How do Greek Self-Initiated Expatriates residing in Denmark account for their international...

7/27/2019 How do Greek Self-Initiated Expatriates residing in Denmark account for their international mobility?

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Master Thesis

How do Greek Self-Initiated Expatriates residing in

Denmark account for their international mobility?

Nikolaos Papageorgiou

MSc in International Business

Aarhus Business School

Supervisor: Jakob Lauring

September 2011


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1. INTRODUCTION......................................................................................................................1

2. THEORY REVIEW....................................................................................................................3

2.1 Introduction in Theory.........................................................................................................3

2.2 International Migration within the European Union...........................................................3

2.3 Highly-skilled immigration.................................................................................................4

2.3.1 Highly-skilled Immigration to Denmark.....................................................................5

2.4 Highly-skilled Outmigration flows from Greece................................................................6

2.5 What constitutes a SIE?......................................................................................................7

2.5.1 SIEs compared to immigrants.....................................................................................7

2.5.2 SIEs compared to OEs...............................................................................................10

2.6 The Self Initiated Expatriation Literature - A Review.......................................................14

2.7 Why do people relocate?...................................................................................................15

2.7.1 How traditional Immigration Literature explains immigration flows.......................15

2.7.2 How SIE literature explains expatriation flows........................................................17

2.8 Relationships as a reason to relocate in literature.............................................................19

2.8.1 Ways to incorporate relationships as a motive to relocate in existing literature.......20

2.9 Students and global mobility.......................................................................................213..METHODOLOGY...................................................................................................................23

3.1 Qualitative and quantitative methods................................................................................23

3.1.1 Quantitative research...............................................................................................233.1.2 Qualitative research...................................................................................................23

3.1.3 Reliability and validity..............................................................................................243.2 Collecting the data.........................................................................................................25

3.2.1 Method for data collection........................................................................................25

3.2.2 Preparing for the interviews......................................................................................26

3.2.3 The sample.................................................................................................................27

3.2.4 Conducting the interviews.........................................................................................27

3.3 Handling the data...........................................................................................................28

3.3.1Transcribing and translating.......................................................................................28

3.3.2 Analysing and coding the data...................................................................................29

4 EMPIRICAL PART...................................................................................................................30

4.1 The decision to leave Greece.............................................................................................30

4.1.1 Discussion.................................................................................................... ........38

4.2 The decision to come to Denmark.....................................................................................39

4.2.1 Discussion.................................................................................................................47

4.2.1.1 A general randomness.......................................................................................48

4.2.1.2 Relative attractiveness of Denmark..................................................................48

4.3 The decision to stay - initial or evolving?.........................................................................49


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4.3.1 Discussion.................................................................................................................54

4.4 Future plans.......................................................................................................................55

4.4.1 Return in Greece........................................................................................................55

4.4.1.1 Motivating and deterring factors.......................................................................56

4.4.1.2 Intention and time plan of return......................................................................58

4.4.1.3 Discussion.........................................................................................................59

4.4.2 Intention of staying in Denmark...............................................................................61

4.4.2.1 Discussion.........................................................................................................63

5 CONCLUSION.........................................................................................................................66

5.1 The findings of the thesis..................................................................................................66

5.2 Practical implications for Denmark..................................................................................67

6 BIBLIOGRAPHY......................................................................................................................69

7 APPENDIX...................................................................................................................78


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1. INTRODUCTION

In today's world, the issue of international mobility is becoming more and more relevant

to our societies, as it is commonly acknowledged that people tend to cross borders more

than they did in the past. This mobility can take many forms, like family reunification,

student mobility, job seeking (Pedersen et al, 2008) and others. Lately, literature hasstarted to become more aware of a specific part of these international flows, the

immigration of the highly-skilled and educated persons (Khoo et al, 2010). This

relocation of highly-skilled individuals is often differentiated from other forms of

immigration, by being called expatriation (Dumont & Lemaitre, 2005). Expatriation is a

common phenomenon that is expected to rise more, due to the developments of global

economy (Richardson & McKenna, 2002). So far, the expatriation literature has mainly

focused on expatriates sent abroad by their companies (from now on calledOrganisational Expatriates, or OEs), and is dealing with matters related to the

organisation's internal function. (Fitzgerald & Rostellan, 2008).

In the last decade though, a new body of literature that deals with persons that

were not sent abroad by a parent company but individually chose to expatriate is

developing. These individuals are generally called Self-Initiated Expatriates (from now

on referred to as SIEs) and the literature dealing with them SIE literature. Self-initiated

mobility is becoming increasingly more common (Thorn, 2009) and there is evidence

that suggests that SIEs constitute a much bigger and therefore more influential group

than OEs (Carr et al, 2005). It is therefore surprising that only recently they captured the

attention of academical community. A lot of authors have noted the relevant dearth of

studies on them, a dearth so evident that SIES have been called "an almost hidden

aspect of the international labour market"(Jokinen et al, 2008).

In terms of what influences the decision to relocate, SIE literature differs from

traditional immigration studies because it is focusing on the individual's perception

instead of examining macro-economical factors (Al Ariss & Syed, 2011). Although the

focus is into individual and not structural factors, these individual international moves

result in macro-level shifts in the countries involved (Carr et al, 2005), something

commonly known as Brain Gain and Brain Drain. Indeed, because of the huge benefits

that these professionals can bring to their host countries, but also because the

demographic trends of developed counties make them unable to cover their needs for

skilled workforce with their own human capital (Al Ariss & Syed, 2011), the global

competition for the attraction and retention of SIEs is strong (Thorn, 2009). Therefore, it

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is imperative to know pacifically what influences the mobility of this category of

people, so countries can better attract and retain them (Doherty et al, 2011).

Under this light, this thesis is trying to build on and maybe add to the existing

body of SIE literature, by examining what influences the international relocation

decisions of Greek SIEs residing in Denmark, according to their own perception. So, theresearch question is formed like that:

"How do Greek Self-Initiated Expatriates residing in Denmark account for their

international mobility?"

This, from a subjective point of view, is a topic close to the heart of the researcher, since

she is an expatriate herself, from an academical point of view one of the limited so farstudies on factors that influence SIE mobility, and from a practical point of view

something that could potentially help to better understand factors that influence SIE's

moves in and out of Denmark. Although in SIE literature relocation is usually studied as

a holistic process, it was felt that in this thesis's case it could be better examined if it

was broken in more specific parts. Hence, the mobility of Greek SIEs was broken down,

in a somewhat chronological order, or in the form of research prepositions, in the

following parts that try to present the whole picture of these persons' mobility; pastand

future.

What influences the decision to leave Greece?

What influences the decision to come in Denmark?

For the people that already have been here for some years:

Was the decision for a more permanent stay initial or evolving?

And finally:

What are the future plans of the expatriates?

These questions/parts are tried to be answered in the Empirical part.

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2. THEORY REVIEW

2.1 Introduction in Theory

This kind of people that this thesis deals with has been called a number of related terms,

like self-directed expatriates (Inkson et al, 1997), SFEs, from self-initiated foreign

work experience (Suutari, 2000), free movers (Favell 2003, 2008; Gaspar, 2009) andSIEs, from Self-Initiated Expatriates (Lee, 2005; Fitzgrald & Rostellan, 2008). In this

thesis the term SIEs will be used when referring to these people, even if the referred

articles use another terminology.

