that she had to choose the road to modernization and in us had
given up the old ways for everything English, which was the way of life.
As we have discussed earlier, here again, English has been presented as the only road to
‘modernization’. The word ‘road’ is, in fact, a metaphor for English. An analysis of this
metaphor can bring more insights into the assumed value of English. Though ‘road’ may
have different deeper meanings and connotations in different societies yet generally all of
us choose road in our journey for various reasons. For instance, the journey on road is
fast and secure for usually we do not face any hurdles and barriers on it. We go fast on
road because we usually wish to reach our destination in no time – road saves time.
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Similarly, we choose road for security in our journey not only for us but also for our
vehicles – road provides security. Then, road is also a symbol of progress, development
and prosperity. It is a symbol of strength, smoothness and symmetry as well. In short, the
purpose of comparing English to road in the textbook is to make the learners realize its
benefits as well as importance. Arguably, the implicit message over here is that progress,
survival, and power without English is out of question.
The mother is then shown making a right decision – choosing English for her children. In
order to get maximum benefits from it she did not let the old language and its values
become a part of their minds. It means she regards them as quite opposed to English or at
least as barriers and hurdles in the way to English. Moreover, she has become ready to
part from the old language and values for she finds only English as a way of life and a
code of life. Moreover, the new and modern world exists along with different challenges
and demands and all of these are totally different from the old world. In this regard, only
a modern language like English can help us meet these modern challenges and demands.
The use of some of the noun phrases such as ‘the old language’ and ‘the old ways’ is
quite connotative and ambiguous. It is because the lesson does not mention them by
name. One may think of Latin that precedes English. However, the others may argue that
as the lines present English to have emerged in the world as a new, modern and superior
language; therefore, all other languages and cultures that come in its way are old and
inferior. In simple words, English and its culture are superior to all other languages and
cultures of the world.
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It is important to note that the OUP textbooks put much emphasis not only upon the
learning of English but also upon the culture embedded in it. It means both the
phenomena are equally important and, therefore, focusing on either one is not likely to
bring the desired results. They need both the language and its culture in order to cope
with the modern world. Being not simplistic, it also means that the textbooks intend to
bring not partial but a complete change in the learners’ behaviour as well as cognition.
Obviously, the output of these textbooks will be such products in the elite schools who
are Western in nature and behaviour to a great extent and this is what the present research
brings out. This reminds of Macaulay’s minute on education (1835): the teaching of
English in India under the British Raj! Truly, the policies have not changed at all. During
the Raj, the British used English to further their imperialistic ambition, similarly in
today’s Pakistan the legacy continues through the anglicized elite. Macaulay wanted to
produce a class of Indians who were Indian by birth and race but English in tastes to
govern the masses, and to ensure the smooth functioning of the British administration
through a bureaucracy trained in English.
On the other hand, the PTB textbooks emphasize only the learning of English as a
language. They are nothing to do with the English culture as discussed in the section of
‘Representation of Cultures’. Though, unlike the OUP textbooks, we do not find enough
material (both in quality and quantity) related to importance of English in these
textbooks, the following instances and the status of English as a compulsory and official
language of the country should be enough to assume the importance of English in
Pakistan. These lines have been taken from the lesson ‘Letter Writing’ (PTB 10: 73).
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I feel very happy to inform you (father) that my performance in the paper of
English was very good.
This line has been taken from a letter written by a daughter to her father telling him about
her performance in the paper of English. Writing someone about your performance in
English is itself evidence that English is a very important subject for you; most probably,
as much important as science subjects. Similarly, the parents keeping its importance in
mind expect their children to do equally well in the paper of English – English should not
be neglected. It may be reasonably argued that English has been considered more
important than any other subject in the letter for the writer writes only about English.
Moreover, the use of adverbs before adjectives with positive attributions in ‘feel(ing)
very happy’ and ‘very good (performance)’ does the same function. They convey high
satisfaction to the ones waiting anxiously to know about the English paper. The next lines
explain her performance.
I attempted all the questions and was able to finish writing the paper in time.
It is really a reward of the blessings of God, your prayers and my hard work
that I am hopeful of getting good marks.
She was able to perform well in the paper because she ‘attempted all the questions’,
‘finish(ed) writing…in time’ received ‘prayers’ and did “hard work’. The purpose of this
performance and, similarly, the parents’ expectation from her is only one i.e. ‘good
marks’. It should be important to see what benefits ‘good marks’ can bring in for one
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after the secondary examination in the Pakistani context: (a) they improve division /
grade (b) they help in securing admission in a good institute for further education (c) they
reflect that one is good at English. Now we are in a position to say that the government
and non-elite schools students in Pakistan learn English only for pragmatic purposes.
They have no aspirations for adopting its culture. This is because high division, high
degree, and proficiency in English help in finding good jobs. Thus the over all purpose of
making efforts to secure good marks in English is to be able to get a good job in the
future.
Interestingly, learning of English for survival in the world takes on different meanings for
different social classes. Mostly the lower and middle classes learn English to find jobs –
job is survival – whereas the elite class learns it to occupy the powerful positions and be
familiar with the Western culture to cope with the modern world being controlled by the
centre (West) – power is survival. Importantly, it is thus clear that both the PTB and OUP
textbooks present English as a thing must for survival. Importantly, apart from these
textbooks ideologies, English is portrayed as the language of science, technology, trade
and, above all, as a language of the world in Pakistan. It has become a dream of every
Pakistani to learn it and to attain a near-native or at least an adequate command of the
language. That is why the government and non-elite schools students in spite of being
likely to remain ever on the losing end because they cannot be as much proficient in
English as their counterparts from the elite schools are due to different reasons, cannot
help supporting it. The research shows (see questionnaire results in chapter seven) that
mostly all the three types of schools’ students do not agree with the abolition of English
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in the country. The students in the government, non-elite and elite schools with the
percentage of 74, 88 and 82 respectively favour English language teaching in the country.
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Chapter 5: CDA of Gender Representations
This chapter deals with the ideologies related to gender bias in the Punjab Textbook
Board (PTB) and Oxford University Press (OUP) English textbooks. It critically and
contrastively examines the representation of male and female characters in their
discourse. In the former textbooks, there is only one semiotic and, therefore, men and
women have mostly linguistic representation whereas, in the latter textbooks, they have
much linguistic as well as semiotic representation. However, I shall not deal with the
analysis of semiotic representation. This is because an effectively contrastive semiotic
analysis of gender representations in both the textbooks is not possible due to absence of
semiotics in the PTB textbooks. Regarding linguistic representation, unlike the previous
chapters, I have carried out both the qualitative and quantitative analyses to identify the
explicit and implicit ideologies about men’s and women’s roles in Pakistani society.
The reason for analyzing the discourse in these two paradigms – qualitative and
quantitative – is based on the fact that the analysis of textbooks from gender point of
view must not be confined to description only. Similarly, ‘the gender analysis of
textbooks is much more than just counting…’ (Leach, 2003, p. 104). There is another
reason for it as well – the material related to this theme is much more in quantity than that
related to other themes in the textbooks. Material related to most of the other themes has
been found only in particular lessons whereas this theme permeates all the textbooks
under examination. In this regard, the focus of the present research is on whether the
representation of both the sexes is equally positive or not. The advantage of this analysis
are twofold: we will be able to know (a) which ideologies each of the said textbooks
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carries for the male and female sexes; and (b) how do the textbooks vary in their
masculine and feminine ideologies?
The analysis of gender bias in the textbooks has been carried out in two parts:
(a) Qualitative analysis of discourse in the PTB and OUP English textbooks.
(b) Quantitative analysis of discourse in the PTB and OUP English textbooks.
This chapter deals with the qualitative analysis of gender bias in the PTB and OUP
English textbooks. It is important to mention that this chapter deals only with the implicit
gender ideologies.
Quantitative analysis of gender bias in the same textbooks has been carried out in the
next chapter i.e. sixth chapter, and that deals with the analysis of explicit instances of
ideologies related to gender. It employs some of the analytical tools/approaches discussed
in Leach (2003); i.e. ‘UNESCO: Gender Sensitivity: a training manual’ and ‘Obura:
Changing Images’ (pp. 105-8). It is important to mention that these approaches have been
used only for the quantitative analysis of gender bias. In other words, these approaches
deal with the numerical presence of the instances of gender bias in the textbooks under
examination. The objective of counting gender-biased instances is to strengthen our
findings in the qualitative analysis. Like qualitative analysis, quantitative analysis has
also been carried out at three levels: professional, social (actions) and attributive. That is,
professional level deals with the number of professions represented by each sex; social
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level deals with the number of actions represented by each sex; and attributive level deals
with the number of attributes associated with or represented by each sex.
The approaches used in quantitative analysis provide detailed check lists for analysis at
different levels. UNESCO’s checklist (cited in Leach, 2000, pp. 105-6) is based on
women’s self reliance. It is a mixture of questions that focus more on qualitative than
quantitative analysis of textbooks and story books only and, therefore, might not be
effectively used for science and mathematics books. These questions mostly revolve
around the representation of women against men in texts. Some questions are of a general
nature, for instance, on the appearance of textbook. The approach can be used by
curriculum developers, literacy facilitators and policy makers for purchase of school
textbooks. In order to use it more effectively, one has to adapt it according to the context
of analysis.
Obura: Changing Images is a more rigorous and detailed analytical framework. It is a
study of Arab, Chinese, Norwegian, and Ukranium textbooks sponsored by UNESCO.
Anna Obura employed her framework for the analysis of twenty-four Kenyan textbooks
of science, maths, languages, technical subjects, and social sciences used through the
eight grades of primary school in 1985 (cited in Leach, 2000, pp. 106-8). It can be
effectively used for both qualitative and quantitative gender analysis of longer as well as
shorter texts. It discusses a variety of gender issues that could range from the counting of
male and female characters to psychological traits and socio-political roles of both sexes
in texts. However, it fails to give an adequate account of attributes associated with men
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and women and the issue of power in socio-economic, professional, and psychological
relationship between men and women. In spite of this, it has been a very useful approach
for a quantitative analysis of gender bias in the present study.
Unlike the previous chapters where some themes are dominant in the PTB English
textbook and found less in the OUP English textbooks or the other way round, the theme
of gender bias is an issue, though in varying degree, in both the PTB and OUP English
textbooks. This finding strengthens the assumption that gender bias is neither a particular
social class’ issue nor a regional one. It is undoubtedly present in all societies in the
patriarchal world varying in degree. A clear proof of it are the OUP textbooks that can
reasonably be regarded as representatives of different societies such as Pakistani, British,
American, etc for their lessons come from different authors all over the world. Ironically
enough, the contents in these textbooks in spite of being close to modernity, Western
conceptions of life and world, are replete with instances of gender bias or discrimination.
On the other hand, the PTB textbooks as a whole represent the Pakistani society. It
includes mostly religious, national and cultural events and practices to inculcate
nationalistic, cultural and religious fervour into the learners. However, this does not mean
that these textbooks are free from gender bias. Just like the OUP textbooks, the female
sex is also a victim of discrimination in these textbooks.
5.1) Qualitative Analysis
In this chapter, as mentioned just above, I carry out a qualitative analysis of gender bias
embedded in linguistic discourses in both the PTB and OUP English textbooks. Analysts
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may detect gender bias in texts from different angles quite effectively. This chapter is an
effort to critically analyze the discourse of the above-mentioned textbooks to explore the
instances of gender bias from the angle of representation. That is, how the textbooks
attach a sense of superiority and inferiority, dominance and subservience, and
independence and dependence to male and female sexes respectively through positive
and negative representation of male and female characters in contents before the young
learners. This in-group and out-group representation, in case if we look at men and
women as two social groups, is materialized in a number of ways to ‘have an impact on
perception’ of the learners (Wareing 2004, p. 76):
(a) via professions, where men occupy higher positions than women;
(b) via social roles, where women’s have been more stereotypical than men’s;
(c) via attributions, where positive attributions are mostly attached with the male sex;
(d) via role models, where male personalities outdo the females ones in power,
strength and identity.
5.1.1) Change Strange!
I shall like to start my analysis with two lessons – one in each series of the textbooks –
that, unlike past, shows a break with the past traditions. In the past, a considerable part of
the PTB English textbooks was not devoted to women. They were mostly silent about the
women’s achievements, writings and contributions. This does not mean that they are very
vocal today as we will see below in our analysis of both the PTB and OUP English
textbooks. However, admittedly, the things are changing though slowly and gradually.
We may find instances, though still not equal to men, in the textbooks where women’s
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representation is quite positive. For instance, they represent positive attributes; work out
of their homes; do jobs with men; work with men on equal basis; raise voice for their
rights; act as leading characters (in the lessons); play all types of games – including those
mostly played by men – and many more. In short, the textbook discourses have at least
started showing women’s break with their stereotypical social roles.
An important point regarding this upcoming change is that it does not support the female
sex fully. The instances of it can be found in two lessons ‘Women Arise’ and ‘Creative
Women’. The former lesson is in PTB textbooks (Book 9, page 39) and the latter is in
OUP textbooks (Book 2, page 93). Both the lessons represent women with highly social
roles, and high in abilities and dominance in a stark contrast to what we find in the rest of
these textbooks. For a lay person or a learner these lessons may be quite positive
regarding gender. But, in reality, they are a negative-positive representation of the female
sex. It should not be wrong to assume their inclusion in the textbooks as a result of the
pressure exerted upon them by the feminist movement or demand of the centre. Only two
lessons in four textbooks (PTB 9 & 10 and OUP 1 & 2) equalling women with men also
indicate some reluctance the patriarchal society still has in granting equal rights to female
sex. The PTB textbooks read
…the women of our country are making their way into the national stream of
progress. (PTB 9, p. 39, l. 13-14)
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With the going economic pressure, the income of a single member is not
enough to all family members…women are, therefore, keen to find means of
adding to their family income. (PTB 9, p. 38 & 39, l. 7-11)
Some energetic young girls have also joined the police force. (PTB 9, p. 39, l.
28-29)
The first sentence presupposes that our women were not making their way into the
national stream of progress in the past – it excludes or at least downplays their past roles
– whereas the reality is that Muslim women in the Subcontinent played a very important
role in realizing the dream of Pakistan and after its existence as well. However, the
second sentence disconnects women from the national stream of progress and describes
the overall purpose of their ‘making their way’ – doing jobs – is to serve the family. This
implicitly adds something to the roles of women at home i.e. they are not only to be a
house wives (before going to work and after coming from work) but also bread-earners. It
is also a kind of message for the young female learners that the Pakistani women have
started coming out of their houses and so they will have to do in order to meet the
economic pressure which is going up due to inflation, population, illiteracy and so on.
The message must also be seen as some sort of a political covering on the government’s
failure in controlling the economic pressure upon the people.
The noun phrase ‘the women of our country’ also presupposes that, unlike our women,
other women in the world do not play their part in the national progress. In other words,
the participation of our women in the national progress has been indigenized rather than
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universalized. This again in fact like the previous presupposition down plays their
contribution to the nation.
In the last sentence, the profession of police has been presented as demanding and
challenging. Therefore, those (some energetic young girls) who join are energetic, bold
and vigorous and those who do not join are not. Very simply, those who will join the
police department will stand out among the ordinary women. It is a kind of rhetoric used
to persuade women to join this field and work with men. Therefore, the sentence actually
not intends to represent women positively rather it seems to urge them opt this field. The
same noun-phrase ‘some energetic young girls’ also justifies this point. It points towards
a less strength of women stepping into this field. Along with this, it is also important to
mention that both the textbooks do not use such wording for those men who serve in the
department of police and army. In this context, it can be safely assumed that the learners
whether male or female are likely to regard these departments as for-men-only or at least
mostly-for-men. Moreover, the use of ‘young girls’ instead of ‘young women’ is
politically incorrect. It creates a negative impression about the female sex as it sounds
like inexperienced, under-age and immature.
Similar is the case in the OUP English textbooks. The contents apparently represent
women with positive signs in the lesson ‘Creative Women’ but a careful discourse
analysis can show the things going the other way round. The following extract mentions a
number of names of the outstanding female artists in the world.
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…handicaps women like Angelica Kauffmann in the eighteenth century, Mary
Cassatt, Marie Laurencin, Georgia O’ Keefa, Laura Knight and Ethel Walker
in the nineteenth and twentieth century…have shown their works in
exhibitions in every capital of the world, have demonstrated their abilities as
artists. (OUP 2, p. 94, l. 46-52)
Interestingly, the textbooks introduce them as worldly artists; mention their full names
and the time when they exhibited their abilities via art. However, they do not contain a
single word about their art, style, and messages to the world through art – a nominal
representation. This is quite opposed to what we see in the descriptions related to men,
for instance, the Holy Prophet (SAW), Hazrat Khalid bin Waleed (RA), Quaid-e-Azam in
the PTB textbooks and Shakespeare and Nelson Mandela etc. in the OUP textbooks. The
exclusion of female artists’ work means not to acknowledge their work fully. This
phenomenon in any form goes on in the whole lesson.
Women novelists in the last century and a half have been outstanding. (OUP 2,
p. 94, l. 53-54)
In this second instance, we find women novelists acknowledged as ‘outstanding’ but their
names, the list of their great novels and, obviously, any description of their art is again
absent. Importantly, only one lesson exclusively about women in the two OUP books
with names and introduction to their work and personalities excluded is something
deserves to be regarded as very ideological as well as very political. One negative
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consequence of this aspect is that the students remain unfamiliar with and uninformed
about literary and creative female geniuses and their valuable work. It further helps them
attribute men’s work more than women’s.
I would like to conclude my discussion by saying that there are some similarities and
differences between both the lessons (Women Arise & Creative Women) in the PTB and
OUP English textbooks regarding a semi-positive representation of women – still a break
with the past traditions. The inclusion of these lessons indicates that the policy makers,
the writers and the publishers of these textbooks are becoming aware of women’s rights.
These textbooks partly succeed in conveying this message through the following
examples that women should not be considered weak, dull, inactive, dependant, and
silent. Interestingly, even the titles of these two lessons i.e. Women Arise & Creative
Women, though also negative in connotation, suggest that women have now arisen and
are creative.
For the past few decades, a remarkable social and political awareness has been
awakened particularly among women. (PTB 9, p. 38, l. 2-5)
There is a visible urge in them to strive for a better life. (PTB 9, p. 38, l. 5-6)
They are also keen to contribute towards the development of their country and
the nation. (PTB 9, p. 38, l. 6-7)
…the women of our country are making their way into the national stream of
progress. (PTB 9, p. 39, l. 13-14)
Women have also come forward as social workers. (PTB 9, p. 39, l. 26-27)
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Women have their physical and mental reserves of strength… (OUP 2, p. 93)
…so many have distinguished themselves despite the conditions which society
has imposed upon them. (OUP 2, p. 93)
The textbooks then point out some of the profession as given below where women are
performing their duties in a commendable way. The purpose of this is to make an implicit
claim that, if opportunities are given, women have abilities to perform well in all fields of
life.
Women are working as teachers, professors, doctors and nurses. (PTB 9, p. 39,
l. 15-17)
We see them as specialists in various medical fields. (PTB 9, p. 39, l. 16-17)
Talented women are working efficiently in PIA, T.V. and Radio as programme
organizers, producers, artists, writers, newscasters, announcers and comperes.
(PTB 9, p. 39, l. 17-20)
We have had women politicians as Prime Minister, Education Minister and
also as heads of various institutions of the Education Department. (PTB 9, p.
39, l. 29-32)
On the stage women have shown a genius for acting… (OUP 2, p. 94, l. 60)
…women like Angelica Kauffmann in the eighteenth century, Mary Cassatt,
Marie Laurencin, Georgia O’ Keefa, Laura Knight and Ethel Walker in the
nineteenth and twentieth century…have shown their works in exhibitions in
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every capital of the world, have demonstrated their abilities as artists. (OUP 2,
p. 94, l. 46-52)
Women novelists in the last century and a half have been outstanding. (OUP 2,
p. 94, l. 53-54)
In short, we can say that both of these lessons share this message that women are not less
than men in abilities. However, this is also the point where differences can be located.
The PTB English textbooks, in the above-mentioned instances, show that women have
now started working in those fields where men were supposed to work. Similarly, they
are doing their jobs as efficiently as men do; or women share work with men on equal
level as mentioned in the following lines:
The rural woman has always worked with her male members in the fields. She
shares the work of man on equal level. (PTB 9, p. 40, l. 38-40)
Thus in these extracts, we do not find women excelling men in abilities. This
phenomenon we find in the lesson (Creative Women) in the OUP English textbooks. The
following excerpts show that women are now outdoing men in many fields and can leave
them behind in any field if they are provided with the equal opportunities.
The authorities on genetics are unanimous in agreeing that the male
chromosomes are no more likely to carry the spark of genius than the female
chromosomes. (OUP 2, p. 93, l. 13-15)
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…where science is combined with the solution of human problems, as in the
practice of medicine, there we find women coming rapidly forward in a world
which can fully satisfy the brain and the heart of intelligent women. (OUP 2, p.
94, l. 74-78)
Men wonder why women know their secrets. (OUP 2, p. 94, l. 64-65)
The stories of the male composers of music and poetry do not lead us to believe
that they were tough, thrusting individuals, but highly sensitive creatures;
many of them died young or were mentally unstable and given to fits of
melancholy. It is interesting to speculate on what measure of success they
would have achieved if they had been subject to the same prejudices and
subjugation as the women of their time. (OUP 2, p. 94, l. 80-87)
Another difference between the textbooks regarding women’s rights in the society is that
the PTB textbooks implicitly portray such a society where women are availing equal
opportunities whereas the OUP textbooks complain against the unequal distribution of
opportunities – men are facilitated more than women – in the whole world. This unjust
treatment of women prevents them from developing their capabilities to the full. In the
following lines taken from the OUP textbooks, the writer describes the dismal situation
most of the women in the world are suffering from:
Over the centuries girls have been reared against this background of
suppression and subjection. (OUP 2, p. 94, l. 79-80)
On the stage women have shown a genius for acting, but I must confess that
this becomes second nature to many women who have learnt that to dissemble
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makes life very much easier in a world where they are subject to prejudice.
(OUP 2, p. 94, l. 60-64)
It is interesting to speculate on what measure of success they (male musicians
and poets) would have achieved if they had been subject to the same
prejudices and subjugation as the women of their time. (OUP 2, p. 95, l. 84-87)
A young girl with the same temperament and equal genius, denied
encouragement, probably ridiculed and admonished for her efforts, stood little
chance of developing her capabilities to the full. (OUP 2, p. 95, l. 87-91)
One more difference between the PTB and OUP textbooks is the difference of level in
addressing women. The PTB textbooks address only the Pakistani women whereas the
OUP ones address women generally. In this regard, the use of pronouns such as ‘we’ and
‘our’ in the lesson ‘Women Arise’ in the PTB textbooks is important because it gives the
women addressed a Pakistani identity. On the other hand, the use of the noun ‘world’ in
the lesson ‘Creative Women’ in the OUP textbooks gives women an international or
transnational identity. The instances of this phenomenon are as follows:
…the women of our country are making their way into the national stream of
progress. (PTB 9, p. 39, l. 13-14)
We have had women politicians as Prime Minister, Education Minister and also
as heads of various institutions of the Education Department. (PTB 9, p. 39, l.
29-32)
Women of our country are also being self-employed. (PTB 9, p. 39, l. 33-34)
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…the world has enjoyed the singing of many brilliant women. (OUP 2, p. 93, l.
29-30)
…where science is combined with the solution of human problems, as in the
practice of medicine, there we find women coming rapidly forward in a world
which can fully satisfy the brain and the heart of intelligent women. (OUP 2, p.
94, l. 74-78)
On the stage women have shown a genius for acting, but I must confess that this
becomes second nature to many women who have learnt that to dissemble
makes life very much easier in a world where they are subject to prejudice.
(OUP 2, p. 94, l. 60-64)
In most of the instances in both the lessons in the PTB and OUP textbooks, women are
nameless. Only there is one paragraph in ‘Creative Women’ in the latter textbooks as
mentioned below where women have been named; whereas in ‘Women Arise’ in the PTB
textbooks no woman has been named.
However, despite handicaps women like Angelica Kauffmann in the eighteenth
century, Mary Cassatt, Marie Laurencin, Georgia O’ Keefa, Laura Knight
and Ethel Walker in the nineteenth and twentieth century…have shown their
works in exhibitions in every capital of the world, have demonstrated their
abilities as artists. (OUP 2, p. 94, l. 46-52)
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It should not be wrong to say that naming denotes importance of the characters; hence,
the more nameless women, the more unimportant they are. Importantly, there is a plenty
of name discrimination against most of the female characters in the rest of the lessons in
both the textbooks and I shall discuss it later in quantitative analysis. The PTB textbooks
also differ with their counterparts in a sense that they talk about women’s participation in
different professions in a general way. In other words, unlike the OUP textbooks, they do
not mention Pakistan’s extraordinary women with their names and their outstanding
works or contributions of such outstanding politicians as Fatima Jinnah, Benazir Bhutto,
creative writers par excellence such as Perveen Shakir, Khadija Mastoor or Kishwar
Naheed etc.
I conclude my discussion by saying that the two lessons ‘Women Arise’ and ‘Creative
Women’ in the PTB and OUP English textbooks respectively, though do not show a
complete break with the past traditions in representing the male and female sexes on
equal basis, show a gesture of change in the patriarchal discourse. Besides this, we can
also find a number of instances in the rest of the lessons in the PTB textbooks and
particularly in the OUP textbooks where women’s representation is quite positive. They
have been discussed below. However, realistically speaking, all of them form a very little
part of the two textbooks. That is, there are only four lessons (lessons 7, 10, 16 in PTB 9
and lesson 5 in PTB 10) in the PTB textbooks (only 9.30 percent) and seven lessons
(lessons 3, 4 and 2 in units 1, 4 and 9 respectively in OUP textbooks 1 and lessons 2, 4, 2,
2 in units 1, 1, 3, 5 respectively in the OUP textbooks (only 10.14 percent) where women
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have been mostly represented positive. Therefore, there is still a need of taking more
steps in order to fully eradicate the gender bias from the discourse of these textbooks.
5.1.2) Gender Bias Regarding Professions
My discussion has been so far limited to two lessons particularly devoted to female sex. I
wish to expand my analysis to the other lessons of the textbooks to show how female sex
is a victim of bias and discrimination regarding professions, (social) roles, societal
treatment and association of attributions etc. I would like to start my analysis with the
professions represented only by men in the OUP English textbooks as follows:
The (army) official (a male) saw that he would have to deal carefully with the
sergeant (also a male). (OUP 1, p. 140, l. 24)
The medical officer, sitting behind an impressive oak desk and with a baton
under his arm, peered down at me over his glasses. (OUP 1, p. 44, l. 8)
…Captain MacWhirr could catch a desolate glimpse of a few tiny specks black
as ebony…This was all he could see of his ship. (OUP 1, p. 66, l. 19 & 22)
Michael had been a favourite. A talented theatre director … (OUP 2, p. 50, l.
93-94)
‘Mummy,’ he (the son) started, ‘you know … Some (of his friends) want to be
doctors, some lawyers, a lot are interested in engineering, and so on. (OUP 2,
p. 58, l. 99 & 102-103)
‘Well, on this business of killing Huns, sir. There’s a pilot – a damn good chap,
experienced, decorated and all that, a good NCO… (OUP 2, p. 102, l. 16-18)
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In the OUP textbooks, we can clearly see the male sex occupying different professions
being (army) official’ and ‘sergeant’ in the first sentence; ‘medical officer’ in the second
sentence; ‘captain’ in the third sentence; ‘theatre director’ in the fourth sentence;
‘doctors’, ‘lawyers’ and ‘engineers’ in the second-last sentence; and ‘pilot’ in the last
sentence. The percentage of women representing the same professions or positions is
shockingly less and has been described later.
Interestingly, the PTB English textbooks are not much different from the OUP English
textbooks in representing the higher professions mostly through men.
