How Nonviolent Struggle Works

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Transcript of How Nonviolent Struggle Works

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HOW NONVIOLENT

STRUGGLE

WORKS

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HOW

NONVIOLENT

STRUGGLE WORKS

Gene Sharp

The Albert Einstein Institution

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Copyright © 2013 by Gene Sharp

Layout and design by Eben Sorkin All rights reserved including translation rights.Printed in the United States of America.October 2013Printed on recycled paper.

This document is not to be published or translated without written permission of the author. Inquiriesabout reprinting or translating this document shouldbe addressed to the author at the address below.

The Albert Einstein InstitutionPO Box 455East Boston, MA 02128, USA

Tel: USA + 617-247-4882Fax: USA + 617-247-4035E-mail: [email protected]: www.aeinstein.org

ISBN 1-880813-15-7ISBN 978-1-880813-15-7

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PrefaceGene Sharp

Background Jaime González Bernal

Part One POWER AND STRUGGLE

Chapter One The nature and control of political power

Chapter Two Nonviolent action: an active technique ofstruggle

Part Two THE METHODS OF NONVIOLENT ACTION

Chapter Three The methods of nonviolent protest and persuasion

Chapter Four The methods of social noncooperation

Chapter Five The methods of economic noncooperation(1) Economic boycotts

Chapter Six The methods of economic noncooperation(2) The strike

TABLE OF CONTENTS

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Chapter SevenThe methods of political noncooperation

Chapter Eight The methods of nonviolent intervention

Part 3

THE DYNAMICS OF NONVIOLENT ACTION

Chapter Nine Laying the groundwork for nonviolent action

Chapter TenChallenge brings repression

Chapter ElevenSolidarity and discipline to ght repression

Chapter Twelve Political jiu-jitsu

Chapter Thirteen Four ways success may be achieved

Chapter Fourteen The redistribution of power

Also by the same author

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PREFACEGene Sharp

This small book offers the principal con-tents of the 902 pages of the original 1973ThePolitics of Nonviolent Action to anyone who wants to learn the substance of how nonvio-lent struggle works.1 That is, how the nonvio-lent technique can operate in conicts, even

when strong opponents are willing and able toimpose harsh repression.

There are almost no historical examples pre-

sented in this abridged text. They can easily befound elsewhere.2

This distilled text is amazingly faithful to theoriginal lengthy complex analysis publishedin 1973. The fullThe Politics of Nonviolent Ac-tion did not appear ready-made that year. Thatbook was the result of years of efforts to under-stand, describe, and present the technique ofnonviolent action.

That work was done as several distinct sec-tions of the whole. These sections were: under-

1 Gene Sharp, The Politics of Nonviolent Action. Boston:Porter Sargent Publisher, 1973. Available at http://www.extendinghorizons.com.

2 See, for example, The Politics of Nonviolent Action andGene Sharp, Waging Nonviolent Struggle: 20th CenturyPractice and 21st Century Potential. Boston: Porter SargentPublishers, 2005.

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standing of political power, methods of action,and dynamics of change. When put togetherthese components reveal the essence of thistechnique. Not perfectly, for the nal text leftroom for corrections and improvements. Notcompletely, for the knowledge of the opera-tion of this technique was and is in a continualprocess of growth and development.

Depending on what sections are countedand at what stage of their development, ThePolitics of Nonviolent Action required aboutfteen years. That does not count more than a

year of editorial work with Dr. Marina Fin-kelstein at Harvard University’s Center forInternational Affairs, where I had been invitedfrom Norway in December 1965 by ProfessorThomas C. Schelling.

The earlier work was conducted at the Insti-tute for Social Research, Oslo, the University ofOslo, Norway, and St. Catherine’s College of Ox-ford University, where Alan Bullock was Master.

Before the nal editorial work, a draft of ThePolitics of Nonviolent Action was accepted in 1968in partial fulllment of requirements for myDoctor of Philosophy degree (D. Phil.) at Ox-ford University. My advanced studies in Oxford,1960-1964, were supervised by John Plamenatz.

The Politics of Nonviolent Action is currentlypublished in three volumes: Part One: Powerand Struggle, Part Two: The Methods of Nonvio-lent Action, and Part Three: The Dynamics ofNonviolent Action.

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The present text is an extreme abridgementof the published The Politics of Nonviolent Action.The original condensation was prepared by Jai-me González Bernal in Spanish in Mexico andpublished as La Lucha Política Noviolenta. JaimeGonzález Bernal told me that his condensationrequired a full year of work. It was published inSpanish in Mexico in private printings under

the title La Lucha Política Noviolenta: Criterios yTécnicas. The rst printing was in March 1988(© Gene Sharp, 1988 and © Jaime GonzálezBernal, 1988). González Bernal’s condensation was used by groups in Mexico that were strug-gling for fair elections.

The same edition was published in Octo-ber 1988 in Santiago, Chile, under the title LaLucha Política Noviolenta: Criterios y MétodosbyEdiciones ChileAmérica CESOC. It was copy-righted by Gene Sharp, Jaime González Bernal,and Ediciones ChileAmérica.

A revised expanded Mexican edition was

printed in 1991 (© Gene Sharp, 1991 and © Jaime González Bernal, 1991) by Epessa.Revisions of the translated passages in Span-

ish were made in 1993 and 1994 by SandraDenisse Herrera Flores.

A new revised and expanded edition wasprinted for Cuba in 1997 (© Gene Sharp, 1997)by Hermas al Rescate. The most importantaddition was the expansion of the number ofmechanisms of change from three to four, add-ing “disintigration” of the oponents’ regime.

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(These terms are dened in this text.)I produced an English language text from the

Spanish in 1996. Sections of that English text were incorporated in my The Power and Practiceof Nonviolent Struggle, which has been pub-lished in Arabic, Dutch, Hebrew, Portuguese,and Tibetan. It was never published in English.

The chapters on the dynamics of nonviolent

conict in my Waging Nonviolent Struggle: 20thCentury Practice and 21st Century Potential drawheavily on González Bernal’s format and text,but are considerably different in content.

The English language text here is primarilyMr. González Bernal’s condensation returnedto English. It has been evaluated and edited

with the important assistance of Caridad Inda.She has made major contributions to this textfrom 1987 to this edition in 2013.

I have made limited recent changes and addi-tions to both the English and the Spanish texts,and have changed the title to How Nonviolent

Struggle Works. Jamila Raqib provided editorial suggestions,consulted on the merit and usefulness of thistext, and managed production. Jessica Draweand Michael Levy also provided nal editingand assisted with production.

After re-reading both the English and theSpanish texts, I was amazed at the quality ofthe condensation made by Mr. González Ber-nal. This concentrated version of The Politicsof Nonviolent Action provides the essence of

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the nonviolent technique. I decided that thisEnglish text must be published, both for use byEnglish readers and to facilitate future transla-tions. This is the rst printing of the Englishlanguage text.

Major efforts in July and August 2012 to lo-cate Jaime González Bernal were unfortunatelyunsuccessful.

This book will have diverse readers: thegeneral public, faculty and students, protesters,social change activists, police and military of-cers, developers of political policies, religiousthinkers, journalists, people of diverse political

views, and many more. Although this condensation is extremely

good, I hope that many of its readers will latergo to the complete The Politics of Nonviolent

Action for more information, details and manyhistorical examples. My other writings in theeld are also relevant. Several are listed at theend of this publication.

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BACKGROUND Jaime González Bernal

The Politics of Nonviolent Action was the resultof a research project carried out by Gene Sharpfrom 1958 to 1964 in Oslo, Norway; Oxford,England; and from 1965 to 1973 under theauspices of the Center for International Affairsof Harvard University. Its comprehensivenessand technical and historical clarity make it anexcellent primary framework for the techniqueof political struggle chosen by many “people

power” movements in recent years.In his own preface, Sharp wrote that “someconicts do not yield to compromise and canbe resolved only through struggle.”

“Regular institutional procedures are rarelyavailable” to solve “conicts that, in one way oranother, involve the fundamental principles ofa society, of independence, of self-respect, or ofpeople’s capacity to determine their own future.”

Traditionally, it is believed that in thoseconicts there exist only two alternative waysof acting: passive submission or violent action.There is, however, a third alternative: struggle

by means of nonviolent action.The basic concept and the foundation forpolitical struggle by means of nonviolentaction rest on the belief that “ the exercise ofpower depends on the consent of the ruled who, by

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withdrawing that consent, can control and evendestroy the power of their opponents.”

“Nonviolent action is a technique used tocontrol, combat, and destroy the opponents’power by nonviolent means of wielding power.

The Politics of Nonviolent Action is a major ex-ploration of the nature of nonviolent struggle.”The complete work is now presented in Eng-

lish in three volumes: Power and Struggle, The Methods of Nonviolent Action, and The Dynamicsof Nonviolent Action.

The rst volume, Power and Struggle, begins with an analysis of the nature of political power.Frequently it is presumed that “power owsfrom violence and can only be controlled bygreater violence.” In fact, “power derives fromsources within society that people can restrictor cut off by withdrawing their cooperation.

The political power of governments can in-deed be very fragile. Even the power of dicta-torships can be destroyed by the withdrawal of

the human help that makes the existence of theregime possible.”Political struggle by means of nonviolent ac-

tion is based on this observation. In this work,“the basic characteristics of nonviolent struggleare described, misperceptions are corrected,and there is an account of some of the featuresof its vast history. It is the history of actionsperformed by ordinary people—not pacistsor saints—struggling imperfectly for a varietyof causes.

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Using nonviolent action, people have achievedhigher wages, broken social barriers, changedgovernment policies, frustrated invaders, para-lyzed empires, and dissolved dictatorships.”

The second volume, The Methods of Nonvio-lent Action, “examines in detail 198 specicmethods of this technique,” which are classiedas nonviolent protest and persuasion; social,

economic, and political noncooperation; andnonviolent intervention.The nal volume, The Dynamics of Nonviolent

Action, “examines the complex operation ofthis technique against violent and repressiveopponents.”

The analysis examines the infrastructure whichcan precede the struggle, as well as the basic pre-requisites for the participants. It then focuses on

“the initial impact of the nonviolent challenge.”“Repression is probable.” A strong but non-

violent resistance effort is necessary to combatthe repression. “The opponents’ repression

can be made to work against them by meansof ‘political jiu-jitsu.’ ” This process weakens theopponents’ power by reducing or severing theirsources and increasing the sources of power ofthe resistance.

“Four mechanisms are explored by meansof which nonviolent action can bring about

victory: conversion (the least frequent), accom-modation, nonviolent coercion, and disintegra-tion. Massive noncooperation can paralyze anddisintegrate even systems of oppression.”

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A resistance group using nonviolent ac-tion also undergoes changes. Its “self-respect,condence, ability to act, and power all tend toincrease.”

“The growth in the power of the strugglegroup, the strengthening of nongovernmentalinstitutions, the ability to defeat repressiveelites, and the ability to increase the capacity

for nonviolent struggle within the populationall contribute to long-term change as power isredistributed.”

This study is an effort to search for alterna-tives to violence when confronted with tyranny,aggression, injustice and oppression. It is clearthat simple moral repudiation of violence,denunciation of one’s enemies, and exhorta-tions to love and be peaceful have contributedlittle towards doing away with wars and otherpolitical violence. Only by adopting peacefulbut efficient forms of sanctions and struggle,that constitute a real alternative to violence,

will we be able to reduce political violence ina manner compatible with liberty, justice, andhuman dignity.

Believing in nonviolent alternatives and pro-moting them alone will not necessarily lead usto the change we seek. That will not happen un-less these nonviolent alternatives are perceivedto be at least as effective as violence. Neitheris it enough to preach and make declarationsto achieve the rational adoption of nonviolentstruggle. A careful and objective study of the

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nature, capability, and requirements of this non- violent type of political struggle is required.

The Politics of Nonviolent Action by GeneSharp focuses only on the technique of nonvio-lent action. It does not examine the relation ofthis technique to ethics, nor of the relation ofthe nonviolent technique to prevailing psycho-logical or religious beliefs. Nor does it include

an analysis of the political implications of thenonviolent technique, nor of its potential forsocial change or national defense.

In his introduction to the book, HarvardProfessor Thomas C. Schelling wrote that“violence gets plenty of attention, but purposive violence, violence for political effect, rarely isexamined with” the precision given to nonvio-lent action in this book. We should compare

violent action and nonviolent action in termsof “the achievement of political purpose andthe costs of the achievement.” 3

Schelling continued, saying that the differ-

ence between violent action and nonviolent ac-tion “is not like the difference between prayerand dynamite.” Political violence, like politicalnonviolence, usually has as its purpose makingsomebody do something or not do somethingor stop doing something. “The aim is to inu-ence behavior,” he wrote.

3 A 2011 study seriously attempts to correct that need. SeeErica Chenoweth and Maria J. Stephan, Why Civil Resis-tance Works: The Strategic Logic of Nonviolent Conict. NewYork: Columbia University Press, 2011.

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Schelling pointed out that violent actionattempts to inuence behavior “mainly byintimidating people—large numbers or a few,followers or leaders, common citizens or of-cials... The violence does not directly makepeople behave or perform or participate; itcan only make it hurt if they don’t.”

“Violent action and nonviolent action aredifferent techniques of trying to make it unre- warding for people to do certain things, andsafe or rewarding to do other things. Both canbe misused, mishandled, or misapplied. Bothcan be used for evil or misguided purposes,”the professor added.

In both cases, Schelling wrote, “discipline,command and control; intelligence about the

adversary; careful choice of weapons, targets,terrain and time of day; and, especially avoidingimpetuous recourse to provoked or purposelessviolence, are critical to success.”

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PART ONE

POWER AND

STRUGGLE

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Chapter OneTHE NATURE AND CONTROL OF

POLITICAL POWER

An understanding of the nature of politicalpower will help us to understand how to con-duct struggle effectively.

The central importance of power• Power is inherent in practically all socialand political relationships

• Its control is the basic problem in politicaltheory and in political reality

• It is necessary to wield power in order tocontrol the power of threatening adversaries

• Social power is the totality of all in uencesand pressures which can be used by and ap-

plied to groups of people, either to attemptto control the behavior of others directly orindirectly, or to accomplish a group objectiveby group action.

• Political power is that kind of social power which is wielded for political objectives,especially by governmental institutions or bypeople in opposition to or in support of suchinstitutions. Political power thus refers tothe total authority, inuence, pressure, andcoercion which may be applied to achieve or

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prevent the implementation of the wishes ofthe power-holder.

The basic nature of political powerThere appear to be two main views of the

nature of power.The monolithic view of power sees people as

dependent upon the goodwill, the decisions,

and the support of their government or of anyother hierarchical system. It perceives poweras emanating from the few who stand at thepinnacle of command. It considers power to beself-perpetuating, durable, not easily or quicklycontrolled or destroyed.

The social view of power sees governments orother systems to be dependent on the people’sgoodwill, decisions and support. It sees thatpower as continually rising from many parts ofthe society. It views political power as fragile,always dependent for its strength and existenceupon a replenishment of its sources by thecooperation of a multitude of institutions andpeople—cooperation which may or may notcontinue. Therefore, political power can mostefficiently be controlled at its sources.

Social roots of political power

The persons, group, or regime which occu-pies the highest position of command in thesociety and government, especially the State,are here called “the rulers.”

Rulers have no power intrinsic to themselves.

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Such power must come from outside them-selves. Their power is therefore variable. Howmuch power they have depends on how muchpower society will grant them. Political powerhas identiable sources.

A. Sources of political power Authority 1. : Dened by Jacques Maritain

“. . . the right to command and direct, to beheard or obeyed by others.” Authority is vol-untarily accepted by the people and thereforeis present without the imposition of sanc-tions. It is enough that the persons or groupbe perceived and accepted as superior. Whilenot identical with power, authority is clearlya main source of power.

Human resources2. : The power of rulersis affected by the number of persons whoobey them, cooperate with them, or providethem with special assistance, as well as bythe proportion of such persons in the generalpopulation, and the extent and forms of theirorganizations.

Skills and knowledge3. : The power of rul-ers is also affected by the skills, knowledgeand abilities of such persons, and the relationof their skills, knowledge, and abilities to therulers’ needs.