The Theory part is structured in the following manner: First, the current situation

and trends on intra-European relocation are presented. Then, since the study group

consists of highly educated people who relocated, facts about highly skilled migration

and its flows towards Denmark and outwards Greece will be presented respectively.Then, in order to clear up the topic of what exactly a SIE is, SIEs will be contrasted

with immigrants on one hand, and OEs on the other and a brief review of the topics that

SIE literature has studied so far will be given. After that, an attempt will be made to

show how traditional immigration literature accounts for immigration flows, how this is

inappropriate in order to explain the international movement of highly skilled

professionals, and how the SIE body of literature explains this movement. Also, since a

lot of people from the study group had a Danish partner before they came here while

others stayed after having taken a Danish degree, the topic of relationships as reasons to

expatriate and the phenomenon of international student mobility will be tauched

respectively.

2.2 International Migration within the European Union

European integration was founded on the principles of the free movement of goods,

capital, services and people. People like the ones this thesis is dealing with, who have

relocated autonomously from one EU country to another. This right, to move and work

in any Member State without any restrictions, is one of the fundamental rights of EU

citizens and is safeguarded by EU legislation. EU formation has certainly boosted intra-

European mobility (Favell, 2003), but despite the legislative framework, data shows that

only 4% of Europeans have ever relocated from their home country, temporarily or

permanently (Eurofound, 2006). Reasons for this rather small mobility may be found in

various legal and social barriers like problems of health care entitlements, social

security issues, the breaking of social ties in the home country or the lack of language

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skills of the future host country (Dobson, 2009). Nevertheless, the numbers are rising,

as new forms of mobility besides the traditional guest worker from the South to the

North have grown. These new forms include retirement migration, young people

relocating in metropolitan hubs like London and Paris, expatriate assignment, and

students studying in other Member States. In general, the social composition of intra-European migrants has changed, as nowadays they tend to be better educated and highly

skilled people, motivated by various other reasons than just to work (PIONEUR, 2006),

thus being closer to the term expatriate rather than migrant, as the following paragraphs

will illustrate.

2.3 Highly-skilled immigration

One of the defining characteristics of contemporary immigration is the bifurcationbetween skilled and unskilled immigration (Khoo et. Al, 2011). Highly skilled

immigrants are normally defined as having a university degree or extensive experience

in a given field (Iredale, 2001). The number of skilled immigrants is continously

increasing in a global level (Al Ariss & Syed 2010) and even though they represent only

a small segment of migration flows, it is the segment that is growing at a fastest rate

(Iredale, 2001; Agullo et al., 2009). Although the total number of skilled professional

migrants at any given point is unknown, at 2000 they were estimated to be 1.5 millionfrom developing countries to the industrial countries alone (Iredale, 2001). In the

European level, the number of skilled immigrants is steadily on the rise as well, with the

bulk of movement being done towards the Western countries(Kelo & Wchter, 2004).

While unskilled immigration is generally discouraged by receiving countries,

skilled migration is encouraged (Khoo et. Al, 2011). This is because the wealth of a

country is also represented in the human capital they possess, and a main challenge for

OECD countries in the near future will be that they will have fewer people to enter the

job market and cover their needs due to the increasing number of elder people and the

decreasing fertility rates (Al Ariss & Syed 2010). This has led to a sort of competition

between countries in order to attract skilled people and enhance their human capital

stocks (Khoo et. Al, 2011). Because of that competition, in general the highly skilled

are subject to fewer migration restrictions that their unskilled co-patriates, as countries

want to attract them to be globally competitive (Agullo et al., 2009)

This tight competition means that some countries will be winners, receiving

from around the world the educated professionals they need (what is referred to as Brain

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Gain) while others will be losing their human capital (Brain Drain). Although normally

poor and developing countries suffer a Brain Drain, while developed ones enjoy Brain

Gain, there is a number of developed countries, like New Zealand, Canada and

Australia, that experience a net loss of human capital (Thorn, 2009). In the European

context, in the Northern nations, there is a commonly expressed concern about highlyeducated people who, partly due to the high taxation, are leaving to work abroad

(Suutari & Brewster, 2000). Indeed, a lot of educated Danish people choose to

expatriate and statistics, including only highly skilled expatriation to and from OECD

countries, reveal that -in the OECD level- Denmark suffers a net loss of brains 1.

(Dumont & Lemaitre, 2005) and Denmark has identified this loss of highly skilled

people as an issue of economical importance (Thorn, 2009).

2.3.1 Highly-skilled Immigration to Denmark

But of course, the picture of professional mobility in Denmark does not contain only

Danes leaving the country. A lot of foreigners are coming every year to work in

Denmark. As said before, in order to attract the professionals that they need and ease

their entry, countries are relaxing their policies (Iredale, 2001) and a number of

European countries, including Denmark, have implemented measures targeted that

exempt the highly skilled from the regulations that apply for other immigrants (Kelo &

Wchter, 2004). Indeed, Denmark's immigration policies, although stiffening for other

kinds of immigrants, are leaning towards attracting highly qualified professionals

(Liebig, 2007). Since 2005 a Positive List of specific types of jobs that are needed,

like civil engineers, IT specialists and managers is in use by the Ministry of Integration

in order to facilitate the issue of work and residence permits for these people (Expat

Study, 2010). Also, a gross income tax rate of 25% or 33% per cent has been

implemented since 2008 for special categories of knowledge workers. But political

action goes even further than that. At April 2010, a taskforce of several ministries of the

Government has agreed on a series of initiatives in order for Denmark to better attract

international professionals (Expat Study, 2010).

The business world seems to be well aware of the need to attract foreign talents

in Denmark as well. In January 2010, the Consortium for Global Talent, an organisation

comprised by the 15 largest Danish companies was created. Its purpose is it to : attract

1When highly skilled migrants that came in Denmark from outside the OECD zone are counted in,Denmark presents a better picture. It shows a brain gain, but one cannot say for sure, because in thatstudy Danish expatriates in countries outside the OECD were not counted in.

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and retain skilled global professionals in Denmark and improve the conditions for

foreign professionals and their families and to contribute to make Denmark one of the

best places to live, study and work in and for that purpose it is working closely with

the Government and the Ministries. It looks like business and politicians alike have

understood the need to attract foreign professionals. An example of the business sectorand the government working together on this issue is that the network ''Expat in

Denmark'' is jointly run by the Danish Ministry of Economics and Business Affairs

(Danish name) and a consortium made up of the Danish Chamber of Commerce (Dansk

Erhverv), The Copenhagen Post, and the Danish Bankers Association.

2.4 Highly-skilled Outmigration flows from Greece

Greece has traditionally been an immigrant-senting country. In its latest history -after1900-, for reasons having to do with economy and the political turmoil of the period,

Greeks, mainly unskilled workers and political refugees, were massively emigrating to

Western industrialized nations. The phenomenon was so intense, that for example, from

1950 to 1974 it is estimated that a total of 1,155,000 Greeks emigrated, a number that

represents the amount of 13% of the -then- county's population (Gavaki, 1977; Lianos,

2004). After 1975, the phenomenon of outmigration continued, but at a smaller scale.

Nowadays, Greece is experiencing a resurge of the outmigration phenomenon,

but in a different form. The people who choose to leave their motherland behind, are

mainly not unskilled workers, but young, highly educated and skilled people. This

modern Greek Brain Drain phenomenon, has been studied very recently, although it is a

well-known fact for a lot of years. In his book that studies the Greek graduates that

work abroad, Lambrianidis (2011:264) finds out that the high educational level of these

people is surprising: 73% of them holds a Master degree, while 51% holds a F degree

along with the Master. When they found their first job abroad, 80% of them had one

Master degree, or higher. It is also rather interesting to note that 41% of them have

studied in some of the 100 top Universities in the world. No matter whether they studied

in Greece or abroad, the majority of them (60,9%) have not even looked for a job in

Greece, before they decided to go or to stay abroad. Lambrianidis attributes the modern

Greek Brain Drain to the fact that these graduates cannot find jobs in Greece in

accordance to their qualifications, the familiarity with foreign environments through

travels and international educational programmes and the common EU job market.