After the death of Hazrat Muhammad (SAW) the first Khalifah Hazrat Abu
Bakr (R.A.) appointed Hazrat Khalid bin Waleed (R.A.) to command the
Muslim army. During the Khilafat of Hazrat Umer (R.A.) the second
Khalifah), Hazrat Khalid bin Waleed (R.A.) was made the Deputy
Commander of the Muslim army. (PTB 9, p. 9, l. 20-26)
Back in the third century A.D., the Chinese king sent his son Prince Tai to the
temple to get education from the great master, Pan Ku. Prince Tai was to
succeed his father as king. (PTB 9, p. 33, l. 1-4)
When the doctor came to examine Hina he told her to take necessary
precautions. (PTB 9, p. 101, l. 22-23)
He (Hazrat Muhammad (SAW)) was a great educationist… (PTB 10, p. 2, l.
50-51)
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Even during his (Hazrat Ali’s (RA)) Khilafat he remained simple in living and
courteous with the poor. (PTB 10, p. 46, l. 5-6)
It was by sheer force of his personality, his firm determination and solid
resolution that Quaid-e-Azam was able to carve out Pakistan on the map of
the world. (PTB 10, p. 93, l. 5-8)
His (Muhammad Ali Jinnah’s) reputation as an outstanding lawyer had been
fully established when he became a Presidency Magistrate in 1900. (PTB 10, p.
93, l. 15-17)
We can see that the male characters are holding strong positions in the above-mentioned
instances taken from the PTB textbooks. They are ‘commander’ and ‘deputy commander’
in the first extract, ‘king’ and ‘prince’ in the second extract, ‘doctor’ in the third extract,
‘educationist’ in the fourth extract, ‘Khalifa’ (caliph / a Muslim ruler) in the fifth extract,
‘founder (of Pakistan)’ in the sixth extract and ‘lawyer’ in the last extract. The most
powerful positions like commander, king, prince, caliph, and founder show that men in
the PTB textbooks occupy stronger positions than their counterparts in the OUP
textbooks. However, the overall situation in both the PTB and OUP English textbooks is
this that men hold powerful, strong and authoritative positions.
The mention of men as doctors, engineers, lawyers, commanders, educationist, etc show
the intellectual, physical and financial dominance of men over women. In one lesson
titled ‘Scenes from a Bomber Raid’ in the OUP English textbooks where women have
been shown working (as nurses) under men (working as doctors and (army) officials) also
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reflects men’s authority over women. The textbooks thus show men’s dominance in two
ways: (a) dominance by numbers i.e. men working in these professions are more in
numbers than women and (b) dominance by power or authority i.e. men have higher
designations than women. Consequently, their negative consequences are also two: the
former one declares these professions meant more for men than for women; the latter one
represents a somewhat patriarchal situation where men hold authority over women.
Unfortunately, most of the female students are likely to think of certain professions meant
only for men. Similarly, even if some of them join such professions they will not be
ambitious enough to try for superior positions or will internalize accepting subordinate
positions. Moreover, this naturalized rather than natural acceptance, then, does not
remain limited only to departments and offices; women observe it in social as well as
home arenas. For instance,
Suddenly a voice (from Uncle Jamil) came from the dining table one fine day,
‘Today we shall take Hamid to Liberty Market’. (PTB 9, p. 27, l. 1-3)
The whole family got ready quickly and set out in a car for the Liberty
Market. (PTB 9, p. 27, l. 4-6)
In this extract taken from the lesson ‘Rural and Urban Life in Pakistan’, the ‘voice’
comes from a man – Uncle Jamil. The phrase ‘the whole family’ indicates the presence of
female/s (mother, daughter, wife or all of them) here. We see the dominant position of the
uncle who makes this announcement or decision without consulting the family members.
The pronoun ‘we’ does not mean a mutual decision rather it is likely to be a directive for
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all to get ready for the Liberty Market today – not tomorrow. The second sentence
reflects the dependent position of the whole family including women in three ways:
firstly, they cannot, and do not, challenge the decision; secondly, they immediately obey
what is directed to them; and finally, they are sitting in the car being driven by the uncle
(in context); hence, women have been represented as passive. Furthermore, the act of
driving car is more empowering than sitting behind the car as it point towards the skill,
courage and strength of the owner / driver of the car.
The treatment of women in OUP textbooks is more pitiable than the PTB textbooks. They
have been shown insulted, oppressed, helpless, obedient, subordinate and non-
authoritative as follows:
Then when her turn came to be served, she had made the mistake of writing
her X mark in the wrong place on the request form. A recently educated clerk
had abused her needlessly. He called her ‘an ignorant coolie’. (OUP 1, p. 8, l.
15-18)
In this sentence mentioned above, we see a male clerk insulting a woman for a minor
mistake.
One morning, while I was polishing brass out front, the boss and his son drove
up in their car. A frightened black woman sat between them. They got out and
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half dragged and half kicked the woman into the store. (OUP 1, p. 159, l. 12-
15)
After a moment or two I heard shrill screams coming from the rear room of
the store; later the woman stumbled out, bleeding, crying, holding her
stomach, her clothing torn. (OUP 1, p. 159, l. 19-21)
When I went to the rear of the store…the floor was bloody, strewn with wisps
of hair and clothing. (OUP 1, p. 159, l. 24-28)
In this extract mentioned above, we see men physically abusing a woman.
‘No, mummy, I just don’t see the hurry. May be a year later.’
By then I felt my blood pressure rising, and my doctor has told me to avoid all
tense-situations. So I got up to leave. ‘Now listen, jee,’ I said to my husband,
‘he is your son also. If he wants to be a bum, that is your business too. Me, I
can’t take this tension. Please talk to him.’ And I left. Honest to God, I was
going to have a heart attack. (OUP 2, p. 55-6, l. 36-42)
In this extract mentioned above, we see that a mother is completely helpless before the
obstinacy of her son who is not ready, unlike his friends, to apply immediately to foreign
universities for further education.
He said, ‘Sit down, sit down and rest…no, no…go up two more steps and sit
down. Don’t sit so near the water…’ She obeyed. (OUP 2, p. 76, l. 29-31)
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Here we can notice that a woman is quite obedient to a man’s directive. In the next
following instance, women as nurses have to obey men’s orders because the men are on
more powerful positions than the women.
‘You heard what the Oberzugfuhrer said, evacuate all nurses to ground level.
We will start on this floor.’ Without delay the TENOs hurried after the NCO,
rounding up the nursing staff and ordering them to leave their patients. The
nurses began to argue, but orders are orders. (OUP 2, p. 106, l. 146-150)
In this extract mentioned above, women represent subordinate and non-authoritative
positions. Quite importantly, there is not a single instance in both the PTB and OUP
textbooks where men are beaten, insulted and ordered by women. Though there are a
number of instances where men also represent low-paid works such as begging, weaving,
selling (vendor) etc in the OUP textbooks yet they do not hold subordinate positions
under women anywhere in both the PTB and OUP textbooks. Similarly, not a single
sentence is there where men look helpless before women or men look helpless before
their daughters.
What adds more to this pitiable condition of women in the textbooks is their professional
representation – unlike men, almost all female characters represent ordinary and low-paid
professions as discussed just below. It must be remembered here as mentioned above that
our analysis does not include the two lessons titled ‘Women Arise’ and ‘Creative
Women’ in the PTB and OUP textbooks respectively where women have been
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represented with high positions, but there too, I have highlighted the limitations of these
two lessons in terms of sexism and discriminatory standards with regard to
acknowledging women’s contributions in history, arts and the creative fields. Needless
to say, the purpose of this is to see if the textbooks represent the female sex positively in
the rest of the lessons or not. Ironically enough, women have no professional
representation at all in the PTB textbooks – they represent neither high-paid nor low-paid
professions. Conversely, as mentioned above, the professions represented by women in
the OUP textbooks are unattractive, powerless and valueless. The following instances
reflect an unjust attitude towards women regarding their representations in terms of
professions or professional roles.
A young girl with a dark, charming face,
Head covered by a loosely draped, dirty dupatta
Looks at me with black eyes,
Thrusts towels against my window
And begs me to buy. (OUP 1, p. 26, l. 8-12)
Instead of school I go to Mrs Pen’s. (OUP 2, p. 6, l. 1)
I can see her strong foot,
stained with peat,
paddling with the treadle of the spinning wheel (OUP 2, p. 8, l. 7-9)
We see that the occupations and roles being played by the women such as ‘beggar’ in the
first extract, ‘tutor’ in the second one and ‘spinner’ in the last one are relatively lesser in
value and dominance than the ones associated with the representations of men’s roles. .
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Unlike the previous instances, we do not find any intellectual, financial and physical
dominance of women in these roles and professions. Rather they show women in such
social situations that are low in power and authority but high in dependence. Though a
textbook can rightly be called a picture of a particular society, it is not always neutral and
natural but socially and consciously drawn. Representing women as dependent, powerless
and non-authoritative and men as independent, powerful and authoritative in society is an
effort of the textbook discourses to create distinctions between the two sexes on many
social levels. On the basis of such distinctions it then becomes easy and justified to assign
different social roles to both sexes. This factor may account for one of the many reasons
that lead both sexes to accept such distinctions in their professional and social lives
without any reluctance and objection, as the textbooks tend to inculcate these role-models
in the learner’s mind from a very early age.
Another important point which merits some discussion with regard to gender
representations is gender segregation in the textbooks. . That is to say that there are only
two instances – one in each textbook – where the textbooks show men and women
working together. In the PTB textbooks, women are shown working with their men in the
field.
The rural woman has always worked with her male members in the fields. She
shares the work of man on equal level. (PTB 9, p. 40, l. 38-40)
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In the OUP textbooks as given below, women are shown working with men in the
hospital.
Without delay the TENOs hurried after the NCO, rounding up the nursing
staff and ordering them to leave their patients. The nurses began to argue, but
orders are orders. (OUP 2, p. 106, l. 148-150)
In these lines, the level of working relationship between men and women is not equal.
Women work as subordinates to men and act upon their orders. This is contrary to the
representation of men and women working shoulder to shoulder in the previous lines in
the PTB textbooks,
I conclude my discussion by saying that women are also a victim of discriminatory and
biased representation of professions in both the PTB and OUP English textbooks. Besides
one lesson each in the textbooks, the rest of lessons i.e. one-hundred and ten, show men
representing a wide variety of professions which include both high and low professions
whereas women represent only low professions. Besides this, women have not been
shown sharing work with men on equal level except on one occasion in all of the four
textbooks – PTB 9 & 10 and OUP 1 & 2. On another occasion though women have been
shown working with men yet they work as their subordinates.
Unequal representation of men and women in quality as well as quantity regarding
professions passes certain ideological messages to the learners. It highlights those more
who represent professions more in number and value than those who do not. In our
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analysis, we have seen the male sex dominating the other one in both the cases. As a
result, there is a great likelihood that the young learners whether male or female consider
men superior to women. Superiority in this sense that their (men’s) representation of
high, powerful and authoritative positions in departments like army, medicine, air force,
etc make them appear as mentally, physically and psychologically superior to, and, more
capable than women. For instance, if the captain of a ship is a man instead of a woman, it
means he has and she has not those abilities required for being the captain of a ship. This
distinction gets further accentuated when even the working level of both the sexes is
mostly not equal – women have been shown as subordinate to men in offices. It is not
wrong to say that repetition of such unequal representation makes men’s occupation of
important professions and particularly their high positions in such professions, a norm. In
the same way, it represents a deviation from a norm if the case is opposite – women’s
hold of high professions or positions.
The same is true for men and women’s association with the attributes required by various
professions – he is a captain so he is brave, strong, and authoritative; she is a nurse so she
is caring, humble and subordinate. However, association of attributes is not made only
through the representation of professions; it is also made through the representation of
social roles which I discuss in the following section.
5.1.3) Gender Bias Regarding Social Roles
In the previous section, I have talked about gender bias or discrimination regarding
professions and positions represented by men and women in the PTB and OUP English
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textbooks. In this section, I shall discuss about the social roles represented by men and
women in both the textbooks. Social role is a position or behaviour of a person in a social
activity or in the society at large. From a gender perspective, social roles are the kinds of
expected positions and behaviour of men and women in a relationship to one another or
in the society.
The present research examines the representation of these social roles by men and women
in two contexts: inside home and outside home. A simple way of doing it is to examine
the social activities or actions performed by men and women inside and outside their
homes. Social activities or actions are important in a way that they can inform us about
the positions of men and women at home and outside home in a relationship to one
another. For instance, a situation where a husband is asking his wife to cook him
something or a situation where a man is beating a woman on a road conveys us the strong
and weak position of both the men and women respectively. The first inside-home
situation portrays the husband as master and his wife as mistress while in the second
situation the man’s role is of an oppressor and the woman’s role is of a weak and helpless
creature in the society. Thus, for our purpose of analysis, it can be quite useful to look at
men’s and women’s social activities or actions represented in the textbooks in order to
understand the social roles being associated with them.
My analysis regarding gender bias in social roles represented by men and women inside
home will try to answer the following questions:
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(a) Which social activities do men and women represent inside home?
(b) Which social activities do men and women represent outside home?
With regard to first question, there are a number of situations in the OUP textbooks
where men and women represent certain activities. Importantly, there are only a few
instances where men and women represent same activities otherwise mostly their
activities are different from each other. In other words, their activities do not show any
major break with the stereotypes of their social roles at home. In the following instances
taken from the OUP textbooks, women represent the following social activities:
…my mother had got up early and cooked me a heavy breakfast, had stood
wordlessly while I ate it, her hand on my chair, and had then helped me pack
up my few belongings. (OUP 1, p. 3, l. 12-15)
My sisters looked at me and each other and went on cooking chapattis over the
coalpot. (OUP 1, p. 8, l. 37-39)
…she would…rush home to make me my favourite mohanbhoag pudding.
(OUP 1, p. 9, l. 66)
All of these three instances represent women’s stereotypical social role i.e. cooking,
inside home. In the first sentence, there is a mother cooking breakfast; in the second
sentence, there are sisters cooking chapattis (loaves of bread) and, in the third sentence,
there is again a mother rushing home to make a special kind of pudding. The first image
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that comes in to our minds about the role of the women is of a ‘cook’ – the women are
supposed to cook for their families. Moreover, as these sentences show, there is no age
limit for cooking. It is represented as women’s duty whether they are married (mothers)
or unmarried (sisters).
Women are not present alone in these sentences. Rather the objective pronoun ‘me’ has
been used for three male persons. It has been used for ‘son’, ‘brother’ and ‘son’ in the
first, second and third sentences respectively. So far as their activities are concerned, they
do not represent any activity in the second and last sentences. In the first sentence, the
son is eating breakfast prepared by his mother. All of them are, however, one of the
causes of the women’s activity of cooking – women are to feed them.
The underlying message of these sentences is different for male and female learners. The
male learners will consider cooking as one of the duties of the female members of their
family inside the four walls of the house. This message should also be strengthened by
the fact that there is not a single instance in the textbooks where any man is cooking
something inside and outside home either for themselves or for others. In this context,
cooking is very likely to be regarded as a matter of insult or at least a deviation from the
norm by the male sex. For the female learners, cooking is very likely to be regarded as
their work and not of men – for women cooking is a norm.
It is important to see women’s altruistic behaviour in the sentences above. In all the three
sentences, they are cooking things not for themselves but for their sons. It means they are
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also supposed to play an important role in rearing their children at home. In this regard,
the following instances may also be quite useful for our discussion.
‘Asad beta (son), you know how dear you are to me. And only a mother can
know what is good for her son, na (isn’t it)? (OUP 2, p. 56, l. 68-69)
I often catch my mother talking far into the night to her eldest son, worrying
about my future, about my marriage. (OUP 2, p. 78, l. 63-65)
Here we find women worrying about their children’s future. In the first sentence, a
mother is worried about her son’s future – education (as mentioned in the lesson). In the
second one, a mother is worried about her daughter’s future – marriage. Both of the
sentences imply that the role of mother is more important or she is more responsible than
any one else in taking care of their children and their future. Importantly, just like the
previous instances where only women are engaged in cooking things for their children,
here only women are shown worried about their children’s future. Though a son is also
present in the second sentence yet his role in the discussion is not as active as of the
mother – it is mother who worries and talks to him.
So far in my discussion about women’s activities at home, I have seen that the textbooks
represent women as the only care takers of their children. Mostly whatever they do or
think, that is closely connected with their children and their affairs. In other words, they
live for their children for most of the time at home.
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In the same textbooks, the social roles represented by men inside home differ with those
represented by women. Ideologically, as compared to women’s social activities, theirs are
less in number. In the following instance, parents are having a dialogue with their son
about his plan regarding future education. However, unlike the mother, the father is not
actively involved in the discussion.
I asked him… ‘Where are you applying?’
‘Nowhere,’ he said.
‘Nowhere!’ I screeched so loud that his father came running. He doesn’t like
anything to upset me. ‘Look at your son!’ I said turning to my husband, ‘ask
him. Just ask what this boy has done!’
Same answer.
‘Beta (son), why haven’t you applied to any foreign universities?’ he asked
again. (OUP 2, p. 55, l. 19 & 23-31)
This extract has been taken from the lesson ‘The Son’ in the OUP textbooks. We have
also discussed earlier one of its sentences where the mother is worried about her son’s
education. Importantly, in the whole lesson the mother is so much worried about her
son’s education that she is all the time busy in convincing him to apply to any foreign
universities after his A Levels. There is only one occasion in the lesson as given above
where the father has come to ask his son about the reason for not applying. It shows that
son’s education is an issue of top priority for the mother but not as much for the father
inside home. Moreover, his appearance in the scene should not be seen as a worry for his
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son but as a response to his wife’s screech because ‘He doesn’t like anything to upset’
her. That is why she made him ask his son the reason for the delay in applying for foreign
education. Again the way he addresses his son ‘Beta, why haven’t you applied to any
foreign universities?’, reflects that, unlike his wife, he speaks in a polite way; hence, not
so serious in the matter. This issue further implies that, as men are usually less interested
in home affairs, women, therefore are supposed to inform them about such issues and
seek help because they themselves alone are not able enough to tackle such issues.
There are also some other activities represented by men inside home as follows:
My father laughed at this family schooling effort, but Ma was not put off; and
neither was I. (OUP 1, p. 8, l. 53-54)
My father, sceptic, rationalist,
trying every curse and blessing,
powder, mixture, herb and hybrid.
He even poured a little paraffin
upon the bitten toe and put a match to it.
I watched the flame feeding on my mother.
I watched the holy man perform his rites
to tame the poison with an incantation.
After twenty hours
it lost its sting. (OUP 1, p. 63-4, l. 36-45)
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He was writing feverishly in a big old ledger with red leather corners, his face
twisted and contorted with concentration. (OUP 2, p. 11, l. 52-54)
Once again the activities being performed by men inside home in the instances above are
different from those of the women. In the first sentence, a man is laughing at his wife’s
efforts for learning. His laugh indicates that he does not suppose her to engage herself in
such work as learning. Similarly, in the same lesson, we do not find any criticism in any
form on son’s learning and daughters’ cooking. All of this shows that women’s break
with the stereotypes such as cooking, dressing (children), dusting, washing dishes, etc is
very likely to be regarded as something strange, futile or odd, and, hence, laughable.
In the second extract taken from a poem ‘Night of the Scorpion’, a man is trying to
remove the sting of a scorpion from his wife’s toe. In his all-out efforts, he tests
everything such as ‘curse’, ‘blessing’, ‘powder’, ‘mixture’, ‘herb’, ‘hybrid’, ‘paraffin’
and even ‘flame’ to cure poison and save her life. It is important to note that discourses
associate with the male sex those activities which usually require courage, energy,
bravery, etc. An instance of it is the professions represented by men in the textbooks as
discussed in the previous section. In contrast to it, women usually represent those roles or
activities that highlight their fear, weakness, dependence, etc. For example, discourses
usually show men killing snake and women fearing snake and men fighting in battlefields
and women working at home. The purpose of discussing this point is to understand how
the man in the above-mentioned extract represents a stereotypical role – he has enough
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courage to put his wife’s toe on fire. Similarly, the role of woman is also stereotypical –
she has enough capacity to bear pain.
In the last sentence, a miserly man is writing records of money in his register at home.
Once again this is an activity not represented by any woman in the OUP textbooks. The
man here might be keeping the accounts of that money he would have received / earned
and spent. In a sense, it indicates that he holds a strong socio-economic position at home.
It may also be seen as a stereotypical representation of the masculine role. That is, men
usually provide and manage the expenditure of house. In this way, they are mostly
regarded as breadwinners and providers.
So far I have discussed the social roles represented by men and women inside home in
the OUP textbooks. Now I shall discuss about these social roles and their representation
with reference to the PTB textbooks. The instances related to social roles represented by
both the sexes inside home in the PTB textbooks are less than those in the OUP
textbooks. However, we are not mainly concerned with the number of instances present
in each textbook. Rather the focus in our analysis is to see if these textbooks (PTB &
OUP textbooks) vary in their ideologies related to social roles represented by men and
women inside the domain of home. For instance, let us look at the lesson ‘Rural and
Urban Life’ in the PTB textbooks.
Suddenly a voice came from the dining table one fine day, ‘Today we shall
take Hamid to Liberty Market’. (PTB 9, p. 27, l. 1-3)
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The whole family got ready quickly and set out in a car for the Liberty
Market. (PTB 9, p. 27, l. 4-6)
The voice is of Uncle Jamil who passes this directive to the family to get ready for
Liberty Market. In the second sentence, the family obeys him immediately without any
objection against or suggestion to his idea. This scene resembles with a scene in an office
in some organization where officers usually want their subordinates to obey more than to
defy or suggest them. Thus Uncle Jamil acts like an officer rather than a family member.
In the OUP textbooks, we do not find a similar instance where a man’s behaviour as a
husband or an uncle is so authoritative towards his family. Thus the PTB textbooks’
represent men as authoritative and women as obedient and submissive at home.
The PTB textbooks are similar to their counterparts in a way that they show women
looking after their children at home. But again as compared to the OUP textbooks, such
instances are relatively lesser in number in them. There are only two lessons i.e.
‘Doctor’s Advice’ and ‘My Mother’ where women, unlike men who have multiple roles,
have only one role inside home i.e. of mother. The following example has been taken
from the lesson ‘Doctor’s Advice’:
The next morning Hina could not get up for school. Her mother noticed that
she was running high temperature and has a sore throat. Her mother called
the doctor. (PTB 9, p. 100 & 101, l. 19-22)
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The next extract is a poem titled ‘My Mother’. It pays tribute to mother for being very
kind and affectionate in bringing up her child:
Who sat and watched my infant head,
When sleeping on my cradle bed,
And tears of sweet affection shed?
My Mother.
Who dressed me in clothes nice and gay
And fondly taught me how to play
And minded all I had to say?
My Mother. (PTB 10, p. 88, l. 1-8)
Who ran to help me when I feel,
And would some pretty story tell,
Of kiss my head to make me well
My Mother.
And can I ever cease to be
Affectionate and kind to thee,
Who was so very kind to me,
My Mother.
When thou art feeble, old and grey
My healthy arm shall be thy stay
And I will soothe thy pains away
My Mother. (PTB 10, p. 88, l. 9-22)
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This little poem being particularly written for ‘mother’ precisely describes the role of a
woman as mother. Let us see summarize what a mother does for her child in the first
three stanzas: (a) she sits and watches her baby; (b) she sleeps with it; (c) she shows it
much affection; (d) she dresses it; (e) she teaches it how to play; (f) she does not mind
whatever it says; (g) she helps it; (h) she tells it stories and (i) she kisses it. Then in the
last two stanzas, the poetess who describes and acknowledges in the earlier stanzas all
that her mother had done for her in her babyhood and childhood, pledged to do her
mother a good turn in this way: (a) she will be affectionate and kind to her mother
forever; (b) she will support her and (c) she will soothe her pains.
Importantly, neither men as fathers towards their sons nor boys as sons towards their
fathers mostly represent such social roles in the textbook discourses. Following should be
a good example of it taken from the lesson ‘A Father’s Advice’ (a letter):
My dear son,
Let me tell you that you are a part of my body and soul. Whenever I look at
you I feel I am looking at myself. Therefore I am committing some pieces of
advice to paper and sending them to you since there may be a time in the near
future when I will no longer remain with you, for whoever lives must die.
My first and foremost advice to you, my son, is to fear Allah. Be His obedient
servant. Carefully guard the rope which connects you with Him for no other
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connection can be stronger and more durable than this to command greater
respect. He who is the Master of death is also the Master of life.
My dear son, so far as your behaviour with other human beings is concerned,
let your “self” act as a scale to help you judge its goodness or wickedness. Do
unto others as you wish others to do unto you. Whatever you like for yourself,
like it for others. Whatever you dislike for yourself, spare others from it. Do
not oppress and tyrannise anybody as surely do not wish to be oppressed or
tyrannized. (PTB 10, p. 40, l. 1-21)
In the light of the present and previous extracts, it may be safely concluded that textbooks
assign different social roles to each sex. Women as mothers are mostly concerned with
the physical growth and development of children whereas men as fathers are mostly
concerned with their spiritual growth and development. But this has been represented
only in the PTB textbooks. In the OUP textbooks, we have seen women doing not only
household chores but also giving advice to their children.
Now I come to the second question which is about the representation of social activities
by men and women outside home in the OUP and PTB textbooks. It is important to
mention here that social activities in this section do not mean the professional ones which
people do in doing their jobs such as dealing with colleagues, subordinates and officers in
professions organizations. This is because we have already discussed a lot about this
issue in the previous section. Therefore, for the purpose of our analysis in this section,
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social activities mean only the ones that people generally do outside home in the society
such as driving, fighting, travelling, playing, etc.
In my discussion with regard to the first question, I have seen that men and women live in
one home but their activities are mostly different. It is then not a surprise that both the
sexes do not share much while representing the social activities outside home in the
textbooks. Out of home, men dominate the society not only in numbers but also in social
activities – men represent more social activities than women. Moreover, unlike women,
they represent a variety of social activities ranging from learning to adventure and thus
they participate in almost every sphere of life. Women have mostly been shown staying
at home and, therefore, they represent only a few social activities out of their homes. The
participation of men and women in the social activities to varying degrees creates a
certain image of each sex in the minds of young learners.
In the following instances, as said above, men represent a variety of social roles. These
social roles represent them as learners, helpers, fighters, oppressors, adventurers, merry-
makers and leaders – the roles which are very likely to create a very positive and strong
image of men; hence, a negative and weak image of women in the background.
Moreover, these social roles show men contributing more to society than women.
Along with 80 other sacrificial lambs taking their driving tests, I arrived at the
police stadium in Qatar at dawn. (OUP 1, p. 44, l. 1-2)
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…I was, sitting and talking to my good, good friend Mrs. Ahmad on the
telephone and she started talking about how her son had been filling in
application forms for foreign universities. ‘He wants to study Management
like his father, bless the boy,’ she said, all proud-like, ‘and where is Asad
applying?’ I said something like Harvard or Oxford… (OUP 2, p. 55, l. 9-14)
How nice would it be if he came back wearing a nice suit and started working
in a bank and then I would find him a really nice desi (eastern) girl from a
well-connected, rich family. Then he would get married, make money, have
children and take foreign vacations. (OUP 2, p. 56, l. 56-60)
In all of these instances, the male characters have been represented as learners. First,
there is a man who goes to learn driving and the second one is a boy who is supposed to
go abroad for education. In effect, their social activities – learning driving and learning
abroad – are a kind of preparation for the social roles they are supposed to perform in the
society. In other words, men are expected more than women to know how to drive car
and earn livelihood in the society. This is because one of their social roles is of father
whose duties include running the house, feeding the family (including wife and children)
and driving car.
The following instance is important in a sense that it represents a man as caring and
helpful like women in the extracts mentioned above.
I went up and down the streets
Here and there by day and night,
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Through all the hours of the night caring for the poor who were sick. (OUP 1,
p. 11, l. 1-3)
Unlike women who have been represented helpful and caring only towards their children
at home, the man as (town) doctor here is caring all the time, be it night or day, for the
other people in the society. It shows that his circle of social activities – town – is far
wider than the women’s – home. Similarly, he has more chances of socializing with the
other people than women.
Another important social activity among men is their fight. There are a number of
instances in the OUP textbooks where the male characters, unlike the female ones, are
engaged in fight with the others as follows:
‘Get off this estate.’
‘What for?’
‘Because it’s mine.’