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Intangible factors4. : Psychological andideological factors, such as habits and atti-tudes toward obedience and submission, andthe presence or absence of a common faith,ideology, or sense of mission

Material resources5. : The degree to whichthe rulers control property, natural resources,nancial resources, the economic system,communication and transportation, etc.,helps to determine the limits of their power

Sanctions6. : Dened by John Austin as “anenforcement of obedience.” The type andextent of sanctions or punishments at therulers’ disposal, both for use against their own

subjects and in conicts with other rulers.Sanctions are used by rulers to supplement voluntary acceptance of their authority and toincrease the degree of obedience to their com-mands. The sanctions may be violent or not.They may be intended as punishment or de-terrence. Violent domestic sanctions, such asimprisonment or execution, are commonly in-tended to punish disobedience, not to achievethe objective of the original command.It is always a matter of the degree to which

some or all of these six sources of power arepresent. Their availability is subject to constant

variations; only rarely are all of them complete-ly available to the rulers or completely absent.

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B. These sources depend on obedienceThe sources of the rulers’ power depend

intimately upon the obedience and cooperationof the subjects. Let us, for example, considerauthority from this point of view.

Authority is necessary to the existence andoperation of any regime. All rulers require anacceptance of their authority; their right to ruleand command and be obeyed. The key to habit-ual obedience is to reach the mind. Obedience willscarcely be habitual unless it is loyal, not forced. Inessence, authority must be voluntarily accepted.

The weakening or collapse of that authority•inevitably tends to loosen the subjects’ pre-disposition toward obedience. Then the deci-sion to obey or not to obey will be made con-sciously, and obedience may be refused. Thisloss of authority sets in motion the disintegra-tion of the rulers’ power. That power is reducedto the degree that they are denied authority.

All rulers must depend upon the coopera-•tion and assistance of their subjects. Themore extensive and detailed the rulers’ con-trol is, the more such assistance they will re-quire from individuals, groups, organizations,and subgroups. If the multitude of “assistants”

reject the rulers’ authority, they may then car-ry out their wishes inefficiently, or may evenatly refuse to continue their usual assistance.When this happens the total power of the rul-ers diminishes. Sanctions may be applied, but

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the rulers need more than reluctant outwardcompliance. Sanctions will be inadequateas long as acceptance of the rulers’ authorityis limited. Because of dependence on otherpeople to operate the system, the rulers arecontinually subject to inuence and restric-tion by both their direct assistants and thegeneral populace. This control will be great-

est where their dependence is greatest. A special relationship exists between sanc-•tions and submission. First, the possibilityand capability to impose sanctions itselfderives from the obedience and cooperationof at least some subjects. Second, whetherthese sanctions are effective

depends on theresponse of the subjects against whom they arethreatened or applied. The question is to whatdegree people obey without threats, and to

what degree they continue to disobey despitepunishment.

The capacity of rulers to detect and punishdisobedience depends on the existing patternof obedience; the greater the obedience, thegreater the chances of detection and punish-ment of disobedience. The weaker the obedi-ence, the less effective will be the enforcement.

The rulers’ power depends on the continualavailability of all this assistance. This assis-tance comes not only from individuals, officials,employees, and the like, but also from thesubsidiary organizations and institutions whichcompose the system as a whole. These may be

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departments, bureaus, branches, committees,and the like. Just as individuals and indepen-dent groups may refuse to cooperate, so toothese unit organizations may refuse to providesufficient help to maintain effectively the rul-ers’ position and to enable them to implementtheir policies. “Thus no complex can carry outa superior order if its members (either unit

organizations or individuals) will not enable itto do so,” wrote Chester I. Barnard.The internal stability of a regime can be mea-

sured by the ratio between the strength of thesocial forces that it controls and the strength ofthe social forces that it has against it.

Obedience is the heart of political powerThe relationship between command and

obedience is always one of mutual inuenceand some degree of interaction. That is, eachinuences the other. Without the expectedconformity by the subordinates (whether in theform of passive acquiescence or active consent)the power relationship is not complete, despitethe threat or iniction of sanctions.

The same type of interaction also takes placebetween institutions and between the variousunits of a complex organization. This is because

the superordinate body depends on its subordi-nate members or suborganizations to carry outorders and tasks. The same type of interactionalso takes place within the State: commandsand orders are not automatically obeyed.

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The degree to which the rulers succeed in wielding power and achieving the objectivesdepends upon the degree of obedience andcooperation emerging from the interaction ofthe rulers, the subjects, and the situation. Aregime’s power is in proportion to its ability tomake itself obeyed and to win from that obedi-ence the means of action.

Why do people obey?From a psychological point of view the crux

of the problem of determining the rulers’power rests in understanding the origin, con-stitution, and maintenance of obedience.

A. There are multiple reasons to obey Actually there is no single self-sufficient

explanation for why people obey rulers. Thereasons are multiple, complex, and interrelated.These reasons include:

1. Habit2. Fear of sanctions3. Moral obligation4. Self-interest5. Psychological identication with the rulers6. Indifference7. Absence of self-condence among subjects

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B. The obedience of the rulers’ functionariesand agents

All rulers use the obedience and cooperationthey receive from part of the society to rule the

whole. The motives of this sector of the popu-lation are similar to those we just cited withan emphasis on moral obligation and personalinterest.

C. Obedience is not inevitableObedience always varies in degree with the

individual concerned and with the social andpolitical situation. Most people obey from hab-it. However, at any particular point in a givensociety there are limits within which rulersmust stay if their commands are to be obeyed.Under certain circumstances subjects may be willing to put up with inconvenience, suffering,and disruption of their lives rather than contin-ue to submit passively or to obey rulers whosepolicies they can no longer tolerate.

Having long been accustomed to receiving widespread obedience, rulers do not alwaysanticipate generalized disobedience.

The role of consentEach reason for obedience, including sanc-

tions, must operate through the will or volitionof the individual subject to produce obedience.If the subject is to obey, the current reasonsfor obeying must be seen as sufficient groundsto obey. However, the will or volition of the

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subject may change with new inuences, events,and forces. In varying degrees, the individual’sown will may play an active role in the situation.The political obedience on which the powerof rulers ultimately depends is a result of acombination of fear of sanctions (or intimi-dated consent) and free consent (offered onperceived merits). Both operate through the

will of the subject. A. Obedience is essentially voluntary

Obedience is not automatic, nor uniform,nor universal, nor constant. Despite the strongpressures for submission and obedience, sanc-tions do not always produce obedience.

The personal choice between obeying anddisobeying will be inuenced by an evaluationof the consequences of obeying and disobeying.If the subject perceives the consequences ofobedience to be worse than the consequencesof disobedience, then disobedience is more

likely.Obedience only exists when one has com-plied with the command. If I walk to jail, I haveobeyed. If I am dragged there, I have not obeyed.

Physical compulsion affecting only the bodytherefore may yield some results but it does notnecessarily produce obedience. Only certaintypes of objectives can be achieved by directphysical compulsion of disobedient subjects—such as moving them physically, preventingthem from moving physically, or seizing their

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money or property. But this does not neces-sarily result in obedience. The overwhelmingpercentage of the commands and objectivesof rulers can only be achieved by inducing thesubject to be willing for some reason to carrythem out. (The ditch remains undug even if themen who refused to dig it have been shot.) It isnot the sanctions themselves which produce obedi-

ence, but the fear of them.However, most people in most situations arequite unwilling to suffer the penalties for dis-obedience, except for very special cases in whichfeelings are very intense. In such cases, disobedi-ence sometimes occurs despite sanctions.

In summary, the power of rulers is dependentupon the availability of its several sources. Thisavailability is determined by the degree of obe-dience and cooperation given by the subjects.Despite inducements, pressures, and evensanctions, such obedience and cooperation are,however, not inevitable. Obedience remains

essentially voluntary. Therefore, all governmentis based upon consent. This does not mean that the subjects of all

rulers prefer the established order. They mayconsent because they positively approve of it.But they may also consent because they areunwilling to pay the price for the refusal ofconsent. Refusal requires self-condence, mo-tivation to resist, and may involve considerableinconvenience and suffering.

The degree of liberty or tyranny in any gov-

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ernment is, to a large degree, a reection of therelative determination of the subjects to be freeand their willingness and ability to resist effortsto enslave them.

Three of the most important factors in deter-mining to what degree the rulers’ power will becontrolled or uncontrolled therefore, are:

The relative desire of the populace to con-•

trol their power.The relative strength of the subjects’ inde-•pendent organizations and institutions.The subjects’ relative ability to withhold•

their consent and assistance.Freedom is not something which rulers “give”

their subjects. It is something achieved in theinteraction between society and government.

B. Consent can be withdrawnThe reasons for obedience are always variable.

The degree of the rulers’ authority will vary.

Other reasons for obedience may also increaseor decrease. Obedience, therefore, varies, lead-ing the rulers to seek to counteract that loss,as by harsher sanctions or increased rewards.The change in the subjects’ wills may lead totheir withdrawing from the rulers their service,cooperation, submission, and obedience.

Gandhi emphasized the importance of achange of will or change of attitude as a prereq-uisite for a change in patterns of obedience andcooperation. There was, he argued, a need for:

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A psychological change away from passive•submission to self-respect and courage.Recognition by the subjects that the sub-•

jects’ assistance makes the regime possible.The building of a determination to with-•

draw cooperation and obedience.This withdrawal of cooperation and obedi-

ence may also occur among both the rulers’agents of repression and their administrators.Their attitudes are especially important. With-out their support, the oppressive system disin-tegrates.

Gandhi was convinced that these changescould be consciously inuenced.

The answer to the problem of uncontrolledpolitical power may therefore lie in learninghow to carry out and maintain withdrawal ofcooperation and obedience despite repression.

The structural basis of resistance

Withdrawal of consent becomes politicallysignicant, and the rulers’ will is thwarted, inproportion to the number of disobedient sub-jects and the degree of the rulers’ dependenceupon them.

The key question then becomes how to imple-

ment this insight into political power. Clearlypeople must refuse cooperation and obedience.Very importantly, in order to have maximumimpact, this noncooperation and disobediencemust take the form of mass action. While in-

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dividual acts may at times be scarcely noticed,the deance of organizations and institutions—churches, trade unions, business organizations,the bureaucracy, neighborhoods, villages, cities,regions, and the like—may be pivotal.

The ability of the population to wield effec-tive power and to control that of its rulers willbe highly inuenced by the condition of these

non-State organizations and institutions. Itis these “places” where power operates thatprovide the structural basis for the control ofthe rulers. Where these independent bodies arestrong, the capacity to control the rulers willbe strong. When these are weak, so will be thecontrols over the rulers’ power. It is throughthese bodies that people can collectively offernoncooperation and disobedience.

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Chapter TwoNONVIOLENT ACTION: AN

ACTIVE TECHNIQUE OFSTRUGGLE

A simple postulateIn political terms, nonviolent action is basedon a very simple postulate: people do notalways do what they are told to do, and some-times they act in ways that have been forbid-den. Subjects may disobey laws they reject.

Workers may halt work, which may paralyzethe economy. The bureaucracy may refuse tocarry out instructions. Soldiers and police maybecome lax in inicting repression; they mayeven mutiny. When all such events happensimultaneously, the persons who have been

“rulers” become just other persons. This disso-lution of power can happen in a wide variety ofsocial and political conicts.

When people refuse their cooperation, with-hold their help, and persist in their disobedienceand deance, they are denying their opponentsthe basic human assistance and cooperation

which any government or hierarchical systemrequires. If people do this in sufficient numbersfor long enough, that government or hierarchi-cal system will no longer have power. This is thebasic political assumption of nonviolent action.

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A way to wage conictNonviolent action is a generic term covering

dozens of specic methods of protest, nonco-operation, and intervention, in all of whichthe resisters conduct the conict by doing—orrefusing to do—certain things without usingphysical violence. As a technique, therefore,nonviolent action is not passive. It is not inac-tion. It is action that is nonviolent.Whatever the issue and whatever the scale ofthe conict, nonviolent action is a techniqueby which people who reject passivity and sub-mission, and who see struggle as essential, can

wage their conict without violence. Nonvio-lent action is not an attempt to avoid or ignoreconict. It is one response to the problem ofhow to act effectively in politics, especially howto wield power effectively.

The motives for using nonviolent actioninstead of some type of violent action differ

widely. In most cases, violence may have beenrejected because of considerations of practicaleffectiveness, and rarely for religious, ethical,or moral reasons. Or, there may be a mixture ofmotivations of various types.

In the twentieth and twenty-rst centuries,nonviolent action has risen to unprecedented

political signicance throughout the world.People using it have amassed major achieve-ments. Higher wages and improved workingconditions have been won. Old traditions andpractices have been abolished. Government

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tial victories, or that violence has sometimeserupted—which, as we shall see, helps to bringdefeat. With such handicaps, it is amazing thatthe practice of the technique has been as wide-spread, successful, and orderly as it has.

Some men and women are now trying tolearn more of the nature of this techniqueand to explore its potentialities. Some people

are now asking how nonviolent action canbe rened and applied in place of violence tomeet complex and difficult problems. Theseintellectual efforts are a potentially signicantnew factor in the history of this technique. Thedevelopment of nonviolent action of varioustypes continues throughout the world, aris-ing from different roots, and taking numerousforms in response to a multitude of situationsand problems.

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PART TWO

THE METHODS

OF NONVIOLENT

ACTION

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The many specic methods, or “weapons,” ofnonviolent action are classied in three groups:

Protest and persuasion•

Noncooperation•

Nonviolent intervention•It is desirable to be familiar with the full

range of nonviolent methods. This listing of198 methods is far from complete.More complete denitions of each method

and historical examples of its use are availablein Gene Sharp, The Politics of Nonviolent Action,Part Two: The Methods of Nonviolent Action.

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Chapter ThreeTHE METHODS OF NONVIOLENT

PROTEST AND PERSUASION

Nonviolent protest and persuasion is a classthat includes a large number of methods whichare mainly symbolic acts of peaceful opposi-tion or of attempted persuasion. These extendbeyond verbal expressions but stop short ofnoncooperation or nonviolent intervention.The use of these methods is a way to show thatthe resisters are against or for something, the

degree of opposition or support, and the num-bers involved.The message may be intended to inuence

the opponents, the public, the grievance group,or a combination of the three.

The intention of the users of the methods ofthis class is to convince the opponents to cor-rect, to stop doing, or to do what the grievancegroup wants. Fifty-four methods of nonviolentprotest and persuasion are included in this list-ing, grouped here in ten sub-classes.

Formal statements

1. Public speeches2. Letters of opposition or support3. Declarations by organizations and institutions4. Signed public statements

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5. Declarations of indictment and intention6. Group or mass petition

Communications with a wider audience7. Slogans, caricatures and symbols (written,painted, drawn, printed, gestured, spoken, ormimicked)8. Banners, posters and displayed communi-cations9. Leaets, pamphlets and books10. Newspapers and journals11. Records, radio, television and video12. Skywriting and earthwriting

Group presentations13. Deputations14. Mock awards15. Group lobbying

16. Picketing17. Mock elections

Symbolic public acts18. Displays of ags and symbolic colors19. Wearing of symbols (advocacy buttons,patches)20. Prayer and worship21. Delivering symbolic objects

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22. Protest disrobings23. Destruction of own property (homes,documents, credentials, etc.)24. Symbolic lights (torches, lanterns, candles)25. Displays of portraits26. Paint as protest27. New signs and names and/or symbolicnames28. Symbolic sounds (“symbolic tunes,” using whistles, bells, sirens, etc.)29. Symbolic reclamations (takeover of landor buildings)30. Rude gestures

Pressures on individuals31. “Haunting” officials (constantly followingthem, silently, respectfully)32. Taunting officials (mocking and insulting

them)33. Fraternization (subjecting persons to in-tense direct inuence to convince them thatthe regime they serve is unjust)34. Vigils

Drama and music35. Humorous skits and pranks36. Performances of plays and music37. Singing

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Processions38. Marches39. Parades40. Religious processions41. Pilgrimages42. Motorcades

Honoring the dead43. Political mourning44. Mock funerals45. Demonstrative funerals46. Homage at burial places

Public assemblies47. Assemblies of protest or support48. Protest meetings49. Camouaged meetings of protest

50. Teach-ins (with several informed speakers) Withdrawal and renunciation

51. Walk-outs52. Silence53. Renouncing honors54. Turning one’s back

All of the above are symbolic actions. Greaterpower is wielded by the methods of noncoop-eration and nonviolent intervention.