Under the light of the recent economical crisis in Greece, it would not be far from

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wrong to believe that this phenomenon will only intensify. According to data from the

Greek Organisation for Employment (a governmental organisation), at 2010, the people

who asked for information regarding employment in another EU country have been

double the ones that did so at 2009 and triple the ones that did so at 2008 (To Vima,

3/1/2011).Another indicator is that the search phrase "Jobs outside Greece" has had avery steep frequency increase after 2009 according to a presentation from Google

Greece.

2.5 What constitutes a SIE?

Maybe one of the most accurate definition of what a SIE is, is the one given by Myers

& Pringle (2005) who define SIE experiences as long-term individually initiated

travels to other countries to pursue cultural, personal and career developmentexperiences. The points of importance here are long term, which means that they are

settling down in the host country, which differentiates them from sojourners,

individually initiated, which contrasts them to OEs who are sent by their companies,

and the purpose; to pursue cultural, personal and career development which, along

with the free and not forced nature of movement sets them apart from immigrants, who

are characterized by a forced nature of movement and/or economical motives. The SIE

body of literature, although growing, is not as extended as the Immigration or

Organizational Expatriation literature is and a lot of authors have noted the relevant

dearth of studies in this field (Brewster & Suutari, 2005; Jokinen et al, 2008). In order to

get a better understanding of what exactly a SIE is, they are following contrasted with

Immigrants on one hand, and OEs on the other. These comparisons might seem long,

but they will present some very important facts that one needs to know about SIEs.

These facts are chosen to be presented in this contrasted way, because like that they also

define, as much as possible, the kind of people this thesis is dealing with, with other,

often related and mistaken for, categories of relocated people.

2.5.1 SIEs compared to immigrants

The definition as a SIE is a very foggy issue, because of the relationship with adjacent

terms like sojourner and immigrant (Richardson and Jelena Zikic, 2007). Sojourners are

defined as individuals who travel to a foreign country, voluntarily, on a temporary basis

and for a distinct, usually non-business purpose(Harrison et al, 2004) .The termsojourner will not be referred in this thesis anymore, because the controversy in

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literature is focused between the terms SIE and immigrant. Both the terms immigrant

and SIE are used to describe an individual that leaves her home country to seek

employment in another. This two terms, although they denote two different categories of

people, are not clearly defined (Richardson & Zikic, 2007), and are used in an

inconsistent way in literature. (Al Ariss, 2010a). The purpose of the following section isnot to define exactly what a SIE is as opposed to an immigrant, since such an agreement

in terminology has not been reached, but to present the view the literature holds on the

topic so far.

Al Ariss, (2010), while doing a review of how the literature uses these two

terms, defines four main themes on which immigrants differentiate from SIEs: The

geographical origin and destination of international mobility, the forced or chosen

nature of the movement, the period of stay abroadand the status of the migrant asopposed to this of a SIEin the host country. These four themes that Al Ariss identified

are presented, discussed and enriched with further insights form the literature.

Geographical origin and destination

The term expatriate means literally one that lives out of his homeland (From ex="out

of" + the Latin patrie="native land". The noun is from 1818 and meant "one who has

been banished". The modern sense of "one who chooses to live abroad" is from 1902

(Online Etymology Dictionary). In fact, this by itself, living abroad, is for some authors

an adequate reason for an individual to be considered a SIE, without any further

limitations (Vance, 2005; Lee, 2005; Fitzgerald & Rostellan, 2008). Although the word

by itself does not differentiate between the type of countries the movement is made

from and to, SIEs are mainly considered by some authors to relocate from a developed

home country to another one (Doherty & Dickmann, 2008), developed or not. Others do

not make this distinction thought, considering as SIEs also persons who move fromdeveloping to developed countries (Fitzgerald & Rostellan, 2008 ; Al Ariss & zbilgin,

2010; Lee, 2005). Immigrants on the other hand, are generally thought to be moving

from developing to developed countries (Baruch et al, 2007).

Nature of movement

Migrants are supposed to be driven to relocation by factors outside their control (Al

Ariss, 2010), like economical or asylum reasons (Robinson, V. 2002), while SIEs are

considered to be free to relocate to their country of choice independently (Inkson et al.,

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1997; Crowley-Henry, 2007). An issue mentioned by Al Ariss here, is also that the

motives that drive an individual to relocate in the first place, and the reasons that make

her eventually remain in the host country might differ, as new reasons emerge. This

leads to Richardson (2006) that also spoke of emerging reasons that make expatriates

stay longer that initially planned, and it is pointing our attention to the fact that if weaccept certain differentiating factors between SIEs and Immigrants, the status of an

individual between SIE and immigrant can also change over time. It is also something

that this thesis touches, as it deals with also with people that have stayed here for a lot

of time and have developed bonds of their own with Denmark, that kept them here.

Period of stay

The period of stay in the host country as a differentiating characteristic of migrants and

SIEs seems to be quite blurry in literature, as some authors consider it to be a factor onwhether one can be consider a SIE, while others do not. This dimension can be

considered to have two factors: Actual duration of stay so far, and intended duration of

stay.

A lot of authors (Inkson & Myers, 2003), Bozionelos,2009) are not making a

distinction between SIEs and migrants in terms of time. Others (Agullo & Egawa, 2009)

point out that SIEs have a more temporary mode of residence than immigrants. For

some authors, a SIE can only remain in the host country for a certain time, after whichshe is then considered an immigrant (Thorn, 2009; Al Ariss & zbilgin, 2010).

Richardson for example, in her studies of SIEs, does not include persons who have been

residing in the host country for more than 10 years.

Regarding the intended duration of stay, a lot of authors state that SIEs relocate

without a concrete time plan (Al Ariss 2010a, Doherty et. al., 2011), although they

might eventually come to stay in the host country permanently. From a philosophical

point of view, the French-Algerian sociologist Sayad describes this ambiguity byexplaining that one no longer knows if migration concerns a temporary condition,

which one is content to prolong indefinitely, or, on the other hand, if it is more a

permanent state in which one must live with an intense feeling of the temporary

(Sayad, 2004). The intention to stay or not in the host country is a dynamic process and

changes over time. This however, leads the discussion to something previously

discussed too, that if one accepts certain limitations on who can be considered a SIE,

then the status of an individual can change over time from a SIE to a migrant. Again, anexample from Richardsons studies is offered, where she does not consider as SIEs

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persons who intend to prolong their stay in the host country for ever, although a time

limit in their return plans was not specified. Others thought, (Suutari & Brewster, 2000)

study as SIEs also persons who are willing to accept a more permanent stay abroad.

From the literature review, it seems that even the scholars who accept a distinction

between SIEs and immigrants on the duration of stay theme, do not draw a clear linebetween these two.

Status in host country

Finally, the term migrant seems to imply a negative condition, somewhat unwelcome

and inferior, and maybe a burden to the host society, while the term SIE is connected

with more positive views, such as being accustomed and motivated to interact with the

host country nationals (Al Ariss, 2010). Furthermore, besides this integration aspect,

they seem to be not an economical burden, but an advantage for the host country. SIEsare seen as a key global resource (Inkson et al, 1997) whose enormous potential

benefits for the host countries should be utilized (Carr et al, 2005).