‘Where did you get it?’
‘From my father.’
‘Where did he get?’
‘From his father.’
‘And where did he get it?’
‘He fought for it.’
‘Well, I’ll fight you for it.’ (OUP 2, p. 23, l. 1-10)
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He suddenly jumped from his hiding place…shouted, grabbed the man’s legs
and threw him out. (OUP 2, p. 36 & 37, l. 161 & 164)
I hesitated for a moment, then acted; I brushed the rock from his shoulder and
ducked and grabbed him about the legs and dumped him to the ground. A
volcano of screams erupted from the crowd. I jumped upon the fallen boy and
started pounding him. Then I was jerked up. Another boy had begun to fight
me. My straw hat had been crushed and forgotten. (OUP 2, p. 72, l. 40-45)
This social activity of course represents men as brave, aggressive and physically strong.
On the other side, showing women not engaged in such activities is likely to represent
them as cowardly, peaceful and physically weak who will not be able to challenge men in
certain matters of life. We can see below a female teacher playing the role of a mediator
between the three fighting male students:
‘The very idea of you!’ the teacher shouted at me. ‘You are trying to fight
right in school! What’s the matter with you?’ (OUP 2, p. 72, l. 76-77)
Besides this, we have already seen above the instances where women’s representation has
been quite derogatory. They have been shown insulted and verbally and physically
abused by men.
Ironically enough, no such situation is present in the textbooks where women beat or
insult men. The inclusion and exclusion of such activities in the textbooks are very likely
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to convey the learners a message about the range of the social activities men and women
can perform in relation to one another in the society. In this unequal relationship, men
indeed enjoy more power than women. Their power and then support from the patriarchal
society and women’s lack of awareness about their rights all cause women’s oppression.
Then there are instances as follows where men, unlike women, can be seen representing
several adventurous activities.
The stooping figure of my mother, waist-deep in the grass and caught there
like a piece of sheep’s wool, was the last I saw of my country home as I left it to
discover the world. (OUP 1, p. 3, l. 1-3)
Naturally, I was going to London, which lay a hundred miles to the east; and it
seemed equally obvious that I should go on foot. (OUP 1, p. 3, l. 37-39)
In these extracts, a boy is leaving his home for London. He has been represented brave
and determined because he is moving towards London alone on foot. He regards his act
of leaving home as discovering the world.
From the very moment that Tara took her first step forward, I was filled with
a complete sense of security, cocooned, wrapped in cotton-wool. I knew that
while this wonderful, benign animal, lumbered below me, nothing could go
wrong. From twelve feet up the view was spectacular. (OUP 1, p. 39, l. 1-5)
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My imagination ran riot, and I became the ‘King of Bliss’ surrounded by a
thousand elephants, reveling in the horror and fear of my foes. (OUP 1, p. 39,
l. 11-12)
In these extracts, a man is riding an elephant and imagines himself a king.
Few people have entered the centre of a thunderstorm unprotected, and lived
to tell of it. One of them was a US pilot, William H. Rankin, a decorated
veteran of two wars. (OUP 1, p. 60, l. 1-4)
In this extract, there is a pilot from USA. He was stuck in a thunderstorm when he was
forced to eject from an aeroplane at 47,000 feet, with the temperature at nearly minus 60
degrees. Luckily enough, he survived in the incident.
The dark and gloomy orchard and the little unpainted house, mossy with
dampness, drew us. I remember being out at night a good deal and I can’t for
the life of me remember how I got out or back into my own house again. The
four of us chickennecked kids hid in the black shadow of the cypress hedge
and looked at the lighted window glowing among the trees, and eventually, by
boasting and daring one another, we overcame out cowardice and moved
quietly into the orchard and crept with held breaths toward the uncurtained
window. (OUP 2, p. 11, l. 41-50)
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In this extract, a group of four boys enters the house of a miser named Mr. Kirk to tease
him for fun. Being out at night is nothing less than an adventure for them.
Living underground requires a seismic psychological shift. One has to plan
every action, however small and seemingly insignificant. (OUP 2, p. 114, l. 1-3)
I became a creature of the night. I would keep to my hideout during the day,
and emerge to do my work when it became dark. I operated mainly from
Johannesburg, but I would travel as necessary. I stayed in empty flats, in
people’s houses, wherever I could be alone and inconspicuous. (OUP 2, p. 114,
l. 11-15)
These lines are about Nelson Mandela and his underground activities during apartheid in
South Africa. All of these extracts show that men are adventurous. As compared to these
instances, there is not a single one related to women’s adventures. Therefore, it can be
easily concluded that men are represented primarily as brave and determined and thus
capable of taking expeditions and risks in their lives whereas women cannot.
In the following example men are shown as enjoying drinking on a night out with friends
perhaps as a gesture of male bonding
The car started. It was full of young white men. They were drinking. I watched
the flask pass from mouth to mouth. (OUP 1, p. 160, l. 52-53)
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We find here a group of young men in festive moods. Once again we do not find any
women in the OUP textbooks that gather and enjoy life out of their homes as men do in
this instance.
In the next instance, men have been represented as leaders and, therefore, their activities
reflect their leadership qualities.
He (Nelson Mandela) joined the African National Congress (ANC) in 1944 and
in 1949 became one of that black-liberation group’s leaders, helping to
revitalize the organization and engaging in increasingly militant resistance
against the apartheid policies of the ruling National Party. Mandela went on
trial for treason but was acquitted. (OUP 1, p. 88, l. 4-9)
After the massacre of unarmed Africans by police forces at Sharpeville in 1960
and the subsequent banning of the ANC, Mandela abandoned hiss nonviolent
stance and began advocating acts of sabotage against the South African
regime. (OUP 1, p. 88, l. 11-15)
I may conclude this part of my discussion regarding representation of men’s social
activities outside home by saying that, unlike women, men are very active out of their
homes. That is, they represent a lot of social activities. Moreover, not only the range of
their activities is quite wide but also there is a lot of variety in their activities. They work
as learners, helpers, fighters, oppressors, adventurers and leaders. Women, if compared to
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them, have been represented very passive outside their homes. They represent only a few
social activities which lack both in range and variety.
My mother had gone up to the Warden’s Office in nearby Camden town to get
my elder sister’s birth certificate… (OUP 1, p. 7, l. 12-13)
She had gone out long before dawn to complete her ‘task’, as a cutter’s
yardage of cane was called. (OUP 1, p. 9, l. 87-89)
In both the instances, the women represent ordinary activities. In the first sentence, a
woman has gone out of her home to fetch her daughter’s birth certificate. Her coming out
of her home is not for her own purpose but for her daughter. In the second sentence, the
woman is out of her home to work in the fields. Though it shows a break with the
stereotypes usually associated with the female sex yet its impression is not as strong as of
the boy’s adventure of leaving his home for England as discussed above. In both of these
sentences and in a few other similar instances in the textbooks, the women’s acts of
leaving their homes for the places nearby show that, unlike men, their working sphere is
limited and they are supposed to work within it.
In the PTB English textbooks, the representation of social roles outside home by men and
women is not much different from the one given in the OUP English textbooks. Men
have also been represented as learners and leaders in them. However, the things they
learn are mostly different from the ones they learn in the OUP textbooks. For instance, a
man’s learning of riding, sword fighting and other skills of warfare in his youth in the
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following lines is in a stark contrast to the boy’s planning to go abroad for education in
the OUP textbooks.
During his youth he had attained enough skill in horse riding and sword
fighting. He had also learnt other skills of warfare. He led many expeditions.
(PTB 9, p. 8, l. 4-7)
All important point is that no woman in both the textbooks neither represents the act of
going abroad alone for learning nor represents the act of learning the skills of warfare. In
other words, they have not been represented as foreign learners and soldiers or warriors.
Back in the third century A.D., the Chinese king sent his son Prince Tai to the
temple to get education from the great master, Pan Ku. Prince Tai was to
succeed his father as king. Pan Ku was to teach the boy the basics of a good
ruler. When the Prince arrived at the temple, the master sent him alone to the
Ming-Li Forest with the advice to meditate and discover the various sounds in
the forest. (PTB 9, p. 33, l. 1-8)
In this extract, a young boy who is a prince is being prepared for the role of a king. He is
learning how to be a good ruler.
Then there are instances in the PTB textbooks where some of men’s social activities are
almost the same as we have observed in OUP textbooks. They are related to driving and
leadership and are as under:
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A taxi driver, going from Rawalpindi to Islamabad was rashly driving the taxi.
He went zigzagging through the heavy traffic. Sometimes he turned to the
right and then suddenly turned to the left, squeezing through the traffic. (PTB
10, p. 66, l. 1-5)
To free the Muslims from the British and Hindu rule, he (Quaid-e-Azam)
worked hard day and night, despite his failing health. (PTB 10, p. 94, l. 54-56)
Thus men represent the roles of driver and leader in the PTB textbooks as well with some
minor differences. The taxi driver in this extract is regarding car driving as an adventure
whereas, in the OUP textbooks, a man goes to learn how to drive a car. Similarly, there is
a description of a leader in each textbook who work hard for the freedom of their people.
The PTB textbooks include a lesson about Quaid-e-Azam Muhammad Ali Jinnah (the
founder of Pakistan) and the OUP textbooks about Nelson Mandela. In my discussion
about the instances mentioned above, the thing to be noticed is the exclusion of women in
the representation of the roles of drivers and leaders. The situations where men and
women are represented together, women are relegated to the background and men occupy
the central, decision-making positions, as pointed out earlier (p.??) in an extract from
(PTB) where Uncle Jamil drove the entire family to Liberty Market. Similarly, in the
following instance, a man and a woman – father and daughter – are going in a car to
attend a marriage ceremony. The former one is driving the car whereas his daughter is
sitting.
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Farah looked out of the car window. The entire front of the house was
illuminated with coloured lights and tube lights were erected all along the
pathway. Rows of cars on both sides of the road, extending a furlong away
from the main gate, made it much easier to find the house, and Farah’s father
did not lose his way at all. (PTB 10, p. 81, l. 1-7)
Another common feature of both the PTB and OUP textbooks is the representation of a
wider sphere of social activities by men. In other words, unlike women, men’s social
activities are mostly not related to their children, family and homes. Men’s social
activities are mostly related to their society, country and the world. The description of
Nelson Mandela is one of the many examples in the OUP textbooks. The instances from
the PTB textbooks are as under:
Hazrat Ali (RA) was noble, kind hearted and a man of righteousness…Gentle
in behaviour and affectionate in conduct he set the noblest example of
character to the world. Even during his Khilafat he remained simple in living
and courteous with the poor. (PTB 10, p. 46, l. 1-6)
He (Hazrat Umer bin Abdul Aziz (RA)) invited some prominent people to a
dinner. (PTB 10, p. 62, l. 10)
Hazrat Muhammad (SAW) was not only a preacher of religion but also the
greatest reformer of the world… When he started preaching God’s message,
the idol worshipper of Arabia became civilized people. (PTB 9, p. 1, l. 2-8)
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The treatment of women regarding the representation of social roles / activities outside
home in the PTB textbooks is much different from that of men. Women represent only a
few social activities out of their homes. Some of these social activities are stereotypes
and some of them are a break with the stereotypes in the textbooks. Those which show a
break with the traditional representation of women’s social activities are as follows:
Rawalpindi’s only exclusive park for women, “Fatima Park”, in Satellite
Town, B-Block is facing administrative and financial crisis. The park is
turning into a jungle…Commonly known as Ladies Park, it was visited by
women from the adjoining areas of Banni, Rehmanabad, Affendi Colony and
Shamsabad in the morning and evening. (PTB 9, p. 56, l. 1-9)
“In the beginning, the park was looked after, but then nothing was done,” said
a woman when she was interviewed by a journalist. (PTB 9, p. 56, l. 10-12)
“There was a hall for exercise. It had equipment for exercise, but now all
equipment is gone. No one uses the hall because there is nothing left now,” said
another woman who had joined another club for exercise. (PTB 9, p. 56, l. 3-
17)
In the first extract, women have been represented as visitors of park for women while in
the second and third extracts they raise their voice against the bad condition of the park
and demand its repair. Thus women show a break with their traditional roles in two ways:
firstly, they are coming out of their houses alone for their own purposes and not for the
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purpose of the members of their family as we have discussed above; and, secondly, they
start realizing their rights as human beings – demand for the repair of their park.
The following sentences represent a stereotypical social activity of women:
Soon the barat (marriage procession) arrived. Each woman was loaded with
jewellery around her neck, on her head, in her ears, on forearms and fingers.
(PTB 10, p. 81, l. 16-18)
The sentences describe an occasion i.e. marriage procession, and how women beautify
themselves in marriages particularly in the Pakistani context. The second sentence ‘Each
woman was loaded with jewellery around her neck, on her head, in her ears, on forearms
and fingers.’ exaggerates women’s social activity of beautifying themselves. It intends to
generalize that all women lavishly decorate themselves with jewellery on such occasions
as marriage. In a sense, it represents women as objects of beauty which are supposed to
be decorated with certain things like jewellery in order to look beauteous before others –
women and men.
So far I have discussed about the discriminatory or unequal representation of social roles
or activities by men and women inside as well as outside the domain of home in the OUP
and PTB English textbooks. And I have found that both the English textbooks mostly
carry stereotypes regarding the social roles represented by men and women. Moreover,
their roles are also at variance with one another. Inside home, men’s roles and activities
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are less limited in range than the ones represented by women; whereas outside home,
there is a wider variety of men’s roles and activities than those of women. Along with
this, it seems necessary to discuss or at least mention those instances where both the
sexes represent some social roles or activities together. In other words, we must also
discuss the balanced or equal representation of social roles or activities by men and
women either inside home or outside home in the PTB and OUP textbooks.
In the following instance, three sisters and a brother leave their home for London.
It was a bright Sunday morning in early June, the right time to be leaving
home. My three sisters and a brother had already gone before me; two other
brothers had yet to make up their minds. (OUP 1, p. 3, l. 9-12)
In the following instances, a husband and his wife are working outside their home. The
man is tying a cow and the woman is working alone in the field.
My father tied the cow under the mango tree at the back of our mud house.
(OUP 1, p. 8, l. 36-37)
She had gone out long before dawn to complete her ‘task’ as a cutter’s
yardage of cane was called. She was working alone when the cane stalk
penetrated her heel. (OUP 1, p. 9, l. 87-90)
In the next examples, a girl and a boy are vendors. The girl is selling towels and the boy
is selling flags.
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A young girl with a dark, charming face,
Head covered by a loosely draped, dirty dupatta
Looks at me with black eyes,
Thrusts towels against my window
And begs me to buy. (OUP 1, p. 26, l. 8-12)
Fourteenth of August.
A tribute to the boy who
Still sees the glamour of the flag
Through hard metal and
Eternally turning wheels,
Through dust and gas and grime,
Through choking fumes,
Exhausted.
Buy my flag! Buy my flag
So that I can pull myself out of
Searing flames of engine heat
And hellish, gnawing need… (OUP 2, p. 32, l. 19-22)
Finally, we see in the instance given below that a man and his wife are serving food to
their grandfather – an activity mostly performed only by women.
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...the old grandfather at last had to sit in the corner behind the stove, and they
(his son and his wife) gave him his food in an earthenware bowl, and not even
enough of it. (OUP 1, p. 157, l. 5-7)
We may conclude the ongoing discussion by saying that there is discriminatory as well as
neutral representation of social roles and activities by men and women inside and outside
home in both the PTB and OUP English textbooks. However, the neutral representation
of these social roles and activities is far less than the discriminatory one in quality as well
as quantity. That is, men represent various and more roles than women. Regarding the
latter paradigm, we can see more examples in the second part of this chapter which is of
content analysis. This part deals with the over all counting of roles and activities of men
and women in the textbooks.
5.1.4) Gender Bias Regarding Attributes
This section deals with the attributes mentioned in the PTB and OUP English textbooks.
It focuses only on those attributes the textbook discourses associate with men and
women. Attributes may simply be defined as qualities of a person. However, this does not
mean that attributes are only positive qualities such as ‘strong’, ‘powerful’, ‘independent’
and ‘hardworking’ rather they refer to negative qualities such as ‘dependent’, ‘poor’,
‘ugly’ and ‘lazy’ as well.
The dichotomous categorization of positive and negative attributes is quite useful in the
naturalization of ideologies in discourses – including textbook discourses. Attributes are
usually taken for granted. Mostly people seldom think of how attributes help one stand
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out among the others. In other words, it must be realized that attributes play an important
part in the positive and negative representation of persons particularly in the textbook
discourses. Men and women are supposed to have certain qualities due to frequent
association of certain attributes with men and women in different discourses. Cralley and
Ruscher (2005, p. 301) observes that ‘females are expected to be dependent, non-
competitive, submissive, nurturing, intuitive and to possess a higher moral and aesthetic
sense than men’. They further observe that ‘…some individuals expect women to possess
certain qualities and to behave a certain way; failure to conform to stereotypic
prescriptions is unwelcome’ (p. 301).
It is important to note that attributes may be explicit and implicit. For instance, they are
explicit in ‘Women fear lizards.’ and they are implicit in ‘Men are not talkative.’
Needless to say, the explicit ones are easier to be noticed than the implicit ones. In the
first sentence, women have been represented as ‘cowards’ because they fear lizards and
in the second sentence, they have been implicitly represented as ‘talkative’.
This section deals only with the implicit attributes – the ones which are hidden in
discourses. The attributes which are explicit in textbook discourses have been discussed
in the next chapter i.e. quantitative analysis. The explicit and implicit attributes have been
discussed separately because the latter ones are more complicated than the explicit ones.
They are so in a sense that one piece of discourse is often multi-attributive – they carry
more than one (implicit) attribute at one and the same time. Their examples can be seen
below.
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5.1.4.1) Representation of Attributes in the OUP English Textbooks
The textbooks under analysis carry a good number of implicit attributes, though less than
the explicit ones, by associating certain qualities with male and female characters. In
order to avoid creating a jumble of implicit attributes in our discussion, these attributes
have been put in different categories such as abilities; appearance; character; education;
feelings; power; and socio-economics. It is important to mention here that there are a
large number of positive and negative attributes associated with men and women in each
category and it will be quite difficult to discuss all of them over here. Therefore, the
present research analyzes only a few attributes in each category. Let us discuss these
categories one by one along with the instances which they appear in from the OUP
English textbooks first. In order to remember and compare the attributes represented by
men and women, a table of attributes will also be given at the end of each section for the
readers’ convenience. The table also includes those attributes we might not discuss due to
lack of space or due to a large number of instances related to any particular category in
the textbooks.
5.1.4.1.1) Attributes Related to Abilities
Men and women represent a number of abilities in the OUP textbooks. Abilities are the
physical and mental skills that help one be able to do something which most of the other
people cannot. Men represent more abilities than women. First we look at the abilities
represented by men.
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The stooping figure of my mother, waist-deep in the grass and caught there
like a piece of sheep’s wool, was the last I saw of my country home as I left it to
discover the world. (OUP 1, p. 3, l. 1-3)
In this instance, a boy is leaving his home for discovering the world; hence, he has been
represented as a discoverer.
‘I am. I’ve been meaning to come talk to you. I’m glad you called me in. I’ve
worked on this invention for a long time. ‘It’s been a dream of mine. It has to
do with the structure of certain atoms. If you study them you find that the
arrangement of atoms in steel armour is such-and-such an arrangement. I was
looking for an imbalance factor. I majored in physics and metallurgy, you
know. It came to me, there’s a Rust factor in the air all the time. Water
vapour. I had to find a way to give steel a “nervous breakdown”. (OUP 1, p.
141, l. 59-67)
Similar to the previous one, this instance represents a man as an inventor. Along with
this, he has been shown intelligent enough to invent a thing that can rust iron or the things
made of iron or steel.
But now I have decided…Nobody thought an aeroplane would ever fly,
nobody thought an atom would an atom would ever explode, and nobody
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thinks that there can ever be Peace, but there will be.’ (OUP 1, p. 142, l. 104 &
105-8)
This sentence has been taken from the same lesson from which comes the previous one.
The man’s determination is quite noticeable in his last words ‘but there will be.’ Thus he
is determined to invent what he wants to.
They sent a man to ask him,
and he came – bringing only his
honest reputation as the very
best builder of bridges in the central provinces.
But that had been years ago.
He could not have known
of subsequent techniques.
Would the gamble work?
He said nothing to allay their doubt,
explained nothing,
just got off at the railhead
and walked up and down the bank
of the fast stream, prodding
at the ground with his stick,
and stopped,
and stopped there thinking.
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The men who had sent for him
hovered anxiously.
They must have thought the old man mad.
But he knew bridges. Build here,
he said, making a sign,
then walked back to the station
to wait for his train. (OUP 2, p. 53-4, l. 20-43)
In this extract, a primitive man who is a builder of bridges has been called in to point out
the most suitable place for the construction of a new bridge over a stream after the failure
of some bridges over the same one. Implicitly, he is being represented as an intelligent
person who does not know much about modern science and technology related to bridges.
However, he is much reliable due to his intelligence and experience of building of
bridges in the past.
I simply don’t know what’s wrong with my son, Asad. He is handsome, tall,
obedient, and a good student, but let me be honest, when Allah was giving out
brains, the boy was not standing in line. (OUP 2, p. 55, l. 1-4)
In all of the above previous instances, positive attributes have been attached with the
male characters. This instance as mentioned above is the only one where a boy represents
a negative attribute – he has been represented as dull.
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The mother’s attribution of boy’s intelligence to Allah refers to an interesting religious
belief in Pakistan under which things including from a failure in exam to an unnatural
death of a person are mostly accepted as God’s will and, therefore, nothing and no one is
blamed for that; for instance, a doctor is not taken to account if his/her negligence caused
any person’s death. Importantly, such beliefs are necessary to sustain the domains of
power a lot – these ideologies minimize the chances of resistance since the powerful are
not mostly blamed for their wrongs or, let me say, ideologies. Instances of such
ideologies that attribute things like death, life, success, failure, power, etc. only to God
are found particularly in religious discourse in Pakistan. Hence, this is how ideologies
and worldviews are established through discourses.
Similarly, in the instance above, intelligence is typically being attributed to Allah; neither
to genes (biology) nor to socialization (sociology). No one is dull, it is the relativity of the
IQ (intelligence quonent) or the genes that we inherit and the cultural training to think
critically that makes people dumb or dull – these are labels to put people down. Also, this
is an interesting exception to the general rule that girls are labeled as dull, which goes to
show that if there were more boys/men represented as dull or unintelligent then we will
begin to associate these attributes with them, hence no one is inherently dull or
intelligent.
As compared to the male characters, the female characters represent only a few attributes
related to abilities in the textbooks. The instances are as follows:
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‘We have to try spelling first, Ma,’ I cautioned, ‘then we can do sentences.’ My
father laughed at this family schooling effort, but Ma was not put off; and
neither was I. (OUP 1, p. 8, l. 51-54)
In this instance, a woman who is a mother is trying desperately to learn how to write and
read. In this regard, she is determined enough and, therefore, cares less what others say
about her efforts. Importantly, along with her, her son has also been represented as
determined – one more male character with a positive attribute.
The authorities on genetics are unanimous in agreeing that the male
chromosomes are no more likely to carry the spark of genius than the female
chromosomes. (OUP 2, p. 93, l. 13-15)
Presumably this sentence regards both the sexes intelligent. However, as it further reads,
biologically, women are likely to be more intelligent than men.
Thus in the category of abilities, we have seen that the male characters represent a
number of attributes related to discovery, invention, determination, intelligence and also
dullness. There are only two places in the textbooks where women represent positive
attributes regarding abilities: at one place, a female character has been shown determined
and, at the other place, women have been generally regarded as more intelligent than
men. The following table shows the attributes represented by men and women in the
category of abilities.
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Table 5.1: Men’s and Women’s attributes related to abilities in OUP textbooks
Textbooks Category Attributes
OUP Abilities (M) Discoverer, inventor, determined, intelligent (2), stupid /
dull.
OUP Abilities (W) Determined, intelligent.
Negative attributes have been italicized.
(M) and (W) stand for ‘men’ and ‘women’ respectively.
Number in brackets just after an attribute shows the number of times it occurs in
the textbooks.
5.1.4.1.2) Attributes Related to Appearance
In the category of appearance, I see how male and female characters look to us. In simple
words, attributes in this category are related to men’s and women’s physical appearance
represented through language in the OUP textbooks. Not surprisingly, unlike the previous
category where men represent more abilities, the implicit attributes related to appearance
in this category are dominated by women. There is only a single instance related to a
male character’s appearance. It is as follows:
I observe Mr Pen’s fingers. They are long, fat and large. His legs are huge
tubes encased in flannels and beneath them, visible through a hole in his socks,
plops his mordant toe. I feel sorry for Mrs Pen. (OUP 2, p. 7, l. 28-31)
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This instance contains information about some parts of Mr. Pen’s body who is Mrs. Pen’s
husband. These parts include fingers, legs and toe. The description of his fingers, legs and
toe is negative because the words ‘long, fat and large’ in contrast to ‘short, thin and
small’ do not show any moderateness in their size. Moreover, there is no word in co-text
which implies any attractiveness of his fingers. The description of his legs is also
negative. The word ‘huge’ implies that his legs are not moderate but extremely large in
size. Similarly, a metaphorical expression ‘huge tubes encased in flannels’ has been
employed to describe his legs. It implies that his legs are like a large pipe covered with a
soft clothe; hence, Mr. Pen’s legs are too long. The last sentence in the extract ‘I feel
sorry for Mrs Pen’ means that the writer is feeling pity and sympathy for Mrs. Pen for
having such a husband who does not appear attractive to the writer. In short, we can
assume from the lines given above that Mr. Pen is not an attractive person. However, at
the same time, his long, fat and large fingers; huge legs and mordant toe also refer to his
tall and strong body.
The attributes related to the female characters’ appearance are different. For instance,
Mrs. Pen is different from her husband in appearance in the same sentence we have
analyzed just above. It is important to see the last sentence ‘I feel sorry for Mrs Pen.’ in
this extract which implicitly describes Mrs. Pen as an attractive or a pretty woman in
contrast to Mr. Pen. Similar attributes may be observed in the next instances.
At the traffic lights,
A young girl with a dark, charming face,
Head covered by a loosely draped, dirty dupatta
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Looks at me with black eyes,
Thrusts towels against my window
And begs me to buy. (OUP 1, p. 26, l. 7-12)
The use of certain attributes in this extract such as ‘young’ (girl) and ‘dark, charming’
(face) in the second line; ‘covered’ (head) in the third line and ‘black’ (eyes) in the fourth
line are enough to imply the beauty or attractiveness of the female character.
…… And then the lover,
Sighing like furnace, with a woeful ballad
Made to his mistress’ eyebrow… (OUP 1, p. 76, l. 9-11)
Once again a woman has been described beautiful but in a different way. The mention of
a lover who is singing or sighing with a ballad – a love song – composed for his
beloved’s eyebrows, indirectly refers to the beauty of his beloved; hence, a beauteous
beloved with beauteous eyebrows.
I talked a good-enough game to convince them to give me the job. But
truthfully, there was little reason for them to hire me other than the promise
of youth. I was 18, and soon after that first meeting, I was on the air. (OUP 1,
p. 154, l. 8-11)
These lines refer to the youth of a woman unlike the previous instances where attributes
refer to the facial beauty of female characters. It can also be said that, unlike them, these
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lines refer to the attractiveness of a body – bodily beauty – rather than that of a face. In
this way, these lines, in effect, again describe the beauty of a female character.
In short, in the category of appearance, we have seen that attributes used for men refer to
their physical power and strength whereas attributes used for women refer to their beauty,
loveliness and attractiveness of their bodies or faces. It should not be wrong to assume
from these messages that men are supposed to be tall, stout and strong whereas women
are supposed to be young and pretty. The following table shows the attributes associated
with men and women above.
Table: 5.2 Men’s and Women’s attributes related to appearance in OUP textbooks
Textbooks Category Attributes
OUP Appearance
(M)
Strong / stout.
OUP Appearance
(W)
Old / weak / senile (2), beautiful (2), young, darker,
gaunt and gray.