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Chapter Four THE METHODS OF SOCIAL

NONCOOPERATION

The classes of noncooperation are social, eco-nomic, and political noncooperation.

Fifteen methods are listed in three sub-groups of social noncooperation.

Ostracism of persons55. Social boycott56. Selective social boycott57. Lysistratic nonaction (sexual boycott)58. Excommunication (religious boycott)59. Interdict (suspension of religious services)

Noncooperation with social events,customs and institutions

60. Suspension of social and sports activities61. Boycott of social affairs62. Student strike63. Social disobedience (of social customsor rules)64. Withdrawal from social institutions

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Withdrawal from the social system65. Stay-at-home66. Total personal noncooperation67. “Flight” of workers (eeing elsewhere)68. Sanctuary (withdraw to a place where

you cannot be touched without violation ofreligious, moral, social or legal prohibitions)69. Collective disappearance (the popula-tion of a small area abandons its homes and

villages)70. Protest emigration ( hijrat: a deliberatepermanent emigration)

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Chapter FiveTHE METHODS OF ECONOMIC

NONCOOPERATION:1. ECONOMIC BOYCOTTS

An economic boycott is the refusal to buy,sell, handle, or distribute specic goods andservices.

In this list are twenty-ve methods dividedinto six sub-groups of economic boycotts.

Action by consumers

71. Consumers’ boycott of certain goodsor services72. Nonconsumption of boycotted goods(already in one’s possession)73. Policy of austerity (reducing consumptionto an absolute minimum)74. Rent withholding75. Refusal to rent76. National consumers’ boycott (refusal tobuy products or use services from anothercountry)

77. International consumers’ boycott (operat-ing in several countries against the productsof a particular country)

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Actions by workers and producers78. Workmen’s boycott (refusal to work withproducts or tools provided by the opponents)79. Producers’ boycott (refusal by producers tosell or otherwise deliver their own products)

Action by middlemen

80. Suppliers and handlers’ boycott (refusalby workers or middlemen to handle or supplycertain goods)

Action by owners and management81. Traders’ boycott (refusal by retailers tobuy or sell certain goods)82. Refusal to let or sell property 83. Lockout (the employer initiates the workstoppage by temporarily shutting down theoperation)84. Refusal of industrial assistance85. Merchants’ “general strike”

Action by holders of nancial resources86. Withdrawal of bank deposits87. Refusal to pay fees, dues, and assessments

88. Refusal to pay debts or interest89. Severance of funds and credit90. Revenue refusal (refusal to provide thegovernment with revenue voluntarily)

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91. Refusal of a government’s money (de-mand alternative ways of payment)

Action by governments92. Domestic embargo93. Blacklisting of traders94. International sellers’ embargo

95. International buyers’ embargo96. International trade embargo

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Chapter Six THE METHODS OF ECONOMIC

NONCOOPERATION:2. THE STRIKE

The methods of the strike involve the refusalto continue economic cooperation through work. Strikes are collective, deliberate, andnormally temporary suspensions of labordesigned to exact pressure on others. Twenty-three types of strikes are listed here in sevensub-groups.

Symbolic strikes97. Protest strike (for a preannounced shortperiod)98. Quickie walkout (lightning strike: short,spontaneous protest strikes)

Agricultural strikes99. Peasant strike100. Farm workers’ strike

Strikes by special groups101. Refusal of impressed labor102. Prisoners’ strike103. Craft strike

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104. Professional strike

Ordinary industrial strikes105. Establishment strike (in one or moreplants under one management)106. Industry strike (suspension of work inall the establishments of an industry)107. Sympathetic strike (to support thedemands of fellow workers)

Restricted strikes108. Detailed strike (worker by worker, or byareas; piecemeal stoppage)

109. Bumper strike (the union strikes onlyone rm in an industry at a time)110. Slowdown strike111. Working-to-rule strike (the literal car-rying out of regulations in order to retardproduction)

112. Reporting “sick” (sick-in)113. Strike by resignation (a signicant num-ber of workers resign individually)114. Limited strike (workers refuse to per-form certain marginal work or refuse to workon certain days)115. Selective strike (workers refuse only todo certain types of work)

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Multi-industry strikes116. Generalized strike (several industries arestruck simultaneously)117. General strike

Combination of strikes and economicclosures

118.Hartal (economic life temporarily sus-pended on a voluntary basis)119. Economic shutdown (workers strike andemployers simultaneously halt economicactivities)

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Chapter SevenTHE METHODS OF POLITICAL

NONCOOPERATION

Political noncooperation may be practiced inorder to express protest, to halt the functioningof the political unit, or to contribute to disin-tegration of the government. This list includesthirty eight methods divided up into six sub-groups.

Rejection of authority

120. Withholding or withdrawal of allegiance121. Refusal of public support (for the exist-ing regime and its policies)122. Literature and speeches advocatingresistance

Citizens’ noncooperation with government123. Boycott of legislative bodies by its mem-bers124. Boycott of elections125. Boycott of government employment andpositions126. Boycott of government departments,agencies and other bodies127. Withdrawal from government educationalinstitutions

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128. Boycott of government-supported orga-nizations129. Refusal of assistance to enforcementagents130. Removal of own signs and placemarks131. Refusal to accept appointed officials132. Refusal to dissolve existing institutions

Citizens’ alternatives to obedience133. Reluctant and slow compliance134. Nonobedience in absence of direct super- vision135. Popular nonobedience (not publicized,semi-concealed)136. Disguised disobedience (looks like com-pliance)137. Refusal of an assemblage or meeting todisperse

138. Sitdown139. Noncooperation with conscription anddeportation140. Hiding, escape, and false identities141. Civil disobedience of “illegitimate” laws

Action by government personnel142. Selective refusal of assistance by govern-ment aides (to carry out particular instruc-tions, informing superiors of the refusal)

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143. Blocking of lines of command and infor-mation144. Stalling and obstruction145. General administrative noncooperation146. Judicial noncooperation (by judges)147. Deliberate inefficiency and selectivenon-cooperation by enforcement agents

148. Mutiny

Domestic governmental action149. Quasi-legal evasions and delays150. Noncooperation by constituentgovernmental units

International governmental action151. Changes in diplomatic and otherrepresentation152. Delay and cancellation of diplomaticevents153. Withholding of diplomatic recognition154. Severance of diplomatic relations155. Withdrawal from international organiza-tions

156. Refusal of membership in internationalbodies157. Expulsion from international organiza-tions

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Chapter EightTHE METHODS OF NONVIOLENT

INTERVENTION

These are actions which intervene directly tochange the situation. Negative interventionsmay disrupt, and even destroy, establishedbehavior patterns, policies, relationships, or in-stitutions. Positive interventions may establishnew behavior patterns, policies, relationships,or institutions.

The methods of nonviolent intervention pose

a more direct and immediate challenge. Theyare harder both to sustain and to withstand.They may bring speedier and more severerepression.

The methods of intervention may be used de-fensively: to maintain behavior patterns, institu-tions, independent initiative, etc., or they canbe used offensively to carry the struggle for theactionists’ objectives into the opponents’ owncamp, even without any immediate provocation.

This list includes forty methods divided intove sub-groups.

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Psychological intervention158. Self-exposure to the elements159. The fast160. Reverse trial (defendants become unof-cial “prosecutors”)161. Nonviolent harassment

Physical intervention162. Sit-in163. Stand-in164. Ride-in165. Wade-in

166. Mill-in (gather in some place of sym-bolic signicance and remain mobile)167. Pray-in168. Nonviolent raids (march to designatedkey point and demand possession)169. Nonviolent air raids (perhaps bringingleaets or food)170. Nonviolent invasion171. Nonviolent interjection (placing one’sbody between a person and the objective ofthe work or activity)

172. Nonviolent obstruction (generally tem-porary)173. Nonviolent occupation

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Social intervention174. Establishing new social patterns175. Overloading of facilities176. Stall-in177. Speak-in178. Guerrilla theater (improvised dramaticinterruptions)179. Alternative social institutions180. Alternative communication systems

Economic intervention181. Reverse strike (working to excess)

182. Stay-in strike (occupation of work site)183. Nonviolent land seizure184. Deance of blockades185. Politically motivated counterfeiting186. Preclusive purchasing

187. Seizure of assets188. Dumping189. Selective patronage190. Alternative markets191. Alternative transportation systems

192. Alternative economic institutions

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PART THREE

THE DYNAMICSOF NONVIOLENT

ACTION

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This part explores more about how nonvio-lent political struggle “works.” The operation ofnonviolent struggle is a uid, changing, inter-acting process; never static. Its workings arealso very complicated, more so than the opera-tion of conventional war or guerrilla warfare.

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Chapter NineLAYING THE GROUNDWORK FOR

NONVIOLENT ACTION

Confronting the power of the opponentsNonviolent action is a way of controlling and

wielding power without using violence. Thenonviolent group must be able to use its poweragainst the power of the opponents. It usescompletely different methods from those ofpolitical violence.

Frequently, the opponents are a government.If they are not, the opponents often have thesupport of the State, with its courts, police,prisons, and military forces. In nonviolentaction, there is no attempt to confront theopponents with the same weapons they are us-ing. Instead, in strategic terms, the nonviolent

group counters that violent expression of theopponents’ power indirectly in various ways. Itdoes this principally by using a totally differ-ent technique of struggle. This is one that isdesigned to operate to the resisters’ advantage.This produces an asymmetrical conict, withthe two sides ghting by different means.

Nonviolent action operates to weaken theopponents’ power position, aiming to alienatethe institutions and groups which supply thesources of power of the opponents, to frustrate

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the effective utilization of their forces, and to weaken their will to use their available capaci-ties. Because the sources of their power arereduced or removed, the result is to reduce oreliminate the opponents’ capacity to continuethe struggle.

Risks and variations in nonviolent action

As with all struggles, nonviolent actioninvolves risks. There is the risk of defeat, for ex-ample. There is no guarantee of success. Thereis also insecurity and danger for participantsduring the conict. In all types of strugglepeople can be wounded, suffer economic losses,be imprisoned, and even be killed. These riskstend to be signicantly reduced in nonviolentstruggles compared with struggles in whichboth sides are using violence. There is also arisk of an outbreak of political violence. Evento do nothing in a situation of oppression is toinvite violence for certain.

The variety in resistance movements is enor-mous. No two cases are exactly alike. To facili-tate the analysis of the dynamics of nonviolentaction, however, certain assumptions are madehere:

That methods from all three classes of•

protest and persuasion, noncooperation, andintervention are used.That large numbers of people are participat-•

ing, mostly acting under a nonviolent disci-pline for the duration of the struggle.

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That some civil liberties are present, al-•though they may be sharply reduced duringthe conict.

Casting off fear A prerequisite of nonviolent struggle is to

cast off or control fear of acting independentlyand fear of the sufferings which may follow.

Cowardice and nonviolent struggle do not•mix.Cowards seeks to avoid the conict and•

ee from danger, while the nonviolent re-sister faces the conict and risks the dangersinvolved.

There is hope that violent persons may•become nonviolent, but no such hope for thecowards, according to Gandhi.Fear arises from the assumption of one’s•

weakness.Civil resisters ought to have condence•

in the justice and force of their cause, prin-ciples, and means of action.Casting off fear, or controlling it, is closely•

tied to gaining condence that one possessespower and can act effectively to producechanges. Participation in struggle helps toremove fear in stages.Bravery in this technique of struggle is not•

only moral valor but a practical requirement.

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The types of action proposed ought to be de-•termined according to the degree of braveryof the participants.The most rapid manner to end brutality•

is demonstrating that it does not help toachieve the opponents’ objectives.

Social sources of power changes

The power of both groups is variable. The variations in the respective power of the con-tending groups in this type of conict are likelyto be more extreme, to take place more quickly,and to have more diverse consequences than isthe case in a violent conict. Furthermore, the

nonviolent group may, by its actions and be-havior, help to cause an increase or decrease inthe relative power of the opponent group. Thishappens to a much greater degree than couldoccur in a struggle conducted by violent meansby both sides.

The rst source of the constant variation inthe power of each side is that both the leadersof the resistance and also of the opponents de-pend on the degree and quality of the supportand participation they receive on the one hand(1) from their group or (2) from the bureaucra-cy and agents of repression. It is more likely—

but no guarantee— that the bureaucrats andagents of repression will reduce their efficiencyand increase their noncooperation with theirown officials when the opposition uses nonvio-lent means.

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The second source of variations in powerof the two groups is the degree to which thegeneral population gives sympathy and supportto the opponents and to the opponents’ policiesand measures, or instead gives sympathy andsupport to the nonviolent resisters. The latteris more probable if the movement is nonviolentthan if it is violent.

The third source of variations in the powerof each side is the opinion and support givento one side or the other by the national and in-ternational communities. The effects of publicopinion and external support will contribute tostrengthening or weakening one group or theother but their impact cannot be relied upon asthe major force for change.

Leadership in nonviolent struggleWe assume the existence of a leadership

group which understands and directs the ac-tion. However, it is important to spread knowl-edge about nonviolent struggle widely. Themore people who know and understand thisnonviolent technique, the more difficult it willbe for the opponents to “behead” the move-ment by imprisoning or killing the leaders. Tobe a leader is to serve as spokesperson, and to

offer, organize, and implement solutions toproblems. There can be leadership by group,committee, individual, or a combination ofthese.

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Preparing for nonviolent struggleIn all campaigns, small or large, careful plan-

ning and preparations are essential. The follow-ing types of preparations can be considered.

A. InvestigationDetermine the causes of the conict, list the

grievances, formulate desired changes, give the

widest possible publicity to causes, facts, andgoals, and generate “cause-consciousness”—awareness of the grievances and of the justica-tion for the coming conict.

B. Assessing the grievances and situationVery early, it is necessary to determine what

the problems are and to evaluate how seriousthey are. What are their causes, and in what ways might they be resolved? Is it realisticto think that a satisfactory resolution can bereached without an open conict? If so, that

would be preferable.

If not, the reasons that a conict is required will need to be explained for all to understand. Also, it is necessary to explain that violence willnot be used, but that nonviolent action will be.Very careful attention to the grievances and is-sues from the perspective of the grievance groupis essential in order to determine the statedobjective of the coming nonviolent struggle.

One ought not, in Gandhi’s view, to launcha struggle for a very general objective, such as

“world peace,” “freedom,” “independence,” or“brotherhood.” The avowed campaign objective

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some opponents may demand a halt to protestsor resistance, or even to calls for resistance, as apre-condition for negotiations. However, as longas the opponents do not impose such unreason-able preconditions for negotiations, the nonvio-lent group should be willing to negotiate in or-der to seek a solution prior to an open struggle.

D. Sharpening the focus for attackIt is essential for the success of the campaign

to nd the correct point or points of attack. Itis not wise to try to win several major objec-tives at the same time. At times student pro-testers in campus demonstrations have evenlisted as many as eight or ten diverse demandson behalf of the several organizations partici-pating in the protest. That makes achievingthem almost impossible.

The nonviolent leadership will do better if itconcentrates action on the weakest points inthe opponents’ case, policy, or system. It is nec-

essary to have a pivot point on which to placethe lever. The issues must be precise, capableof being clearly understood, and recognized asjustied.

Success may depend on phasing the strategyin such a way as to score a series of minor gainsin order later to secure a single major victory.The struggle likely will require concrete stages.

Concentration of one’s strength on a clearlyunjustied specic aspect of the general prob-lem increases the resisters’ ability to achieve

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their larger objectives. One should seek to con-trol the link that guarantees the possession ofthe whole chain. Repression against nonviolentresisters who are concentrating on such a pointof attack is likely to strengthen their cause, asdiscussed with the topic of political jiu-jitsu.