2.5.2 SIEs compared to OEs

While, as explained above, a SIE is a person that chooses to go work abroad

individually, OEs are employees who leave their home country temporarily in order to

complete an assignment in a foreign subsidiary that was given to them by their

company, lasting anywhere from a few months up to a few years, and then return back

to the home organization after it is completed (Cerdin &Pargneux, 2010). Although

there is evidence that suggests that globally the number of SIEs working is greater than

the number of OEs (Carr et al, 2005; Doherty et al, 2011, Expat Study, 2010), they have

received much less attention from scholars so far (Fitzgerald & Rostellan, 2008;

Biemann & Andersen, 2010) and direct comparison of SIEs and OEs has been minimal

in literature (Doherty et al, 2011). Nonetheless, there is a number of studies that explore

the possible differences between these two kinds of expatriates. In order to present these

differences, the typology of differences that Suutari & Brewster used in 2000 will be

used too, namely Source of initiative, Source of funding, Goals for foreign job and

Career type,enriching them with further insights from recent theory and adding at the

end some other differences as well.

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Source of initiative

For SIEs, the source of the initiative for expatriation comes from the individual, not the

employer (Inkson et al, 1997). Also, the fact that they come independently, might mean

that they are motivated by high unemployment and perceived constraints of the

domestic labour market, as Suutari and Brewster (2000) showed. This fits with

Dohertys et. al.,(2011) study, which showed that SIEs place much more importance

than OEs on the status of the host country, and the potential for a successful career

there.

Source of funding

For OEs the source of funding for their international move is the company salary, whilefor SIEs it is their personal savings and casual earnings (Inkson et al, 1997). Jobs are

usually not prearranged, but especially for young people (Suutari & Brewster, 2000),

they are found on the host country (Inkson et al, 1997). This adventurous spirit was

noticed also by Inkson and Myers (2003) who suggested that often SIEs engage in little

planning, something that was confirmed by Richardson and Mallon (2005), who found

that serendipity played a major role for self-initiated British academics.

Goals for the foreign job

For OEs, the explicit goal of their relocation is to perform a specific organizational task.

For SIEs the goals are more diffused and holistic, such as adventure, exploration, and

the individuals development in general (Inkson et al, 1997; Doherty et al, 2011). OEs

also have their personal goals, such as financial benefits and personal interest in the

assignment but career progression within the organization plays a major role (Dowling

and Welch, 2004). SIEs, since they are willing to undertake suck a task without the

backing of an organization, have a much higher motivation towards an international

career and experience (Suutari, 2000). In Dohertys et al (2011) comparative study of

OEs and SIEs, career related factors played a significantly higher role in the decision to

go abroad for OEs, indicating that, in the absence of the more holistic factors that SIEs

feature, their desire for an international experience is coupled more explicitly with

career development and progression. It seems that for SIEs, career aspirations go hand

to hand with their life path, rather than lead it (Doherty et al, 2011).

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Career type

OEs and SIEs differ in terms of the career type they follow, the former being described

as organizational career and the latter being described as boundaryless career (e.g.,

Inkson et al, 1997; Jokinen et al., 2008). OEs depend on the organization for supportand career guidance on their international move, and their career path unfolds upwards

inside the organization (Inkson et al 1997; Suutari & Brewster, 2000;). They achieve

seniority with time and age (Thorn ,2009a), while often the international move itself is

often seen as a preparation for further ascendance (Suutari, 2000; Dowling & Welch.

2004) These careers are careers conceived to unfold in a single employment

setting(Arthur & Rousseau 1996, 5).

Lately, contemporary business realities such as a shift towards a knowledge-based economy, telecommunication advancements, more flexible working conditions,

job insecurity, increased individualism and decreased loyalty to the organization have

lead to a re-assessment of career theory and the development of an alternative model of

career progression; the boundaryless career concept (Crowley-Henry, 2007). The work

experiences of individuals who embark on a boundaryless career unfold not only across

multiple organizations, jobs and occupations, but also countries. This way, self-initiated

expatriation can be described as the most extreme form of a boundaryless career (Thorn,

2009). The main characteristic of these new international careers is that they are self-

managed, as the persons are individually taking charge of their career trajectory,

meaning that they plan, design and evaluate it themselves, instead of relying on the

organizations to define it. (Inkson et al, 1997; Carr et al., 2005). This also means that

their identity is less based on their job or the organization they work for, as it is for the

people who follow traditional careers, but is developed around skills and competencies

and they are prepared for frequent interorganisational moves (Biemann, 2010).

A further concept situated inside the context of the boundaryless career is the

protean career (Gratton, Zaleska, and de Menezes, 2002, Hall and Harrington,2004;).

The protean career suggests a more holistic approach to someones career, where work

is not playing the central role, but people are aligning their career path in order to fit

with their personal life-style. Here, the criteria for success are not external, but internal,

relying on the individuals perception of how much the work outcomes are valued

against their own personal goals and the persons' core values are freedom and growth

(Crowley-Henry, 2007). The protean career, as Hall & Harrington (2004) put it,

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represents the subjective perspective of the individual careerist who faces the external

career realities of the boundaryless career (Briscoe & Hall, 2002) In general, for protean

careerists, the drivers of behaviour are value-based and, as in the boundaryless career,

they exhibit self-directed career management which appears to transcend organizations.

(Doherty et. al., 2011). It is argued by authors that SIEs have the characteristics of aprotean careerist (Doherty et. Al., 2011, Biemann), because, as said before, their move

abroad seems to be supported by more holistic factors, while OEs exhibit motivations

and behaviours focused on job and work issues, where the desire to have an

international experience is more centrally part of the individuals organizational career

development.

Other differences

OEs are sent by their companies in order to fill in roles or transfer knowledge, so they

usually work in high level positions, while SIEs are working in lower levels in the

organizations hierarchy (Suutari & Brewster, 2000 ), performing less challenging roles

(Doherty, 2011). This is because they are a more heterogeneous group that includes

people in their early career stages along with more experienced people who have chosen

an international career (Suutari & Brewster, 2000). Indeed, the literature suggests that in

general SIEs start their international career at a younger age than OEs (Doherty, 2011;Biemann, 2010). They are also more likely to be single, or if they are married, then they

have a much higher possibility of having a spouse abroad (Suutari, 2000), a fact that

underlines the importance of social factors in expatriation. They exhibit a higher

organizational mobility in their careers and have more intentions to change

organizations (Biemann, 2010). Also, although research has indicated that both SIEs

and OE place the same amount of importance to their career, career orientation remains

relatively stable for SIEs over different age groups, whereas it declines for OEs with

increasing age (Biemann, 2010). Not surprisingly, The SIEs are more willing to prolong

their stay in the host country, or accept another position abroad than the OEs, who are

more willing to return home after their assignment is over (Suutari & Brewster, 2000;

Doherty et al, 2011). This reflects the earlier insights that SIEs have a somewhat

unplanned nature of stay in the host country.

Furthermore, SIEs feel a greater urge to integrate in the local environment, and appear

to be better integrated than OEs are, because of the more holistic and personal character

of their choice to be specifically there. (Sargent, 2002; Peltokorpi, 2008). As a

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supporting point on that, Doherty et al (2011) showed that SIEs feel that the host

location played a much bigger role in their decision to expatriate than OEs do.

2.6 The Self Initiated Expatriation Literature - A Review

The SIE literature starts at 1997 with Inkson et. al., who studied the common

phenomenon of international travel and experience abroad for young New Zealanders

during their years after graduation. In 2000, Suutari and Brewster, while studying the

differences between OE and SIE Finnish engineers, extended the original study group of

Inkson et al. by more experienced individuals who independently chose an international

career. Since then, SIEs have been studied from a lot of different perspectives.