5.1.4.1.3) Attributes Related to Character
In this category, we deal with the attributes related to men’s and women’s character in the
textbooks. These attributes are the qualities that make one a particular kind of person. It
must be remembered that these qualities may be negative or positive. In this category, the
male characters again dominate the female ones. The instances are as under:
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I went up and down the streets
Here and there by day and night,
Through all the hours of the night caring for the poor who were sick.
Do you know why?
My wife hated me, my son went to the dogs.
And I turned to the people and poured my love to them. (OUP 1, p. 11, l. 1-6)
Then in the early sixties my grandfather’s business collapsed, a victim of
recession and his own unending willingness to give credit to those who would
never repay him. (OUP 2, p. 50, l. 75-77)
In both of these instances, the male characters represent a positive attribute i.e. altruism.
In the first one, there is a town doctor who cares for the poor people more than his wife,
son and even himself. Be it night or day, he rushes them who are ill to give them medical
treatment. In doing so he neither cares for his wife nor looks after his son. His sole wish
is to pour his love on the poor who are sick. In the second sentence, the grandfather is too
kind to give loan at the cost of his own business to those who never intended to return it.
Thus both of the male characters can be regarded as altruistic, kind, and caring – all are
positive attributes – in the above-mentioned lines.
There had been eight to ten of them. God bless Bha! As they were running,
Bhau had grabbed him by his shirt and pulled him into a small shed next to a
tea-shop. Bhau knew that he was a Muslim. Bhau was a Hindu. Why had he
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run? Bhau had told him that a bloodthirsty mob never stopped to find out the
names of its victims. Its thirst was either quenched by blood or by fire. Burn it.
Kill him. Destroy everything. Its anger cools down only when nothing
remained before it. (OUP 2, p. 35, l. 83-91)
Yasin wanted someone to come in? A Hindu? A Muslim? Let it be another
Hindu. He may be kind-hearted like Bhau. How readily had Bhau made him
wear his sacred thread and escorted him from the tea-shop up to his own small
room. He had kept Yasin there for four days. (OUP 2, p. 35, l. 115-120)
In these extracts, the character of Bhau has been represented as hospitable and a saviour
of Yasin, a Muslim who was stuck in riots in the city of Bombay. He has also been
represented as kind-hearted for, in spite of being a Hindu, he saved the life of a Muslim –
Yasin.
The positive attributes associated with the male characters are many more than the
negative attributes in numbers. There are only a few negative attributes in this regard.
The next instance attaches a negative attribute to a male character.
Nobody ever stopped him in the street to say, with gladsome looks, ‘My dear
Scrooge, how are you? When will you come to see me?’ No beggars implored
him to bestow a trifle, no children asked him what it was o’clock, no man or
woman ever once in all his life inquired the way to such and such a place, of
Scrooge. (OUP 1, p. 104, l. 20-24)
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The door of Scrooge’s counting-house was open that he might keep his eye
upon his clerk, who in a dismal little cell beyond, a sort of tank, was copying
letters. Scrooge had a very small fire, but the clerk’s fire was so very much
smaller that it looked like one coal. But he couldn’t replenish it, for Scrooge
kept the coal-box in his won room… (OUP 1, p. 106, l. 16-21)
In these lines, there is a character of Scrooge who has been shown miserly in his
treatment of the others and, therefore, a person whom no one likes. The male characters
in the next lines also represent negative attributes:
‘Get off this estate.’
‘What for?’
‘Because it’s mine.’
‘Where did you get it?’
‘From my father.’
‘Where did he get?’
‘From his father.’
‘And where did he get it?’
‘He fought for it.’
‘Well, I’ll fight you for it.’ (OUP 2, p. 23, l. 1-10)
‘Knock it off,’ he invited me.
I hesitated for a moment, then acted; I brushed the rock from his shoulder and
ducked and grabbed him about the legs and dumped him to the ground. A
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volcano of screams erupted from the crowd. I jumped upon the fallen boy and
started pounding him. Then I was jerked up. Another boy had begun to fight
me. My straw hat had been crushed and forgotten. (OUP 2, p. 71, l. 35-45)
There are a number of male characters – boys – in these lines. In the first extract, a boy is
fighting the other one to usurp his piece of land which his (the latter one’s) father fought
for in the past. The second extract is a scene from a school where three boys are fighting
one another. Thus all of the male characters in these lines have been attributed
aggressive, quarrelsome and fighting in a stark contrast to what we see in the following
instances carrying attributes related to the female characters.
…my mother had got up early and cooked me a heavy breakfast, had stood
wordlessly while I ate it, her hand on my chair, and had then helped me pack
up my few belongings. There had been no fuss, no appeals, no attempts at
advice or persuasion, only a long and searching look. (OUP 1, p. 3, l. 12-17)
My mother only said
Thank God the scorpion picked on me
and spared my children. (OUP 1, p. 64, l. 46-48)
The light fell upon the other’s face. It was a young girl’s, wet with tears… He
said, ‘Sit down, sit down and rest… no, no… go up two more steps and sit
down. Don’t sit so near the water…’ She obeyed. (OUP 2, p. 76, l. 28 & 29)
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In all of these extracts, the female characters come up with certain attributes. In the first
one, there is a mother whose son is preparing to leave for London early in the morning.
Her love and care for the son make her sacrifice sleep to cook him ‘a heavy breakfast’.
The same feelings have, of course, enabled her to endure a melancholy while parting
from her son. In short, she has represented a number of positive attributes at one and the
same time. That is, she is a loving, caring and sacrificial mother.
In the second extract, there is again an image of a loving and sacrificial mother who
thanks God on being prey to a scorpion in place of her children. In the last extract, there
is a young girl who acts upon what the other person (a watchman as mentioned in the
lesson) says to her; hence, she has been represented as an obedient girl.
To sum up, we can see in the following table that men represent more attributes than
women. However, they also represent two negative attributes which women do not. The
attributes represented by women are three (each attribute counted once).
Table 5.3: Men’s and Women’s attributes related to character in OUP textbooks
Textbooks Category Attributes
OUP Character (M) Altruistic / caring (2), kind / hospitable, miserly,
quarrelsome (2).
OUP Character (W) Loving / caring (4), sacrificial, obedient.
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5.1.4.1.4) Attributes Related to Education
In the category of education, the representation of the male characters is somehow more
positive than their female counterparts. Though professional positions represented by
various characters such as captain, pilot, doctor, nurse, novelist, etc help us guess their
academic qualification to a certain extent yet for the purpose of our analysis here only
those instances of textbook discourses have been selected which are directly related to
education.
The window gives onto the white trees.
The master looks out of it at the trees,
for a long time, he looks for a long time
out through the window at the trees,
breaking his chalk slowly in one hand. (OUP 2, p. 100, l. 1-5)
A male character has been represented as a master (school master as mentioned in the
lesson) – an educated person – in these lines. Quite similar to it is the following example
where a woman is a teacher:
Instead of school I go to Mrs Pen’s. (OUP 2, p. 6, l. 1)
In both of the above instances, the attribute i.e. teacher, associated with the man and the
woman is positive. There is one more instance of such type with a male and a female
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character. But they have been attributed differently. The man has been positively
attributed and the woman has been negatively attributed. It is as follows:
When her turn came to be served, she had made the mistake of writing her X
mark in the wrong place on the request form. A recently educated clerk had
abused her needlessly. He called her ‘an ignorant coolie’. (OUP 1, p. 8, l. 15-
18)
The attribute explicitly attached with the male character is positive in a sense that he has
been called an ‘educated clerk’. The usage of ‘an ignorant coolie’ for the female
character shows that she has been regarded as ‘uneducated’ and ‘illiterate’ – negative
attributes – as compared to the male clerk. The following table shows the attributes
represented by men and women in the category of education:
Table 5.4: Men’s and Women’s attributes related to education in OUP textbooks
Textbooks Category Attributes
OUP Education (M) Teacher.
OUP Education (W) Illiterate, teacher.
5.1.4.1.5) Attributes Related to Feelings
The category of feelings deals with the attributes implicitly related to characters’ feelings
like sadness, anger, happiness, determination, confidence, etc in the textbooks. The
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instances related to characters’ feelings are more (i.e. twenty-two) than those in the other
categories. However, as mentioned above, I shall be dealing only with a few of them.
Importantly, out of these twenty-two instances, only two are related to women. The
instances related to men are as under:
In the teahouse, some soldiers were boasting about their recent campaign. The
local inhabitants crowded eagerly around them to listen.
‘And,’ one fearsome-looking warrior was saying, ‘I took my double-edged
sword and charged the enemy, scattering them to right and left like chaff. We
carried the day.’
There was a gasp of applause. (OUP 1, p. 1, l. 1-12)
These lines represent some soldiers who have recently come back from a campaign and
are sharing their feelings with the local people. One of them is boastfully talking about
his brave deeds and their victory in the battlefield. Thus he and the other soldiers have
been represented as boastful and brave.
‘What do you want?’
The sergeant shrugged and looked at his hands. ‘To live in peace. To learn
that during the night, somehow, the guns of the world had rusted, the bacteria
had turned sterile in their bomb casings, the tanks had sunk like prehistoric
monsters into roads suddenly made tar pits. That’s what I’d like.’ (OUP 1, p.
140, l. 10-15)
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The lines represent the feelings of a sergeant for peace in the world. His wish for the end
of weapons of war in a night and love for peace represents him as a peace-loving man.
Importantly, this is in sharp contrast to ideology of jihad in the PTB textbooks discussed
above (see chapter 4, section 4.4). However, in the next instance from the same lesson,
we see a different sort of person:
‘Listen, listen!’ screamed the Official. ‘Go after him, get him, with your hands,
choke him, with your fists, beat him, use your feet, kick his ribs in, kick him to
death, do anything, but get that man. I’ll be right out!’ (OUP 1, p. 144, l. 171-
4)
As compared to the previous character (of sergeant), we find an aggressive official in
these lines from the same lesson. Somewhat similar attribute has been represented by the
male characters in the next lines:
One morning, while I was polishing brass out front, the boss and his son drove
up in their car. A frightened black woman sat between them. They got out and
half dragged and half kicked the woman into the store. (OUP 1, p. 159, l. 12-
15)
After a moment or two I heard shrill screams coming from the rear room of
the store; later the woman stumbled out, bleeding, crying, holding her
stomach, her clothing torn. (OUP 1, p. 159, l. 19-21)
…When I went to the rear of the store…the floor was bloody, strewn with
wisps of hair and clothing. (OUP 1, p. 159, l. 19 & 26-7)
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In these lines, the boss and his son have been shown bringing a woman in their car and
then beating her for not paying their bills (as mentioned in the lesson). Thus their
treatment of the black woman represents them as violent and cruel. Though it may not be
fair to call these attributes – violent and cruel – positive yet they point towards men’s
physical strength, power and dominance whereas women are regarded as dominated and
physically weak creatures due to deprivation of such representation. It is necessary to
mention that I have also used somewhat similar data from the same lesson for the
analysis of racism against the blacks in the OUP textbooks (see chapter 4, section 4.6). It
is important to see how racism now intersects with representations of gender in this
section.
The next instances also represent men with clearly positive attributes.
Suddenly, the man stood up in his place. He stood and looked all around.
There was no sign of fear or nervousness on his face. (OUP 2, p. 34, l. 46)
The man represents fearlessness and confidence in these lines in spite of riots everywhere
in the city of Bombay (as mentioned in the lesson).
He suddenly jumped from his hiding place. That man looked at him with
shocked surprise. He put his hand in his pocket. Yasin didn’t know where he
got the strength from. He shouted, grabbed the man’s legs and threw him out.
(OUP 2, p. 36-37, l. 161-164)
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These lines have been taken from the same lesson from which come the previous lines.
Here is another character named Yasin who hid himself in one corner of a compartment
in the moving train during riots in Bombay. He was very frightened when a stranger – the
man described in the previous instance – entered the compartment. He mistook him,
thinking he was a Hindu; hence, an enemy of him. In order to get rid of him, at last he
decided to make a desperate effort to throw him out of the train. Needless to say, the
attribute attached with Yasin is ‘desperate’. Importantly, men usually represent such
attributes in discourses. Therefore, it should not be wrong to regard the next as a break
with this stereotypical representation where the man, Yaisn, is frightened from his
assumed enemy.
His nerves were on edge with fear. As he sat his knees shook so much it seemed
as if he was about to have an epileptic fit. (OUP 2, p. 33, l. 1-2)
Suddenly, Yasin saw a shape emerge from the other end of the compartment.
He nearly fainted. His knees began to tremble again. (OUP 2, p. 34, l. 39)
The rattling of the other door startled him. That man had now shut both the
doors at the other end of the compartment. He stared for sometime in the
direction where Yasin was hiding. Fear gripped him once again. Why was that
man shutting the doors of the compartment? Did he want to kill him, and,
leaving his blood-soaked corpse on the train, get off at the next station? (OUP
2, p. 35, l. 92-98)
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Yasin found it difficult to breathe. Terror had made life impossible. Why
doesn’t that man take his hand out of his pocket? It was obvious from the look
in his eyes that he was about to attack. (OUP 2, p. 36, l. 148-151)
It does not seem fair to regard Yasin as just ‘a frightened man’ after reading these
extracts. This is because there are many words in them such as ‘nerves were on edge with
fear’, ‘knees shock’ and ‘to have an epileptic fit’ in the first extract; ‘nearly fainted’ and
‘knees began to tremble’ in the second extract; ‘rattling … startled him’ in the third
extract and ‘fear gripped him’, ‘difficult to breathe’ and ‘terror...made life impossible’ in
the last extract, which suggest that he was ‘very frightened’. This point is also
strengthened by the fact that there are a number of instances related to his fear in the
lesson. The ones given above are a few of them. The repetitive description of his fear is
important in a sense that it shows an emphasis on the negative attribute associated with a
male character.
It is important to suppose if there were a woman in the compartment instead of a man
could Yasin be so much frightened? Most probably ‘not’. This is because discourses
hardly carry such ideologies. There is only one place in all of the four PTB and OUP
textbooks where a woman has been shown scolding an old man for falling the bowl down
in the latter textbooks. It is as under:
There was once a very old man … Once … his trembling hands could not hold
the bowl and it fell to the ground and broke. The young wife (the wife of the
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old man’s son) scolded him, but he said nothing and only sighed. (OUP 1, p.
157, l. 1 & 8-11)
In the next instance, a man has been shown very sad and grieved.
Seeing her suffer, he found his own sorrows came to his mind; how in those
far-off times, in his little village home an epidemic of cholera laid out his
father and mother and brothers on the same day, and he was the sole survivor;
how he was turned out of his ancestral home through the trickery of his
father’s kinsmen, and he wandered as an orphan, suffering indescribable
hunger and privation. (OUP 2, p. 79, l. 82-88)
‘Every one has his own miseries,’ he said. ‘If people tried to kill themselves for
each one of them, I don’t know how often they would have to drown.’… He
remained silent and a sob broke out of him as he said: ‘I prayed to all the gods
in the world for a son. My wife bore me eight children. Only one daughter
lives now, and none of the others saw the eleventh year.’ (OUP 2, p. 79, l. 89-
97)
In these lines, there is a watchman who is sharing his sorrows with a young woman who
is also sad because her step mother wants her not to study more but marry as early as
possible. Both the characters have been shown sad in the lesson. However, the character
of the watchman represents a more negative attribute. That is, he could not bear the
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memory of his circumstances and started sobbing; hence, he is less brave than the
woman.
Now we come to women and their representation of feelings. Like their representation of
attributes in most of the other categories, they represent fewer feelings as compared to
men. Moreover, unlike men, they do not represent strong feelings such as boast,
aggressiveness, violence and desperateness. The instances related to them are as under:
‘Where are you applying?’
‘Nowhere,’ he said.
‘Nowhere!’ I screeched so loud that his father came running. He doesn’t like
anything to upset me. ‘Look at your son!’ I said turning to my husband, ‘ask
him. Just ask what this boy has done!’ (OUP 2, p. 55, l. 23)
‘Asad beta (son), you know how dear you are to me. And only a mother can
know what is good for her son, na (isn’t it)? (OUP 2, p. 56, l. 68)
Both of these instances have been taken from the same lesson. A woman being a mother
shows feelings of anger in the first extract and feelings of affection in the second one. In
the first extract, the words ‘‘Nowhere!’ I screeched so loud’ convey her feelings of anger
to us. In the second extract, the line ‘Asad beta (son), you know how dear you are to me.’
carries her feelings of affection. She is angry with her son for not applying to foreign
universities for higher education and she shows him much affection to know the reason of
it. In short, the attributes associated with the female characters in the category of feelings
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differ with those associated with the male characters to a great extent in the OUP
textbooks as shown in the table below. Men have been shown boastful, confident,
aggressive, violent, desperate, frightened and sorrowful whereas women have been
shown angry and affectionate. Needless to say, the attributes associated with men project
a stronger image than those associated with women.
Table 5.5: Men’s and Women’s attributes related to feelings in OUP textbooks
Textbooks Category Attributes
OUP Feelings (M) Boastful, adventurous (2), confident (4), restless, cool /
patient,
enthusiastic, peaceful, violent, (2), frightened (4),
fearless, desperate,
sorrowful.
OUP Feelings (W) Angry.
5.1.4.1.6) Attributes Related to Power
In this section, I shall analyze the characters’ power. Power here means the strength,
authority, influence, and ability many of the characters represent in textbooks through
their actions, practices, discourse, and roles in relation to the other characters. Keeping in
mind that textbooks are always a representation of society, I discuss here the male and
female characters’ certain actions, practices, discourse, and roles to see who hold
political, physical, social, and professional power in society.
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In this regard, first of all, I would like to recall the instances taken from the lesson ‘Black
Boy’ (OUP 1, pp. 159-1160) where a white man and his son brought a black woman and
severely abused her physically at their store. All of those instances represent men as
powerful human beings. The discourse in that lesson shows that men hold enough
physical and social power to publically bring (to their shop) and beat the opposite sex.
The other instances related to the category of power are as follows:
For little has changed in the decade since Christine Craft sued a Metromedia,
Inc., station in Kansas City for removing her from her anchor job after the
news director said she was “too old, too unattractive and not deferential to
men”. (OUP 1, p. 154, l. 26)
As far as anyone ever knew, the ten cents’ worth of middling was all Mr Kirk
ever bought. First the daughter faded and sickened and died, and soon after,
Mrs Kirk went the same way. The coroner said they had starved to death; we
would call it malnutrition now – but there was no evidence of violence. (OUP
1, p. 154, l. 32)
The first instance refers to men’s social as well as professional power. Women are
required to be young, attractive and deferential to men for the continuance of their jobs
particularly in media. They are too powerless and helpless to live their lives or do their
jobs in their own ways. Moreover, women have been represented as objects of beauty
which have to be attractive for their survival in the patriarchal society. In the second
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instance, Mr. Kirk holds power at home. He controls household expenditure and,
therefore, buys wheat for home himself. In this way, health of the female members of his
family depends on the quantity and quality of wheat he brings at home. In short, the
instances given above represent men as powerful beings in their treatment of women in
business, in professional organizations and at home.
So far as the position of women in the category of ‘power’ is concerned we do not find
any instances related to their power except the following one where a woman has been
found scolding her old father-in-law.
There was once a very old man … Once … his trembling hands could not hold
the bowl and it fell to the ground and broke. The young wife (the wife of the
old man’s son) scolded him, but he said nothing and only sighed. (OUP 1, p.
157, l. 1 & 8-11)
In this regard, it is important to note that, unlike men in the instances given above, she is
not alone in scolding him rather her husband – the old man’s son – is there to support her.
In other words, she might not have much power without her husband’s support as implied
in the following instance:
……when he (the old man) sat at table he could hardly hold the spoon, and
spilt the broth upon the table cloth or let it run out of his mouth. His son and
his son’s wife were disgusted at this, so the old grandfather at last had to sit in
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the corner behind the stove, and they gave him his food in an earthenware
bowl, and not even enough of it. (OUP 1, p. 157, l. 2-7)
Following are the attributes represented by men and women in the category of power
above:
Table 5.6: Men’s and Women’s attributes related to power in OUP textbooks
Textbooks Category Attributes
OUP Power (M) Socially powerful (2), professionally powerful,
domestically powerful.
OUP Power (W) Socially powerless (2), professionally powerless,
domestically powerless.
5.1.4.1.7) Attributes Related to Socio-economics
Finally, we have the category of socio-economics. It deals with the characters’ jobs they
represent in the textbooks to make a living. It must be clear that we are not concerned
here with the characters’ professions because we have already discussed this aspect
above. Professions are the jobs in organizations for which people need special training or
education. But here we are mainly concerned with the characters’ self employment. A
look at the instances of the representation of self employment by the characters will help
us know to which sex ideologies related to earning or making a living are imported more.
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At a fruit stand, we pause.
Mangoes, melons, plums, apricots,
Heap after heap with dancing bananas in the sky.
The shopkeeper leaps, grabs cherries, weighs
And gives them to the lady in gray. (OUP 1, p. 27, l. 23-26)
While he earns his bread
by knots per square inch,
only a muezzin’s call away
at the shrine of the great sage (OUP 1, p. 96, l. 9-12)
He was engaged in making kites all the year round and by the time the kite-
flying season arrived, his kites were ready for action, the bamboo battens
having become free of moisture which made them very light and
manoeuvrable. The connoisseurs would buy up a stock of kites from him to
last the whole season. (OUP 1, p. 132 & 133, l. 35-39)
My life now depended upon my finding work, and I was so anxious that I
accepted the first offer, a job as a porter in a clothing store selling cheap goods
to Negroes on credit. (OUP 1, p. 159, l. 1-3)
Fourteenth of August.
A tribute to the boy who
Still sees the glamour of the flag
Through hard metal and
Eternally turning wheels,
Through dust and gas and grime,
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Through choking fumes,
Exhausted. (OUP 2, p. 32, l. 1-8)
Buy my flag! Buy my flag
So that I can pull myself out of
Searing flames of engine heat
And hellish, gnawing need… (OUP 2, p. 33, l. 19-22)
……the bakery in Sakinaka, where he worked, had been set on fire? (OUP 2,
p. 35-36, l. 79-80)
My grandfather ran his own garage business and made a good income in the
postwar years when cars began to appear for the first time on Ireland’s
narrow roads. (OUP 2, p. 50, l. 65-67)
The above-mentioned extracts are the instances of men’s self employment. They have
been shown working as shopkeeper, carpet weaver, kite maker, potter, vendor, baker and
businessman in these instances respectively. As compared to the number of instances of
self employment represented by men, those represented by women are only two. They are
as follows:
A young girl with a dark, charming face,
Head covered by a loosely draped, dirty dupatta
Looks at me with black eyes,
Thrusts towels against my window
And begs me to buy. (OUP 1, p. 26, l. 8-12)
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Instead of school I go to Mrs Pen’s. (OUP 2, p. 6, l. 1)
In the first extract, there is a young girl who has been represented as a towel vendor. In
the second extract, there is a woman named Mrs. Pen and she is a tutor. The instances
related to men’s self employment are far more than women’s and this unequal
representation impart many ideologies to the young learners. For instance, firstly, one of
the attributes associated with the male sex is ‘bread winner’ or ‘maker of living’ and
therefore, they are to do it as their duty; secondly, men are supposed more than women to
do some job to make a living; and finally, representation of men with their jobs is a norm
or a necessary phenomenon whereas representation of women with their jobs is not as
necessary as men’s. Their representation of attributes related to socio-economics is as
follows:
Table 5.7: Men’s and Women’s attributes related to socio-economics in OUP
textbooks
Textbooks Category Attributes
OUP Socio-economics
(M)
Earners / breadwinners (6)
OUP Socio-economics
(W)
Earners / breadwinners (2)
So far we have been dealing with the representation of attributes by men and women in
the OUP English textbooks. We have analyzed their representation in the following areas:
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abilities; appearance; character; education; power; and socio-economics. And we have
seen that men’s representation of attributes dominate women’s both in quality (positive
attributes) and quantity (in numbers) in most of the categories. There is only one category
i.e. appearance, where women represent more attributes and they relate to their beauty
and age. All of the categories and the related representation of attributes by men and
women in the OUP textbooks are presented below in a table. It will help us compare them
conveniently with the attributes represented in PTB English textbooks. Moreover, it also
includes those attributes we could not discuss above due to lack of space. First there is a
list of attributes represented by men in the OUP English textbooks:
Table 5.8: Attributes represented by men in the OUP textbooks
Category Attributes
Abilities Discoverer, inventor, determined, intelligent, stupid / dull.
Appearance Strong / stout.
Character Altruistic / caring (2), kind, miserly, quarrelsome (2),
Education Teacher
Feelings Boastful, adventurous (2), confident (4), restless, cool / patient,
enthusiastic, peaceful, violent, (2), frightened (4), fearless,
desperate,
sorrowful.
Power Socially powerful (2), professionally powerful, domestically
powerful.
Socio- Earners / breadwinners (6)
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economics
The following is a table of attributes represented by women in the OUP English
textbooks:
Table 5.9: Attributes represented by women in the OUP textbooks
Category Attributes
Abilities Determined, intelligent.
Appearance Old / weak / senile (2), beautiful (2), young, darker, gaunt and gray.
Character Loving / caring (4), sacrificial, obedient.
Education Illiterate, teacher.
Feelings Angry.
Power Socially powerless (2), professionally powerless, domestically
powerless.
Socio-economics ………………….
Figures in brackets tell the number of attribute/s represented by men and women in the
OUP textbooks. The italicized words are negative attributes.
We can see men dominating women in the representation of implicit attributes in the
table given above. As mentioned above, the positive attributes associated with the male
characters are more in number than those associated with the female characters i.e.
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twenty-one out of twenty-seven if each attribute is counted once. The positive attributes
associated with the female characters are only eight out of sixteen. Similarly, the negative
attributes associated with the female characters (i.e. eight) are more in number than those
associated with the male characters (i.e. six). Moreover, men have been given attributive
representation in all of the categories whereas women do not represent any attribute in the
last category of ‘socio-economics’. Let us now see how men’s and women’s attributes
represented implicitly in the OUP textbooks differ from or are similar to the ones
represented implicitly in the PTB textbooks.
5.1.4.2) Representation of Attributes in the PTB English Textbooks
In the PTB English textbooks, I shall deal with the representation of attributes in the same
categories that I used in the previous section i.e. abilities; appearance; character;
education; feelings; power; and socio-economics. It is to be noted that the category of
‘appearance’ is not included here. We have the category of ‘status’ instead. This is
because instances related to the former category have not been found. Therefore, the
instances related to ‘status’ which have been found many, are chosen for this part of
analysis.
5.1.4.2.1) Attributes Related to Abilities
First of all, we are going to analyze the attributes related to abilities. The instances related
to men’s abilities in the PTB textbooks are as under:
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During his lifetime as a Muslim he took part in more than twenty expeditions
and did not lose in a single one. (PTB 9, p. 9, l. 31-33)
There were lots of shops of eatables and toys in the city fair. Hina was tempted
to eat ‘fruit chaat’ but her brother stopped her from eating it and said, “Look!
There is a lot of dust around. It is unclean. Don’t eat it.” (PTB 9, p. 100, l. 1-5)
Nothing could keep back our Quaid from his resolve to transform the thought
of Iqbal into reality, for everybody knew that the Quaid always meant what he
said. (PTB 10, p. 93, l. 8-11)
Everybody knew that he (Quaid-e-Azam) always meant what he said. Once he
took a decision, he stood by it, no matter whatever the difficulties in the way.
(PTB 10, p. 94, l. 35-37)
All of the above instances implicitly associate positive attributes with the male
characters. In the first instance, there is a man (Hazrat Khalid bin Waleed) who
participated in more than twenty battles and remained successful in all of them; hence, he
has been represented as a successful person. Another image that comes into our mind is
of a commander or a warrior or a soldier who always stood ‘victorious’ in the battlefield.