E. Determining the goal of the struggleIn nonviolent struggles the resisters are able

to advance their cause in proportion to thedegree to which the opponents’ desire andability to maintain the objectionable policy are

weakened and to which the nonviolent resistersare able to generate sufficient will and power toeffect the change.

In unusual situations it may be good think-ing to aim to bring down the whole oppres-sive regime. That will be extremely difficultto achieve. Generally it may be wiser to planfor a series of victories on limited issues, eachnonviolent victory weakening the opponents

and progressively strengthening the nonviolentresisters. Aiming for a series of limited victories is not

a matter of being moderate in one’s aims. It isconcentrating one’s strengths in ways that willmake victory more likely. Success in limitedcampaigns will increase self-condence andthe ability to take effective action to achieve thelarger objective.

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F. Generating “cause-consciousness” At this early stage it is necessary to publicize

the facts, the issues, and the arguments advancedby the nonviolent group by means of pamphlets,leaets, books, articles, papers, radio, television,public meetings, songs, slogans, and other means.Quality in these communications is important.Hatred or intolerance should not be aroused. It isalso important to limit antagonism from poten-tial allies.

Arousing “cause-consciousness” may be di- vided into several phases. These include activitiesintended to:

Develop understanding of the issues.•

Inform the population of the contemplated•action, the requirements for its success, andthe importance of engaging or not engagingin particular acts. Justify the resort to direct action.•Warn of the hardship and suffering which•

will be incurred during the struggle. Arouse condence that those penalties•

will be worth incurring because this type ofaction is more likely than any other to bring

victory.Believe that in the long run the combination•

of a just cause, use of this technique, a wisestrategy, and skilled disciplined behavior willensure victory.

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G. Quantity and quality in nonviolent actionCareful consideration must constantly be

given to the relationship between the numberof participants in the conict and the qualityof their participation. The best balance be-tween numbers and high quality of the action

will vary with the situation. Certainly in atechnique of action which to a large degreedepends for its effectiveness on the withdrawalof consent, cooperation, and obedience, thenumbers of participants are important to itsrelative impact. The genuineness of its strengthis also related to such factors of quality as fear-lessness, discipline, and willingness to persistdespite repression. Also, the wisdom shown inthe choice of strategy, tactics, and methods ofaction is extremely important.

In general, quality is more important thanquantity. Lowered standards to obtain largenumbers can be counterproductive, and lead toa weaker and smaller movement. High stan-dards of nonviolent behavior are very impor-tant to produce a strong movement in bothquality and quantity.

H. Organizing the movementSometimes an existing organization—or

several organizations—may conduct thenonviolent struggle. At other times, a neworganization may be required. The organiza-tion should be efficient, honest, able to operateunder voluntary discipline, and have effective

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communication within it. It should also haveplanned in advance how to communicate withits own supporters in case the opponents breakits normal lines of communication.

The organizational efforts should focus on:The public• : publicizing the facts and griev-

ances, promoting sympathy, and spreadinginformation.

The volunteers• : recruiting, training, andincorporating participants; and promotingcommitment.The leadership• : preparing replacements

for arrested leaders, setting procedure forfurther selection of leadership, and supplyinginformation to the leadersThe movement in general• : supporting mo-

rale and discipline, preparing participants toact without leaders in times of severe repres-sion, and maintaining communications.

Openness and secrecy in nonviolent struggleSecrecy, deception, and underground con-

spiracy pose very difficult problems for a move-ment using nonviolent action. When operatingunder a political dictatorship, secrecy may berequired at times. Elsewhere, it can be very ob-

viously a serious danger. The reason for secrecyis fear and secrecy contributes to fear—whichmust be abandoned or controlled if nonviolentstruggle is to operate effectively.

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The following discussion assumes that thestruggle is taking place in a political system

which permits signicant civil liberties. Wherethis is not the case, very careful attention isrequired to determine what knowledge andactivities need to be kept secret and what canbe made fully open.

Nonviolent struggle is based on bravery and

discipline. Openness—that is, being truthful instatements and frank with the opponents andthe public concerning intentions and plans—appears to be a corollary of the requirements offearlessness and nonviolent discipline. Only inopenness can there be liberation from the fearof arrest, disclosure of intentions, breaking ofthe organization, and imprisonment. A massmovement needs to be open. Nonviolent disci-pline is best achieved in the light of day ratherthan clandestinely. On the other hand, secrecycontributes to a smaller movement and to thepotential resort to violence.

In the struggle to attain freedom, it is neces-sary to behave like free people. Speaking aboutpsychological liberation when one acts openlyand without secrets, on the basis of the Indianstruggles for independence, Jawaharlal Nehru(later Prime Minister) wrote:

Above all, we had a sense of freedom and apride in that freedom. The old feeling of op-pression and frustration was completely gone.There was no more whispering, no round-about legal phraseology to avoid getting into

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trouble with the authorities. We said whatwe felt and shouted it out from the housetops. What did we care for the consequences?Prison? We looked forward to it; that wouldhelp our cause still further. The innumerablespies and secret-service men who used to sur-round us and follow us about became ratherpitiable individuals as there was nothing

secret for them to discover. All our cards werealways on the table.

Effects of the openness on the opponentsOpenness will facilitate (but not ensure)

that the opponents will come to understandthe nonviolent group’s motives, aims, inten-tions, and plans correctly. Direct contact withthe opponents may be repeatedly sought asa means to avoid or correct distortions inperception which would seriously affect thecourse of the conict. Advance notice to au-thorities of demonstrations, for example, may

not only help to reduce brutalities by surprisedpolice, but may be interpreted as “clean ght-ing” and chivalry.

Revealing material that is ordinarily keptsecret may be interpreted by the opponentsin contrasting ways: the opponents may thinkthat something more important is being keptsecret, or they may become much more re-spectful of the sincerity of the group. Theopponents may see admission of one’s plansas a sign of weakness and ineptness, or, to the

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contrary, as a sign of an exceptionally powerfulmovement capable of being successful withoutsecrecy.

Basic elements in nonviolent strategy The principles of strategy and tactics of war

have been carefully developed and studied.However, in the eld of nonviolent action, no

comparable development has yet occurred.It is important to be very clear about theterms associated with strategy. Grand strategyis the broadest conception which serves tocoordinate and direct all the resources of thestruggle group toward the attainment of theobjectives of the conict.

It is important not to confuse grand strategy with analysis of strategy. Strategy is a more nar-row term. It is the plan of action for a conictincluding when to ght and how to utilize vari-ous specic actions to advance the goals of thegrand strategy. Strategy operates within a grand

strategy. Tactics refers to plans for more lim-ited conicts within the selected strategic plan.These use the specic methods listed above inPart Two.

A. The importance of strategy and tactics

Strategy is at least as important in nonviolentaction as it is in military action. It is importantto choose the course of action and carry it outcarefully and intelligently. It is quite inad-equate simply to say that one will be moral and

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do what is right. There may be several coursesof action which are all morally “right.” Whatis “right” may involve maintaining or creatingmaximum opposition to “evil.” If so, the prob-lem is how to do this in order to meet one’smoral responsibility and maximize the effectsof one’s actions. Those actions must be care-fully chosen and carried out at the right time.

The better the strategy, the easier you willgain the upper hand, and the less it will cost you. As in war, strategy and tactics are used innonviolent action so that the courage, sacrice,and numbers of the nonviolent resisters maymake the greatest possible impact.

The specic acts of protest, noncooperationand intervention will be most effective if theyt together as parts of a comprehensive whole,so that each specic action contributes to suc-cess. It is also important to have acceptanceby the grievance group of the strategy for thestruggle in order to avoid divisions.

B. Some key elements in nonviolentstrategy & tacticsCertain fairly clear general strategic prin-

ciples have taken concrete form in particularstruggles.4

(1) The indirect approach to the opponents’power. Even in military conicts, arguedLiddell Hart, generally effective results have4 For a more complete discussion of the same strategicanalysis presented here, see Gene Sharp, Waging Nonvio-lent Struggle.

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followed when the plan of action has had “suchindirectness as to ensure the opponents’ non-readiness to meet it.”It is important “to nullify opposition by para-lyzing the power to oppose” and to make “theenemy do something wrong,” Liddell Hart wrote.

Against opponents using military means,always confront them indirectly by nonviolent

means, so that their repression can be madeto rebound against them to undermine theirpower position. Finally, the sources of the op-ponents’ power are reduced or removed with-out being confronted by military means.

(2) Psychological elements. These operateboth within the opponent group and amongthe resisters. The effect of surprise in war is theincapability of the opponents to react effec-tively. In nonviolent struggle this incapabilityis produced not by secrecy but instead by thenonviolent resisters’ reliance on nonviolentmeans. At times, surprise in nonviolent actionmay weaken its effectiveness. Open announce-ment of the intention to use nonviolent meth-ods may reduce nervousness among troops,make more severe repression less probable, andincrease the chances of inducing disaffection.

Morale among the resisters is also important.

It is crucial that the population understandsthat the opponents’ military might does not givethem either control or victory. The resisters’condence in nonviolent action is fundamental,along with skill, endurance, and enthusiasm.

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(3) Geographical and physical elements. The physical possession of particular locationsis of secondary importance to the fulllment ofthe conditions which make possible the opera-tion of the mechanisms of change in nonviolentaction. Neither possession of, nor gaining ofcontrol over, particular places is regarded asextremely important because the operation of

the technique of nonviolent action dependsprimarily upon the will and actions of human be-ings. Particular places may become important ifthey have high symbolic value. In such cases, themethods of nonviolent obstruction, nonviolentraids, and nonviolent invasion are possible meth-ods to be applied. The place at which a crucialresistance action is to be taken will need to bechosen carefully. At times it will also be neces-sary to arrange places to hold support services,such as hospitals, camps, kitchens, and the like.

(4) Timing. The timing of the implementa-tion of tactics can be extremely important innonviolent action. Timing may be of varioustypes. For example, it is necessary to judge

when the people are ready to take direct actionand when a call to resist would produce onlya weak reaction or be ignored. Timing needsto be considered in light of the whole situa-

tion. Sometimes, action may be planned totake place on important dates or occasions. Incases in which the opponents are attemptingto increase their control over a whole society,resistance at key points may be required.

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(5) Numbers and strength. As discussed,numbers may be extremely important in nonvi-olent action but are not by themselves decisive. Also important is the quality of the participants.Large numbers of resisters with discipline andpersistence may become irresistible.

(6) The issue and concentration ofstrength. Wise strategy and tactics require acareful selection of the points on which to ght.This can only be done by taking into consider-ation the political, psychological, social, andeconomic factors of the struggle.

There is no substitute for genuine strengthin nonviolent action. It is impossible to be toostrong at the decisive point. To be effective,nonviolent action needs to be concentrated atcrucial points, as already discussed in this chap-ter. These points are selected after consider-ation of one’s own strength, weaknesses, and re-sources; the objectives, position, strengths, and

weaknesses of the opponents; the importance ofthe issue itself; and the probable consequencesof defeat or success.

“Adjust your end to your means,” wrote Lid-dell Hart. It is necessary to be realistic withoutlosing faith. Avoid exhausting condence orthe capacities of others in vain efforts where

you cannot win. In special circumstances itmay be necessary to act despite weaknesses.If so, a realistic assessment of the situation isstill required. The development of strategy andtactics should be based on an assessment of

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how one’s existing strength can be used to bestadvantage and how one’s weaknesses can bebypassed or corrected.Concentration in nonviolent struggles willprimarily be on certain political, social, oreconomic points which symbolize the “evil”

which is opposed. These are points which areleast defensible by the opponents and capable

of arousing maximum strength among thenonviolent resisters and the general population.Having chosen the point for concentrated at-tack, the resisters must not allow themselves tobecome sidetracked to a lesser course of actionor a dead-end issue.

(7) The initiative. It is important to obtainand retain the initiative. Whenever possible,the nonviolent group, not the opponents,should choose the time, issue, and course of ac-tion and seek to maintain the initiative despitethe opponents’ repression. The nonviolentleadership group needs to be able to controlthe situation and to demonstrate that it hasthat control. After the time, place, and issue ofa campaign or specic tactic are decided, theyought not to be changed because of any passingevent. The resisters should not allow the oppo-nents to dictate to them any course of action.

C. Selecting the strategy and tacticsThe grand strategy, strategies, tactics, and

methods planned by the leaders in advance will usually determine the general direction

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and conduct of the campaign throughout itscourse. Strategic planning is one of the mostimportant requirements of an effective struggle.The discouraging results which may followfrom lack of a clear strategy can lead rst to thespread of uncertainty as to what to do, then todemoralization, and nally to disintegration ofthe nonviolent movement.

On the other hand, careful strategic planning will guide the progressive development of themovement. A good strategic plan will aim atachieving the objectives of the struggle througheffective mobilization of the strengths of thenonviolent group against the opponents andtheir system and for implementing the resisters’own goals. It will also need to include ways toundermine the opponents’ sources of power.

The strategic plan will sketch how thestruggle will begin, determine what kinds ofpressures and methods are to be applied togain the objectives, and direct action to achieve

possible intermediate objectives as the strugglegains strength. The plan should show how thenonviolent group can mobilize its power toachieve the group’s objectives. The strategicplan should also guide how the struggle can ex-pand and advance despite repression, mobiliz-ing, and applying its resources in effective ways.It should avoid both overly ambitious plansand excessively timid ones. The strategic plan

will also project the intended way in which thestruggle will become successful and how the

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conict will be concluded. Wise strategic plan-ning will help to ensure the effective interac-tion of tactics and specic methods to imple-ment the strategy and increase the chances of

victory. Without clear strategic insight, changesfrom one method to another may take place

without good purpose or effect.The following intimately related factors need

to be considered in the selection of strategyand tactics:The objectives of the nonviolent group.•The opponents’ objectives.•The qualities, strengths, and weaknesses of•

the nonviolent group.The opponents’ strengths and weaknesses.•The anticipated duration of the forthcoming•

struggle and what will be needed to sustain it.External conditions that will have a bearing•

on the campaign.

Other factors in the general situation.•Careful attention to all of these factors is re-quired.

Consideration of the situation should includeattention to the general social and politicalcontext of the conict, the physical details and

climate of the areas in which action is contem-plated, the culture, the traditions, the socialstructures of the people involved, the natureand objectives of the contending groups, andthe issues at stake.

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What is the nature of the general grievancegroup and also of the expected participants inthe nonviolent struggle? What are the assuredand expected numbers of resisters? How muchsupport do they now, and will they, receivefrom the general population? How much dothey know about nonviolent action? What ex-perience have they had with using it, and how

skillful are they in waging this kind of struggle?What is the quality of the resisters and leaders?Who are the opponents? What are the re-

sources at the opponents’ disposal, such aseconomic resources, administration, and agen-cies of repression? What are the opponents’objectives? What degree of ruthlessness are theopponents prepared to use? Who are the oppo-nents’ friends and supporters? To what degreeare the opponents dependent on members ofthe nonviolent opposition?

It is important to consider the willingness ofthe resisters to act, their ability to withstand

the opponents’ repression, their degree of dis-cipline, and their ability to avoid both fear and violence. The intensity of their commitment tothe struggle is important also.

Additionally, the type of expected repressionand other countermeasures needs to be con-sidered in choosing the methods of resistance.How much repression are the general popula-tion, the resisters, and the leaders prepared tosuffer?

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A good strategy remains impotent unless itis put into action with sound tactics. However,skillful selection and implementation of tactics will not make up for a bad overall strategy. Thechoice of tactics to execute a strategy may in-

volve consideration of different fronts, groups,time periods, and methods.

In specic phases of the struggle, the in-

tended course of action should often have morethan one objective, while remaining limitedand potentially achievable. The formulation ofa campaign plan which offers more than oneobjective may make it possible to gain at leastone of them. However, selecting only a singleobjective usually guarantees that the opponents

will prevent you from gaining it.Changes in methods may also be used to shift

responsibilities and dangers from one group toanother, perhaps a less exhausted one or onemore disciplined. Shifts in methods may alsobe made to change or increase the pressures on

the opponents or to compensate for weakness-es in the nonviolent group. Variation in tacticsand methods may add variety and interest (andoften news worthiness) to the campaign.