A number of studies contrast SIEs and OEs in different themes. They have been

contrasted in terms of work and non-work related adjustment in the host country

(Sargent, 2002;Peltokorpi, 2008), of the type of career they follow (Biemann, 2010),

their relevant development of career capital (Jokinen et al., 2008), their career anchors

-roughly meaning the factors that define their career orientation- (Cedrin & Pargneux,

2010) and their motives for expatriation (Doherty et al, 2011).

Other studies focus on specific types of SIEs. Inkson and associates have kept

studying self-initiated New Zealanders in terms of the effect of their experience abroad

in their career development (1999; 2003), the motivations to stay abroad versus

returning home (2005), and as a talent flow (2005). Akram Al Ariss, being interested in

self-initiated skilled workers that belong to an ethnic minority in the host country, has

studied their career experiences and how they cope with the barriers they face (2010).

Richardson and associates have studied British SIE academics. They have focused on

their motives for expatriation, their perception of its value for their career development

and their boundaryless careers (2002; 2005), the role of family on self initiated

expatriation (2006), the feelings of transience and risk that self-initiated expatriation

raises (2007), the SIEs relationships with their home and host country (2006) and the

need for realistic descriptions on work and non-work related issues from the prospective

employers to the prospective SIEs (2008). Based on the taxonomy of motives for

expatriation that Richardson and associates created, Selmer and Lauring further

extended the scope of the above papers by examining how the reasons for expatiation

can differ according to the individuals inherent (2010) demographics, using a large

number of international academics.

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Some authors have focused on the influences of gender in self-initiated

expatriation. Male and female SIEs have been compared in terms of reasons and

experience of expatriation (Myers et al, 2005; Tharenou, 2009), family dependencies

and how they influence the willingness to expatriate and the realization of this

willingness (Tharenou, 2008) and reasons to repatriate and opportunities while abroadand after repatriation (Tharenou, 2009). Fitzgerald & Rostellan (2008), using a sample

of only female SIEs have studied their motives and experiences of expatriation.

Finally, other studies have dealt with the development of the receptivity of the

idea to work abroad on possible future SIEs (Tharenou, 2003) and the SIEs motives for

mobility (Thorn, 2009), while Vance (2005) has developed a taxonomy of strategies that

SIEs follow in order to relocate. SIEs have also been studied in terms of

underemployment and its consequences (Lee, 2005), and the influence of jobcharacteristics and the employee demographics on the organizational commitment of

SIEs (Bhuian et al, 2001).

2.7 Why do people relocate?

Although, as explained before, the terms SIE and immigrant are sometimes used

interchangeably, two distinct and disconnected bodies of literature, SIE and Immigration

literature exist, which do not share and use each others insights(Al Ariss & zbilgin,

2010). Following, the way these two different bodies of literature account for

international people flows is presented.

2.7.1 How traditional Immigration Literature explains immigration flows

A very generic way to view migration was proposed by Lee in 1966. Lee divided factors

that affect migration in two categories: Pull and Push. Push factors are things that are

negative about the home country and are driving the person to immigrate, while push

factors are the things that attract this person to a specific area. Economical reasons in

this theory are one more factor among others, such as demographic pressure, low living

standards, natural disasters, security, ech. The nature of this theory is such, that it can

explain any kind of migration, forced or voluntary (Datta, 1998).

Traditionally, immigration literature has mainly focused on the macro-

economical factors in order to explain immigration flows (Remund, 2010) and when

reviewing the literature for the most often cited push and pull factors, economic andlabour-market aspects are in a top position (Kelo & Wchter, 2004). Labour market

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inequalities, meaning unemployment at home and employment opportunities at the host

country and income maximization are seen as the core of the explanatory model

(Verwiebe et al, 2010). This is based on the hypothesis formulated by Hicks at 1932,

stating that differences in net economic advantages, chiefly differences in wages, are

the main causes of migration (Hicks, 1932, from Dustmann et al, 2003). According toHicks, if legal and institutional barriers are absent, the main determinant of migration

decision is the difference in wages between sending and receiving country and the

migration costs. Following this logic, models that describe migration flows have been

constructed, and in the simplest framework, the decision of individual i (i = 1n) in

source country h to migrate to destination country f can be expressed as:

di= wfi whi z c > 0

where wfi, whi are the earnings of that individual in destination (f for foreign) and

source (h for home) countries respectively, zi is the individuals compensating

differential in favor of h, and c is the direct cost of migration.(Hatton and Williamson,

2002).

A large part of literature though is focusing on non-economical factors that

influence migration decisions. The most prominent of these themes are Network

Migration and Marriage Migration. Network Migration is referring to the phenomenon

where immigrants prefer to immigrate in countries where a same-nationality community

is already settled at (Haug, 2008). Marriage Migration refers to the phenomenon of

already established immigrants importing host-nationals with the purpose of marrying

them (elikaksoy, 2003), or (mostly) women from developing countries marrying men

from developed ones (Delia, 2007). Both of these themes are irrelevant to the topic of

this thesis, which has to do with highly-skilled professionals who independently chose

to relocate, but they underscore the social tone that the decision to relocate can have,

although immigration authors argue that they should not be viewed as some alternativeto the economic model and that economical reasons still dominate the decision (Hatton,

2002). These non-economical factors that influence migration can also be attempted to

be represented in the above equation in an an economical way, represented in the zi and

in the c differential. For example in network migration the social factors can be

incorporated in this economical model in two ways: By viewing them as a part of z i,

meaning that the other immigrants already there are increasing the destination-specific

utility and reducing the loss of ethnic capital that happens during the migration, or as apart of c, meaning that the other immigrants are directly reducing the costs of

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immigration by providing loans or gifts to the newcomer (Hatton, 2002).

This initial macroeconomic approach to immigration decisions was and still is

the target of much critique regarding its ability to explain patterns of immigration and

especially of highly skilled immigration. (Bach, S., 2007). Even at 1989, Winchie &

Carment were criticizing the focus on economic motives for explaining the movementof people and raising the question: if such factors affect everyone, why do only some

move? Academics who were following this train of thought -called the individualistic

school of immigration research- stated that it is not that much the actual factors at origin

and destination that affect migration, but rather the individual's perception of these

factors (Verwiebe et al, 2010). These thoughts led to an increasing study of the

individual level expectations, perceptions and demographic characteristics. Over the last

two decades, the macro-migration systems have lost the importance they initially held.The focus has shifted towards individual migration patterns and an attention to the

individual's characteristics and how they influence the decision to immigrate.(Remund,

2010). An outcome of this shift is the SIE literature (Jackson et al, 2005), that focuses

on the individual motives and experiences of expatriation of highly skilled

professionals.

In general thought, and especially regarding the specific topic of high-skilled

immigration (that is the theme this thesis is dealing with), the body of immigration

literature is still focusing on macro-factors like brain gain, brain drain and migrants'

remittances, making it inappropriate in order to examine the individuals motives (Al

Ariss & Syed, 2010). The SIE literature that is developing at the moment on the other

hand, is somewhat disconnected from the macro-context of immigration (Jokinen et al.,

2008), looking for more variant and subjective factors that influence the decision to

relocate. Therefore it seems to be more in focus of the individual choices and career

development and thus more adequate for studying individual attitudes and perceptions.