In the second instance, unlike his sister, the brother has been shown too strong to be
tempted by ‘fruit chaat’. In the next third and fourth instances, we find the same attributes
also associated with some of the male characters in the OUP textbooks. That is, Quaid-e-
Azam – the founder of Pakistan – has been represented as determined and resolute. One
thing which makes these instances different from the OUP ones is the absence of any
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negative attribute associated with men in the category of abilities. It is better to remind
ourselves that a male character represents a negative attribute i.e. ‘stupid / dull in the
OUP textbooks. The attributes men represent in the OUP and PTB textbooks have been
given below for comparison:
Table 5.10: Men’s attributes related to abilities in the OUP and PTB textbooks
Textbooks Category Attributes
OUP Abilities Discoverer, inventor, determined, intelligent, stupid / dull.
PTB Abilities Victorious / winner / successful, invulnerable, determined /
resolute,
determined (3), confident.
Now let us have a look at the attributes associated with the female characters in the PTB
textbooks. The instances that carry them are as under:
There were lots of shops of eatables and toys in the city fair. Hina was tempted
to eat ‘fruit chaat’ but her brother stopped her from eating it and said, “Look!
There is a lot of dust around. It is unclean. Don’t eat it.” (PTB 9, p. 100, l. 1-5)
The next morning Hina could not get up for school. Her mother noticed that
she was running high temperature and had a sorethroat. Her mother called
the doctor. (PTB 9, p. 100 & 101, l. 19-22)
Hazrat Ayesha (RA) was blessed with an amazing memory. (PTB 10, p. 21, l.
8-9)
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Hazrat Ayesh’s (RA) wise counsels were sought and respected on all major
issues. (PTB 10, p. 21, l. 27-29)
The first instance has been mentioned again and the second one has been taken from the
same lesson ‘Doctor’s Advice’ (PTB 9, p. 100-102). In these lines, Hina has been
represented as unable to keep herself away from ‘fruit chaat’ and, consequently, she falls
ill. Here, two attributes have been associated with Hina – each line represents one
attribute. The first line shows her ‘weak’ in resisting ‘fruit chaat’ and the second one
shows her ‘vulnerable’ to fever. In the third and fourth instance, Hazrat Ayesha (RA) has
been represented as a mindful and wise woman.
In short, women’s representation of attributes in PTB textbooks is not as positive as it is
in the OUP textbooks because there women do not represent any negative attribute in the
category of abilities as mentioned below in the table:
Table 5.11: Women’s attributes related to abilities in the OUP and PTB textbooks
Textbooks Category Attributes
OUP Abilities Determined, intelligent.
PTB Abilities Vulnerable, mindful, wise.
In the OUP books, the attributes associated with them are ‘determined’ and ‘intelligent’.
However, one thing which is common in both the PTB and OUP textbooks is men’s
domination in representing attributes. In total, they represent eleven attributes as
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discussed above and out of them only two are negative; whereas women represent only
five and out of them one is negative.
5.1.4.2.2) Attributes Related to Appearance
In this section, the discourse related to the physical appearance of male and female
characters in the textbooks will be in focus. It goes without saying that attributes related
to appearance impart certain ideological messages to the learners. They draw an abstract
picture of a man or woman in their minds while reading about them and, consciously or
unconsciously, form a certain opinion about them. This further leads them to expect
certain roles and practices from them. In short, the way men and women are physically
described in discourses matter a lot. Let us see how men and women have been
physically described in the PTB textbooks. It is important to note that the explicit
instances related to characters’ physical appearance in these textbooks are quite less than
the OUP textbooks. Importantly, men do not represent any instance related to appearance
in these textbooks. Though there are many implicit instances related to their appearance,
they will be discussed in the next chapter. Women represent a few explicit instances
related to their appearance and they are as follows:
Near the house itself, rows of young girls dressed in gold and silver and bright
eye catching colours, holding flower petals in baskets, were waiting for the
Barat. Soon the Barat arrived. Each woman was loaded with Jewellery around
her neck, on her head, in her ears, on forearms and fingers. (PTB 10, p. 81, l.
12-18)
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These lines are related to an event of Barat – wedding ceremony. They describe how girls
and women were dressed and ornamented (with jewellery) on the event. The description
of the dresses in relation to their bright colours and of jewellery in relation to the style
they have been worn point towards the effort the women and girls made to look beautiful.
Moreover, the metaphorical expression ‘loaded’, the mention of the parts of the body in
form of a list – neck, head, ears, forearms and fingers – and the use of prepositions along
with pronouns – around her, on her, in her, on – in the extract function altogether to
exaggerate women’s practice of wearing dresses and ornaments for a wedding ceremony.
In other words, they represent them as such objects which must be adorned lavishly so
that it may look attractive and, particularly, deferential to others – including men. Quite
importantly and interestingly, we do not find such discourse in the description of men in
the same lesson.
The male hosts were standing ready to receive their gusts. The Barat had not
yet arrived and young men with garlands and lowers were lining the pathway
on both sides. (PTB 10, p. 81, l. 9-12)
Form an ideological point of view, the biased representation of women and the neutral
representation of men participating in the same event is very likely to give different
messages to young male and female learners. They will absolutely learn to act in a
different way on such occasions; hence, the textbook discourses tell them that they are
different.
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In short, women have been stereotypically represented as objects of beauty in the
instances given above. In the next instance from the same lesson, the repeated use of the
word ‘young’ is also ideological in the context of representing women as objects of
beauty.
She (Farah) saw a young woman coming to sit next to her. The woman was
dressed simply. (PTB 10, p. 81, l. 23-25)
The young lady inquired whether she had seen display of the dowry. (PTB 10,
p. 82, l. 34-35)
The young woman told her that only rich people could give all these to their
daughters. (PTB 10, p. 82, l. 50-51)
The use and the concepts attached with the word ‘young’ are different in different
contexts. Mostly it refers to the age of a person. From an ideological point of view, it is
important to see for whose description this expression is being used. Though it also
comes in the previous instance to describe men yet it comes only once. Similarly, there is
a place in the lesson where it has not been used for the same woman.
‘Oh well’ said the woman, ‘Silk dresses, sets of jewellery, pairs of shoes and
sets of bed linen and a fully furnished house with a car’. The lady explained
the dowry items that had just been displayed. (PTB 10, p. 82, l. 38-41)
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Thus the woman could be described without this expression. Its repeated use, therefore,
makes it ideological. I can also say that its repeated mention while describing a woman, if
not negative, is at least not neutral. The representation of women as young portrays them
as ‘pretty, lovely, physically fit and, in another context, inexperienced as well. This might
be connected well with the ideological concept of women as objects of beauty; hence,
women look really pretty in their youth. Importantly, I find the same message embedded
in the discourses of the OUP textbooks (see above the section 5.2.4.1.2 in this chapter).
I may now conclude my discussion by saying that men do not represent any explicit
attribute related to their appearance whereas women have been represented as beautiful
and young in the PTB textbooks. It must not be understood from my analysis that I
regard ‘beautiful’ and ‘young’ as negative attributes. I take them as positive attributes.
However, the way women are described to look as objects of beauty – as we have seen
just above – is extremely condemnable. Similarly, using the word ‘young’ in a way to
denote someone’s inexperience should also be disapproved. It will be useful to remind
ourselves that women, along with the other attributes, also represent beauty and youth in
the OUP textbooks. The following tables show attributes associated with men and women
above in both the OUP and PTB textbooks:
Table 5.12: Men’s attributes related to appearance in the OUP and PTB textbooks
Textbooks Category Attributes
OUP Appearance
(M)
Strong / stout.
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PTB Appearance
(M)
……………..
Table 5.13: Women’s attributes related to appearance in the OUP and PTB
textbooks
Textbooks Category Attributes
OUP Appearance (W) Old / weak / senile (2), beautiful (2), young, darker,
gaunt and gray.
PTB Appearance (W) Beautiful, young.
The tables show that a male character has been represented as strong or stout in the OUP
textbooks, which refers to his physical strength. Women, on the other hand, do not
represent any such attribute though they represent more attributes than men in both the
textbooks. Rather mostly they have been associated with those attributes that refer to their
weakness and old age. There are only two attributes (beautiful, young) which can be
regarded as positive attributes.
5.1.4.2.3) Attributes Related to Character
In this section, we deal with the attributes related to the category of ‘character’. There are
quite a number of such instances in the PTB textbooks and, therefore, we can discuss
only some of them.
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Hazrat Muhammad (SAW) disliked arrogance and pride. He said that an
Arab was not superior to a non-Arab or a white to a black. He believed that all
were the sons of Adam. No one was superior to another on the basis of caste,
colour or creed. For him, the standard of superiority was piety. (PTB 9, p. 2, l.
22-27)
Hazrat Muhammad (SAW) was against the earning of money without
efforts……. Therefore, he took radical steps to eradicate usury. (PTB 9, p. 2, l.
39 & 41)
In the first instance, the Holy Prophet’s (SAW) dislike for arrogance and pride implicitly
represents him (SAW) as a humble man. In the second one, his dislike is for those who
want ‘earning of money without efforts’. In simple words, he liked those who were
employed, hardworking and active and not those who were idle and lazy. In this way, the
lines want the readers to regard the Holy Prophet (SAW) as hardworking, industrious,
energetic and active.
Hazrat Muhammad (SAW) admired the valour and bravery of Hazrat Khalid
bin Waleed (RA) and gave him the title of “Saifullah” (sword of Allah). (PTB
9, p. 8, l. 17-19)
It should not be difficult to assume the attribute being associated with Hazrat Khalid bin
Waleed (RA) through the title ‘sword of Allah’ in the dependent clause in the sentence
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mentioned above. The context as produced by the independent clause indicates that
Hazrat Khalid bin Waleed (RA) was a brave and courageous soldier.
In the battle of Ohad, Hazrat Ali (RA) came across his worst enemy, Talha. In
hand to hand encounter, Talha was injured and fell down. Hazrat Ali (RA) left
him like that and walked away. (PTB 10, p. 46, l. 20-23)
In another battle his slave brought some sweet syrup saying, “My lord, the sun
is very hot and you have been constantly fighting, have a glass of this cold
drink to refresh yourself.” He (Hazrat Ali (RA)) looked around and replied,
“Shall I refresh myself when hundreds of people around me are lying
wounded and dying of thirst? Better give this cold drink to each of these
wounded persons.” (PTB 10, p. 46 & 47, l. 29-39)
On another occasion Hazrat Ali (RA) allowed his enemies to take water from
the river. When his officers objected to it, he (RA) said, “They are human
beings first and enemies later. I cannot think of refusing a man food and drink
because he is my enemy. (PTB 10, p. 47, l. 40-45)
All of the above-mentioned extracts have been taken from the lesson ‘Hazrat Ali’s (RA)
Humanism’ (PTB 9, p. 46-47). In the first extract, the representation of Hazrat Ali (RA)
is of a ‘forgiving’ person for he leaves his worst enemy when he fell down during fight
with him. In the second one, he has been represented as an ‘altruistic’ person who
sacrificed his own thirst for others. In the third one, he has been represented as a ‘kind’
person because he ‘allowed his enemies to take water from the river’. Thus he has been
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represented as ‘forgiving’, ‘altruistic and sacrificial’ and ‘kind’ in these instances. Next
we have the last instance of attributes related to men’s character.
When in England studying for law, Muhammad Ali Jinnah never wasted any
spare time he had. (PTB 10, p. 93, l. 18-19)
Once again an attribute ‘hardworking’ has been implicitly associated with a man –
Quaid-e-Azam Muhammad Ali Jinnah. We should remember that it first appeared in the
second sentence in the previous instances. However, it is important to note that this single
attribute is being conveyed in two different contexts: firstly, Muhammad Ali Jinnah is
hardworking because he never wasted time during his study of law in England; and,
secondly, the Holy Prophet (SAW) was hardworking because he disliked idleness and
laziness.
Before dealing with the analysis of women’s attributes it seems necessary to go through
the table given below about men’s representation of attributes related to character in the
OUP and PTB English textbooks.
Table 5.14: Men’s attributes related to character in the OUP and PTB English
textbooks
Textbooks Category Attributes
OUP Character Altruistic / caring (2), kind, miserly, quarrelsome (2).
PTB Character Humble, hardworking / energetic, devoted, brave, loving,
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pious, honest, contented, forgiving, sacrificial / altruistic,
kind, serving, hospitable, hardworking, diligent /
disciplined / reader, honest, hardworking
All of the attributes that men represent in the PTB textbooks are positive as given in the
table above. In total, there are seventeen attributes. Therefore, men’s representation of
attributes regarding character in these textbooks is quite positive as compared to men’s
representation in the OUP textbooks. In the latter textbooks, men represent four attributes
and out of which two are negative.
So far as women’s representation of attributes in the PTB textbooks is concerned there
are eleven instances which represent women’s qualities related to character. Some of
them are as under:
Hazrat Muhammad (SAW) used to relate to his companions the instance of a
Jewish woman. She was punished by God for starving her cat to death. (PTB
9, p. 16, l. 21-22)
Hazrat Muhammad (SAW) also used to relate another story of a woman who
found a dog dying of thirst. She took off her shoe and lowered it into a nearby
well and drew water from it. She gave it to the thirsty dog to drink. This good
deed earned her Gods’ forgiveness for all her previous sins. (PTB 9, p. 17, l.
24-27)
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Each of these instances associates an attribute with the women represented in the lines.
Both of the attributes are quite opposite to each other. In the first instance, there is a
woman who has been described cruel and unkind ‘for starving her cat to death’. In the
other instance, a woman has been shown kind for giving water to a thirsty dog. It is
important to note that in the previous instances men represented a positive attribute i.e.
hardworking, in two different contexts. And here we see two women representing a
positive and a negative attribute in similar contexts – treatment of animals. Thus men’s
representation of attributes may safely be regarded as more positive than women’s. Even
more important point is the association of the former attribute i.e. cruel and unkind, with
a woman which is an unusual representation of a woman. Needless to say, men usually
represent such attributes in discourses. An instance of it is their representation of
attributes related to character and feelings such as quarrelsome and violent respectively in
the OUP textbooks. Though the attributes ‘cruel’ and ‘unkind’ are of course negative,
they show a break with the stereotypical representation of women in textbook discourses.
The rural woman has always worked with her male members in the fields. She
shares the work of man on equal level. She works from dawn to dusk at home
and in the fields. (PTB 9, p. 40, l. 38-40)
In these lines, the image of a rural woman is of a ‘hardworking’ woman. It is conveyed to
us in two ways: firstly, she works with men in fields and her work is no less than theirs;
and, secondly, she works from morning till evening. This is the only place in the PTB
textbooks where women implicitly represent this attribute whereas men represent this
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attribute twice as discussed above. Thus the textbooks carry this assumption that, though
women are (or can be) hardworking, men are more hardworking than women.
But Rebecca recollected,
She was taught deceit to shun;
And the moment she reflected,
Told her mother what was done; (PTB 9, p. 86, l. 9-12)
These lines have been taken from the poem ‘Truth the Best’ (PTB 9, p. 86) by Elizabeth
Turner. This poem is about a little girl, Rebecca. Her mother taught her to always speak
the truth. Once a china basin by chance fell down from her hand in the kitchen and was
broken. She chose not to go away quietly but told her mother the reality. In this way, the
above-mentioned lines represent her as a truthful girl.
Hazrat Ayesha (RA) seldom kept the money and gifts she received. She
promptly distributed them among the needy. Once during the month of
Ramadan when Hazrat Abdullah Ibne Zubair presented her a purse of one
lakh dirham she distributed them before breaking her fast. (PTB 10, p. 22, l.
45-50)
In the beginning of the first extract, Hazrat Ayesha (RA) has been described as a woman
who did not keep her money and gifts. Rather she was used to distribute them among the
needy. This description is further supported by an incident in which she distributed one
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lakh (a hundred thousand) dirham in a day in the holy month of Ramadan. Thus these
lines represent her as a generous woman.
Soon the barat (marriage procession) arrived. Each woman was loaded with
jewellery around her neck, on her head, in her ears, on forearms and fingers.
(PTB 10, p. 81, l. 16-18)
This extract also shows women spending a lot of money. But the way they spend is quite
different from the previous extract and thus implicitly associates a negative attribute
‘spendthrift’ with them. The phrase ‘loaded with jewellery’ show their extravagant
spending on their jewellery. Moreover, these lines also represent women as ‘objects of
beauty’ whose beauty, unlike men’s, is under an obligation to jewellery as implied by the
sentence.
The next extract is a complete poem ‘My Mother’ (PTB 10, p. 88) by Ann Taylor. The
reason of taking full poem from the textbooks is a plenty of purely stereotypical attributes
the discourse in the poem associates with women when their role is of mothers.
Who sat and watched my infant head,
When sleeping on my cradle bed,
And tears of sweet affection shed?
My Mother.
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The first and second line of the stanza portrays the scene when a mother sits, watches and
sleeps with her infant child when it is asleep. It denotes her care for her child.
Attributively, a mother is described here as caring. Then the third line of the stanza
simply represents her as an affectionate mother.
Who dressed me in clothes nice and gay
And fondly taught me how to play
And minded all I had to say?
My Mother.
These lines associate three attributes with a mother. In the first line of the stanza, once
again she has been described as caring. However, the context in which she has been
described so is different from the previous one – caring for her child’s dress. The second
line represents her as a teacher who teaches the child how to play. The second last line
describes her as patient to all that a child says to her. Thus in these lines, we see a mother
attributed as caring, patient and a teacher at one and the same time.
Who ran to help me when I feel,
And would some pretty story tell,
Or kiss my head to make me well
My Mother.
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The first and third lines of the stanza describe the mother as helpful and loving respectively.
She is helpful because she would run to help her child when it needed. And she has been
described as loving because she would kiss her child to make it feel well. In the second line, her
description as storyteller is somewhat similar to hers as teacher in the previous instance. Both
the roles and attributes denote a close relationship between the mother and her child.
And can I ever cease to be
Affectionate and kind to thee,
Who was so very kind to me,
My Mother.
In the previous stanzas, several stereotypical attributes have been associated with a
mother. This stanza in form of a reply from an obliged and grateful (female) child to a
kind and affectionate mother, associates attributes with a young daughter. In other words,
the lines describe the attributes a daughter is supposed to represent when she is grown up
in relation to her old mother. The first line of the stanza describes her as resolute in being
much alike her mother in future. In simple words, she pledges herself to be affectionate
and kind towards her mother in future who was so in her past; hence, she feels obliged
and grateful.
When thou art feeble, old and grey
My healthy arm shall be thy stay
And I will soothe thy pains away
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My Mother. (PTB 10, p. 88, l. 1-20)
In the previous stanza, the attributes implicitly represented by the young girl were
resolute and grateful. The explicit ones were affectionate and kind. In this stanza, she
determines to be supportive, helpful and caring. In the first two lines of the stanza, she
resolves to support her weak and frail body with her healthy arms. And then her great
love and care ‘will soothe thy pains away’. In short, she has been described as supportive,
helpful, loving and caring. Now let us have a look at the attributes represented by women
in the category of ‘character’ in the OUP and PTB English textbooks.
Table 5.15: Women’s attributes related to character in the OUP and PTB English
textbooks
Textbooks Category Attributes
OUP Character Loving / caring (4), sacrificial, obedient.
PTB Character Cruel / unkind, kind, awakened, hardworking, truthful,
generous, thankful, spendthrift, simple, caring (3),
affectionate, patient, teacher, helpful (2), loving (2), resolute,
obliged / grateful, supportive.
In the OUP textbooks, there are totally three attributes – each counted once – represented
by women. There is no negative attribute in them. In the PTB textbooks, women
represent eighteen attributes in total and out of them two are negative i.e. cruel / unkind
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and spendthrift. It is important to note that men do not represent any negative attribute in
these textbooks.
5.1.4.2.4) Attributes Related to Education
In the following section, I discuss men’s and women’ representation of attributes related
to education. Unlike the OUP textbooks where both men and women represent, though
very few, attributes related to education, the PTB give representation only to men –
women have been deprived of such representation. The only instance related to men’s
representation is as under:
He (the Holy Prophet (SA)) taught how to teach effectively. (PTB 10, p. 1, l.
19)
The Holy Prophet (SAW) has been represented as a teacher in this sentence.
The following table shows the representation of attributes related to education by men in
the OUP and PTB textbooks:
Table 5.16: Men’s attributes related to character in the OUP and PTB English
textbooks
Textbooks Category Attributes
OUP Character Teacher
PTB Character Teacher
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It is clear in this table that though men represent only two attributes related to education
yet both are positive. The following table shows the representation of attributes by
women in the OUP and PTB textbooks:
Table 5.17: Women’s attributes related to education in the OUP and PTB textbooks
Textbooks Category Attributes
OUP Character Illiterate, teacher.
PTB Character ………
The representation of attributes by women in the category of education is not equal to
men’s in two ways: firstly, unlike men, they represent a negative attribute i.e. illiterate;
and, secondly, they do not have any representation regarding attributes in the PTB
textbooks.
5.1.4.2.5) Attributes Related to Feelings
In this category, we critically analyze men’s representation of attributes related to their
feelings. In this regard, men represent a number of attributes and their instances are as
under:
Kindness is not confined to human beings alone, but to all living things. Hazrat
Muhammad (SAW) warned people against cruelty to animals. He (SAW)
advised his people to treat them with kindness. (PTB 9, p. 16, l. 15-19)
We caught the young baby birds…….
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When Hazrat Muhammad (SAW) arrived at the spot and came to know of the
incident, Hazrat Muhammad (SAW) said, “If anyone of you has caught the
birds, he must release them at once to comfort the mother bird.” (PTB 9, p. 17,
l. 37 & 40-44)
In these extracts, the Holy Prophet (SAW) has been implicitly represented as an
embodiment of kindness. We have also observed such implicit attribution in the previous
section; for instance, the Holy Prophet (SAW) teaches others how to teach effectively.
This indirectly describes his teaching as effective. Same technique has been employed
here. In both the extracts above, the Holy Prophet (SAW) advises people to be kind to
animals and birds. The first extract contains his warning to those who are cruel in their
treatment of animals; for instance, branding the faces of animals (as mentioned in the
lesson). In the second extract, he advises his disciples who had caught the young baby
birds, to release them at once. Thus his warning and advice to people regarding treatment
of animals/birds describe him as kind.
Let me tell you that you are a part of my body and soul. Whenever I look at
you I feel I am looking at myself. (PTB 10, p. 40, l. 1-2)
This line has been taken from the lesson ‘Father’s Advice’ (PTB 10, p. 40-42). The
lesson is about a father who is putting a piece of advice on paper for his son. The words
‘you are a part of my blood and soul’ in the first sentence and the second whole sentence
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indicate that he is a loving father. Thus the attribute ‘loving’ has been associated with
him.
An important thing in men’s representation of attributes regarding feelings is their
positiveness. We have discussed here two attributes i.e. kind and loving, and both are
positive. However, they are quite less in numbers than those represented in the OUP
textbooks. The table of men’s representation of attributes regarding feelings in both the
textbooks has been given below:
Table 5.18: Men’s attributes related to feelings in the OUP and PTB textbooks
Textbooks Category Attributes
OUP Feelings Boastful, adventurous (2), confident (4), restless, cool /
patient, enthusiastic,
peaceful, violent,(2), frightened (4), fearless, desperate,
sorrowful.
PTB Feelings Kind, loving.
In the OUP textbooks as mentioned above in the table, men though represent a number of
attributes related to feelings yet some of these attributes are negative. In total, there are
twelve attributes and out of them five are negative. Thus the PTB textbooks associate
only positive attributes with the male characters whereas OUP textbooks associate both
positive and negative attributes with the male characters. However, as shown just above
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in the table, their negative attributes are less than the positive ones i.e. five and seven
respectively.
So far as the women’s representation of attributes regarding ‘feelings’ is concerned, there
is only one instance found in the PTB textbooks. It is as follows:
Who ran to help me when I feel,
And would some pretty story tell,
Or kiss my head to make me well
My Mother. (PTB 10, p. 88, l. 9-12)
We have already discussed above the first and second line of the stanza which carries
attributes related to character. In the third line of the stanza, there is a mother who kisses
her child to make it feel well. Needless to say, her kissing of the baby shows her love for
it; hence, she is a loving mother.
As compared to this representation, women’s representation of attributes regarding
feelings in the OUP textbooks is quite negative. They associate only one attribute with
women and even that is negative. The attributes represented by women in both the PTB
and OUP textbooks has been presented in the table below:
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Table 5.19: Women’s attributes related to feelings in the OUP and PTB textbooks
Textbooks Category Attributes
OUP Feelings Angry.
PTB Feelings Loving / kind.
If we compare women’s representation of attributes related to feelings to men’s, the data
cited above in tables clearly indicates that both the textbooks do not give equal
representation to women. The attributes represented by women are not even half to those
represented by the opposite sex.
5.1.4.2.6) Attributes Related to Power
In this category, we look at the characters’ attributes related to power. Representation,
here, is even more unequal than the previous section. Men represent one attribute and
women do not represent any attribute related to power in the PTB textbooks. The instance
is as follows:
……, my son, do not make yourself a slave of anybody. Allah has created you
a free man. Do not sell your freedom at any cost or in return for anything.
(PTB 10, p. 41, l. 57-59)
These lines have been taken from a lesson ‘The Father’s Advice’ (PTB 10, p. 40-42).
There are certain words in these lines that function to associate an attribute i.e.
independent, to the son. For instance, the words ‘do not make yourself a slave’
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presupposes that he is at present a free man. The second line is in fact an explicit
repetition of the previous implicit message – ‘you (are) a free man’. In the final line ‘Do
not sell your freedom…’ is some sort of advice or warning against selling of this freedom
and ‘…at any cost or in return for anything.’ implies that his freedom is worth neither
money nor anything else. Thus the overall image of the son is an ‘independent / free’ man
who has been strictly advised not to be ‘dependent / enslaved’.
Let us have a look first at the attributes represented by men in both the OUP and PTB
textbooks.
Table 5.20: Men’s attributes related to power in the OUP and PTB textbooks
Textbooks Category Attributes
OUP Power Socially powerful, professionally powerful, domestically
powerful.
PTB Power Independent.
It is clear that men’s representation of attributes regarding power in the OUP textbooks is
more positive than that in the PTB textbooks. They associate three attributes with men
and all are positive. The PTB textbooks associate one positive attribute with men.
Following is the table of attributes represented by women in both the OUP and PTB
textbooks.
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Table 5.21: Women’s attributes related to power in the OUP and PTB textbooks
Textbooks Category Attributes
OUP Power Socially powerless (2), professionally powerless, domestically
powerless.
PTB Power …………
As compared to men’s representation of attributes regarding power, women’s
representation is quite negative in both the OUP and PTB textbooks. Men represent three
attributes in the former textbooks and one in the latter textbooks and, importantly, all of
them are positive. Ironically enough, women represent three attributes in the OUP
textbooks and all of them are negative. In the PTB textbooks, women have no attributive
representation at all in this regard; hence, an ideological exclusion of women’s
representation in the domain of power.
5.1.4.2.7) Attributes Related to Socio-economics
Unequal representation may also be observed in the category of socio-economics where
we are to analyze the attributes represented by men and women regarding earnings. We
find only one instance in the PTB textbooks where a male character is engaged in an
economic activity i.e. buying and selling of things. It is as follows:
She had read in her Islamic history that the groom had sold his armour to
purchase some essentials of daily use, like a prayer mat, a grinding stone, a
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sleeping mat, a pitcher for water, some cooking utensils and a pair of clothes
for the bride. (PTB 10, p. 82, l. 59-64)
This extract has been taken from the lesson ‘Two Wedding Ceremonies’ (PTB 10, p. 80-
83) and is about Hazrat Ali’s (RA) marriage with Hazrat Fatima (RA), the daughter of the
Holy Prophet (SAW). In these lines, the groom sells his armour to make some
arrangements for his marriage. With the money he received, he buys some household
items such as ‘a prayer mat’, ‘a grinding stone’, ‘a sleeping mat’, ‘a pitcher for water’,
‘some cooking utensils’ and ‘a pair of clothes for the bribe’. The engagement of Hazrat
Ali (RA) in such economic activity explicitly describes him as responsible for the
provision of household goods and implicitly as an earner to meet household expenditure.