The planning and implementation of strategyand tactics require sensitivity to the developingconict situation. If a given action succeeds,then what? If a given action fails, what then?If there is partial success, what follows? Thecapacity to respond to unforeseen (or unfore-seeable) events must be acutely developed. It

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is especially important to conserve the moraleand commitment of the nonviolent resistersand potential supporters, and their responseand behavior during the conict. If the actionis not succeeding, plans must be altered, per-haps even calling a temporary retreat in orderto prepare for a future stronger effort.

There is no substitute for, or shortcut to,

strength in a movement of nonviolent action. Ifthe necessary strength and ability to persist inface of penalties and suffering do not exist, thatfact must be recognized and given an intel-ligent response. Never wait until it is too late.Know how to withdraw in an orderly fashion toa tenable position and nd ways to correct the

weaknesses.On the other hand, it may be wise to ac-

celerate the action and implementation of thestrategy if the opponents reveal signicant

weaknesses or if the nonviolent resisters arestronger than expected.

D. The choice of weaponsIn order to achieve the best results and the

most effective implementation of the chosenstrategies, the choice of which nonviolent

weapons (specic methods) are used will needto be made carefully and wisely. Availablemethods were listed in Part Two. There are stillothers. Boycotts, strikes, civil disobedience,and parallel government are examples of avail-able methods.

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The characteristics of the general classes ofmethods need to be remembered.

Protest and persuasion• : These methodsare largely symbolic in their effect and pro-duce an awareness of the existence of dissent.Noncooperation• : These methods applied

by many persons and groups with disciplinedstrength can cause difficulties in maintainingthe normal operation and efficiency of thesystem. In extreme situations, these methodsmay threaten its existence.Intervention• : These methods possess quali-

ties of both previous groups, but in additionusually constitute a more direct challengeto the regime. They make possible a greaterimpact with smaller numbers, providing thatcourage and discipline are maintained.The many factors which need to be consid-

ered in choosing specic methods include thesituation, the issues in the conict, character-istics of the resistance group and of the op-ponents, the resistance strategy, the expectedrepression, and the anticipated development ofthe struggle.

While all of these are important, the mostimportant of these will be the resistance strat-

egy, including the type of pressures which areto be applied.Here are some questions that can be asked.

Do the methods being considered contribute toimplementing the selected grand strategy and

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the strategies? What effects will the methodsproduce and how do these t with the strategicplan for the struggle? Do they apply the kindof pressures against the opponents which havebeen identied as necessary if the struggle isto be successful? The specic desired pres-sures for change may include economic losses,

weakening of political position, loss of con-

trol, or psychological impact. Can the meth-ods contribute to implementing the selectedmechanism of change intended by the nonvio-lent group (such as to reach a compromise inaccommodation or to coerce)?

If the methods being considered do notdirectly implement the strategies and apply theidentied needed pressures, do they at leastfacilitate the application of the methods which

will apply those pressures? That may be doneby increasing resistance morale or undermin-ing the opponents’ morale.

There are other factors which need to be con-

sidered in selecting methods, but these reallyshould be considered when the strategies forthe struggle are being considered.

In choosing the methods, one should remem-ber that it may be easier to get people to refrainfrom doing something which has been orderedthan to get them to do something very risky

which has been prohibited. Noncooperationoften requires much time and the participa-tion of many people to achieve its impact. Also,many of the methods of nonviolent interven-

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tion can only be practiced for limited periodsof time and require skilled, reliable, disciplined,and determined practitioners. They usuallyrequire considerable preparation in order to besuccessfully applied, often in combination withother methods of nonviolent action.

In a long struggle, phasing of the action ishighly important. The choice and sequence of

methods may be the most important single fac-tor in that phasing. The decision when to pro-ceed to a new phase must be carefully weighed.

A static condition must be avoided.Moving from one level of action to another—

as from symbolic protests to noncooperation,and from noncooperation to intervention—generally involves progressive increase in thedegree of repression which is risked. In re-

verse, the choice of noncooperation instead ofintervention, may at times help to produce arelatively less explosive and dangerous conictsituation with relatively less severe repression.

Assessment of the effects certain methods will produce on the development of the move-ment is highly important. Possible effects in-clude changes in both attitudes and also powerrelationships, shifts in the support for each side,and the possible later use of stronger nonvio-lent methods.

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The ultimatumIf negotiations with the opponents are not

showing signs of producing satisfactory results,the basic strategy for the struggle and earlytactics must be settled, and various types of or-ganizational preparations completed. In somenonviolent struggles, especially Gandhian ones,the next stage will be the issuance of an ultima-tum to the opponents. In most cases, however,there may be no ultimatum, because the ideais unknown, because the planners hope to takethe opponents by surprise, because the conicthas already broken out spontaneously, or forsome other reason.

In an ultimatum the demands are stated. Anoffer is made to cancel plans for attack if theopponents grant those demands (or a majorpart of them) by a given day and hour. Theconsequences of a failure to achieve a mutu-ally agreed change in the matters at stake arealso made clear: a nonviolent struggle will belaunched. An ultimatum is issued to inuencethe opponents, inuence the general public,and build up morale and willingness to act inthe grievance group. An ultimatum may alsobe worded in a way to provide the opponents a

way to save face.

Negotiations—especially long, sincere ne-gotiations which have really sought a solutionshort of open struggle—may also help to putthe opponents in the wrong in the eyes of allconcerned and to bring sympathy to the non-

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violent group. On occasion, an ultimatum maytake the form of a general public declaration of

what will happen if the demands are not metby a given date. The ultimatum may be part ofa plan of escalation of resistance. The ultima-tum may also be intended to demonstrate thatthe nonviolent group has made a nal effortat a peaceful resolution, and give it an aura of

defensiveness, even as it prepares for militantnonviolent struggle.The nonviolent resisters are not naïve

enough to expect that such an ultimatum willoften lead to capitulation of the opponents.The opponents are likely to see such a com-munication as an unjustied challenge to theirauthority and highly improper behavior forpeople of a subordinate position. The oppo-nents may therefore become angry, they maybreak off negotiations in progress, they maytotally ignore the communication, or they maysay it should have been directed to some sub-

ordinate official. Or, the opponents may coldlyacknowledge receipt of the ultimatum.If so, the time has come for action.

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Chapter TenCHALLENGE BRINGS REPRESSION

A time of thunderThe time for action is also the time for self-

reliance and internal strengthening. The resist-ers need to organize themselves, act, and mobi-lize others. Nonviolent action tends to mobilizepower among the subordinates and enablesthem to exert control over their lives. It helpsthem to gain condence and to increase theirstrength. “Rely on yourselves” may well be thecry of the resisters. Nonviolent action meansthat submission and passivity are cast off. Thebeginning strategy of the movement and theinitial methods of action will differ widely fromone campaign to another.

With the launching of nonviolent action,basic—often latent—conicts between therespective groups are brought to the surfaceand activated. Through the ensuing “creativeconict and tension,” as termed by African-

American civil rights activist James Farmer, itbecomes possible to produce change to resolve

the underlying conict.Exponents of nonviolent struggle agree withFrederick Douglass, the eloquent African-

American opponent of slavery, that: “Those who profess to favor freedom and yet deprecate

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agitation, are men who want crops withoutplowing up the ground. They want rain withoutthunder and lightning. They want the ocean without the awful roar of its many waters. Thestruggle may be a moral one; or it may be bothmoral and physical. But it must be a struggle.Power concedes nothing without demand.”

Exponents of nonviolent action insist that in

acute conicts only effective nonviolent strug-gle can lead to a satisfactory solution, avoidingboth passivity and violence.

The struggle will bring changes to the griev-ance group. Some will be psychological—ashattering of attitudes of conformity, hopeless-ness, inertia, impotence, and passivity, and anincrease of self-respect, condence, and aware-ness of their own power.

Other changes will be more directly political;learning how to act together to achieve objec-tives.

The withdrawal of consent, cooperation,and submission will challenge the system as itaffects the opponents’ sources of power. Howseriously the withdrawal does so will vary withthe quality of the forms of the action, the num-bers of the activists, and their persistence inthe face of repression. The social and political

milieu is also important. This includes the de-gree of non-conformity the system can tolerate,attitudes towards the regime, and the prospectsfor the resistance spreading.

The nal outcome of the challenge will be de-

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termined by the balance between the serious-ness of the challenge and the degree to whichthe social and political milieu favors each side.The opponents’ own efforts are clearly impor-tant, but by themselves they are not decisive.Take repression, for example. To be effective,repression must produce submission. But attimes it does not. Repression may even result

in increased resistance, as discussed below.Initial polarization followed by

shifting powerThe launching of nonviolent action will al-

most always sharpen the conict. It will likelycause the conicting groups to become moresharply delineated and stimulate previously un-committed people to take sides. Those personsand groups initially inclined toward the oppo-nents will tend to move closer to their posi-tion and support, while those initially inclinedtoward the nonviolent group will tend to movetoward it. This instability and uncertainty seemto be present at the beginning of all forms ofopen conict.

The initial polarization may be short or long.It is especially important for the nonviolentresisters to be most careful in their behavior

during this period because it will inuence which side receives support. At rst, the griev-ance group will be worse off than previously be-cause it must now in addition to the grievancecope with repression. However, a disciplined

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struggle may in time tend to induce disunity inthe opponents’ group, a loss of support for theopponents, and an increase in support for thenonviolent group.

Successful nonviolent campaigns produce astrengthened solidarity among the nonviolentmilitants, a growth of wider support for correc-tion of the grievance, and a fragmentation and

disintegration of support for the opponents.This shift appears to operate only as long as themovement remains nonviolent. The nonviolentresisters should attempt continually to increasetheir strength (numerical and otherwise), notonly among their usual supporters and thirdparties but even in the camp of the opponents.

During the campaign the respectivestrengths of the two contending groups aretherefore subject to constant change, bothabsolutely and relatively. Such changes at timescan be great and take place quickly.

The nonviolent actionists’ behavior may

therefore not only inuence their own strengthbut also that of the opponents, and also wheth-er third parties support either group.

This highly dynamic and changeable situa-tion means that specic acts within a nonvio-lent struggle may have extremely wide andsignicant repercussions on the power of bothsides. Each particular action, even a limitedone, therefore needs to be selected and evalu-ated in terms of its wider inuences on theoverall conict. Short-term “successes” at the

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cost of weakening the resistance in general andstrengthening the opponents are most ques-tionable. On the other hand, improvements inthe relative strength of the activists after theinitial polarization will be highly important indetermining the later course of the struggleand the nal result.

The opponents’ initial problemThe opponents’ initial problem arises from

the fact that the nonviolent action disruptsthe status quo and requires of them some typeof response to the challenge. The type, extent,and severity of the disruption will vary. The op-ponents’ tolerance and reactions (both psycho-logically and in countermeasures) may range

widely and may change during the conict.The degree of dissent the opponents can toler-ate will be inuenced by the degree to whichthe society is democratic or nondemocratic.Nonviolent action also tends to produce and

aggravate conicts within the opponents’ campabout what countermeasures should be taken.The nonviolent resisters need to prevent

and correct misperceptions of their intentionsand activities. Such misperceptions may causeresponses harmful to all concerned.

Sometimes, when confronted with non- violent action, opponents and their officialsbecome confused. This can occur when theyhave been surprised by events, or are unfamil-iar with nonviolent action. This confusion is

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not necessarily benecial to the nonviolentgroup and its objectives. Confusion can alsooccur when the resistance violates the oppo-nents’ perception of the world, based on anofficial ideology or doctrine, i.e. the view thatthe power of the State and violence are themost powerful political forces. There are othersources of confusion, including excessive opti-

mism and a too favorable self-perception.The effectiveness of nonviolent struggle doesnot hinge on surprise or the novelty of the useof nonviolent means. Its effectiveness dependsrather on the very nature of the nonviolent ac-tion, the choice of strategies of resistance, andthe skill of the activists, as well as their courageand discipline.

Frequently, opponents may react to the non- violent challenge emotionally, seeing it largelyas an affront, an indignity, as offensive behav-ior, and as a rejection of their authority andposition. They may regard these aspects of the

challenge as more important than the actualissues at stake. The opponents may then try toobtain either verbal acknowledgment of theirauthority and position, or a cancellation of thenonviolent campaign, or both, before they willconsent to negotiations.

In other instances, the opponents may be lessconcerned with challenges to their dignity orauthority and more with the immediate issuesat stake. Recognition of the power of nonviolentaction will sometimes lead the opponents to

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make limited concessions in the hope of endingthe challenge. At other times, the opponents

will make major concessions only after a consid-erable period of struggle. That is, after they haverecognized the real power of the movement.Or, the opponents may still offer only relativelyminor concessions. These frequently will notsatisfy a determined movement.

Occasionally opponents may genuinely be-lieve that concessions, compromise, or surren-der are out of the question if they are to be trueto their mission or duty. Even more serious canbe the opponents’ fear that once they surren-der on some specic issues, they may have tosurrender everything. This will make achievingthe goal even more difficult.

The opponents may use psychological inu-ences, rather than repression, to induce thenonviolent resisters to be submissive again andto withdraw from the struggle. They may sendmessages such as “. . . not only can you not

win, but you are already losing strength.” Falserumors may also be spread about the movement,its intentions, and its leadership. Attemptsmay be made to split off groups supporting themovement or to turn leaders against each other.Or a more direct counterattack may be mount-ed, with the opponents making a major effort tojustify existing policies and to show that thereis no justication for the demands of the non-

violent group. This effort may be intended toreduce the support that the nonviolent group

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can mobilize and retain.It is common for nonviolent resistance to

be met with repression when the opponentsare unwilling or unable to grant the actionists’demands.

Repression is an acknowledgment of the serious-ness of the challenge.

Sometimes the severity of the repression

will be in proportion to the seriousness of thenonviolent challenge, but this is by no means astandard pattern.

The opponents’ need to bring an end todeance may, in certain situations, be largelysymbolic. But in other situations of widespreadand growing nonviolent action, the pressureson the opponents to halt the resistance willbe overwhelming. This is especially the case

where the system cannot stand major dissent.When the opponents are the State, or have itssupport, the sanctions are likely to involve theuse of the police, the prison system, and the

military forces. This response is repression.Repression

Nonviolent resisters who know what they aredoing will not be surprised at the repressioninicted by the opponents. Freedom is not free.There is a price to be paid. Once the opponentshave decided to use repression, the questionsare:

What means of repression will they use?•Will repression help the opponents to•

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achieve their objectives?What will be the response of the nonviolent•

group and others to the repression?Some of the sanctions which the opponents

may use will be official, while some sanctionsmay be unofficially encouraged. Sometimesthere will be threats. Other times the sanctions

will simply be inicted against the resisters.Some sanctions involve police or military ac-tion. Other reactions to the challenge may bemore indirect means of control and manipula-tion, and occasionally, even counter nonviolentsanctions.

The sanctions the nonviolent resisters can ex-pect will take many forms and involve differentdegrees of pressure. They are discussed undereight general headings.

A. Control of communication and informationCensorship of all means of public informa-

tion, suppression of particular newspapers,books, leaets, radio and television broadcasts,and the like, may be imposed. Also, the oppo-nents may disseminate false news reports andsever private communications between mem-bers and sections of the nonviolent group (asby intercepting mail, electronic communica-tions, and telegrams, taping telephone conver-sations, videotaping activities and discussions,and the like).

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B. Psychological pressuresVerbal abuse, ostracism, and covertly en-

couraging defections and changes in plans areamong the psychological pressures which theopponents may initiate. Others include vaguethreats of various types, making “examples” of afew by severe punishments, retaliation againstfamily and friends of resisters or other inno-cent people, and severe psychological pressures.

C. ConscationConscation may take the form of seizure of

property, funds, literature, records, correspon-dence, offices, and equipment.

D. Economic sanctionsThese may range from those imposed by

courts and officials to popular economic boy-cotts. Direct or indirect efforts may be taken todeprive nonviolent resisters of their livelihood,especially by dismissal from jobs and blacklist-

ing, cutting off utilities, and similar measures.E. Bans and prohibitions

The government may issue orders which pro-hibit certain types of acts and activities. It maydeclare organizations illegal, ban public meet-ings or assemblies, impose curfews, issue courtinjunctions, and take other measures.