2.7.2 How SIE literature explains expatriation flows

As expected, SIE literature rejects the monodimensional explanation for the movement

of people that traditional immigration literature offers. Its focus is on the individual and

her multitude of motives, but without being blind on the broader macro economical

environment. For example, as written above, one of the motivations for expatriation

identified by Suutari & Brewster (2000) is the unemployment and perceived constraintsof the domestic labour market. In SIE literature, economical incentives, or even career

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development, is but one of many motivators. Without exception, all the studies that have

focused on the motives of these professionals, have found out that they are motivated by

broad social and life factors as opposed to a single economical or career betterment.

This multitude of motives that the SIE literature suggests is echoed by Ackers (2005),

who proposed that there is a range of factors involved in a decision to be mobile, andthat the menu and significance of factors might change over time as careers develop

and lives evolve. The Different typologies of reasons for expatriation that authors have

suggested are presented followingly.

Inkson et. al.(1997) stated that career factors are not the dominant ones in the

decision of these people for relocation, but the initial goals are diffuse: see the world,

try something different, find myself, ech. Barry, (1998), identifies three reasons:

General exploration, Specific career goals and Escape from an undesirable work orpersonal situation. Inkson & Myers (2003) suggest a more complex picture of the

motives, by identifying eight different main motives: Social attraction, Exploration,

Escape, Predisposition, Timing, Specific oversees opportunity, Impulse, General career

development and Earn money. It is interesting to see that their sample indicated that

career, expressed in conventional terms of employment/paid, ranks very low on the

frequency of reasons mentioned, while other more "holistic" factors, like social

relationships and new experiences seem to dominate. Jackson et al. (2005) found that in

the New Zealand expatriates' perception, factors related to career, economics and

couture tended to be push factors, meaning keeping them abroad, while lifestyle and

family/friends were factors pulling them back home. Richardson and Mallon (2005)

identified five reasons that urge people towards expatriation: Desire for adventure, Life

change, Family reasons, Career opportunities and Financial reasons. The role of family

here is different, as people in this sample have chosen to relocate for the benefit of the

whole family, and the whole family was included in the taking of the decision to

relocate. When considering the option to move, desire for adventure, life-change and

benefit to the family were the primary incentives. The common element in all these

studies is that, contrasting traditional Immigration literature, they suggest a multitude of

subjective reasons for expatriation. Common themes are a desire for travel and

exploration, for personal development, escape from current circumstances and career

development that does not dominate, but is rather equal or even falls short of the other,

holistic motives.

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2.8 Relationships as a reason to relocate in literature

In the age of globalization, people cross borders much more than they did before, for

various reasons. People who relocate in another country in order to be with their

foreign-national partner is a common phenomenon and this is the reason that specific

legislation has been made in most countries in order to cover these cases. In theEuropean context, although there is a dearth of studies on EU inter-marriages, it is

acknowledged that relationships between two different EU nationals are rising, as a

result of the advanced mobility that EU citizens enjoy (Gaspar, 2008, 2009).

Interestingly, Gaspars study of intra-European couples is focused on free movers,

defined by Favell (2003) as highly educated and skilled professionals who decided to

move individually -so basically SIEs-, who constitute an emerging marriageable

European group.But what about the opposite, meaning relationships causing the mobility? It was

very hard to find relationships mentioned as a reason for relocation in Immigration

literature. Only extremely sporadically (e.g. Pedersen et al, 2008) love is just only listed

as one of the possible factors driving relocation, in the periphery of the main theme the

article/paper/book is dealing with. As far as I was able to research, and after having

inquired on the topic a number of immigration authors from different countries, I

concluded that there is no identifiable body within the Immigration stream of literature

dealing with this phenomenon, as there is for example with network or marriage

migration. This is unfortunate, as a number of empirical publications show that love is a

much more common reason for relocation than what literature suggests. For example, in

the general European context Favell (2008), while studying the intra-European

migration of SIEs found that love was one of the (common??) reasons to relocate

mentioned. In 2006, data collected from the PIONEUR group on intra-EU migration

showed that the main reason for relocating was love and not economic interests, with

family/love scoring a percentage of 29.7% on reasons to relocate . In the Danish

context, it is accepted by officials that love is one of the prevalent reasons for foreigners

coming to Denmark (Nygaard 20092). Offering some qualitative backing data to this

well known phenomenon, the Expat 2010 Study, conducted among 1505 expats living in

Denmark, revealed that 9.6 percent of them stated Family or love as the reason that

brought them in Denmark3. Even more specifically, Christou (2008) states in her study

2 Rasmus Nygaard represents the Ministry of Refugee, Immigration and Integration Affairs in Denmark

lecturing on matters such as the history and features of Danish Immigration and Integration Policies. Hesent me slides from a presentation he did in 2009.3 Anecdotal data, revealed by Oxford Research after request.

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that a large percentage of Greeks in Denmark has relocated because of their Danish

partners. Unfortunately thought, academic literature has not focused on this topic a lot.

In the SIE literature, the only reference of a relationship with a host-country

national as a reason for expatriation is from Thorn (2009). In her quantitative survey she

found that a partner from the host country was the second most important sub motive,after the desire for travel that SIEs used in order to account for their relocation decision.

A second author in the SIE stream that connects relationships with expatriation is Vance

(2005), while studying the strategies that American managers used to relocate to Asia.

In his study thought, the relationships (or marriages) of these people with Asian partners

were treated as a predisposition, rather than a reason to relocate.

2.8.1 Ways to incorporate relationships as a motive to relocate in existing literature

Pull, push: Since the pull-push theory of migration factors offers a more holistic

understanding of the factors involved than the economical approach, it would make

more sense to consider the relationship with a host country national as a pull factor that

attracts oneself towards the partner's country.

Economical logic: As we explained before, although Immigration literature is mainly

offering a monodimensional, economic-minded explanation for immigration, certainaspects of it allow room for the inclusion of some social aspects. This way, in a manner

similar to that used for Network Migration in point 2.7.1, a partner in the host country

can be viewed as either enhancing the destination-specific utility (zi) or as reducing the

costs of relocation (c). In any case, economical factors are still considered the prominent

reason for relocation. This model could maybe be used for Marriage Immigration that

deals with movement from developing to developed countries, but it is irrelevant in this

case.

Social Relationships/Family: The third way to view it is the way Thorn (2009) has

seen it, meaning to consider it as a composite of the Social Relationships general theme.

If one were to follow Richardson's and associates taxonomy of motives, then it can be

similarly incorporated in the Family motive. This is because Richardson uses the

interpretive interactionism approach in order to define Family as anyone who is a

significant other. Under this view, a significant other is any person who can exert

influence on individual behaviour and interpretation, including perceptions of self and

identity and during adulthood may include spouse/partner, close friends and work

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colleagues (Richardson, 2006).

2.9 Students and global mobility

Some of the participants in this thesis have gotten a job and stayed in Denmark after

they completed a university degree outside Greece. It should not strike as unusual that

these people are referred as SIEs. They chose to expatriate and for them the studies

abroad was a stepping stone into finding a job somewhere outside Greece. Al Ariss

(2010a) is using a similar rationale when he is referring to people who moved in France

to study and then decided to pursue a career there as SIEs.

As it was said at point 2.3.1, the relocation of highly skilled professionals is

rising in today's globalised world. Although these flows are driven by industry and

market requirements, the internationalization of higher education serves as a

lubricator, speeding up and facilitating these movements (Iredale,2001). Indeed,

literature acknowledges that students constitute a large part of the migration flows

(Pedersen et al, 2008) and data (available till 2009) show that at 2009 there were 3.3

million international students of tertiary education (ATLAS, 2009), with a steady

upwards trend since 1975 (Woodfield, 2009).