Unlike the PTB textbooks, there are a number of instances related to men’s representation
of attributes related to socio-economics in the OUP textbooks as mentioned in the
following table:
Table 5.22: Men’s attributes related to socio-economics in the OUP textbooks
Textbooks Category Attributes
OUP Socio-
economics
Earner / breadwinner (6)
PTB Socio-
economics
Earner / breadwinner
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So far as women’s representation of attributes regarding socio-economics in the PTB
textbooks is concerned, they do not have any socio-economic representation. Ironically
enough, same is the condition of their representation in the OUP textbooks; hence, an
extremely unequal and biased representation of women’s socio-economics in both the
textbooks.
This representation is biased in a sense that they do not represent those women working
in Pakistan. The percentage of working women is 21.8 (LMIA 2009, p. 13) and they are
working in different sectors i.e. Agriculture 73.8 %, Industry 12.2 % and Services 13.9 %
(ibid.: p. 15). Moreover, their literacy rate is 43.6 percent. Ideologically, the textbooks
thus try to show that women are mostly inactive and, as compared to men, do not
contribute much towards the development of their country and the nation. Moreover, they
are also not much motivated to strive for a better life. Finally, we can see women’s
attributes related to socio-economics in both the textbooks in the following table:
Table 5.23: Women’s attributes related to socio-economics in the OUP and PTB
textbooks
Textbooks Category Attributes
OUP Socio-
economics
……………
PTB Socio-
economics
……………
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I here conclude my discussion about men’s and women’s representation of implicit
attributes in both the PTB and OUP English textbooks. In this conclusion, it will be quite
useful to have a summary of the numbers of attributes represented by men and women in
both the textbooks in form of tables. They are as follows:
Table 5.24: Men’s Representation of Attributes in the OUP English Textbooks
Category Attributes
Abilities Discoverer, inventor, determined, intelligent, stupid / dull.
Appearance Strong / stout.
Character Altruistic / caring (2), kind, miserly, quarrelsome (2).
Education Teacher.
Feelings Boastful, adventurous (2), confident (4), restless, cool / patient,
enthusiastic, peaceful, violent,(2), frightened (4), fearless, desperate,
sorrowful.
Power Socially powerful (2), professionally powerful, domestically powerful.
Socio-
economics
Earner / breadwinner (6)
Total = 7 Total Attributes = 28, Positive Attributes = 21, Negative Attributes = 7
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Table 5.25: Women’s Representation of Attributes in the OUP English Textbooks
Category Attributes
Abilities Determined, intelligent.
Appearance Old / weak / senile (2), beautiful (2), young, darker, gaunt and gray.
Character Loving / caring (4), sacrificial, obedient.
Education Illiterate, teacher.
Feelings Angry.
Power Socially powerless (2), professionally powerless, powerless
(at home).
Socio-economics ……………….
Total = 7 Total Attributes = 15, Positive Attributes = 7,
Negative Attributes = 8
Table 5.26: Men’s Representation of Attributes in the PTB English Textbooks
Category Attributes
Abilities Victorious / winner / successful, invulnerable, determined / resolute,
determined (3), confident.
Appearance …………
Character Humble, hardworking / energetic (3), brave, pious, honest, contented,
forgiving, sacrificial / altruistic, kind, serving, hospitable.
Education Teacher.
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Feelings Loving (2), kind, loving / serving, confident.
Power Independent.
Socio-
economics
Earner / bread winner.
Total = 7 Total Attributes = 24, Positive Attributes = 24, Negative Attributes =
0
Table 5.27: Women’s Representation of Attributes in the PTB English
Textbooks
Category Attributes
Abilities Vulnerable, mindful, wise.
Appearance Beautiful, young.
Character Cruel / unkind, kind, hardworking, truthful, generous, thankful,
spendthrift, simple, caring (3), affectionate, patient, teacher,
helpful (2), loving (2), resolute, obliged / grateful, supportive.
Education ………….
Feelings Loving / kind, kind.
Power ………….
Socio-
economics
………….
Total = 7 Total Attributes = 24, Positive Attributes = 20, Negative
Attributes = 3
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Negative attributes have been italicized.
Number in brackets just after an attribute shows the number of times it occurs.
Each attribute has been counted once.
More than one attribute implied by the same extract have been separated by an
oblique; however, such attributes have been counted only once.
We can clearly see that the textbooks associate a large number of implicit attributes with
men and women. This implicit representation is mostly hidden from the readers’ eyes
and, therefore, it was necessary to talk about this discursive dissemination of ideologies
regarding attributes. The present research finds out that the textbooks under examination
are biased in associating attributes with men and women. On one hand, men represent
more attributes than women (i.e. fifty-two and thirty-nine respectively), while on the
other, the positive attributes they represent are more in numbers than those represented by
women (i.e. forty-five and twenty-seven respectively). Owing to the representation of
positive attributes, the image of men portrayed in the textbooks is far stronger than that of
women.
Then we have also seen above how the PTB and OUP English textbooks vary to a certain
extent in associating attributes with men and women. In the former textbooks, men
represent twenty-four attributes and not a single out of them is negative. Thus their
positive representation is hundred percent. The OUP textbooks associate twenty-eight
attributes with men and out of them twenty-one (75 %) are positive and seven (25 %) are
negative. Women’s representation also comes up with similar differences. In the OUP
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textbooks, women represent fifteen attributes and out of them eight (53.33 %) are
positive and seven (46.66 %) are negative. In the PTB textbooks, women represent
twenty-four attributes and out of them twenty (83.33 %) are positive and three (12.5 %)
are negative. Let us have the overall percentage of men’s and women’s positive and
negative representation of attributes in a table:
Table 5.28: Overall Men’s and Women’s Positive and Negative Representation of
Attributes
Textbooks Total
Attributes
Men’s
+ Attributes
Women’s
+ Attributes
Men’s
- Attributes
Women’s
- Attributes
PTB 48 50.00 41.66 ……. 6.25
OUP 43 48.83 18.60 16.27 16.27
Note that symbols + and - stand for ‘positive’ and ‘negative’ respectively.
In this table, it is clear that both the PTB and OUP textbooks do not give men and women
an equal representation of attributes. Men represent more positive attributes than women
in these textbooks. It is important to note that the PTB textbooks associate more positive
attributes with women than the OUP textbooks. However, so far as negative
representation is concerned the results are different. The OUP textbooks give equal
representation to men and women in associating negative attributes with them. On the
other hand, the PTB textbooks are quite biased in this regard. That is, men do not
represent any negative attribute in them whereas women’s representation of negative
attributes is 6.25 percent.
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5.1.5) Role Models
A number of male and female personalities represented as role models particularly in the
PTB English textbooks are important in a way that most of the young learners idealize
their traits and try to internalize them. Therefore, the social roles and professions these
personalities represent are one of the sources that encourage the learners to adopt
particular social roles and professions in their lives. What is ideological regarding the
representation of role models is the inclusion and exclusion of certain personal traits of
their personalities. That is why the role models represented for the girls are contrasted
with those for the boys. The personalities which may be regarded as role models for boys
include the prophet Muhammed, his associates Khalid bin Waleed , Ali bin Abi Talib,
and the founder of Pakistan, Muhammad Ali Jinnah. It will be difficult to discuss all
these personalities so I talk about only Hazrat Khalid bin Waleed (RA). On the other side,
Hazrat Ayesha (RA) is the only personality which may be regarded as a role model for
girls and the textbooks represent her as follows.
She proved herself to be extremely faithful, intelligent and a loving wife (of the
Holy Prophet SAW). (PTB 10, p. 21, l. 5-7)
…the most authentic reporter and scholar of the tradition of him (SAW).
(PTB 10, p. 21, l. 13-15)
Hazrat Ayesha (RA) continued to enjoy the most eminent position of “Ummul-
Momeneen”. (PTB 10, p. 21, l. 20-21)
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Though these traits such as ‘faithful, intelligent and loving’, ‘authentic reporter and
scholar’ and ‘Ummul-Momeneen’ may be exemplary for a Muslim woman, we shouldn’t
neglect the fact that Hazrat Ayesha’s (RA) other qualities related to battlefield and
recreation have not been mentioned. The young female learners are thus exposed only to
one bright side of their ideal which demands them to be what goes in favour of the
patriarchal Pakistani society, while the young male learners are exposed to other so called
manly traits such as courage, bravery, power and strength through another personality as
given below.
Hazrat Khalid bin Waleed (RA) was a great warrior of Islam. (PTB 9, p. 8, l.
1-2)
During his youth he had attained enough skill in horse riding and sword
fighting. (PTB 9, p. 8, l. 4-6)
The first sentence describes the personality of Hazrat Khalid bin Waleed (RA) in relation
to religion Islam. Though its structure could also be ‘Hazrat Khalid bin Waleed (RA) was
a great Arab warrior’ or he ‘was a great Muslim warrior’, it would not have shown him as
high in his status as his description in relation to Islam had. The second line makes it
reasonable to argue that it was his ‘skill in horse riding and sword fighting’ that won him
the titles of ‘a great warrior’. As compared to the role model for girls, here we find a
totally different ideal for the boys who is energetic, adventurous, brave and strong. These
both sentences give an image of war where armies display their bravery to be successful
and, therefore, the soldiers are expected to be expert enough in war skills. But in the
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lesson ‘Hazrat Ayesha (RA)’ we find a calm and peaceful world where women have no
part in warfare – a concept that has no reality. This deliberately excluded fact diverts the
female students into certain professions seen as appropriate for their sex.
On another note, the representations are crucial in terms of differentiating between
women and men‘s roles and constructing discriminatory ideals for young Muslim
learners. As a role model for Muslim women, the text portrays Hazrat Ayesha (RA) in the
role of a loving and faithful wife to the Prophet (SAW) and Ummul-Momeneen, a mother
to all Muslims: her other traits are subsumed under these roles: she is represented as an
appendage to the Prophet (SAW); a reporter and scholar of his tradition; a spokesperson
not an individual with her own distinct voice. If this role model is to be emulated by
Muslim women they would be loyal mouthpieces of their husbands as she is portrayed, at
the expense of their own individuality. By contrast, the profile of Hazrat Khalid (RA) is a
highly individualized one in that he is not defined in terms of his relationships either to
the Prophet (SAW) or anyone else. It is suggested that owing to his qualities of bravery
and skill in warfare he attained a high position in society because of these inherent
qualities of his own character rather than his association with anyone else. If we compare
these two portrayals, there is an assumption that women’s position in society is
determined in and through their relationships with their men folk whereas men carve a
niche for themselves through their individual actions and achievements (Zubair and
Yaqoob 2008, p. 171).
276
Along with the ideological description of certain personalities, the textbooks have also
been found unjust in offering a variety of role models particularly to the female learners.
There is none other than Hazrat Ayesha (RA) against several influential male
personalities such as the Holy Prophet (SAWW), Hazrat Ali (RA), Hazrat Khalid bin
Waleed (RA), Quaid-e-Azam Muhammad Ali Jinnah and Dr. Muhammad Allama Iqbal
(national poet) in the PTB textbooks. This may reasonably be accounted for the high
percentage of government and non-elite schools students’ likeness for the male
personalities / characters. However, the positive representation of the male personalities /
characters is another factor and cannot be denied. The OUP textbooks come with a bit of
balanced diet. The elite-school students not only find Shakespeare and Nelson Mandela
and a positive representation of the male characters as seen above. They also find the
names of Angelica Kauffmann (18th century), Marie Laurencin, Georgia O’ Keefa, Laura
Knight and Ethel Walker (19th and 20th century) – but they do not come with a detailed
description either related to their work or personality. That is why though a meager
strength among the elite-school students is interested in personalities and characters yet a
little majority of them lean towards the male ones in the textbooks.
I would like to conclude my discussion by saying that it is reasonable to regard
knowledge, information and skills in the language textbooks as carriers of certain biases
that reflect the dominant views and beliefs of the patriarchal society (Leach 2003, p.
102). Let alone the hegemonic factor, mostly the learners under the influence of these
ideologies regarding gender are unable to realize their bias. In fact, years of schooling
expose them to such dominant patterns of gender relations and gendered behaviour that
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these biases either go unnoticed or are taken as neutral and unbiased. For instance,
women are normally considered to be portrayed in the textbooks as dependent, weak,
innocent, voiceless etc; while men to be represented as bold, resourceful, energetic,
independent etc and we (both sexes) accept them with the same attributions. Rather, they
are more acceptable for women than men (Wood 1999, p. 57). The need is to free our
textbooks from all kinds of gender biases so that our young learners may be exposed to
politically correct discourses and a variety and diversity of discourses on gender roles
from an early stage of life to reduce the inherent gender biases in a patriarchally
structured society like Pakistan.
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Chapter 6: Gender Representations: Quantification of Data
In the previous chapter, I have carried out a qualitative analysis of gender bias embedded
in the discourse of the PTB and OUP English textbooks. In this chapter, I carry out a
quantitative analysis of gender bias in the same textbooks. For this purpose, I use some of
the check lists proposed by some of the approaches discussed by Leach (2000); i.e.
Obura: Changing Images and UNESCO: Gender-Sensitivity: a Training Manual.
Quantitative analysis reliably deals with the numbers rather than the quality or nature of
something. The quantitative analysis of the gender theme is necessary and important in a
sense that it will supplement and further authenticate our findings as discussed in the
previous part.
It is important to remember that I have only talked about implicit gender ideologies in the
discourses of the above-mentioned textbooks in the previous chapter. In this chapter, I
shall deal with the explicit gender ideologies in the textbooks. Just like the previous part,
the analysis here focuses on men’s and women’s representation in the textbooks at three
levels: professional; social; and attributive. The instances of these representations have
been given in the tables in appendix. Let us start with the professional representation.
6.1) Gender Bias in Professions
This section deals with the unequal representation of professions by men and women in
the PTB and OUP textbooks under the following heads. I shall also discuss in them if the
said textbooks carry varying gender ideologies regarding professions.
Representation of Professions
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Representation of Powerful Professions
Equal Representation of Professions
Break with the Professional Stereotypes
6.1.1) Representation of Professions
This section deals with the total number of professions represented by men and women.
Men and women explicitly represent a number of professions in the PTB and OUP
English textbooks. The word ‘profession’ is often used to mean a ‘job’. However, for the
purpose of the present research, it has also been used for the one who does a job i.e.
professional. There are totally fifty-five professions represented in the textbooks. Table
6.1 shows the professions represented by men in the PTB textbooks. It shows that men
represent eleven professions in the PTB textbooks.
Women represent thirty-four professions in the PTB textbooks (see table 6.2). They
represent twenty-three professions more than men. It is important to mention that they do
not represent these professions by name. Rather gender-indicated nouns such as ‘women’
and ‘girls’ have been used to represent a profession in the lesson; for example, ‘Some
energetic young girls have also joined the police force (PTB 9, p. 39, l. 28-29). The credit
of making women represent more professions than men goes to a lesson titled ‘Women
Arise’ (PTB 9, p. 38-40). In this lesson, women represent all these professions except for
the last one i.e. headmistress. Needless to say, women represent only one profession if
this lesson is excluded from the textbooks. It has already been discussed above (see
chapter 5, section 5.1.1) that this lesson, like the lesson ‘Creative Women’ in the OUP
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textbooks, seems to be an ideological inclusion in the PTB textbooks. That is to say, its
inclusion might be due to ever increasing awareness of human rights among women in
the whole world.
In the OUP textbooks, men represent thirty-one professions (see table 6.3). The numbers
in brackets in the table denote the frequency of occurrence of these professions in the
textbooks. However, they have been counted once. Women represent fewer professions
than men i.e. twelve and thirty-one respectively (see table 6.4). It is important to note that
six out of these twelve professions have been represented in the lesson ‘Creative Women’
– the lesson which seems to be just a formality. This is a case somewhat like the PTB
textbooks where women have a strong professional representation just due to one lesson
i.e. ‘Women Arise’.
In short, there is a stark contrast between the PTB and OUP textbooks in the
representation of professions by men and women. Where women dominate men by
numbers (i.e. thirty-four and eleven respectively) in representing professions in the
former textbooks, they are dominated by men (i.e. twelve and thirty- one respectively) in
the OUP textbooks. However, the frequency of occurrence in PTB is not an indicator of
more balanced gender representation on the grounds discussed above.
6.1.2) Representation of Powerful Professions
Gender ideologies must not be regarded as limited only to numerical representation of
professions since all professions do not hold the same power and/or social standing. They
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vary in their authority, power and importance. It is thus important to see which sex
represents more powerful professions to find out the gender biases in the representation
of professions. This section therefore deals with the representation of powerful
professions by men and women. The problem in this regard is that it is not easy to decide
about the authority or power of a profession due to cultural variations – one profession
which is powerful in one culture may not necessarily be so in another one. In order to
determine the power of a profession in the Pakistani context, I draw upon Rahman’s work
who regards the following as domains of power in Pakistan: government: bureaucracies,
military, judiciary, education, research, commerce, and media (2002b, p. 41). However,
this ‘is only a trend and not an absolute principle in a modernizing country like Pakistan.
Moreover, his work is silent about whether the lower positions in each domain of power
may be regarded as powerful in the society; for instance, a school teacher in the domain
of education. I categorize below a profession or professional as powerful according to the
related domain and not according to the person’s position within that domain. According
to this formula in hand, men represent eleven professions in total and out of them, as this
table 6.5 shows, nine are powerful.
The powerful professions represented by women are twenty-six out of thirty-four
professions in the PTB textbooks as given in table 6.6. Though women represent more
powerful professions than men (i.e. nine) yet their representation is not as much positive
as men’s in percentage terms. That is to say, men’s percentage of representing powerful
professions out of the total professions is 81.81as compared to women’s which is 76.47.
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The powerful professions represented by men in the OUP textbooks, are twenty (see table
6.7) out of thirty-one as shown in table 3. On other side, the powerful professions
represented by women in the OUP textbooks are four such as ‘anchorwoman,
‘newswoman’, ‘news reporter’ and ‘teacher’ (see table 6.8). These are out of twelve
professions women represent in the OUP textbooks (see table 4). Thus, unlike the PTB
textbooks, men represent more powerful professions than women in the OUP textbooks.
Again unlike the PTB textbooks, men’s professional representation is more positive than
women’s in percentage terms i.e. 64.51 and 33.33 respectively.
To conclude in this section, the PTB and OUP textbooks vary in disseminating gender
ideologies regarding professions. In the former textbooks, women’s representation is
positive only in numerical terms – they represent more professions than men. But in
terms of percentage, men’s representation of powerful professions is higher than
women’s. In the OUP textbooks, men’s representation is more positive than women’s in
both the cases.
6.1.3) Equal Representation of Professions
This section deals with the equal representation of professions as well as positions within
these professions. That is to say, I will see if there are professions / positions represented
by both the sexes in the PTB and OUP textbooks. It is to keep in mind that there are a
few places in both the textbooks where men and women represent only professions –
their positions are not mentioned. In such a situation our focus will be on shared
professions rather than positions.
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In table 6.9, men and women share only four professions (doctor, headship, politician,
and farmer) of forty-five professions in the PTB textbooks. Similarly, men and women
share only four professions (vendor, reporter, teacher and doctor out of forty-three
professions in the OUP textbooks. However, they do not represent equal position (doctor
vs. nurse) in the last profession as mentioned in the table. It does not happen in the PTB
textbooks as shown in table 9. We can say that the PTB textbooks are less biased in
giving equal professional representation to men and women.
6.1.4) Break with the Professional Stereotypes
In this section, I discuss such professional representation of men and women in the
textbooks that shows a break with their typical professional representation in discourses.
Leach (2003) says that ‘women are portrayed exclusively as wives and mothers, or in low
income and unskilled paid work…’ while ‘men are only portrayed in action-oriented,
bravura roles and as characters devoid of weaknesses or emotions…’ (p. 103). We can
now identify men’s and women’s atypical representation of professions in the textbooks
in the light of her observation.
I do not find any instance regarding men’s break with the stereotypically professional
representation in the PTB textbooks. They represent eleven professions in total. Among
them there is also a profession of ‘driving’ (as mentioned in table 1). But I do not regard
it as a break with stereotypes associated with men for though driving is a low-income job
yet it is a skilled paid work or it shows a person’s skill and, unlike women, men usually
represent this skill in various discourses.
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Women represent a number of high income and skilled professions in the same textbooks
which are indeed a break with their stereotypically professional representation in
discourses. In total, there are thirty-four professions represented by women in the PTB
textbooks as shown in table 2. In table 6.11, there are thirty-two professions that show a
break with the stereotypical representation of women in discourses. The remaining ones
are ‘nurses and announcers’ which are usually associated with women in discourses.
In the OUP textbooks, men represent thirty-one professions as shown in table 3. Out of
them, three professions (beggar, doorman, and vendor) show a break with their typical
representation in discourses regarding professions (see table 6.12). Women represent
twelve professions in the OUP textbooks as shown in table 4 above. The professions that
show their break with the stereotypes are nine in numbers and are given in the table 6.13.
the remaining low-paid and low-positioned professions which are usually associated with
women are ‘towel-vendor, nurse and telephonist’.
We may now draw a comparison between the PTB and OUP textbooks regarding men’s
and women’s break with the stereotypical representation of professions. In the PTB
textbooks, men do not show any break with their professional stereotypes – they do not
represent any unskilled and low-in-income and low-in-value profession. On the other
hand, men represent three such professions (beggar, doorman, and vendor) in the OUP
textbooks that show a break with the stereotypes associated with them. Hence, men’s
representation of professions in the PTB textbooks do not show any break with
stereotypes as compared to their counterparts in the OUP textbooks. So far as women’s
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stereotypical representation is concerned, they represent thirty-four professions in the
PTB textbooks and out of them only two (nurses and announcers) may be regarded as
low in pay and status; hence, the remaining thirty-two hold a good image in the society.
In the OUP textbooks, women represent twelve professions and out of them three
(vendor, nurse and telephonist) may be regarded as ordinary professions. So we can say
that women’s representation of professions in the PTB textbooks is less stereotypical than
their counterparts’ in the OUP textbooks. It is quite important to see that this is only due
to the lesson ‘Women Arise’ in the PTB textbooks which mention thirty-two professions
Pakistani women are working in.
6.2) Gender Bias in Social Actions
Male and female characters represent a large number of actions such as ‘advising’,
‘believing’ and ‘saying’ in the PTB and OUP textbooks. These actions may reasonably be
called social actions for characters mostly perform them in relation to one another. This
section deals with the number of actions men and women represent in the said textbooks.
The counting of these actions can help us know which sex has been the focus of
representation more. In simple words, it is to see which sex has been given more
representation in regard to social actions.
Actions represented by men in the PTB textbooks have been given in the tables in
appendix. The counting of actions has been carried out according to the following steps:
Only the words that show action – verbs – have been counted.
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Actions of neutral nouns such as ‘persons’, ‘parents’, and ‘children’ have not been
counted.
Actions related to generics such as ‘he’ and ‘Man’ have not been counted.
The words in brackets inform about the context which a verb is used in.
Each action has been counted once. However, a single verb used in different
contexts such as ‘speaking’ and ‘speaking out’ has been counted as many times as
it changes its context.
All actions / verbs have been written in present participle form.
In the PTB textbooks, men represent one hundred and eighty actions (see table 6.14);
whereas women represent eighty-five actions (see table 6.15). Needless to say, men
clearly dominate women in representing social actions in the PTB textbooks.
In the OUP textbooks, men represent four hundred and eleven actions (see table 6.16).
These actions are indeed far more than those one hundred and eighty actions represented
by men in the PTB textbooks. But it should not be surprising because material / lessons
present in the OUP textbooks are a lot more than those in the PTB ones. Important to note
is the number of actions represented by women in the same textbooks. They represent
one hundred and sixty-five actions (see table 6.17).
To conclude, the total actions represented in the PTB textbooks are two hundred and
sixty five and, in the OUP textbooks they are five hundred and seventy-six. In the former
textbooks, men represent one hundred and eighty actions while women represent only
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eighty-five actions which are not even a half of those actions represented by men. The
percentage of men’s representation of social actions is 67.92 and women’s is 32.07 (see
table 6.18).
In the OUP textbooks, men represent four hundred and eleven attributes and women
represent one hundred and sixty-five attributes with a percentage of 71.35 and 28.64
respectively. Once again, just like the PTB textbooks, social actions represented by
women are not a half of the ones represented by men in the OUP textbooks. Importantly,
men’s clear dominance over women in representing social actions is likely to create a
very positive image of the male sex in both the textbooks – men look more active than
women.
6.3) Gender Bias in Attributes
This section deals with the analysis of gender bias in attributes represented by men and
women in the PTB and OUP textbooks. We have already discussed the implicit attributes
in the first part of this chapter. In this part, we focus on explicit attributes associated with
men and women in the said textbooks. The words regarded as attributes are not only the
adjectives such as ‘wise’, ‘honest’, ‘simple’, and ‘cruel’ but also the nouns that refer to
persons’ positive as well as negative qualities such as ‘wisdom’, ‘honesty’, ‘simplicity’
and ‘cruelty’.
In this section, first of all, the total number of attributes associated with men and women
in each textbook will be presented in a tabular form. Then I shall discuss about the
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number of negative attributes represented by men and women in each textbook. After
this, I shall discuss the attributes that show a break with the stereotypes regarding
attributes. And finally, we look for the variations the textbooks show in associating
attributes with the male and female characters. The purpose of this all is to see which sex
has been discriminated more in the representation of attributes in each textbook. I discuss
first the PTB textbooks.
Men represent seventy-five attributes in the PTB textbooks (see table 6.19). Women
represent thirty-one attributes in the same textbooks (see table 6.20).
I discuss now the representation of negative attributes by men and women in the PTB
textbooks. It is important to note that men do not represent any negative attribute whereas
women represent two negative attributes (feeble and old) (see table 6.21).
Next I discuss men’s and women’s such attributes that show a break with their
stereotypical attributes in textbook discourses. Men and women represent five and eight
such attributes respectively that show a break with their stereotypical representation of
attributes in the PTB textbooks (see tables 6.22 and 6.23).
I have discussed above the attributes represented by men and women in the PTB
textbooks. Next I discuss the representation of attributes by men and women in the OUP
textbooks. The total attributes represented by men and women in these textbooks are one
hundred and six and fifty-eight respectively (see tables 6.24 and 6.25).
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So far as the representation of negative attributes in the OUP textbooks is concerned,
men represent thirty-eight negative attributes out of one hundred and six attributes
(6.26). We must recall that men do not represent any negative attribute in the PTB
textbooks as discussed above. On the other hand, women represent twenty-eight
attributes out of fifty-eight in the OUP textbooks (see table 6.27).
Next is the list of those attributes that show a break with the stereotypical attributes
associated with men and women in discourses in the OUP textbooks. There are ten such
attributes that men usually do not represent in discourses; hence non-stereotypical
representation particularly in Pakistan (see table 6.28). On other side, the non-
stereotypical attributes represented by women are fourteen out of fifty-eight in the OUP
textbooks (see table 6.29).
In the tables, I have tried to make a detailed quantitative analysis of the attributes
represented by men and women in the PTB and OUP textbooks. All that statistical
information regarding men’s and women’s representation of attributes has been presented
in table 6.30. It will indeed help us in drawing a contrastive analysis between the total
numbers of attributes, negative attributes and non-stereotypical attributes associated with
men and women in the PTB and OUP textbooks.
The table shows that the total number of attributes represented in the PTB textbooks is
one hundred and six. In the OUP textbooks, their number is one hundred and sixty-four.
The OUP textbooks therefore associate fifty-eight more attributes with men and women
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than the PTB textbooks. But it should not be surprising for, as it has already been
mentioned above, the former books are voluminous than the latter ones and, obviously,
contain more lessons and pages.
We can also say that men and women totally represent one hundred and six attributes in
the PTB textbooks. Out of them, men represent seventy-five attributes and women
represent only thirty-one attributes which are not even a half of those represented by men.
In the OUP textbooks, men and women represent one hundred and sixty-four attributes in
total. Men represent one hundred and six attributes and women represent only fifty-eight
attributes. Thus it is men who dominate the representation of attributes in both the
textbooks.