F. Arrests and imprisonmentThese are commonly used to punish disobe-

dience of the State’s laws and regulations. They

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include arrests for serious and minor chargesrelated to the nonviolent action, arrests and le-gal harassing on unrelated or imagined charges,arrests of negotiators, delegations, and leaders,and varying prison sentences.

G. Exceptional restrictionsThese methods involve unusual or more

severe forms of detention and restrictions onnormal public liberties. These methods includenew laws or regulations to deal with deanceand types of noncooperation, suspension ofhabeas corpus and other rights, declarationsof martial law and states of emergency, andmobilization of special forces. Prosecutionsmay be initiated on charges more serious thanfor simple acts of resistance, as for conspiracyand incitement. Nonviolent resisters may beconscripted into military forces, where they

will be subject to court martial for indiscipline.Mass expulsion of the resisting population may

be imposed, while individuals may be subjectedto exile, detention without trial, and placed inconcentration camps.

H. Direct physical violenceViolent repression can be of many kinds and

to various degrees. The amount and type of re-pression used by the opponents will vary withtheir perception of the conict situation, andof the issues involved. Also important will bethe understanding of the nature of nonviolentaction and the anticipated results of the repres-

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sion both in restoring “order” and in alienat-ing needed cooperation and support of others.Repression may be well planned or improvised.It will tend to grow as the nonviolent strugglemovement becomes stronger and when the ear-lier repression has not resulted in submission.Various other countermeasures may be used bythe opponents in the repression.

Making the repression ineffectiveIn the face of direct physical violence, the key

to success by the resisters is to refuse submis-sion and to maintain discipline.

Generally repression is more suited to deal with violent opposition than with nonviolentaction. In a situation of repression against astrong nonviolent struggle movement, withoutfear of sanctions, the sanctions tend to losetheir power to produce submission. When thejail is not feared, imprisonment has lost its ef-fectiveness. The resisters may therefore openly

defy laws, seek imprisonment, and may evenask the opponents to do their worst. At timesthe numbers of deant people may becomeso large that effective enforcement becomesimpossible. The result may be to make repres-sion impotent.

PersistenceFaced with repression, nonviolent resisters

have only one acceptable response: to over-come they must persist in their action and refuse

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to submit or retreat. To show in any way that therepression weakens the movement will signal tothe opponents that if the repression is made severeenough it will produce submission.

Fearlessness, or deliberate control of fear, isespecially important at this stage of the strug-gle. Firmness will make it possible for massnoncooperation to produce its coercive effects.

Persistence may also contribute to winningsympathy for the deant nonviolent resisters.It is especially important that the leadership ofthe nonviolent struggle be, and be seen to be,courageous and unbowed in face of repressionand threats of future punishments.

Sometimes certain methods of action will,by their nature, be more difficult for the oppo-nents to deal with by repression and less likelyto put resisters to the test of withstandingsevere brutalities. For example, it may be bet-ter for everyone to stay at home than to marchtoward machine guns.

No change of tactics and methods, however,must be permitted to alter the basic nonviolentcounteraction to repression: brave, relentless,and peaceful struggle.

Facing repression

Facing repression with persistence and cour-age means that the nonviolent resisters mustbe prepared to endure the opponents’ sanctions

without inching.Not all suffering is the same nor does it have

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the same effects. The results of the suffering ofcourageous resisters are likely to differ radicallyfrom the suffering of submissive people.Those planning to initiate nonviolent action

will need to consider the degree of sufferingthe volunteers are willing to endure and howrmly the volunteers will be able to defy theiropponents’ repression.

This persistence will have a number of ef-fects. Two are:The numerical and quantitative effect of•

many deant subjects refusing to obey de-spite repression will signicantly limit theopponents’ ability to control the situationand to maintain their policies.The nonviolent persistence despite repres-•

sion may produce psychological or qualita-tive effects on the opponents, their support-ers, third parties, and others.In some cases of nonviolent struggle, the

repression will be relatively mild or moderate.In other cases there will be brutalities.

Facing brutalitiesBrutalities may arise because (1) the regime

commonly uses terror; (2) a nontyrannical re-

gime decides that only drastic action can crushthe resisters; or (3) local officers or individualsin the army or police, without orders, or eventhe general public, on their own initiative,commit brutalities.

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A. Official and unofficial brutalitiesIt is important to remember that beatings,

killings, and massacres against nonviolentresisters do occur, and to determine how torespond to them in accordance with the re-quirements for effectiveness of the nonviolenttechnique.

The more dictatorial the regime and systemgenerally, the more probable will be extremebrutalities against the nonviolent resisters.However, when challenged nonviolently all re-gimes which depend to any degree on violenceare likely to resort to violence.

B. Remaining rmThe informed resister in crisis situations is

not surprised by the occurrence of brutalitiesagainst the nonviolent group. In reaction, eitherto halt the deance or to resort to violence

would have serious negative consequences. Tobe effective, the resisters must persist throughthe brutalities and suffering and maintain theirfearlessness, nonviolent discipline, and rm-ness. Some time and considerable suffering maybe required to demonstrate to the opponentsthat brutalities will not crush the movement.

The price may be severe, but at times it may

be required if fundamental changes are to bemade. However, the leadership in a nonviolentstruggle will not, on the basis of any criteria,be wise to demand that the resisters undergosuffering or court brutalities beyond their abili-

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ties to bear them. If an unwise course of actionhas been started, it should not be continuedout of dogmatism or stubbornness. However, when a rm stand or still more daring action isrequired, there should be no retreat.

Rarely, a planned daring and risky actionby a smaller group may be used to provokeintense repression from the opponents. This

may, by demonstrating initiative, courage, andpersistence in face of extreme danger, helpboth to weaken the opponents and to improvethe resisters’ morale and increase loss of fearof repression. However, such actions requireextreme caution and normally are not advised.

The operation of one or more of the mecha-nisms of change may lead to a reduction orcessation of brutalities. Brutalities may bealso reduced when it is clear that repressionis rebounding against the opponents’ positionby alienating their supporters and provokingincreased resistance. When this occurs, the

opponents may realize that their repressionand brutalities are counterproductive and needto be restricted. It is possible that the worst re-pression may come shortly before capitulationby the opponents.

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Chapter ElevenSOLIDARITY AND DISCIPLINE TO

FIGHT REPRESSION

The need for solidarity Faced with repression, the nonviolent resist-

ers will need to stand together, to maintaintheir nonviolent discipline, internal solidarity,and morale, and to continue the struggle.

During the initial stages of the struggle, thenonviolent group is likely to identify themselves

with the grievance group as a whole. It is notalways possible to achieve unanimous support,and the degree of participation and support forthe nonviolent resisters will vary. Deliberateefforts may be made to develop and maintaingroup solidarity among the participants.

The maintenance of morale in nonviolent

struggles is extremely important. There appearto be roughly four ways of doing this.

A. Maintaining rapport, feelings of groupparticipation, and group solidarity

The participants in the struggle need to feelconstantly that they are part of a much largermovement which gives them, personally, sup-port and strength to carry on. They need to feelthat others are in continuing solidarity withthem. To these ends, regular contacts and dem-onstrations of “togetherness” can be important.

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These may include mass meetings, marches,songs, parades, and wearing of symbols of unity.It may help if they share a common philosophyand if they keep the lines of communicationopen among activists, leaders, and supportgroups.

B. Generating incentives to carry on the struggleEfforts may be needed to support the deter-

mination to continue the struggle. The partici-pants must believe that their action is justied,that the gained objectives will be worthwhile,and that the means of action to achieve themhave been wisely chosen.

Morale is likely to increase the better themovement is understood and if the goals andmeans of struggle are, or can be, related to val-ues accepted by the population in general.

C. Reducing grounds for capitulationBecause the participants may become dis-

couraged and fatigued, specic attention mustbe given to ways to counteract those feelings.Measures to prevent or minimize those feelingsshould be taken initially. It is highly importantthat at least the original participants continuetheir support for the struggle and that nonedesert. Specic supports for their morale may behelpful. Special entertainment may be margin-ally useful. Where the nonviolent resisters andtheir families lack food, housing, money, and thelike—because of participation in the struggle—amajor effort to supply those may be needed.

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The sufferings incurred in the course ofnonviolent struggle are sometimes interpretedby the leaders in ways which make them seemmore bearable: “Our people suffer every day, andit is all wasted,” said a South African resistanceleader, who invited people instead to suffer forthe cause of justice.

D. Restraints or sanctionsThese pressures to continue support for the

struggle differ radically from the sanctions forindiscipline applied in violent conicts, whichcan be imprisonment or execution. Sometimesin nonviolent struggles verbal persuasion is suf-cient to bolster participation. When pressureis not adequate, other methods may be used.These include vigils, public prayers, picketing,nes, publication of names of defectors, sus-pension of membership, social boycott, eco-nomic boycott, fasting, and nonviolent interjec-tion. Intimidation and threats of physical harm

must not be used.If these nonviolent means succeed and theresisters remain determined, the opponents’repression will have failed. To achieve this,however, the resisters must maintain their non-

violent discipline.

Inhibiting repressionThe opponents’ difficulties of controlling the

movement arise in part because the means ofrepression usable against nonviolent struggle

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tend to be more limited as compared to themeans which would be used against violentstruggle. Brutalities and other severe repres-sion are more difficult to justify against non-

violent resisters and their use may actually weaken the opponents’ position, as discussed inthe next chapter.

The degree to which a regime will feel able

to defy world—or internal—opinion will ofcourse vary, depending on several factors.These include: the kind of regime it is, whetherit expects that certain events can be kept un-known, the degree to which it is threatened bythe events, and also whether opinion againstthe regime will be translated into assistance forthe nonviolent group and resistance against theopponents.

There is suggestive evidence that the mainte-nance of nonviolent discipline in face of repres-sion tends signicantly to restrict the repres-sion and to cause especially difficult problems

for the opponents.The opponents prefer violence

Because of the special difficulties of repress-ing a nonviolent resistance movement, theopponents may seek to counter the difficutiesby falsely attributing violence to the nonviolentresisters. Or, the opponents may publicize andexaggerate any violence that occurs. The op-ponents may even try to provoke violence andbreak down the resisters’ nonviolent discipline.

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Resistance violence is seen to “legitimize” vio-lent repression. The opponents may provoke

violence by very severe repression, or they mayemploy spies and agents provocateurs.If it is publicly revealed that the opponents

have acted in these ways, the news could disas-trously undermine some of their usual supportand power position. Disciplined nonviolent

resistance will help to expose any such agents.The need for nonviolent behavior

The requirement that volunteers maintainnonviolent discipline is rooted in the dynamicsof the technique of nonviolent action. Nonvio-lent discipline in these conicts is not an alienemphasis introduced by moralists or pacists.Without nonviolent behavior, the opponents’repression will not rebound to underminetheir power through political jiu-jitsu (ChapterTwelve) and the mechanisms of change (Chap-ter Thirteen) will not operate.

Nonviolent behavior is likely to contributeto achieving a variety of positive accomplish-ments. Four of these are: (1) winning sympa-thy and support, (2) reducing casualties, (3)inducing disaffection and even mutiny of theopponents’ troops, and (4) attracting maximumparticipation in the nonviolent struggle.

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How violence weakens the movementThe introduction of violence by resisters will

reverse the process which produces strengthin nonviolent action, and will increase the ef-fectiveness of the opponents’ control measures.Violence by resisters shifts attention to the violence itself, away from the issues, and awayfrom the courage of the resisters and the op-ponents’ own, usually much greater, violence.The introduction of violence into a nonviolentstruggle movement may weaken nonviolentdiscipline, contribute to a shift to violence, andeven lead to the collapse of the movement. Theuse of violence by the grievance group tends tounleash disproportionately severe repression bythe opponents and to reverse any sympathy forthe resisters which may be developing insidethe opponent group. Success requires that onlynonviolent “weapons” be used.

Sabotage and nonviolent action

Sabotage—dened for this discussionas “acts of demolition and destruction ofproperty”—is not compatible with nonviolentstruggle. The dynamics and mechanisms ofsabotage are different:

Sabotage always runs the risk of uninten-•

tional physical injury or death to personsserving the opponents or to innocent by-standers.Effective sabotage requires a willingness to•

use physical violence against persons who

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discover the plans and are willing and ableeither to reveal or to block them.Sabotage requires secrecy in the planning•

and carrying out of missions.Sabotage requires only a few persons to•

carry it out and hence reduces the numbersof effective resisters.Sabotage demonstrates a lack of condence•

in the adequacy of nonviolent struggle.Sabotage is a physical-material action and•

not a human-social action.Sabotage and nonviolent action are rooted•

in quite different premises about how to

undermine the opponents. Nonviolent ac-tion produces withdrawal of consent by thesubjects, while sabotage acts against the op-ponents by destroying property.Where physical injury or death occurs to•

persons there is likely to be a relative loss

of sympathy and support for the nonviolentgroup and the movement in general.Sabotage is likely to result in highly dispro-•

portionate repression. Repression provokedby sabotage is not likely to weaken the op-ponents’ relative power position.

Other ways to slip into violenceOne additional way of slipping into violence

occurs when resisters prepare to use violencein some possible future situation. Such prepa-

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rations constitute a great temptation actually touse violence, especially at a crisis point whenlimited violence has already occurred.

The necessity of disciplineDiscipline is especially important when there

is special danger of violence breaking out and when participants lack experience and deep

understanding of the nonviolent technique ofstruggle.This discipline consists of adherence to

certain minimum standards of behavior. Thedegree and type of discipline required will varydepending on the situation. The absence ofdiscipline will mean that effective use of thistechnique will become very difficult or impos-sible.

Continued participation in the struggle andrefusal to submit to fear are the most criti-cal aims of discipline. After these, adherenceto nonviolent behavior is the most importantsingle aspect.

Discipline includes complying with plansand instructions. Discipline will help peopleto face severe repression and to make themaximum impact for their objectives. Suchdiscipline also contributes to respect for the

movement by third-parties, the population ingeneral, and even the opponents.

Promoting nonviolent disciplineNonviolent action almost always occurs in a

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conictual and tense situation. Nevertheless, it ispossible to prevent violence and maintain disci-pline. Tension and aggression can be released indisciplined, nonviolent ways.

In some cases, participants in nonviolent actionmay intuitively, or by common accord, adhereto nonviolent discipline without formal effortsto promote it. However, in dangerous or risky

situations, stronger efforts are needed to promotenonviolent discipline. Discipline in nonviolentaction is primarily self-discipline. Various meansof encouraging discipline will be effective only tothe degree that they inuence or strengthen the

will or conscience of the resisters. Instructions,appeals, pledges, as well as discipline leaets,marshals and other means, may be used to en-courage discipline.

In situations of violence, leaders have some-times postponed or called off a nonviolent cam-paign. On occasion, use of those nonviolent meth-ods that are not likely to lead to violence may

be substituted for other potentially provocativenonviolent methods. In face of a hostile group at-tack, strong discipline may be required to preventboth violence and a rout. If leaders wish to avoida physical encounter, it may be better to move thenonviolent group to another spot, or disperse, orchange to simpler forms of action. If the oppo-nents’ possible violent attack is to be confronteddirectly, strong nonviolent discipline is needed.

Where conict and tension are widespread, attimes a form of nonviolent action, such as pub-

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lic demonstration, may itself allow for the vent-ing of emotions nonviolently, while avoiding

violence. High morale is important in achievingand preserving nonviolent discipline. Morale will often be increased by feelings amongthe resisters that some signicant source ofstrength not available to their opponents is sup-porting them. This might be their technique of

action, the justice of their cause, the inevitabil-ity of their victory, or the existence of powerfulfriends. In some situations it may be rootedin their religion or “history.” Other means arealso needed to ensure nonviolent discipline.It needs to be understood why the campaignneeds to be kept strictly nonviolent.