As expected, not all of these students return home. There is an increasingly

strong link between student migration and skilled migration, with students who move to

a country in order to study finally remaining there after the completion of their

education(Siew-Ean Khoo et. Al, 2010) and it is a common phenomenon that skilled

foreign workers in a certain country are often former students of tertiary education in

one of its institutions (Robyn Iredale, 2001). According to literature, the most influential

factors in the decision to remain at the host country after studies or return home are the

perception of the labour market in the host country, the degree of adjustment, and any

existing family ties in the host country (Baruch et al, 2007). The percentage of people

that choose not to return home constitutes a very large proportion of the international

student population and of course it differs according to the specific context of each

study. In the Danish context, an analysis done by the Danish Ministry of Science,

Technology and Innovation in 2008 showed that approximately one third of the

international full-degree students have obtained employment in Denmark after their

studies (CIRIUS, 2008). This is emphasising the link between the number of

international students (especially full-degree students) and the number of foreign

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employees and it is showing that a common way of entering the Danish labour market is

by obtaining a Danish university degree. Danish policy-makers have understood this

connection and have increased the country's national-level strategic focus in raising the

number of international students it accepts (Woodfield, 2009).

Indeed, from the individual's point of view, an international education, besides being

taken for a variety of reasons and enhancing ones internal career in a similar manner the

boundaryless career does (Baruch et al, 2007) has also very practical implications. A

degree from a foreign national educational institution in often seen as a ticket for

employment in the said country(Iredale, 2001). In the SIE stream of literature thought,

Vance (2005), while developing a taxonomy of career path strategies that SIEs use in

order to self-expatriate, regards an educational taken abroad as an exposure that

provides a limited international experience that could lead to a deeper careerexperience" rather than as a conscious move towards an international career, as the

narrations of the people in this thesis suggest.

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3 METHODOLOGY

3.1 Qualitative and quantitative methods

Research methods are often divided in two main types: qualitative and quantitative

methods. Each one of them has its own advantages and disadvantages which often

discussed. They are usually used in different parts of the research process due to their

particular strengths - qualitative in the beginning, to determine connections and

dynamics, and qualitative later on, to measure the discover frequencies and

distributions-. These two research methods will be presented shortly here.

3.1.1 Quantitative research

Quantitative research is explaining phenomena by collecting numerical data that are

afterwards analysed using statistical methods (Muijs, 2004:1). Due to that, they are usedon providing answers to particular questions that are suited to be answered with

numerical data, such as how many.., What percentage of.. etch. They are concerned

with creating research designs that allow for the generalization of the findings and the

ommitance of the researchers influence, through methods such as standardized surveys

and sampling (Denzin & Lincoln, 2000:9). Quantitative methods can also be used to

answer questions that relate to phenomena that are not by initially presented by

numbers. For example, they are used to measure attitudes and beliefs. The way to formthese abstract data in numbers, is to construct scales and ask the respondents to rate

them (Muijs, 2004:2). Quantitative methods are also used to measure the relationship

between different variables. A common critique against them in that point is that these

variables are predefined by the researcher before the study begins, so they might have

little relationship with reality or important variables for explaining the issue in question

might be missing altogether (Silverman, 2006).

3.1.2 Qualitative research

Here is where qualitative research comes in. It is used to examine phenomena that are

complex by their nature, and where objects cannot be broken down to single variables,

but are studied in their complexity and entirety (Flick, 2002). Qualitative research is

more interested in the meaning rather than the measurement of phenomena

(Christer Karlsson, 2008) and is not using numerical data but is encompassing a wide

array of methods, like interviews, case studies, ethnographic research and discourse

analysis. Due to its nature, it is not concerned with the generalization of the findings,

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but rather the in-depth study of a particular phenomenon (Denzin & Lincoln, 2000:10).

The goals of this method are usually not to test what is already known, but to discover

new things and develop empirically grounded theories (Muijs, 2004:8).

The choice between qualitative and quantitative methods depends on the object

under study (Silverman, 2006:34). For my case, I chose to use a qualitative approach,because the issue I am studying (relocation of SIEs) has not been studied in detail in the

past. There might be aspects that have been missed and I want to gain a deep

understanding of the factors influencing this international movements. Also, the

particularissue, Greek SIEs in Denmark, has never been studied before, so the findings

of other studies might not be relevant or have a satisfying explanatory strength in this

case. Of course, there is a helpful available theoretical background, but the study is

considered to be an exploratory qualitative study, which will be backed up by theory,but guided by the data collected (Taylor & Bogdan 1998).

3.1.3 Reliability and validity

Reliability and validity are two concerns for every type of study, either

qualitative or quantitative. Followingly, what these notions mean for qualitative studies

will be discussed.

Reliability refers to whether a different researcher studying the topic at hand, or

the same researcher studying the topic under other occasions, would conclude to the

same results (Silverman, 2006:46). The issue of reliability in social studies has been a

point of controversy, as some researchers point out that since the researchers influence

is unavoidable in qualitative research and the same circumstances can never be

reproduced, reliability is not attainable and not a point of concern. But other qualitative

researchers argue that reliability can be achieved by making the research process as

clear as possible to the reader (Flick, 2002, Silverman, 2006) so they can evaluate it and

form their own assumptions. There is a number of ways Flick and Silverman propose in

order to do that, which have been tried to be followed in this thesis. Ways to increase

reliability are to make as clear a distinction as possible between the data collected and

the assumptions derived by them by the researcher, which was made by recording and

transcribing the interviews so a future researcher can access them; making the raw data

available and not only presenting the conclusion and summaries made by the researcher,

which was achieved by inserting in the thesis extracts from the transcripts; setting up

and presenting the transcription rules, which will be presented later on, pre-testing the

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interviews, which was made in order to ensure that all questions are understood in the

same way by all respondents, and in general making the choice of theory and the

process followed to reach the conclusions as clear as possible, which the researcher did

her best to do by explaining every step taken and why it was so in the Methodology and

Analysis part. Also, the fact that extracts from the transcripts were inserted in the thesiswas the reason why it had to exceed the usual 60-page limit.

By validity, it is simply meant if the researchs conclusions are true or correct

(McBurney & White, 2007:173). This means whether the researchers data and

conclusions based on them correspond with reality (Flick, 2002). The way to check that

in qualitative studies is to ensure that the findings are grounded on the empirical

material, and that the methods that have been used for data selection and analysis have

been appropriate for the subject under study (Flick, 2002). Another, more technical wayto ensure validity that has been incorporated to this thesis is deviant case analysis

(Silverman, 2006:55).

3.2 Collecting the data

3.2.1 Method for data collection

As said above, there are a variety of methods available for collecting the data needed for

a qualitative research. The method chosen was interviews. This happened for four

reasons. First of all, as Silverman (2010:24) notes, interviews are something that our

society is in extensive familiarity with, so it was easy for the researcher to consider that

way of collecting data, and would also be easy for the participants to be familiar with

the process. Secondly, interview data would allow answering the research question

faithfully, as the data gathered would represent the respondents reality rather than the

researcher's reality, which is the case in other methods like observation. Thirdly, the

time frame available for the writing of the thesis did not allow for a longitudinal study,

so the researcher had to rely on the people informing her of their past experiences in

order to collect the data in a limited time.

