Housing Long Beach: Housing Matters Research Paper

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    A BRIEF HISTORICAL

    CONTEXT & FRAMEWORKFOR EQUITABLE HOUSING POLICYIN LONG BEACH

    HousingMatters

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    Housing shapes society. It carves culture and oers people dignity.Our homes contribute to our sense of self-worth, to ourpsychological well-being, to our physical safety and overall health.A rapidly growing body of research catalogs a simple fact that

    should be intuitively obvious: quality housing catalyzes communitydevelopment.

    This is particularly important in a city like Long Beach,Californiawhere poverty runs rampant and housing options forlow-income residents are truncated. Long Beach boasts one of thelargest ports in the Western hemisphere; its population is already

    one of the most diverse in the United States, and it continues todiversify with a steady influx of immigration. Long Beachforeshadows a trend in the rest of the nation in this regard.As wecreate safe and quality housing options for every resident in

    this city, we are also creating a model that can be emulated in

    cities across the country.

    When children have stable homes, they thrive in school. Whenparents spend an appropriate amount on housing, they buy at localbusinesses. When families do not have to choose between rent,food, medicine, and clothing, physical and psychological healthimprove, and family members become more productive workers.Economic growth, childhood development, education, health, andsafety all pair quality housing with healthy communities.

    When communities invest in housing, they oer families asustainable future. That is the goal.

    The rest of this paper explores the current situations origins

    and what we need to do to change it.

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    THE LONG BEACH STORY: A Quick Historyof Race, Housing, and Population Growth

    The roots of modern, multicultural Long Beach trace back to three major growth spurts.

    Oil market industrialization ushered in the first migration spike in the 1920s; white middle class

    workers and their families flocked to Long Beach, and home construction swelled to meettheir needs.

    The end of World War II brought the second wave in the 1940s through the 1960s as formermilitary personnel warmed to Long Beachs quiet, sunny climate and as African-Americansescaped the segregated South.

    The 1980s brought Cambodian refugees fleeing the Khmer Rougegiving Long Beach thelargest Cambodian community outside of Cambodia itself and also brought immigrants fromLatin America leaving behind harsh conditions and war.

    These three major migrations made Long Beach one of the modiverse cities in the United States, and demand for housing traiclosely behind every jump in population. Twentieth centuryhousing inequity follows strong racial undercurrents that gaineadditional speed from the decades before civil rights laws madhousing discrimination illegal. Before the 1960s, Long Beachlandlords and sellers could legally refuse occupancy to tenantssolely based on race, pushing minority occupantswho wereprimarily African Americaninto segregated areas of West andCentral Long Beach. Most landlords refused to rent to people ocolor, and those who did oen overcharged people of color forunits with substandard living conditions (Saunders, 2005).In the 1960s, the California State Legislature passed several billtargeting discrimination in businesses, employment, andhousing. The Fair Housing Act of 1963 made it illegal for anyonselling, renting or leasing a residence to discriminate based onrace, creed, color or national origin, for example (The Fair

    Housing Act of 1968). The law was not universally well receivedand realtor and home association groups in Long Beachcollaborated with similar groups around the state to spearheadProposition 14, which successfully repealed of the Fair HousingAct (Saunders, 2005).

    Even though the US Supreme Court ruled Proposition 14unconstitutional, the segregation it attempted toinstitutionalize through the law was still entrenched in LongBeach through the social system.

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    Large, local businesses found it diicult to housetheir growing, qualified stas of color outside thesegregated Long Beach neighborhoods. Cal StateLong Beach, the Long Beach Naval Shipyard, andthe VA joined forces with a local advocacy groupto push the city to stop discriminatory practicesthat persisted despite changes in the law

    (Saunders, 2005). Simultaneously, AfricanAmericans started punching back through thelegal system. Local news outlets took interest inLong Beach discrimination cases and pushed theissue into public consciousness. Stories spreadabout realtors using blockbuster tactics to keepsegregated neighborhoods from integrating. Thisincrease in social concern and political muscleled the Long Beach City Council to allot $25,000to the Fair Housing Foundation in 1969, and they

    recognized the need to eliminate racialdiscrimination in housing sales and rentalspublicly (Saunders, 2005).These civil rights battles helped Long Beachembrace the need for fair and aordable housing,but the city was not prepared for that third waveof growth starting in the 1980s. Lower-incomeresidents overcrowded the housing market.

    In the 1990s, Long Beach added 37,000new residents, or 9,000 families; during that

    same time the city added only 2,500 newresidential units (See Graph 1) (US Census;Dept of Planning and Building).People tookmatters into their own hands, and the city saw asignificant growth in illegal residential units.