Good organization, wise leadership, care-fully laid and intelligently formulated plans,and effective means of communication withinthe movement will contribute signicantly toachieving and maintaining nonviolent disci-pline. Strategies, tactics, and specic methods

need to be chosen with extra care. Training ofgeneral participants and special personnel isimportant, through such means as study groups,

workshops, seminars, socio-dramas, and othermeans. Speeches, messages, and on-the-spotappeals are also often used to prevent violenceand to promote discipline.

Effective organization and communication within the nonviolent group will also contributeto nonviolent discipline. Clear lines of com-mand and communication can produce both

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general and specic instruction on behavior.“Marshals” can be used to help keep a demon-stration nonviolent and disciplined. Pledges ofnonviolent discipline have also been used.

Whether or not leaders are arrested, it is vitalthat other persons be capable, if needed, ofstepping into leadership positions and helpingto maintain discipline. In some cases the known

leaders may be arrested, leading to the diffu-sion of leadership and less centralized efforts toprovide nonviolent leadership. In other ad-

vanced cases the nonviolent forces may grow instrength so much that they take on characteris-tics of parallel government, helping to maintainnonviolent discipline. If serious violence ap-pears possible, more active nonviolent interven-tion may be required to prevent the violence.

Refusal to hateIn some past nonviolent struggles, the resist-

ers have clearly hated their opponents. How-

ever, some specialists on nonviolent actionconsider it to be a desirable renement to de- velop the capacity to refuse to hate. Nonviolentaction does not require its practitioners to “love”their opponents, or to attempt to convert them.Those are, in fact, unusual characteristics in thistype of struggle. However, it is also true thatnonviolent discipline and general effectivenessmay be increased when the resisters are able torefrain from hatred and hostility.

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The Inefficacy of RepressionIf the nonviolent resisters remain fearless,

keep their nonviolent discipline, are willing toaccept the sufferings inicted for their deance,and are determined to persist, then the oppo-nents’ attempt to force the resisters to submitto their will is likely to be thwarted.

Arresting leaders and banning their orga-nization are inadequate to end the resistance.Those means of control are likely to stie themovement only when it is weak and whenpeople are fearful. Such means of repressionare likely to fail to crush the movement underthe following conditions:

When there has been a widespread and•intensive education program on nonviolentaction.When people have considerable experience•

in using the technique.When there has been advance training and•

a widely distributed manual on how to resistin this way.When successive layers of leadership have•

been selected in advance.When the rst leaders set the example of•

fearless action, risking arrest.The result may be the decentralization of lead-ership, increased self-reliance, and adherenceto nonviolent discipline.

Repressive measures may even become new

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Chapter TwelvePOLITICAL JIU-JITSU

Against violent opponentsNonviolent action is designed to operate

against opponents who are able and willingto use violent sanctions. However, politicalstruggle by means of nonviolent action against

violent repression creates a special, asym-metrical conict situation. In it, the nonviolentresisters can use the asymmetry of nonviolentmeans versus violent action to apply some-thing like the Japanese martial art jiu-jitsu totheir opponents. This throws the opponents offbalance politically, causing their repression ofthe resisters to rebound against the opponents’position and weaken their power. By remainingnonviolent while continuing the struggle, the

resisters can improve their own power position.The opponents’ difficulties in dealing withnonviolent action are primarily associated withthe special dynamics and mechanisms of thistechnique.

Political jiu-jitsu operates basically by the op-ponents’ violent repression against nonviolentresisters alienating support from the oppo-nents. This can result in the growth of internalopposition among the opponents’ usual sup-porters, an increase in power of the resistance

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movement, and the turning of the third partiesagainst the opponents. The ways this occurs aredescribed below.For this to happen, the nonviolent resistersmust refuse to shift to violence, where theiropponents are strongest. Instead, the resistersmust continue their resistance by using only

“nonviolent weapons.”

Undermining the opponentsPolitical jiu-jitsu is a process by which non-

violent action deals with violent repression.Nonviolent discipline combined with persis-tence against violent repression causes theadversaries’ repression to be exposed in the

worst possible light. This, in turn, may lead toshifts in opinion and then to shifts in powerrelationships favorable to the nonviolent group.These shifts occur as support for the opponentsis withdrawn while support for the nonviolentgroup is strengthened. The resisters’ nonvio-

lence helps the opponents’ repression to throwthem off balance politically.Political jiu-jitsu does not occur in all non-

violent struggles. Most of the specic methodslisted in Part Two are independent of thisprocess. Political jiu-jitsu operates among threebroad groups:

Uncommitted third parties, whether on the•local scene or the world level.The opponents’ usual supporters.•The general grievance group.•

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Is the regime democratic or autocratic?•What is its ideology? What is its attitudetowards the resisters? How important to theregime are the issues? How does it perceivethe role of repression? In what type of socialsystem are the events taking place? Are theopponents sensitive to the opinion of thirdparties, or dependent on the third parties?

Actions that result from changed opin-•ions : Once the change of opinion has beenachieved, who takes action against theregime of the opponents, and what type ofaction is taken?Third-party actions may include protests,•

public declarations, demonstrations, diplo-matic actions, economic sanctions, and thelike. They ought to be seen as supplementaryand complementary, but never as the mainactions of the struggle. The proportion ofsuccesses among past cases of internationalnonviolent action, especially by third parties,is extremely small. The actions have beengenerally symbolic, and more substantialtypes, as economic sanctions, have not beenapplied on the systematic and sustained basisrequired for effectiveness. International ac-tion is not a substitute for internal action bythe grievance group itself.It is in the nature of the nonviolent tech-•

nique that the main brunt of the strugglemust be borne by the grievance group imme-

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diately affected by the opponents’ policies.Shifts in third party opinion toward the•

cause of the nonviolent group : These mayaid the resisters by boosting their morale andencouraging them to persist until they win.Such shifts may also help to undermine themorale of sections or of the whole of the op-ponent group.

C. The Future of Third Party SupportThird-party and international support has

generally had limited use and effectiveness.Perhaps, new forms of support are now beinglaunched. These include supply of literatureand handbooks about nonviolent struggle,printing facilities or services, radio broadcast-ing facilities and equipment, electronic com-munication, and bases and centers for study,education, and training in this type of struggle.

New technologies, although they do notproduce miracles, can assist in communica-tion, education, and access to information. Thetechnologies are, of course, also available tooppressive regimes.

Arousing dissent and opposition inthe opponents’ own camp

Violent repression against nonviolent resist-ers is likely to be perceived as more unreason-able, distasteful, inhuman, or dangerous forthe society than is violent repression against

violent resisters.

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When the resisters are nonviolent it is mucheasier for members of the opponent groupthemselves to advise caution or to recommendlessening of the repression and other counter-actions or even changes in the policy in con-tention. Severe repression may be seen as toohigh a price to pay for continued denial of thedemands of the nonviolent group.

A. Questioning both repression and the causeIn the asymmetrical conict situation—

violent repression versus nonviolent struggle—some members of the opponents’ populationand usual supporters may begin to questionboth the violent repression against the nonvio-lent resisters and also to reexamine the issuesat stake in the conict. This aspect of politi-cal jiu-jitsu may contribute to several types ofdissent and other reactions among members ofthe opponent group:

Feelings that the repression and possible bru-•

talities are excessive and that concessions arepreferable to continuation of the repression. An altered view of the nature of the oppo-•nents’ regime, possibly resulting in a new orintensied conviction that important changesare required.

Active sympathy for the nonviolent group•and its cause.Various types of positive assistance for the•

cause of the grievance group and aid to the

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the revolution. 5 In Syria in 2012, the use ofmilitary weapons by the mutinied troops cre-ated a prolonged military conict and greatlyincreased the total number of casualties.

By joining the nonviolent struggle and notusing their military weapons, the mutinyingtroops can instead greatly facilitate the defec-tion of much larger numbers of the troops serv-

ing the opponents, thereby helping to speedthe end of the opponent regime by taking awayits army.

D. Splits in the opponent regimeBrutalities against the nonviolent resisters

at times may also lead the opponent regime tosplit into factions with different views concern-ing policies, means of control and repression,and personnel issues.

E. Deliberate efforts to win defections Aware that brutal repression may cause the

opponent regime grave problems, on occasionsome nonviolent resisters may deliberately takeextreme provocative actions with the intent ofprodding the regime to take violent actions thatare expected actually to help the resisters. Suchactions require extreme care and normally arenot advised.

On other occasions, the nonviolent groupmay make direct appeals for support from

5 See a full description of this important nonviolent strug-gle in Gene Sharp, Waging Nonviolent Struggle,ChapterFive.

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members of the opponent group. Sometimesnew splits are created and other times existingsplits are aggravated. In contrast, violence bythe resisters generally tends to unite the op-ponent group.

Increasing support and participationfrom the grievance group

Political jiu-jitsu may operate in yet a third way. Sometimes the repression will motivate alarger number of the current dissenters to joinin active resistance.

Whether or not repression has that effect,strength is needed if the resisters are to with-stand the repression and maintain their re-sistance. Submission to violence spells defeat.Repression can legitimize the resistance move-ment because it “deepens the injustice.” Re-pression can both increase the determinationof the existing nonviolent resisters and may attimes increase the number of resisters.

Less severe repression andcounter- non violent action?

In light of the above risks that harsh repres-sion may damage the opponents’ cause, theirforces of repression may experiment with lesssevere control measures and even seek to mini-mize their own violence. On rare occasionsthey may sometimes use counter-nonviolentaction. Such cases of counter-nonviolent actionmay be the rst feeble attempts to move to-

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ward a new type of conict situation in whichboth sides rely on nonviolent action as theirultimate sanction.By choosing to ght with a technique whichmakes possible political jiu-jitsu, the nonviolentresisters unleash forces which may be moredifficult for the opponents to combat than is

violence.

Altering power relationsThe power of both contenders in a conict in

which nonviolent action is used is continually variable. This variation can be a result of politi-cal jiu-jitsu as well as other forces unleashed bythis technique. The restriction or withholdingof support from one side or another will affectthe sources of power available to the targetedside. The power shifts produced by political jiu- jitsu may become obvious only after they haveoccurred.

Nonviolent struggle has the potential to make

a government powerless. Whether this potentialis realized depends primarily on the circum-stances, the wisdom of the resistance strategy,and the actions of the resisters. These factorsinclude the degree to which, by its nonviolentdiscipline, persistence, and choice of strategyand tactics, the nonviolent group promotes theoperation of political jiu-jitsu. However, even ifpolitical jiu-jitsu does not occur, there are othermeans by which the power relationships may bechanged fundamentally by nonviolent action.

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Chapter ThirteenFOUR WAYS SUCCESS MAY BE

ACHIEVED

Nonviolent struggle can only be successful when various necessary conditions exist orhave been created. It is possible to distinguishfour broad processes, or mechanisms, whichcan bring success: conversion, accommodation,nonviolent coercion, and disintegration.

Conversion“By conversion we mean that the opponent,

as the result of the actions of the nonviolentgroup or person, comes around to a new pointof view which embraces the ends of the non-

violent actor,” wrote George Lakey. This mecha-nism may be inuenced by reason, argumenta-tion, emotions, beliefs, attitudes, and morals.

A. Seeking conversionThe aim of nonviolent action employed so as

to achieve this mechanism is thus not simply tofree the subordinate group, but also to free theopponents who are thought to be imprisonedby their own system and policies. Advocates ofthis mechanism often say that they seek to sep-arate the “evil” from the “evildoer,” to removethe “evil” while salvaging the “evildoer.”

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B. The rationale of self-suffering Some users of nonviolent action consider

that self-suffering is not only required to neu-tralize or immobilize the opponents’ repres-sion, but that it can also be the main means toconvert the opponents. Suffering, some non-

violent actionists contend, attacks rationaliza-tions and overcomes indifference. Suffering isno longer only a risk, it is also a weapon. Otherpractitioners reject conversion as impossible orimpractical.

C. The barrier of social distanceThe greater the “social distance”—the

stronger the barriers to “fellow feeling,” mu-tual understanding, and empathy—betweenthe contending groups, the less possibility ofconversion. The closer the social distance, theeasier will be the conversion. Some nonviolentresisters have taken steps to reduce or removethe social distance between the contendinggroups.

D. Conversion produces changeConversion includes various types of changes

varying in their rational and emotional compo-nents, operating on different people, and dif-fering with the length of time the change hasbeen in operation. Conversion includes variouschanges in the opponents’ attacks, beliefs, feel-ings, and worldviews. Individuals differ widelyin their susceptibility to conversion.

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E. Some factors inuencing conversionThe external factors inuencing conversion

include the degree of conict of interest, socialdistance, the personality structure of the oppo-nents, shared or contrasting beliefs and norms,and the role of third parties.

The internal factors inuencing conversionunder the control of the nonviolent groupinclude: refraining from violence and hostil-ity, attempting to gain the opponents’ trust bytruthfulness, openness concerning intentions,chivalry, maintaining a pleasant personal ap-pearance and habits, refraining from humiliat-ing the opponents, making visible sacrices,carrying on constructive work, maintainingpersonal contact with the opponents, demon-strating trust of the opponents, and developingempathy.

F. Conversion may not be achievedFor a variety of reasons, including unsatisfac-

tory fulllment of the above inuential factors,conversion efforts may only partially succeed ormay fail completely. Some persons and groupsmay be especially resistant to conversion. Ifconversion fails, or is not even attempted, non-

violent action offers three other mechanisms

by which change can be achieved. Accommodation

In accommodation the opponents are nei-ther converted nor nonviolently coerced. The

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opponents resolve to grant the demands of thenonviolent resisters without having changedtheir minds fundamentally about the issuesinvolved. The opponents have decided to yieldon the issue rather than experience or risk astill more unsatisfactory result later. Inuences

which might have in time led to conversion orto nonviolent coercion may be involved. Ac-

commodation occurs while the opponents stillhave a choice but the social situation has beensignicantly changed by the conict.

Among the factors leading to accommodationare these:

Violent repression is seen as no longer ap-•propriate.The opponents believe they are getting rid•

of a nuisance.The opponents are adjusting to opposition•

in their own group, and acting to prevent itsgrowth.

The opponents are acting to minimize eco-•nomic losses which are expected to grow.The opponents are bowing gracefully to the•

inevitable, avoiding the humiliation of defeatand possibly salvaging something more than

would be possible later. At times the oppo-

nents may act to prevent the populace fromlearning how much power it really can wield.

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spite their continued efforts to impose it.Whether the opponents are able to act in•

efforts to implement their will. Coercionis the use of either physical or nonphysicalforce to compel action. Noncooperation hassometimes been so effective that temporaryparalysis of the opponents’ power has beenachieved, but total collapse of their regimedid nevertheless not result.

B. The concept of disintegrationDisintegration results from the more severe

application of the same forces that producenonviolent coercion. However, those forcesoperate more extremely in disintegration, sothat the opponent regime or group completelyfalls apart. No coherent body remains capableeven of accepting defeat. The opponents’ powerhas been dissolved.

C. Withdrawing the sources of political power

This technique becomes coercive or disinte-grative when the people applying it withholdor withdraw to a decisive degree the necessarysources of the opponents’ power.

(1) Authority : The application of nonviolentstruggle may both show how much authoritythe opponents have already lost and also mayhelp to undermine their authority still further.The rulers’ authority may dissolve. In addition,the people who have repudiated the rulers’authority may then, under extreme circum-

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resources include the economic system, trans-portation, communication, nancial resources,raw materials, and the like. Of the 198 methodsof this technique, 61 are directly economic:boycotts, strikes, and several methods of in-tervention. Other methods may have indirecteconomic consequences.

(6) Sanctions : Even the opponents’ ability

to apply sanctions against the resistance maybe reduced or removed by nonviolent action.Those who help to provide the sanctions—thepolice and the troops—may carry out ordersinefficiently, or in extreme cases disobey themcompletely. Such laxity or disobedience is morelikely against nonviolent resistance than vio-lent action. The reduced reliability of sanctions,or even their severance as a result of mutinies,

will have serious impact on the opponents’power position.