The interviews were face-to-face, semi-structured interviews. A face-to-face

interview allows for a better interaction and greater insight into the interviewees

subjective experiences than other methods like internet or telephone interviews do

(Rapley, 2004). A semi structure interview allows for the in-depth coverage of a number

of topics in a structured way. Semi-structured and unstructured interviews are the

opposite of structured interviews, where questions are all predefined, the researcher

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does not delve further into obscure or interesting points and the answers to the questions

are sometimes pre-determined (Denzin & Lincoln, 2000:649). In semi-structured

interviews, the researcher has a much greater freedom to handle the interview process

and it allows for a more in-depth understanding of the topic under study but it is not

completely unstructured. Even thought the phrasing of the questions, order of the topicsdiscussed and level of attention paid to them can be adjusted by the researcher ad hoc,

the interview guide keeps track of what has or has not already been covered. This way,

its consistent use across all the respondents, secures both the in-depth coverage and the

comparability of data (Flick, 2002).

The limitation often attributed to interviews, meaning that they are simply

accessing the perceptions of the interviewees about the topic in question, and not

necessarily the objective reality of it (Silverman, 2006) is not considered a disadvantagein this thesis, as the research question is asking exactly for these individual perceptions.

3.2.2 Preparing for the interviews

This thesis is representing only a part of the data originally collected. This is because in

the beginning the researcher had not concluded in which exact theme related to Greek

SIS to focus. The two general themes were the factors that influence relocation on one

hand and perception of Danish workplaces on the other. Both of them seemed equally

attractive, so data related to both of them were collected, and the decision to choose on

one of them was left for after the coding process. Before making the interviews an

extensive literature review, a part of which was also presented in the Theory part, was

conducted. From this literature review, possible factors that influence the relocation

decisions of SIEs and aspects related to this relocation were able to identified. The

theory served as an inspiration for constructing the questions that would allow to

examine these themes. The interview guide was divided in different parts, each one of

them dealing with one of the four themes to be examined. Before the actual beginning

of the interviews, two test-interviews were made. This has two positive results. First, it

allowed the researcher to become more comfortable with the interviewing process, and

with the ability to let the respondent answer the questions uninterrupted and let them set

their own pace instead of rushing them or cutting them short when they drifted to

another topic than what the question was accessing. Secondly, to become sure that the

topic chosen was appropriate for a study, since the researcher has never had any

experience with qualitative research or any research of that scale before. Apart from the

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need to better word some questions, no problems were discover related to the interview

guide and the results from these two pilot interviews were deemed able to be included in

the actual research.

3.2.3The sampleIn qualitative research, probabilistic sampling methods are not used, since

generalization is not an objective for this kind of studies. Rather than that, purposeful

sampling is used, meaning that cases that maximize what can be learned are chosen

(Audet & dAmbrois, 2001). Because of the exploratory character of the thesis, it was

not possible to determine beforehand the characteristics on which these cases would be

differentiated upon. Instead, cases that differed on a wide range of demographical

characteristics were chosen, so as to provide as great coverage as possible. Theexpatriates participating were both males and females, with ages ranging from 27 to 53,

and their stay in Denmark ranging from 1 to 32 years. A detailed table of the

characteristics of the expatriates can be seen on the Appendix, Table I. In total, 16

expatriates were interviewed. The search for them took place online, in social network

groups for Greek people in Denmark, or through my personal connections. Every

person who was willing to participate was asked to provide further contacts, and from a

total number of about 70 people, finally 16 were chosen.

In the beginning of this paragraph, it was written that the purpose of qualitative

studies is not to generalize their conclusions. Nevertheless, although there is an ongoing

discussion in academia about whether there is possible or even needed for qualitative

studies to generalize, it seems that there are ways to achieve at least a moderate

potential for generalizing the results to similar categories of cases. These ways are to

secure the robustness of a studys design and methods for gathering and analyzing the

data, strive for validity and reliability, and present a well developed theory emerging

from the findings (Falk & Guenther, 2007). The researcher, hoping to her best of her

abilities that these requirements were covered, even in a moderate degree, did not

refrain from some mild generalisation of the findings.

3.2.4 Conducting the interviews

The interviews were taken between mid February and mid April. Six of the interviews

were conducted in the respondents offices, nine in their homes and one in a public

place. Before the initiation of the interview, anonymity was promised to the participants

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and permission was asked to record the interviews. All 16 interviews were recorded.

The interviews were conducted in Greek, and were later transcribed. Qualitative

research stresses the intimate relationship between the interviewer and the interviewee

(Taylor & Bogdan 1998). Before the beginning of the interview, the participants were

briefly informed of my life story and the facts that led me in Denmark. This way, theycould be more comfortable sharing bits of their life with me. During the interviews,

different methods as probing, reassuring and agreeing were used to encourage them talk

about the topic in question. After the coding of the transcript, the need to go back to six

participants for some additional questions emerged. These additional questions were

made through telephone for four of them and in person with two that the researcher was

very familiar with.

3.3 Handling the data

3.3.1 Transcribing and translating

In order to be able to use the initial material in the thesis, it had to be transformed from

Greek speech to English text. Therefore, it had to undergo two processes, transcription

and translation.

There are a lot of approaches towards transcription, differing in the detail of the

representation of the speech. Some go as far as to try to transfer pauses, change in the

tone and volume of voice etch. This level of detail is useful for certain types of studies

that have a linguistic or conversational analysis focus, but in the case of this thesis, a

simpler technique was chosen. Only what the respondents said not how they said it

was transcribed, with the exception of exclamation marks, following the logic of to

transcribe only as much and as exactly as is required by the research question (Flick,

2002:171). After all the interviews were transcribed verbatim, they were double-

checked to ensure faithful representation of the original recordings. The only editing

that was done, was to remove words such as uhhm,eee, and the such and replace

them with for the ease of the reader.

Translating texts can also be a controversial subject. There are two different

types of translation, overt and covert translation (Ross, 2010). An overt translation is

oriented towards the original text, and trying to represent it as faithfully as possible,

word by word, while a covert translation is oriented towards the reader, and strives for

equivalence at the contextual level. Covert translation was chosen in this thesiss case.

The participants were often using Greek expressions, words that have no translation in

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English and Greek Grammar, that would make an overt translation look strange. In total,

regarding both transcription and translation, no effort was made to hide the fact that the

data originated in speech form, so long sentences, repetitions, the absence of commas

and syntactical peculiarities were preserved in the final form of the data.

3.3.2 Analysing and coding the data

Analysis of qualitative data is a very complex process, and it is based on the

researchers intuitive and inductive abilities (Taylor & Bogdan 1998). It is not

something that happens at the end, a separate stage of the research process, but it

happens slowly, as data are collected, throughout the research process (Silverman,

2005:152). During the process of the data collection, and as more interviews were

conducted, themes were already starting to emerge, connections with theory identified,points of interest were emerging for increased focus in future interviews, and a basic

structure of the thesis was becoming evident.

Coding was the second step. Coding is a part of analysis and a methodological

continuation of the subconscious analysis that has already begun (Taylor & Bogdan

1998). Some of the categories that the material was going to be coded into were defined

a priori, formed from the literature review. Some others became evident during the

interview process, and then some more were noticed only at the coding process, when

the material was looked carefully upon. This is something that Silverman (2006:163)

notes, that the researcher has to be careful not to miss on data that do not fit into the

existing categories. Therefore, new categories had to be formed in order to

accommodate them. The transcripts were read, and parts that correlated with the

different themes (categories) were underlined with different colours. After working on

that and stabilizing the categories that the data was inserted at, the titles of the

categories and the relationships between them were depicted on a mindmap. This

created an overview of the material that was available and the way it was structured. At

that point it became evident that the material gathered was too large to be comprised

under one single research question. In general, the data were divided in two large

themes, one dealing with perceptions of relocation and one with perceptions of the

workplace. Consider

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