It will also be useful to draw a comparison between men’s and women’s representation of
attributes in terms of numbers as well as percentage in both the textbooks. In the PTB
textbooks, men represent seventy-five attributes out of one hundred and six attributes
with a percentage of 70.75. In the OUP textbooks, men represent one hundred and six
attributes out of one hundred and sixty-four attributes with a percentage of 64.63. Thus in
terms of percentage, men’s representation of attributes is stronger in the PTB textbooks
than that in the OUP textbooks. On the other side, women represent thirty-one attributes
out of one hundred and six attributes with a percentage of 29.24 in the PTB textbooks. In
the OUP textbooks, they represent fifty-eight attributes out of one hundred and sixty-four
with a percentage of 35.36. Hence, women’s representation of attributes in the OUP
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textbooks is stronger than that in the PTB textbooks not only in terms of numbers but also
in terms of percentage.
So far as the representation of negative attributes is concerned, the PTB textbooks contain
only three attributes and all of them have been associated with women – men do not
represent any negative attribute. In the OUP textbooks, the total number of negative
attributes is sixty-six. In them, men represent thirty-eight attributes and women represent
twenty-eight attributes with a percentage of 57.57 and 42.42 respectively. In this way,
men’s and women’s representation in the PTB textbooks is much stronger than that of
men and women in the OUP textbooks. It should be important to notice that, unlike the
PTB textbooks men represent more negative attributes than women in the OUP textbooks
i.e. thirty-eight and twenty-eight respectively.
Finally, I discuss non-stereotypical representation of attributes by men and women in
both the textbooks. Such attributes are thirteen in the PTB textbooks and twenty-two in
the OUP textbooks. In the former ones, men represent five attributes (38.46) and women
represent eight (61.53). In the latter ones, men represent eight attributes and women
represent fourteen attributes with a percentage of 36.36 and 63.63 respectively. In this
regard, quite importantly, women’s overall representation is better than men’s in both the
textbooks. Moreover, men’s non-stereotypical representation in the OUP textbooks is
better than that in their government counterparts in terms of numbers. However, in terms
of percentage the case is opposite. Women’s representation is not like men’s in this
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regard. In both ways, women’s non-stereotypical representation in the OUP textbooks is a
little bit more positive than that women have in the PTB textbooks.
I conclude my discussion saying that both the textbooks overall represent men more
positive than women in the association of attributes. Though at some places women
dominate men, they do it by a narrow margin; for instance, see the representation of
negative attributes in the OUP textbooks and the representation of non-stereotypical
attributes in both the textbooks. Unlike them, men dominate women by a wide margin;
for instance, see the representation of attributes in both the textbooks and the
representation of negative attributes only in the PTB textbooks. It also becomes clear that
women’s representation of attributes is less biased in the OUP textbooks than that in the
PTB ones. This is because men dominate women in the representation of total attributes
and negative attributes in the PTB textbooks whereas women dominate men in the
representation of negative attributes and non-stereotypical attributes in their elite-school
counterparts. This is likely to represent a very positive image of men before the young
readers of PTB textbooks but not an equally positive image of women before the readers
of the OUP textbooks.
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Chapter 7: Statistical Results
In the beginning of the present research, many readings of the PTB and OUP English
textbooks under examination revealed that they represent varying ideologies related to
culture, religion, nationalism, war/jihad, us and them, gender and English. To gauge the
impact of these varying ideologies – embedded in the discourses of the textbooks – upon
the worldview of the learners from different schools, I constructed a close-ended
questionnaire (in appendix) that posed questions about the above-mentioned themes. The
students’ responses to these themes show variations in the attitude of students reading in
different schools (i.e. Government (Urdu-medium) Schools, Non-Elite (English-medium)
Schools and Elite (English-medium) Schools) towards these themes. The statistical
results of the questionnaire have been discussed below.
The questionnaire, as discussed earlier in chapter 3 in detail, comprised two parts: Part A
and Part B. There are six questions in the part A and nine questions in the part B – fifteen
questions in total. Regarding the format of the questions included in the questionnaire, in
the first part, the first two questions required answers in a word and the remaining four
questions were of multiple choice. The second part is a Likert scale and contains nine
statements. One hundred and fifty questionnaires were distributed in the schools – fifty in
each type of school. The detail related to it is presented in the following table:
Schools No. of questionnaires distributed
Govt. school for boys 25
Govt. school for girls 25
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Non-elite school for boys 25
Non-elite school for girls 25
Elite school 50 (25 boys and 25 girls)
The statistical results of one-hundred and fifty questionnaires from the students of
Government Urdu-medium schools, non-Elite English-medium schools and elite English-
medium schools have been given in tables and charts in appendix. It must be noted that,
in those tables, the abbreviations GSS, NESS, and ESS stand for government (Urdu-
medium) school students, non-elite (English-medium) school students and elite (English-
medium) school students respectively.
The first question is related to choice of school. The results show that a high percentage
of the students in each school consider their own school better than the other schools. If
schools are regarded, as representatives of particular ideologies, the students in each
school therefore prefer to stick to that ideology which mostly they, their school, their
family background and their textbooks represent or and disseminate. This aspect also
indicates that students do not much like those schools whose ideology is different from
their own school’s ideology – the schools not only approve and disseminate their own
ideology but also disapprove the ideologies of the other schools as is indicated by the
responses of the learners.
The second question is related to choice of country to be born in. The PTB English
textbooks create a much more positive image of Pakistan than the OUP English
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textbooks. The government-schools students (GSS) with the percentage of 86 and non-
elite schools students (NESS) with the percentage of 72 love their country a lot more than
the elite-school students (ESS) who are only 38 percent. Moreover, against a very low
percentage of 0 and 2 of GSS and NESS respectively, 28 percent ESS show their
inclination towards England because it has been represented quite positively in their
textbooks. Similar is their attitude towards America.
In the third question which is related to celebration of national events, a high percentage
of 84 of students from the government and non-elite schools like to celebrate the national
events. This is in sharp contrast to 46 percent of students from the elite schools. The
results indirectly reflect the input of nationalism made to in the textbooks. That is, the
percentage of nationalistic lessons in the PTB textbooks is 1.72 which is greater than that
of .69 percent in the OUP textbooks. Hence, the GSS and NSS appear to be more
nationalistic than the ESS.
The next question is about how much they like to celebrate Islamic events. 100 percent
GSS and 96 percent NESS like much to celebrate the Islamic events whereas in this
regard the percentage of ESS is almost half to theirs i.e. 52. Likewise, 42 percent ESS say
they do not like to celebrate these events much; hence, the students from the government
and non-elite schools like to celebrate the religious events more than their counterparts
from the elite school. These results relate to the number of religious lessons included in
the textbooks. That is, the PTB textbooks contain eight lessons and the OUP textbooks
contain only one lesson and even that is not related to Islam but Christianity.
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The fifth question is about the way they adopt to celebrate the Islamic events. A high
percentage of GSS i.e. 65 and most of the NSS i.e. 36 percent tick ‘I do all’ – all of those
celebratory practices have been reinforced much in their PTB textbooks. These include
the controversial practices i.e. illumination of homes and participation in Mehfil-e-Milad
and the uncontroversial one i.e. offering prayers, among the Muslims in Pakistan. The
textbooks represent all of them as common practices among the Muslims – they do not
make any distinction among them. On the other side, most of the ESS i.e. 52 percent,
offer prayers. This is for one of the reasons that the OUP textbooks, unlike PTB
textbooks, do not ideologically include, let alone reinforce, certain religious practices
such as illumination of homes and participation in Mehfil-e-Milad. Rather they do
mention the lexical item ‘pray’ at some places in the contents.
Questions 6a and 6b are about a personality/character, students like in their textbooks.
100 percent GSS, 98 percent NESS and 48 percent ESS say they particularly like some
personality / character in their English textbooks. Out of them, an overwhelming majority
particularly from the government and non-elite schools like male personalities /
characters. Among the ESS, 26 percent like the male personalities / characters and 22
percent like the female ones. What is important as well as common in all these results is
that the majority of students from the government, non-elite and elite schools like the
male personalities / characters. It shows a certain influence of that positive image of men
the textbooks represent against the negative image of women.
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Question number seven is about the abolition of English in Pakistan. The results show
that the majority of students from the government, non-elite and elite schools are against
the abolition of English in Pakistan. That is, 74 percent GSS, 88 percent NESS and 82
percent ESS want English in their country. Of course, the status of English as an official
language and compulsory subject in Pakistan is one of the strong variables that can
influence the learners’ attitude towards it. However, along with it, there is also a strong
support given by the textbook discourses to this status. The textbooks portray English as
an important language for survival in the society.
In a question about western and Pakistani life style there is a clear contrast among the
students’ responses regarding Western and Pakistani life style. Most of the students i.e.
58 percent from the elite schools like Western life style. On the other side, only 10 and 12
percent GSS and NESS like the Western life style respectively. Their vast majority which
is 90 and 80 percent respectively favour the Pakistani life style. It is worth mentioning
that 18 percent ESS favour the Pakistani life style which is much higher than that of the
GESS and NESS who like the Western life style. The OUP textbooks are a blend of
Western and Pakistani cultures though the former one is predominant in its
representations. These books show a certain influence on their readers. Unlike them, the
PTB textbooks do not represent any instances of Western culture at all.
When asked if Pakistan should struggle for the occupied Kashmir, a very high percentage
of 98 of each government and non-elite schools want Pakistan to struggle for the
occupied Kashmir. 8 points down to it – 80 percent – is of ESS. One of the simple
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reasons of the high percentage of the GSS and NESS are the nationalistic contents always
included in their PTB textbooks. Needless to say, these contents are more in quality and
quantity than those in the OUP textbooks. It is important to mention here that though we
do not find any mention of Kashmir in both the PTB and OUP textbooks, this seems to be
the only issue that can cause war between Pakistan and India. Therefore, this question has
been included particularly to know how many of the students favour war / jihad (in the
next question) as a means to get the occupied Kashmir.
In a question if they agree to get the occupied Kashmir through war, 1064 percent GSS
and 60 percent NESS say ‘yes’ to war to be adopted as a means to get the occupied
Kashmir. On the other side, only 28 percent ESS favour this point. As the PTB textbooks
contain such material that glorifies war / jihad and represent the inhabitants of India i.e.
the Hindus as their enemies, most of their readers do not hesitate to adopt war as a means
to get the occupied Kashmir from India. The OUP textbooks on the other side portray a
negative image of war before their readers. Unlike their counterparts, majority of ESS (50
percent) do not support war.
The next question (number eleven) is about if Hindus are our enemies. An overwhelming
majority of GSS with the percentage of 92 regard the Hindus as enemies. In this regard,
at a little lower level are the NESS with the percentage of 76. This result could be related
to the treatment of the Hindus as the other self in the PTB textbooks who did not and
cannot bear the existence of Pakistan. The ESS being only 14 percent fall at the lowest
level in regarding the Hindus as enemies. Their majority which is 66 percent do not
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regard the Hindus as our enemies. The OUP textbooks do not represent the Hindus as
others rather at some places they have been shown friendly with the Muslims.
Like the previous one, a similar question was asked about if Christians are our enemies.
In response, 88 percent GSS, 66 percent NESS and only 12 percent ESS are of the view
that the Christians are our enemies. Once again (as happened in the previous question)
difference between the percentage of GSS and NESS is not as big as it lies between theirs
and the ESS’. Likewise, the majority of ESS – 68 percent – does not think of the
Christians as our enemies. Importantly, the representation of the Christians in the
textbooks is not much different from that of the Hindus in the textbooks. The PTB
textbooks represent them as friends of the Hindus and enemies of the Muslims. In
contrast, the OUP textbooks neither show close ties between the Muslims and the
Christians nor do they project any enmity between them – they in fact mostly remain
neutral in such representations.
In a question, how do they feel about the Jews, here again, the majority of GSS and
NESS i.e. 90 and 72 percent respectively agree that the Jews are our enemies. Among the
ESS only 14 percent agrees with it and those who do not regard the Jews as our enemies
are 68 percent. The representation of the Jews in the textbooks is not much different from
those of the Hindus and the Christians in both the textbooks. In the PTB textbooks, they
have been represented as a different community with a different religion, culture and
belief system. The OUP textbooks like the PTB ones do not emphasize much upon the
differences among the different communities. In short, the responses of the students are
300
not much different from those given in the previous questions about the Hindus and the
Christians.
In a response to Pakistan’s relation with the non-Muslims, 32 percent GSS, 38 percent
NESS and 78 percent ESS agree with having friendly relations with the Hindus,
Christians and Jews. Among the GSS and NESS, though majority – 66 and 50 percent
respectively – does not want to have friendly relations with them, their percentage show a
clear decrease if compared with the previous results in question numbers 11, 12 and 13
where maximum 92 (of GSS) and 72 (of NESS) percent students regard the Hindus,
Christians and Jews as our enemies. A similar slight increase may also be observed in the
case of the ESS.
The last question (fourteen) is about signing treaties with the non-Muslims. Most of the
students from the government, non-elite and elite schools with the percentage of 60, 52
and 58 respectively agree with signing treaties with the Hindus, Christians and the Jews
to fight against terrorism. It should be important to remind ourselves that a lesson in the
PTB textbooks is about an Islamic treaty signed in the past between the Muslims and the
Jews to fight together against those who promote enmity. It seems to have a certain
impact on the students as though most of the students, in one of the previous questions,
regard the Jews their enemies, here most of them agree to signing treaties with them to
fight against terrorism. Similarly, most of the ESS – 58 percent – agree with the question.
However, it is important to note that this percentage shows a decrease up to 20 percent
coming down from the 78 percent in the previous question about having friendly relations
301
with the non-Muslims. It clearly indicates that many of them want Pakistan to fight
against terrorism alone.
302
Chapter 8: Summary and Conclusion
The present research has aimed at deconstructing the ideologies embedded in the
discourses of secondary-level English textbooks being taught in the government Urdu-
medium schools, non-elite English-medium schools and elite English-medium schools in
Multan – a city in the Punjab Province in Pakistan. I have used the term ‘ideologies’
because the analysis and the findings of this research have corroborated the fact that
textbook discourses are the carriers of different ideologies at one and the same time;
hence, ideologies related to culture, religion, nationalism, gender, us and them and
English have been discussed in different chapters of the present research. An overview of
each of the chapter shall be useful before concluding my discussion of textbook
discourses, their ideologies, and their impact on the learners’ worldview/s.
The present study consists of seven chapters. The first chapter gives in detail the
background and context, statement of the problem, significance, and scope of the present
research. It thus explains that the present research deals with the issues of ideology and
worldview in textbooks. It carries a critical discourse analysis (CDA) of English
textbooks being taught at the secondary-level in different schools – government Urdu-
medium schools, non-elite English-medium schools and elite English-medium schools –
in Multan, Pakistan. The textbooks taught in the first two types of schools are developed
and published by the provincial board i.e. Punjab Textbook Board (PTB); whereas the
elite English-medium schools teach the textbooks published by Oxford University Press
(OUP). These textbooks have been critically examined to find out the ideologies or
ideological messages related to culture, religion, nationalism, gender, us and them and
303
English embedded in their discourses. Besides this, as mentioned above, the research also
tries to find out a certain impact of these ideologies on the learners.
Ideologies in Pakistani textbook discourses date back to the fall of Dhaka in a war against
India in 1972. The state in order to unite the fragmented nation and to create a new image
of the country started to interject particularly religious and nationalist ideologies – partly
touching upon the ideology of negative other – into the youth of the nation (Saigol,
2004). The present research is one among many which deals with such issues. However,
it is significant in the way that it is first one in its nature which carries a critical discourse
analysis of school textbook discourses. Many other research studies in the same area are
limited only to a content analysis of ideologies in school textbooks (for detail see section
1.4 in chapter one & section 2.6 in chapter two). Moreover, the present research discusses
in detail the dissemination of cultural values (western and indigenous) which has always
been touched upon in passing in the previous research studies.
The second chapter ‘Review of Related Literature’ presents a theoretical framework of
the present study. It discusses, in detail, the theories and frameworks related to the key
concepts this study is dealing with such as ideology, worldview, discourse, CDA and
culture. It is followed by a comprehensive discussion of the works or research studies
dealing with ideologies and worldviews in textbook discourses.
The third chapter ‘Research Methodology’ outlines the research objectives of the present
research i.e. (a) to locate the major cultural themes and ideologies encoded in the
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discourses of English textbooks and (b) to find out the impact of cultural themes on the
learners. Moreover, it discusses data and data sources and, then, the analytical framework
proposed by Fairclough (2003) for a critical analysis of textual issues. This framework
has been partially employed in that only those analytical categories and devices have
been used for analysis, which were found relevant to the objectives of the present study.
Finally, I talk about the research tool i.e. the questionnaire used to collect data and
statistically determine the impact of textbooks ideologies on the learners.
The next three chapters (fourth, fifth and sixth chapter) are related to the analysis of
contents related to culture, religion, nationalism, gender, us and them and English. The
themes of culture, religion, nationalism, us and them, and English have been discussed in
the fourth chapter. The next two chapters i.e. fifth and sixth, carry out qualitative and
quantitative analysis of gender ideologies respectively.
In the fourth chapter, it has been observed that both the PTB and OUP textbooks
represent different cultures to a great extent. The former textbooks are a clear reflection
of the Pakistani society including various cultural, religious and national events and
practices to inculcate the learners with cultural, religious and nationalistic fervour;
whereas the OUP textbooks present specimens of western culture. They mostly represent
a liberal and secular life through certain expressions in those instances such as wine, love,
cinema, etc. which by contrast are not found at all in PTB texts. The questionnaire results
show, most of the students from the government and not-elite schools (90 % & 80 %
305
respectively), unlike the students from the elite-school (58 %), do not exhibit or show
liking for or appreciation of western life style.
So far as the theme of religion is concerned the difference between both the textbooks
becomes quite big. The PTB textbooks include many lessons about the Islamic
personalities and Islamic events. Even many sayings of the founder of Pakistan, the
Quaid-e-Azam included in them are related to Islam and Pakistan. All of these lessons
represent Islam as a complete code of life. Moreover, the beginning of the textbooks with
the Islamic lessons, the description of the founding of Pakistan in the name of Islam,
equating Islam with Pakistan and Pakistanis with Muslims, and the description of Islamic
personalities as role models show a profound impact on the young learners in the
government and non-elite schools. In the same textbooks, ironically, the representation of
Islamic events is asymmetrical – the events included mostly represent the religious
practices of only Barelvi sect; hence, an ideology of highlighting the religious practices
of one particular sect. The textbooks describe these practices in such a way as they are
common practices of all the Muslims. Thus where these textbooks are one of the
powerful means of disseminating religious ideologies, they are also a means of creating
intolerance among the students belonging to different sects.
The textbooks also include material about one of the fundamentals of Islam i.e. Jihad.
The description of the personality of Hazrat Khalid bin Waleed (RA) – as a great warrior
of Islam – and his victories in various battles are very likely to infuse the spirit of Jihad
against the other – non-muslims – into the learners. Paradoxically, the textbooks, at one
306
place, also urge the learners to join hands with the Jews in the war against those who
rebel or promote enmity – terrorism (see the lesson ‘Human Rights and Madina Charter’
in PTB 10). Thus the textbooks tend to confuse the learners in that on the one hand it is
biased and promotes intolerance of other religions or even certain sects in Islamic faith,
and yet, on the other, promotes the notion of joining hands with the Jews when it serves
the interests of the state and the state policies.
On the other hand, religious material in the OUP textbooks is very little. There is only
one lesson (‘Christmas Eve’ in OUP 1) which is related to Christianity. These textbooks
introduce religion as ones’ private matter as the major character in the said lesson bluntly
challenges the importance and need of the celebratory practices related to Christmas Eve.
In short, the PTB and OUP textbooks socialize their children with such cultural and
religious worlds that differ from each other to a great extent. Consequently, the results
show that the students of government (100 %) and non-elite (96 %) carry stronger
feelings for religious events as well as Jihad (64 % & 60 % respectively) than their
counterparts from the elite school (52 % & 28 % respectively). However, so far as the
mutual effort (Muslims and Jews together) for curing terrorism is concerned most of the
students from all three schools agree to it (government-school students 60 %, non-elite-
school students 52 % and elite-school students 58 %).
Once again, like religion, the theme of nationalism has been touched upon differently in
both the textbooks. It permeates the PTB textbooks and remains limited to only a poem in
the OUP ones. The former textbooks arouse the feelings of nationalism among their
307
readers in a number of ways: they include and positively describe the national events and
personalities; equate Islamism with nationalism; and create the other self i.e. non-
Muslims particularly Hindus. On the other hand, representation of Pakistan is not so
positive in the OUP textbooks. It shows a certain influence on the students as the
questionnaire results show that the government and non-elite-schools students (84 % &
84 % respectively) like to celebrate national events more than their counterparts from the
elite school (46 %).
In the theme ‘us and them’, as mentioned above, the PTB textbooks represent non-
Muslims as others. The Christians and Hindus have been described as opponents who
created hurdles in the achievement of Pakistan. On the other hand, non-Muslims have not
been treated as others in the OUP textbooks. However, the implicit negative description
of Pakistan and Blacks represents them as others. Importantly, the Christens, Jews and
Hindus – who have been treated as others in the PTB textbooks – have not been treated
as others in the OUP textbooks. Consequently, most of the elite-school students do not
regard the Christians, Jews and Hindus as their enemies.
The only theme where these differences become very slight is English. Both the
textbooks emphasize upon the importance of English though in varying degrees. The
OUP textbooks have laid much more emphasis upon its importance than the PTB ones.
They refer to it as a matter of survival, the road to modernization, a way of life, and
English is everything. Somewhat similarly, the PTB textbooks represent English as an
important subject. In a response to a question regarding the abolition of English in
308
Pakistan in the questionnaire, most of the students from all three schools disagree with it
(government-school students 74 %, non-elite-school students 88 % and elite-school
students 82 %).
The fifth and sixth chapters of the present study deal with the qualitative and quantitative
analysis of gender ideologies in the textbooks respectively. These chapters focus on how
the PTB and OUP textbooks observe inequality in representing men and women at three
levels: professional, social and attributive. The professional level deals with the higher
and lower professions mentioned in the PTB and OUP textbooks. Women are a victim of
discriminatory and biased representation of professions for, unlike men, mostly women
represent lower jobs. Besides one lesson each in the textbooks, the rest of lessons i.e.
one-hundred and ten, show men representing a wide variety of professions which include
both high and low professions whereas women represent only low professions. Besides
this, women have not been shown sharing work with men on equal level except on one
occasion in both these textbooks. On another occasion though women have been shown
working with men yet they work as their subordinates. The nature of jobs both the sexes
carry speaks implicitly and differently for their mental and physical calibre.
At the social level, the present research has looked at the discriminatory or unequal
representation of social roles or activities by men and women inside as well as outside the
domain of home in the textbooks. It has been found that the textbooks mostly carry
stereotypes regarding the social roles represented by men and women. Moreover, their
roles are also at variance with one another. Inside home, men’s roles and activities are
309
less limited in range than the ones represented by women; whereas outside home, there is
a wider variety of men’s roles and activities than those of women. Finally, attributes are
different for males and females to a certain degree. Most of the male characters loaded
with positive attributions stand out among the female ones who are represented as
passive, weak, dependent and non-authoritative in the textbooks. The purpose of
analyzing gender bias at professional, social and attributive levels was to see whose
image was more positive as a whole and was liked by the students. Importantly, the
overwhelming majority from the government and non-elite school students (94 % and 94
% respectively) like the male characters in the textbooks. However, only a simple
majority of students (26 %) in the elite school like the male characters which could be
partially linked particularly to an average inclusion of male heroes (as compared to PTB
textbooks) as well as an average representation of male personalities in their textbooks in
general. Their co-education factor might also be considered in this regard.
The final chapter of this study is of statistical results, which is a statistical representation
of learners’ answers to the questions related to the themes of culture, religion,
nationalism, us and them, English and gender and I have mentioned these statistics above
along with the discussion of themes.
I would like to bring the findings of this research to the attention of the ministry of
provincial education in the Punjab, and the federal ministry of education for such
ideologies in the textbooks. The Curriculum Wing of the Ministry of Education in
Pakistan is a representative of the government. It is with their consent that the OUP
310
textbooks are being taught in elite Pakistani schools. The responsibility lies on their
shoulders to check the textbook discourses and remove their ideological biases thus
providing a balanced perspective. But keeping silent on strictly educational issues means
those who have the power to effect change, want to maintain these structural and social
inequalities for their own vested interests.
In the context of power, the dissemination of common ideologies may be regarded as less
harmful than the dissemination of different ideologies to different students via different
textbooks and schooling. Different ideologies in the textbooks are a proof that there are
different worldviews in the society – textbooks are a reflection of any society. It then
becomes easy to understand why there are different schools e.g. government Urdu-
medium schools, non-elite English-medium schools and elite English-medium schools in
a society like Pakistan. In other words, these different schools are set up or at least
supported by those in power to polarize the society socially as well as economically for
their vested interests. Each school represents a social class and each class has a specific
worldview. Each worldview is also a sort of social boundary which not only binds up the
people of each class together, for instance, students of each school represent similar
views, but also prevents them from entering the other class’ worldview. However, it is
possible that the worldviews of two classes are very much similar as we have seen above
in the case of lower and middle class represented by the government and non-elite school
students respectively.
311
So far as the social and economic polarization is concerned, competence in English
matters in Pakistan because it enables one to have an easy access to the domains of
power. However, English is not the only phenomenon that buys access to the domains of
power, worldview is equally so. Thus where English and the anglicized worldview help
the elite class become economically strong, they prevent the lower and middle classes,
due to their inefficiency in both of them, from having an entry into the domains of power
or powerful positions.
In order to argue my case well, I would like to cite from Rahman’s work (2002) that, in
the sixties, the students from the government schools protested against Ayub Khan’s
benevolent attitude towards elite schools and their products’ superior airs – elite-schools
students were perceived as being ‘glib-tongued, ultra modern, snobbish, European-attired
boys and forward young misses’ (Rahman 2002, p. 297). In response to it, the
Commission on Students Welfare (1966: 18) observes:
We have no evidence that these schools have really produced any such snobs as suggested by the students, nor have we any evidence that their students usually secure better positions in public examinations. We are not, therefore, in a position to say that the continuance of these schools is harmful to the community and that as such, they should be stopped (cited in Rahman 2002, p. 297).
Later, the government of Air Marshal Noor Khan admitted that the students from the
government schools had a point in their protest (ibid.: p. 297).
It thus becomes clear that the establishment of different types of schools such as
government Urdu-medium schools, non-elite English-medium schools and elite English-
312
medium schools teaching different English textbooks plays an important part in
polarizing the society socially as well as economically. The intention of this research is
not to reject or criticize the schools as well as the English textbooks on being ideological
but to emphasize the need of teaching and including such material (in the textbooks) that
can make Pakistan moderate, modern and democratic in today’s global village. Similarly,
it does not argue to exclude Islam and Pakistan’s ideology from the textbooks but to
provide a balanced perspective, which is the need of time. The textbooks should teach
tolerance, peace and, above all, love and respect for all human beings – the basic
principle of Islam. Going against it will definitely demand a heavy price in form of
religious intolerance, sectarianism, racism and rigidity which the nation cannot afford at
the moment. The findings of this study may be useful to policy planners in terms of
decisions regarding the selection of appropriate materials. In this regard, linguists may
extend a valuable help in developing new textbooks or revising and updating the present
ones. They can also do a lot in introducing such courses for the teachers and students that
can train them in questioning the ideological contents of texts.