D. Some factors inuencing nonviolentcoercion and disintegration

The factors that produce nonviolent coercionand disintegration occur in different combina-tions and proportions. The contribution of eachfactor will depend upon the degree to which itregulates one or more of the opponents’ neces-sary sources of power. Nonviolent coercion ismore likely where:

The numbers of nonviolent resisters are very•large.The opponents are dependent on them for•

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the sources of their power.The group refusing assistance to the oppo-•

nents is a signicant one.The nonviolent group is skilled in applying•

the technique of nonviolent action.The deance and noncooperation can be•

maintained for signicant time.

The opponents are dependent for certain•services or supplies on third parties that aresympathetic and supportive of the nonviolentgroup.The opponents’ means of control and•

repression prove to be insufficient or ineffec-

tive in face of massive deance.There is opposition within the opponent•group to the policies at issue or to the repres-sion (including attention to the number ofdissidents, the intensity of their disagree-ment, and the types of action they use, such

as strikes and mutinies). A successful conclusion?

Skillfully applied nonviolent action may offergreater chances of success than would political

violence in the same circumstances. 6 However, victory cannot be guaranteed. Changes willtake place, which may or may not be for the

6 For the “Summary of Factors Determining the Outcomeof Nonviolent Struggles” see Gene Sharp,The Politics ofNonviolent Action, (1973 edition), pp. 815-817.

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better. Frequently, as in all conicts, the resultsare mixtures of defeat and success in varyingproportions.

A. The risk and nature of defeatDefeat indicates failure to achieve the objec-

tives of the struggle. Defeat may occur becauseof insufficient strength to continue the strugglepowerfully, or weaknesses in organization, per-severance, discipline, or strategy. There is nosubstitute for genuine strength in nonviolentaction.

The consequences of defeat will vary. Attimes, there may be physical suffering, mentalanguish, economic losses, worsened conditions,

and new legal restrictions. If there is demoral-ization and loss of condence in nonviolent ac-tion, the chances of using this technique againsoon may be low.

Sometimes it is better to have struggled andlost than not to have struggled at all. Peacefuldeance of powerful opponents, even if notsuccessful, may be preferable to desertion ofprinciple and integrity.

Defeats, however, are not always total andpermanent. Defeat may be seen as a lost battle,

with a war yet to be won. Even in the midst ofdefeat there may occur less obvious favorablechanges which may contribute to a later suc-cess for the nonviolent group. Defeat may attimes be followed by an increased spirit of re-sistance, strengthened organization, improvedskill in applying nonviolent action, and new

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friends. If so, then a failure may well be theprelude to success.

B. A draw or an interim settlement?Not all major changes can be achieved in a

single struggle. A series of campaigns may berequired, with temporary pauses between them.

This may happen under such conditions as when:

The resisters are not strong enough.•The movement is weakening.• An honorable withdrawal is prudent.•The next activities can be done by a few•

persons or groups so the many can rest.The essential elements of the movement are•

being jeopardized and actions to continuethe campaign unchanged are foolhardy.Participants are not capable of further suf-•

fering without demoralization.

The moment is favorable for limited gains.• The opponents are ready to negotiate and•offer signicant concessions, although not allthe demands.There is a breathing space while other•

changes can take place.

In such conditions, a shift of strategy and aninterim settlement may be wise.

Sometimes, the very fact of negotiating forgains—not losses—is a victory, for it reects animproved power relationship. At times, a truce

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or interim settlement may be produced with-out formal negotiations and agreements.

The nonviolent resisters may compromise onsecondary, nonessential matters, but will notcompromise on essentials or give up funda-mental principles or demands. Their achieve-ments may be postponed but they must not berenounced.

The period following a truce or an interimsettlement will be difficult. It could be used toregroup, strengthen positions, and consolidategains. One should not continue along the sameline that led to the truce. The development of anew strategy and tactics is very important.

The rst actions after losing a battle shouldbe brief, but one should never allow the oppo-nents to dictate to the resisters. The nonviolentgroup should not allow itself to become com-pletely passive and return to submission. Peri-ods of retreat and even defeat must be turnedinto opportunities for the recovery of strength

and preparations for more favorable action.When limited successes have been won byproducing basic changes in attitudes, powerpositions, and relationships, these successesare likely to be genuine and lasting, not easilytaken away.

C. SuccessWhen there have been signicant advances,and victory is in sight, one has to be careful.This is a crucial and dangerous period. Thenonviolent group may become overcondent

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and careless. The adversaries may make asupreme effort to avoid defeat. A domestic ex-tremist political or military group, or a foreignintelligence agency, may see an opportunity tostage a coup d’état.7

The nonviolent group’s nal efforts are themost important and most difficult of all. Cam-paigns may be ended in different ways, includ-

ing negotiations, or the opponents granting thedemands. Or, rarely, the end may come withthe collapse and disintegration of the opponentregime or group.

Rigorous analysis may be needed to deter-mine clearly whether a given struggle has beena “success” or a “failure.” The following ques-tions may help in making that determination.

Were the goals of the nonviolent group•achieved? Fully? In part? As the result ofnonviolent action? As the result of othermeans or factors? Immediately, or some timeafter the struggle?Which mechanisms of change operated?•Were the nonviolent group and the griev-•

ance group strengthened or weakened inter-nally as a result of the campaign?Was the basis laid for later or wider achieve-•

ment or both?

7 Serious planners should study Gene Sharp and Bruce Jenkins, The Anti-Coup. Boston: Albert Einstein Institution,2003. It is a guide on how to prevent attempted coups andhow to defeat them if they are attempted.

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Chapter FourteenTHE REDISTRIBUTION OF POWER

Effects on the Nonviolent GroupThe application of the technique of nonvio-

lent action can produce changes in the partici-pants and in the distribution of power.

The strength of the resistance group maygrow in the following ways:

A. Ending submissivenessParticipation in nonviolent action both re-

quires and produces an end to passive submis-sion to the will of the adversaries. Such actionalso helps to correct a lack of self-condence, asense of inferiority, fear, a dislike of responsi-bility, and a desire to be dominated. These areprogressively replaced by their opposites.

B. Learning a technique which reveals one’s powerThe most important change produced by

nonviolent struggle will be the strengtheningof the subordinates. People learn how to op-pose dominant “evil” policies and systems. Thisfrees them from a sense of helplessness. Thisexperience of participation in struggle helpsto teach the participants that those once weakcan become strong, and how they can act todevelop their power.

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C. Increasing fearlessnessExperience in using nonviolent action tends

to increase the degree of fearlessness amongthe resisters. Initially, the nonviolent resistersmay need to control both their fear and theiranger. Later, they may cease to be fearful. Bylearning that they can remain rm in faceof repression, they can gain a sense of beingliberated from fear. Suffering is seen as serv-ing the cause. The loss of fear of the opponents’sanctions makes one of the opponents’ majorsources of power ineffective. This will not only

weaken that system but enhance the ability ofthose people to remain free of oppression.

D. Increased self-esteemHierarchical systems exist in part because

the subordinates submit as a result of seeingthemselves as inferiors. Two steps to challengeand to end the hierarchical system thereforeare: rst, get the members of the subordinategroup to see themselves as full human be-ings, not inferior to anyone; and, second, getthem to behave in ways consistent with thatenhanced view of themselves. That means toresist and defy the patterns of inferiority andsubordination. These changes in self-percep-

tion and behavior may both affect the currentdominant group and also have highly signi-cant long-term consequences.

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E. Bringing satisfaction, enthusiasm, and hopeDespite the hardships of struggle, the nonvio-

lent resisters may nd the experience satisfying.Participation may bring a new spirit, sense ofself-worth, and hope for the future.

F. Possible effects on aggression, masculinity, crime,and violence

Participation in nonviolent action has attimes reversed, or demonstrated a reversalof, the usual assumed relationships betweennonviolent behavior and human aggressiveness,masculinity, crime, and future violence.

Aggressiveness can be channeled for expres-•sion in nonviolent ways without losing itsedge: “I always love my enemies because itmakes them mad as hell.”Nonviolent action struggles have also bro-•

ken “the psychological link between mascu-linity and violence . . .” (Jerome D. Frank). Itmay seem to be more “macho” to be readyto stand up to acute danger than to resort to

violence. Nonviolent deance can strengthenthe sense of masculinity and superiority tothe opponents.Nonviolent action may also help reduce•

crime and other anti-social behavior amongthe general grievance group.This type of action allows for ways to release•

emotions and social resentment without violence.

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The process of self-justication for using•only nonviolent means can reduce hostilitytowards the adversaries, and also producemore favorable evaluations of nonviolentmeans in general.There may also be some social-psychological•

effects of adherence to nonviolent methodson the group as a whole.On a more conscious and rational level, par-•

ticipation in nonviolent action may convincepeople that such behavior may be practicaland effective in cases where they have as-sumed only violence was viable.These changes may not take place at all, or

only with a small percentage of the partici-pants. It depends on time, suitable experiences,some degree of success, and group support.

G. Increased group unityThe effectiveness of nonviolent action is

increased when the resisters and the gen-eral grievance group possess a high degree ofinternal unity. Violence usually excludes somepeople because of age, gender, physical condi-tion, beliefs, or distaste. However, nonviolentaction seems to contribute to internal unitybetter than violence, and attracts participationof wider and more heterogeneous groups thandoes violence.

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even more important. The strengthening of thegrievance group is bound to alter power rela-tionships in lasting ways.

Diffused power and thenonviolent technique

A free society needs strong social groups andinstitutions capable of independent action and

able to wield power in their own right. Thosebodies will be needed in order to control anestablished oppressive government or a regimeof domestic or foreign usurpers. If those socialgroups and institutions are at the moment

weak, they need to be strengthened. If they areabsent, they need to be created in order to con-trol rulers who do not wish to be controlled.

Here questions of social organization and ofpolitical technique converge. There may be acausal connection between the relative concen-tration or diffusion of power in the society andthe nal sanction, or technique, of struggle—

political violence or nonviolent action—reliedupon to maintain or to change the system.

A. Violence and the centralization of power It has been widely recognized that violent

revolutions and wars have been frequently ac-companied and been followed by an increaseboth in the absolute power of the State and inthe relative centralization of power in its hands.

Technological changes and the breakdownof the distinction between civilians and the

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military forces have accentuated this tendency.Centralized control of the institutions and

weapons of internal or international war by aself-selected clique can be later turned againstthe previous government and the populationin order to seize political control. Political

violence contributes to the destruction of theindependent institutions. Therefore, the popu-

lation of a society that has used major violenceis less likely to be able to resist internal or for-eign oppressors than a society which has strongindependent institutions.

B. Nonviolent action and decentralization of power Nonviolent action, in contrast, appears to

have different long-term effects on the dis-tribution of power within the society. It doesnot have the centralizing effects of violence.It increases the potential for greater popularcontrol. Therefore, people are likely to enjoygreater freedom and, consequently, less dicta-

torship and greater democracy.The kind of leadership that is necessary innonviolent struggle tends to be more demo-cratic than the necessary leadership of violentstruggles. Leaders in nonviolent struggles donot use violent sanctions against their follow-ers. Those leaders depend on the acceptanceof their moral authority, political and strategicjudgment, and popular support. The leaders ofnonviolent struggles are less likely than thoseof violent struggles to become tyrants because

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the technique tends to produce greater autono-my of the citizens.

In nonviolent struggles the leaders cannotestablish a central control by the regulationand distribution of weapons and ammunitionbecause the “weapons” of nonviolent action arenot material ones.

The society’s independent institutions are

likely to have been strengthened through theirroles in actual resistance. Consequently, thoseinstitutions will be more able to function ef-fectively in future peaceful times and to resistdictatorial pressures in crises.

Nonviolent action can help create citizens who are free, organized, disciplined, coura-geous, and capable of instituting a democracyand of defending it when needed. These peopleare more likely to be condent in their capacityto act effectively in the future.

It has been argued that the adoption ofnonviolent action in place of violence might

break the constant cycle of the violence of onegroup leading to violence by the other, and alsobreak the frequent escalation in the extent andseverity of violence, especially in politics. Ifso, the consequences could be widespread andprofound.

However, these characteristics alone do notguarantee a vibrant durable democracy afternonviolent struggle has defeated an oppres-sive government. In several cases, a dictatorialgroup has seized control of the State.

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It is therefore important for opponents ofoppression to plan carefully the new demo-cratic structure. It is necessary to strengthenthe independent institutions of the society. It isalso very important to prepare the capacity ofthe population to resist all those who would es-tablish a new dictatorship or to restore the oldone. There is need to spread among the popula-

tion both general understanding of nonviolentstruggle and also knowledge of strategies todefend new hard-won freedoms.

The future uses and effectiveness of nonvio-lent struggle depend upon our gaining in-creased knowledge of its nature. We also needto deepen our skills in applying this techniqueto meet major social and political needs. In-creased understanding of this option needs tobe spread throughout the society. Addition-ally, greater strategic acumen and capacities inusing nonviolent action in actual conicts arerequired.

In developing these capacities there are rolesfor the contributions of many people.

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Also by the Same Author BOOKS

Sharp’s Dictionary Of Power And Struggle: Lan- guage of Civil Resistance In Conicts. Oxford andNew York: Oxford University Press, 2012.

Waging Nonviolent Struggle: 20th Century Prac-tice and 21st Century Potential. Boston: PorterSargent Publishers, 2005.

Making Europe Unconquerable: The Potential ofCivilian-Based Deterrence and Defense. London:

Taylor & Francis, and Cambridge, MA: Ballinger,1985.

Resistance, Politics, and the American Struggle for Independence. Co-editor with Walter Conser Jr., Ronald M. McCarthy, and David J. Toscano.Boulder: Lynne Rienner, 1980.

Social Power and Political Freedom. Boston: Por-ter Sargent Publishers, 1980.

Gandhi as a Political Strategist, with Essays onEthics and Politics. Boston: Porter Sargent Pub-lishers, 1979.

The Politics of Nonviolent Action. (Now in three volumes: Power and Struggle, The Methods ofNonviolent Action, and The Dynamics of Nonvio-lent Action.) Boston: Porter Sargent Publisher,1973.

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Exploring Nonviolent Alternatives. Boston: PorterSargent Publisher, 1970.Civilian Defence. Co-authored with Adam Rob-erts, Jerome D. Frank, and Arne Næss. London:Peace News, 1964.

Gandhi Wields the Weapon of Moral Power: Three

Case Histories. Ahmedabad: Navajivan PublishingHouse, 1960.

BOOKLETS AND PAMPHLETS

Self-Liberation: A Guide to Strategic Planning for Action to End a Dictatorship or Other Oppres-sion. With the assistance of Jamila Raqib. Boston:

Albert Einstein Institution, 2010.

There Are Realistic Alternatives. Boston: AlbertEinstein Institution, 2003.

The Anti-Coup. Co-author with Bruce Jenkins.Boston: Albert Einstein Institution, 2003.From Dictatorship to Democracy: A ConceptualFramework for Liberation. Bangkok: Committeefor the Restoration of Democracy in Burma, 1993and Boston: Albert Einstein Institution, 2002,2003, 2008, 2010, 2011, 2012. London: Serpent’sTail, Prole Books, 2011. New York: New Press,2012.

The Role of Power in Nonviolent Struggle. Cam-bridge, MA: Albert Einstein Institution, 1990.

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Civilian-Based Defense: A Post-Military Weapons

System. With the assistance of Bruce Jenkins.Princeton: Princeton University Press, 1990.

Nonviolent Struggle: An Efficient Technique ofPolitical Action, An Interview. Jerusalem: Pales-tinian Center for the Study of Nonviolence, 1988.

Making the Abolition of War a Realistic Goal. NewYork: Institute for World Order, 1981, 1983 andBoston: Albert Einstein Institution, 1985.

“ ‘The Political Equivalent of War’--Civilian De- fense,” International Conciliation, whole issue, no. 555. New York: Carnegie Endowment for Interna-

tional Peace, November 1965.Tyranny Could Not Quell Them! London: PeaceNews, 1958.

A complete list of the author’s selected publicationsis available on the web site: www.aeinstein.org,

including publications in diverse languages.

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The Albert Einstein InstitutionMission Statement

The mission of the Albert Einstein Institutionis to advance the worldwide study and strategicuse of nonviolent action in conict.

The Institution is committed to:

Defending democratic freedoms•and institutionsOpposing oppression, dictatorship,•

and genocide, andReducing reliance on violence as an•