313
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Appendix
Tables (Chapter 6)
Table 6.1: Men’s Representation of Professions in the PTB Textbooks
Commander King Prince Master
Educationist Khalifa Driver Headmaster
Farmer Doctor Politician
Table 6.2: Women’s Representation of Professions in the PTB Textbooks
Teachers Professor Programme
Organizers
Nurses
Writers Artists (Broadcast)
Producers
Newscasters
Journalists Editors Correspondents Judges
Column Writers Bankers Insurance
Companies
Business
Social Workers Education Minister Feature Writers Police
Lawyers Boutique-Runners Garment-
Manufacturers
Exporters
Compeers Prime-Minister Minister Headmistress
Doctors Reporters Politicians Farmers
Announcers Textile Mills
325
Table 6.3: Men’s Representation of Professions in the OUP Textbooks
Soldier (Army) Official (2) Labourer Photographer
Beggar (2) Medical Officer (Police) Officer Policeman
Captain (Ship) (2) President (2) (Carpet) Weaver Vendor (2)
Gamekeeper Poet Schoolmaster Sergeant
Shopkeeper Intelligence Agent Doorman Deputy President
Businessman Police Sergeant Theatre Director Builder
Magistrate Reporter Guard Watchman
Group Captain Pilot (2) Doctor
Table 6.4: Women’s Representation of Professions in the OUP Textbooks
Towel-Vendor Nurse Anchorwoman Newswoman
Artist Novelists Teacher Singer
(Music) Composers Telephonist News Reporter Actress
Table 6.5: Men’s Representation of Powerful Professions in the PTB Textbooks
Commander King Prince Master
Educationist Khalifa Headmaster Politician
Doctor
Table 6.6: Women’s Representation of Powerful Professions in the PTB Textbooks
Teachers Professor Programme
Organizers
Headmistress
326
Writers Minister (Broadcast)
Producers
Newscasters
Journalists Editors Correspondents Judges
Column Writers Bankers Exporters Compeers
Lawyers Education Minister Feature Writers Police
Prime-Minister Doctors Reporters Politicians
Announcers Textile Mills
Table 6.7: Men’s Representation of Powerful Professions in the OUP Textbooks
Soldier (Army) Official (Police) Officer Sergeant
Captain (Ship) (2) Medical Officer Theatre Director Policeman
Businessman President (2) Group Captain Doctor
Magistrate Intelligence Agent (Army) Official Deputy President
Reporter Pilot (2) Schoolmaster Police Sergeant
Table 6.8: Women’s Representation of Powerful Professions in the OUP Textbooks
Anchorwoman Newswoman News Reporter Teacher
Table 6.9: Professions Shared by Men and Women in the PTB Textbooks
Doctor (school) Headship Politician Farmer
Table 6.10: Professions Shared by Men and Women in the OUP Textbooks
Vendor (news) Reporter School master / Doctor / Nurse
327
Teacher
Table 6.11: Women’s break with the Professional Stereotypes in the PTB Textbooks
Minister Professor Programme Organizers Headmistress
Writers Artists (Broadcast) Producers Newscasters
Journalists Editors Correspondents Judges
Column Writers Bankers Insurance Companies Business
Social Workers Education Minister Feature Writers Police
Lawyers Boutique-Runners Garment-Manufacturers Exporters
Prime-Minister Teachers Doctors Reporters
Textile Mills Politicians Comperes Farmers
Table 6.12: Men’s break with the Professional Stereotypes in the OUP Textbooks
Beggar Doorman Vendor
Table 6.13: Women’s break with the Professional Stereotypes in the OUP Textbooks
Artist Actress Anchorwoman Newswoman
News Reporter Novelists Teacher Singer
(Music)
Composers
Table 6.14: Social Actions Represented by Men in the PTB Textbooks
Reforming Preaching Disliking Believing
328
Marrying Telling Eradicating Saying
Introducing
(Laws)
Leading
(Expeditions)
Standing By Never
Compromising
Pleasing Receiving Embracing Requesting
Devoting Admiring Appointing Commanding
Participating Winning Arguing Dying
Emerging Seeing Catching Arriving
Never Wasting Releasing Placing Setting (On Fire)
Declaring Taking Enjoying Excited
Sending Teaching Ruling Advising
Describing Ordering Listening Wishing
Remarking Understanding Hoping Inspiring
Praying Finding Loving Spending
Raising Studying Opining Coming
Meeting Riding Sword Fighting Looking
Following Succeeding Arriving Meditating
Returning Submitting Freeing Hearing
Narrating Experiencing Puzzling Discerning
Going Sitting Starting Reflecting
Playing Stopping Disagreeing Tasting
Receiving Imposing Attracting Addressing
Concluding Inviting Urging Employing
Explaining Closing Opening Swaying
329
Demonstrating Rising Saving Getting
Visualizing Acting Judging Wishing
Learning Sparing Oppressing Tyrannizing
Abstaining Developing Speaking Remembering
Earning Achieving Desiring Deciding
Expecting Passing Controlling Rising
Searching for Entrusting Setting (Example) Excelled
Waking Injuring Leaving Walking Away
Refusing Surviving Bringing Looking Around
Refreshing Attending Allowing Availing
Working Thinking Greeting Shouting
Driving Turning Squeezing Entering
Proceeding Granting Arranging Entertaining
Carving Out Transforming Using Replying
Uniting Nodding Wanting Serving
Giving Throwing Feeling Speaking Out
Responding Stressing Liking Informing
Promising Examining Treating Realizing
Making Holding Exerting Attaining
Relating Discovering Realizing Finishing (him)
Knowing Staying Succeeding Refusing
Cursing Explaining Asking Translating
(the dream)
330
Table 6.15: Social Actions Represented by Women in the PTB Textbooks
Starving Finding Taking off Drawing from
Urging Striving Contributing Finding
Improving Making Working Contributing
Joining Running (Business) Manufacturing Earning
Throwing Praying Finding Giving (Interview)
Saying Blaming Demanding Noticing
Playing Breaking Thinking Recollecting
Shunning Telling Soothing Eating
Wanting Persuading Attempting Asking
Marrying Proving Listening Kissing
Continuing Enjoying Helping Feeling
Criticizing Thinking Keeping Receiving
Promoting Breathing last Looking Out Looking around
Seeing Talking Dying Deciding
Inquiring Explaining Clarifying Composing
Resting Reading Managing Wishing
Watching Shedding Dressing Minding
Giving Visiting Getting up Sitting
Wanting Calling Securing Visiting
Coming forward Learning Reporting Shutting
Sharing Feeling Distributing Convincing
Running
331
Table 6.16: Social Actions Represented by Men in the OUP Textbooks
Boasting Saying Taking (Sword) Waking
Cutting Off Severing Abusing Calling
Blowing
(Whistle)
Charging
(The Enemy)
Going
(Up And Down)
Making
(Expedition)
Beginning Realizing Finding Reclining
Fashioning Lying Back Hanging Over Relaxing
Enjoying Slowing Down Arriving Entering
Taking (Test) Holding Up Staring Returning (Card)
Replying Thinking Witnessing Allocating
Failing Laughing Passing (Test) Smacking
Noticing Pouring Reversing Forgetting
Ricocheting Driving Assisting Dashing Across
Reaching Completing Maneuvering Touching
Causing Applying Hitting Shuddering
Appearing Clinging Getting Out Ignoring
Restraining Indicating Proceeding Involved
Hesitating Willing Withdrawing Passing
Ejecting Recalling Falling Zooming
Trembling
(With Fear)
Waving
(Hand)
Catching
(Glimpse)
Earning (Bread)
Endeavouring Selling Guiding Trailing
Descending Succeeding Wearing Removing
332
Resisting Shouting Calling (Names) Coming Around
Perceiving Refraining Sending Turning
Crossing Hastening Joining Stumbling
Lifting Up Offering Taking Icing
Liking Hearing Keeping (Eye) Copying
Warming Flourishing Living Living
Reining Asking Drawing Out Starting
Doling out Hunting Drifting Getting On
Shrugging Tapping Dealing With Smiling
Spitting Gasping Dying Shaking
Jerking Up Studying Taking Over Eliminating
Bending Over
(Desk)
Returning
(Answering)
Reaching Into
(Pocket)
Running
(Business)
Expecting Touring Flying Assigning
Stepping Out Sighing Rubbing Wandering About
Nodding Seeing Patting Putting Down
Pulling Out Probing Down Poking Shooting
Blinking Jerking Open Filling Swearing
Grabbing (Chair) Hurling Seizing Clenching
Yelling Slamming Drawing (Circle) Treating
Kicking Slapping Suspecting Inviting
Watching Twirling (Stick) Accusing Carting Away
Washing (Hands) Slapping Mislaying Sinking Back
333
(On Back) (Things) (In Chair)
Going Scrambling Dismissing Closing
Packing Climbing Carrying Walking Away
Declining Tramping Offering Longing
Teaching Distressing Gathering Volunteering
Trying Following Copying Cautioning
Feeling Irritated Telling Remembering Leaving
Keeping Unfolding Trailing Off Crying
Heating Sparkling Smoking Pleading
Repeating Writing Spending Researching
Meaning Snatching Caring Creeping About
Fishing Wheeling Moving Chasing
Leading Lying Disturbing Promising
Accepting Jerking Getting Used Digging Down
Choosing Stifling Resenting Polishing
Grinning Threatening Clutching Hard Clinging
Sounding (Funny) Clamping Addressing Crying Out
Arguing Getting Predicting Grabbing
Deciding Continuing Undertaking Jumping
Standing Breathing Fainting Crouching
Testing Breaking Getting Off Working
Shutting Wanting Killing Facing
Understanding Attacking Throwing Freeing
334
Marrying Believing Dragging Not Drinking
Stepping In Emigrating Resembling Finding Out
Walking Up and
Down
Knocking
(In Mind)
Collapsing
(In Chair)
Litting
(Match)
Investigating Observing Vowing Feeling Troubled
Exclaiming Comprehending Sobbing Praying
Tearing Up Defying Blaming Reflecting
Feeling Excited Muttering Resolving Guaranteeing
Loving Longing For Sleeping Begging
Meeting Finishing
(Evidence)
Flinging
On (Water)
Fumbling
(Pocket)
Hiding Sharing Calling In Quoting
Bellowing At Evacuating Making (Income) Stubbing (Toe)
Excavating Peeping Out Exposing Learning
Peering Through Daring Rousing Moving (Quietly)
Presuming Jumping Back Slipping Fetching
Running
(Business)
Glowing
(With Excitement)
Overcoming
(Fear)
Keeping On
(Edge)
Knowing Invading Inspecting Digging Up
Searching Sitting Taking Away Reading
Fighting Dreaming Cooling Preparing
Acting Discovering Making Money Not Listening
Shaking (Head) Building Continuing Pursuing
335
Coming Up Knocking On Babbling Wondering
Ordering Playing (music) Supposing Listening
Sneering Refusing Showing Creeping
Hurting Mingling Hoping Growing Up
Picking Up Waiting Challenging Taunting
Warning Cutting Down Putting On Walking
Setting Picking Brushing Ducking
Dumping Erupting (Screams) Jumping Upon Pounding
Leaping Up Feeling Scooping Up Screaming
Howling Crowding Leaping Dabbing
Leaning Forward Confronting Fighting Back Hitting
Maintaining Clearing Rushing Out Recognizing
Scattering
(the enemy)
Making
(Discoveries)
Bearing Down
Upon
Reflecting
(Shock)
Eating Rising Pushing Taking (Delight)
Engaging Tying Adding Preventing
Feeling sorry Peering down Looking at Signifying
Parking Getting Down Pointing Failing
Stopping Escorting Coming Constituting
Declining Encountering Ranging
336
Table 6.17: Social Actions Represented by Women in the OUP Textbooks
Standing Watching Stretching (Arms) Getting Up
Cooking Helping Packing Crying
Going Dying Mistaking Speaking
Knowing Thinking Choosing Sparing Time
Sitting Repeating Adjusting Trying Again
Learning Wanting Going On Practising
Treating Making Replying Sitting Down
Doing Smearing With Washing Off Counting
Progressing Calling Paying Putting
Going Out Working Bleeding Leaving On
Hating Hiding Crossing (Road) Waiting
Chewing Mulling Retreating Anticipating
Twisting Through Groaning Thanking Seeing
Wishing Dropping In Talking Convincing
Smiling Furrowing Feeling Wondering
Spending Explaining Figuring Wearing
Counting Walking Gobbling Up Running (Stick)
Making Up Paddling (wheel) Picking Eating
Hoarding Selling Setting (Example) Turning Away
Screaming Stumbling Out Holding Reaching
Monitoring Bringing In Watering Balancing
Deciding Torturing Dipping Pretending
337
Terrifying Groping Peering Sideways Welcoming
Moving Sowing Touching Growing
Singing Remembering Bringing Suffering
Losing Managing Looking In (mirror) Noticing
Putting Down Calling For Wringing (Neck) Controlling
Screeching Feeling (Sorry) Leaving Fading
Calm Down Educating Figuring Out Sensing
Sniffing Nodding Raising Turning (To Him)
Weeping Coming Sickening Laughing
Dismissing Shouting Ordering Dragging Out
Returning Stooping Over Looking At Obeying
Burying (Face) Sobbing Sputtering Disappearing
Looking After Retorting Glaring Hearing
Studying Earning Hoping Breaking Down
Adding Stopping Thrusting (Towels) Throwing (Glance)
Hugging Whispering Looking About Leaving Behind
Resting (Head) Begging Expressing Demonstrating
Achieving Preparing Ministering Acting
Confessing Travelling Composing (Music) Arguing
Stepping Into
(Water)
338
Table 6.18: Representation of Social Actions by Men (M) and Women (W) in the
Textbooks
PTB TEXTBOOKS OUP TEXTBOOKS
Representation Total M % W % Total M % W %
Social Actions 265 180 67.92 85 32.07 576 411 71.35 165 28.64
Table 6.19: Attributes Represented by Men in the PTB Textbooks
Free Dignity Hardworking Great
Noted Valour Bravery Sword (of Allah)
Respected Young Good Loving
Educationist Holy Forceful Effective
Relevant Brief Literary Perfect
Persuasive Noble Kindhearted Righteous
Brave Forgiving Gentle Affectionate
Character Simple Courteous Guiding (Star)
Morality Contented (2) Unprejudiced Beneficent
Not Extravagant Honest Truthfulness Integrity
Pious Changed Caring Not Harsh
Firm Determination Solid Resolution
Outstanding Diligence Discipline Nobleness
Attentive Receptive Integrity Not Mean
Not Purchasable Fearless Courageous (2) Non-Submissive
Conviction Never Compromising Powerful Honour
339
Undisputed Hard Working Confidence Will Power
God-Fearing Obedient Kind Sympathetic
Non-conceited Moderate Self-respect
Table 6.20: Attributes Represented by Women in the PTB Textbooks
Keen Talented Energetic Young (2)
Good Beloved (Daughter) Authentic (Reporter) Kind
Recognized Important Distinguished Piety
Learning Wisdom Simplicity Generosity
Care Brave Critical Modesty
Oration Intelligent Simple Surprised
Kind Feeble Old Healthy
Satisfied Affectionate Ummul-Momeneen
(Mother of all Muslims)
Table 6.21: Women’s Representation of Negative Attributes
Feeble Old
Table 6.22: Men’s Break with their Stereotypical Representation of Attributes
Not extravagant Contented Obedient Caring
Loving
340
Table 6.23: Women’s Break with their Stereotypical Representation of Attributes
Talented Beloved (daughter) Wisdom Brave
Intelligent Energetic Distinguished Generosity
Table 6.24: Attributes Represented by Men in the OUP Textbooks
Soldier Caring Loving Famous
Poor Surprised Lucky Decorated Veteran
Sceptic Rationalist Professional Blind
Feeble Stupid Patient Strongest
Gray Wealthiest Most Useful Most Influential
Lazy Silent Dumb Deaf
Happy Hard Sharp Secret
Self-Contained Solitary Old Scarlet
Master Frail-Looking Tall Active
Wiry Cleanshaven Smiling Young
Nervousness White Kindness Expert
Founder Confident Excited Vain Glorious
Black Dazed Bastard Funny
Skinny Dark Curious Upset
Very Happy Familiar Deeply Involved Receptivity
Miser Genuine Worried Afraid
Unaware Careful Devout Humour
Romantic Unending Willingness Talented Overjoyed
341
Warm-Hearted Artistic Handsome Great
Honest Reputation Best Excited
Mad Satisfied Troubled Survivor
Irritated Excited Baffled Experienced
Decorated Good Chickennecked Cowardice
Sluggishness Fortunate Unlucky Handsome
Tall Eldest Obedient Innocent
Well-Rounded Lopsided Prepared Relieved
Recluse Flushed (With
Success)
Table 6.25: Attributes Represented by Women in the OUP Textbooks
Illiterate Ignorant Impatient Skilled
Angelic Softness Concentration Pride
Beggar Kind-Hearted Too Young Too Inexperienced
Investigative Relieved (Too) Old (Too) Unattractive
Freak Tired Sobriety Frightened
Black Drunk Dark Charming
Pretty Helplessly Old Slight Stately
Fair Soft Plump Strong
Sturdiness Singing Devout Humour
Good Ready Very Good Worried
Nice Desi (Girl) Idiot Stupid Upset
342
Kind Obstinate Indifferent Creative
Astounded Distinguished Handicaps Unselfish Love
Devotion Brilliant Outstanding Intelligent
Helplessly Young Not Deferential
(To Men)
Table 6.26: Men’s Representation of Negative Attributes
Poor Sceptic Feeble Gray
Lazy Wiry Nervousness Black
Skinny Miser Surprised Mad
Irritated Sluggishness Recluse Stupid
Hard Solitary Frail-Looking Dazed
Dark Upset Dumb Old
Bastard Worried Troubled Baffled
Chickennecked Unlucky Lopsided Blind
Deaf Vain Glorious Funny Afraid
Cowardice Unaware
Table 6.27: Women’s Representation of Negative Attributes
Illiterate Beggar Freak Black
Astounded Helplessly Young Ignorant Impatient
Tired Drunk Helplessly Old Slight
Idiot Obstinate Not Deferential Handicaps
343
Too Young (Too) Old Dark Frightened
Plump Stupid Indifferent Upset
Pride Too Inexperienced Unattractive Worried
Table 6.28: Men’s Break with their Stereotypical Representation of Attributes
Feeble Lazy Mad Sluggishness
Cowardice Stupid Afraid Bastard
Chikennecked Obedient
Table 6.29: Women’s Break with their Stereotypical Representation of Attributes
Angelic Investigative Sturdiness Obstinate
Distinguished Brilliant Sobriety Very Good
Outstanding Skilled Pride Stately
Creative Intelligent
Table 6.30: Representation of Attributes by Men (M) and Women (W) in the OUT
and PTB Textbooks
PTB TEXTBOOKS OUP TEXTBOOKS
Representation Total M % W % Total M % W %
Attributes 106 75 70.75 31 29.24 164 106 64.63 58 35.36
Negative attributes 02 0 … 02 100 66 38 57.57 28 42.42
Non-stereotypical attrib. 13 05 38.46 08 61.53 22 08 36.36 14 63.63
344
Tables and Charts (Chapter 7)
7.1 Questionnaire Data from the Students of Government Urdu-Medium Schools
Table 7.1.1
Question Schools suggested
1. Suppose someone asks for
your advice for a school for
admission. Which school do you
think you would suggest?
Urdu-medium
schools
88 %
Non-elite
English-
medium
schools
12%
Elite English-
medium
Schools
0 %
Table 7.1.2
Question Favourite countries
2. Which country
do you wish you
were born in?
Pakistan
86 %
India
0 %
America
2 %
England
0 %
Other*
12 %
Other: Saudi Arabia 12%
Table 7.1.3
Question Quantifiers
3. How much do you like celebrating the national
events e.g. Independence Day, Defence Day?
Much
84 %
Little
16 %
Not at all
0 %
345
Table 7.1.4
Question Quantifiers
4. How much do you like celebrating the Islamic
events e.g. Shab-e-Barat, Eid Milad-un-Nabi
(SAWW)?
Much
100 %
Little
0 %
Not at all
0 %
Table 7.1.5
Question Celebratory Practices
5. How do you
celebrate the
Islamic events
most often?
Offering Prayers
21 %
Illuminating
Home
4 %
Participating in
Mehfil-e-
Milad
10 %
Doing
All
65 %
Other *
0 %
Table 7.1.6
Question Answer
6a. Is there any personality / character you like particularly in
your English textbooks?
Yes
100 %
No
0 %
Table 7.1.7
Question Answer
6b. If yes, what is the gender of that personality / character? Male
94 %
Female
6 %
346
Table 7.1.8
Questions Agree Disagree Unsure
7. English should be abolished in Pakistan. 18 % 74 % 8 %
8. Western life style attracts you more than the Pakistani
one.
10 %
90 %
0 %
9. Pakistan should struggle for the occupied Kashmir. 98 % 2 % 0 %
10. Pakistan should adopt the means of war to get the
occupied Kashmir.
64 %
30 %
6 %
11. The Hindus are our enemies. 92 % 2 % 6 %
12. The Christians are our enemies. 88 % 4 % 8 %
13. The Jews are our enemies. 90 % 4 % 6 %
14. Pakistan should have friendly relations with all of
them.
32 %
66 %
2 %
15. Pakistan should sign treaties with them to fight against
terrorism.
60 %
34 %
6 %
347
7.2 Questionnaire Data from the Students of Non-Elite English-Medium Schools
Table 7.2.1
Question Schools suggested
1. Suppose someone asks for
your advice for a school for
admission. What one school do
you think you would suggest?
Urdu-medium
schools
0 %
Non-elite
English-
medium
schools
98 %
Elite English-
medium
Schools
2 %
Table 7.2.2
Question Favourite countries
2. Which country
do you wish you
were born in?
Pakistan
72 %
India
0 %
America
2 %
England
2 %
Other*
24 %
*Other = Saudi Arabia 16, Iraq 2, Egypt 2, Australia 2, Switzerland 2
Table 7.2.3
Question Quantifiers
3. How much do you like celebrating the national
events e.g. Independence Day, Defence Day?
Much
84 %
Little
16 %
Not at all
0 %
348
Table 7.2.4
Question Quantifiers
4. How much do you like celebrating the Islamic
events e.g. Shab-e-Barat, Eid Milad-un-Nabi
(SAWW)?
Much
96 %
Little
0 %
Not at all
4 %
Table 7.2.5
Question Celebratory Practices
5. How do you
celebrate the
Islamic events
most often?
Offering Prayers
28 %
Illuminating
Home
6 %
Participating in
Mehfil-e-
Milad
20 %
Doing
All
36 %
Other *
2 %
Table 7.2.6
Question Answer
6a. Is there any personality / character you like particularly in
your English textbooks?
Yes
98 %
No
2 %
Table 7.2.7
Question Answer
6b. If yes, what is the gender of that personality / character? Male
94 %
Female
4 %
349
Table 7.2.8
Questions Agree Disagree Unsure
7. English should be abolished in Pakistan. 4 % 88 % 8 %
8. Western life style attracts you more than the Pakistani
one.
12 %
80 %
8 %
9. Pakistan should struggle for the occupied Kashmir. 98 % 0 % 2 %
10. Pakistan should adopt the means of war to get the
occupied Kashmir.
60 %
28 %
12 %
11. The Hindus are our enemies. 76 % 14 % 10 %
12. The Christians are our enemies. 66 % 22 % 12 %
13. The Jews are our enemies. 72 % 18 % 10 %
14. Pakistan should have friendly relations with all of
them.
38 %
50 %
12 %
15. Pakistan should sign treaties with them to fight against
terrorism.
52 %
32 %
16 %
350
7.3 Questionnaire Data from the Students of Elite English-Medium Schools
Table 7.3.1
Question Schools suggested
1. Suppose someone asks for
your advice for a school for
admission. What one school do
you think you would suggest?
Urdu-medium
schools
2 %
Non-elite
English-
medium
schools
4 %
Elite English-
medium
Schools
94 %
Table 7.3.2
Question Favourite countries
2. Which country
do you wish you
were born in?
Pakistan
38 %
India
0 %
America
12 %
England
28 %
Other*
22 %
*Other = Iran 6, Saudi Arabia 6, Canada 4, Dubai 4, UAE 2
Table 7.3.3
Question Quantifiers
3. How much do you like celebrating the national
events e.g. Independence Day, Defence Day?
Much
46 %
Little
38 %
Not at all
16 %
351
Table 7.3.4
Question Quantifiers
4. How much do you like celebrating the Islamic
events e.g. Shab-e-Barat, Eid Milad-un-Nabi
(SAWW)?
Much
52 %
Little
42 %
Not at all
6 %
Table 7.3.5
Question Celebratory Practices
5. How do you
celebrate the
Islamic events
most often?
Offering Prayers
52 %
Illuminating
Home
7 %
Participating in
Mehfil-e-
Milad
10 %
Doing
All
17 %
Other *
9 %
Table 7.3.6
Question Answer NR
6a. Is there any personality / character you like
particularly in your English textbooks?
Yes
48 %
No
50 %
2 %
Table 7.3.7
Question Answer NR
6b. If yes, what is the gender of that personality /
character?
Male
26 %
Female
22 %
52 %
352
Table 7.3.8
Questions Agree Disagree Unsure
7. English should be abolished in Pakistan. 16 % 82 % 2 %
8. Western life style attracts you more than the Pakistani
one.
58 %
36 %
6 %
9. Pakistan should struggle for the occupied Kashmir. 80 % 14 % 6 %
10. Pakistan should adopt the means of war to get the
occupied Kashmir.
28 %
50 %
22 %
11. The Hindus are our enemies. 14 % 66 % 20 %
12. The Christians are our enemies. 12 % 68 % 20 %
13. The Jews are our enemies. 14 % 68 % 18 %
14. Pakistan should have friendly relations with all of
them.
78 %
10 %
12 %
15. Pakistan should sign treaties with them to fight against
terrorism.
58 %
30 %
12 %
353
7.5 Charts: Discussion of the Comparative Results of Government Urdu-Medium, Non-Elite
English-Medium and Elite English-Medium Schools Students Chart 7.5.1
Chart 7.5.2
354
Chart 7.5.3
Chart 7.5.4
355
Chart 7.5.5
Chart 7.5.6
356
Chart 7.5.7
Chart 7.5.8
357
Chart 7.5.9
Chart 7.5.10
358
Chart 7.5.11
Chart 7.5.12
359
Chart 7.5.13
Chart 7.5.14
360
Chart 7.5.15
Chart 7.5.16
361
Questionnaire on English and Ideology
Name (Optional) ______________________________ Gender _________________ Class/Grade _______________ School _____________________________________
Part A
1. Suppose someone asks for your advice for a school for admission. What one school do you think you would suggest? _______________________________________________________
2. Which country do you wish you were born in?
a. Pakistan b. India c. America d. England e. Other (please specify) ______________
3. How much do you like celebrating the national events e.g Independence Day, Defence Day?
Very much Much Little Very little Not at all
4. How much do you like celebrating the Islamic events e.g. Shab-e-Barat, Eid Milad-un-Nabi
(SAWW)? Very much Much Little Very little Not at all
Note: If 4 = ‘Not at all’, do not answer 5; go to 6.
362
5. How do you celebrate the Islamic events most often? (You can tick / write more than one celebratory practice if you wish)
a. I offer prayers. b. I illuminate home. c. I participate in Mehfil-e-Milad. d. I do all. e. Other (please specify) ______________
6. a) Is there any personality/character you like particularly in your English textbooks?
Yes No
b) If yes, what is the gender of that personality/character?
Male Female
Part B
► Please tick the reply with which you agree most in the following statements:
7. English should be abolished in Pakistan.
(a) Strongly Agree (b) Agree (c) Strongly Disagree (d) Disagree (e) Unsure
8. Western life style attracts you more than the Pakistani one.
(a) Strongly Agree (b) Agree (c) Strongly Disagree (d) Disagree (e) Unsure
9. Pakistan should struggle for the occupied Kashmir.
(a) Strongly Agree (b) Agree (c) Strongly Disagree (d) Disagree (e) Unsure Note: If 9 = ‘Strongly Agree’ or ‘Agree’, then answer 10; otherwise go to 11.
10. Pakistan should adopt the means of war to get the occupied Kashmir.
(a) Strongly Agree (b) Agree (c) Strongly Disagree (d) Disagree (e) Unsure
363
11. The Hindus are our enemies.
(a) Strongly Agree (b) Agree (c) Strongly Disagree (d) Disagree (e) Unsure
12. The Christians are our enemies.
(a) Strongly Agree (b) Agree (c) Strongly Disagree (d) Disagree (e) Unsure
13. The Jews are our enemies.
(a) Strongly Agree (b) Agree (c) Strongly Disagree (d) Disagree (e) Unsure
14. Pakistan should have friendly relations with all of them.
(a) Strongly Agree (b) Agree (c) Strongly Disagree (d) Disagree (e) Unsure
15. Pakistan should sign treaties with them to fight against terrorism.
(a) Strongly Agree (b) Agree (c) Strongly Disagree (d) Disagree (e) Unsure