    From 1990-1998, the City of Long Beach found1,600 cases of illegal housingfrom convertedgarages to an RV hidden on the roof of anapartment building. Homeowners stacked bunksin their garages and charged per person.One homeowner placed nine bunks in a 700square foot garage and earned $1800 per

    month in likely unreported income. Peoplecould not walk downtown without seeing fully litgarages in every home (Humphreys, 2012).Small and somewhat inexpensive apartments,known to some as cracker boxes, appearedaround Long Beach from the 1970s through 1990as another quick, unsustainable fix for thegrowing need for housing. The apartments wereconstructed poorly. They had limited parking an

    were disliked by neighbors in single-familyhomes. These units provided some familiestransitional homes while they found their feet,and then they shied to stabler lifestyles andhomeownership. Despite this particular benefit,these units and converted garages provided onlyshort-term solutions for a long-term problem.With no tenant protections in place, a single

    report of illegality could lead to a quick eviction.With the growing crisis, and as serious publichealth issues arose, residents began to demandnot only the development of aordable housing,but also tenant protections. Despite multipleattempts through the City Council and throughballot measures, there was no success (Saunder2005; Humphreys, 2012; Rockway, 2012).

    600,000500,000

    400,000

    300,000

    200,000

    100,000

    0

    1910

    1920

    1930

    1940

    1950

    1960

    1970

    1980

    1990

    2000

    2010

    population

    GRAPH 1

    In the 1990s, LongBeach added 37,000people, approximately9,000 families, butonly 2,500 residentialunits, overwhelmingthe housing marketand resulting in severe

    overcrowding.

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    HOUSING IN LONG BEACH

    NOW: A Contemporary Crisis

    The past century sets the stage for todayschallenges. While racially segregated housing isillegal now, de facto segregation still ripples

    through the community. The City of Long Beachhas concentrated downtown development onsubsidized luxury hotels and a heavily traickedconvention centertransforming an industrialworkforce into a tourism economy, decreasingearning potential, and compounding itsproblems. Now, Long Beach has higher povertyand unemployment rates than the rest of thecounty, state, and country. Its history oflow-income wages couples with high-cost

    housing and overcrowding to produce anongoing, intractable housing and segregationcrisis in the present.

    The federal government defines aordablehousing as housing that costs no more than 30%of income. This percentage recognizes thatwithhousing costs at or below 30%a person will beable to aord basic living expenses like food,clothing, and medical care.

    Nearly half of Long Beach renters spent morthan 35% of their income on rentforcingalmost 130,000 residents to choose betweenrent, food, and medical expenses each

    month.This group is disproportionately peopleof color (Long Beach Community Database[LBCD], 2012).

    The problem worsens as the pay scale slopesdownward.The current median rent for atwo-bedroom apartment in the citysdowntown, 90802 zip code is $1,513 permonth (Rent Calculator, 2012)requiringan individual to earn $60,520 a year($29.09/hour) to aord housing in linewith the Federal governments definition(See Graph 2). In North Long Beachs 90805 zip

    code, median rent drops to $1200/monthstillrequiring annual wages to equal $48,000 a year($23.07/hour). With the California minimum wagset at only $8.00/hourand with a growingnumber of low-paying service-sector jobs in thetourism industryLong Beachs imbalancebetween jobs and housing tips further and furthtoward unsustainability.

    Retails

    Sale

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    ($9.63)

    Personal

    Care

    Aides

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    aiters

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    ($9.07) Fo

    odPrep

    ($9.11)

    Labore

    rsandFrie

    ght,Stock

    ($11

    .13)

    Oice

    Clerks

    ($14

    .28)

    Custom

    erService

    Reps

    ($16

    .97)

    $45.00

    40.00

    35.00

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    15.00

    10.00

    5.00

    Registered

    Nur

    ses

    ($40

    .95)

    Administrators

    ($27

    .03)

    29.09 - Wage in order to aord Housing in 90802

    23.07 - Wage in order to aord Housing in 90805

    GRAPH 2

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    The jobs we oer do not complement the housingwe create. According to the Citys 2005-2010Consolidated Plan, [m]any of the workers whomake up the diverse fabric of Long Beach earnvery limited incomes, and are faced withovercrowding or overpaying for housing to live inthe community. Occupations earning less than

    $25,000 annually in Long Beach include people weinteract with daily such as: Fast food workers,Retail salespersons, Security oicers, Nursesaides, Social workers, School aides and janitors,(City of Long Beach, 2005).This means thateight out of the ten fastest growing jobs inthe region result in extremely low-income

    households. (See Graph 2)(State of CA, EDD2012). 67% of extremely-low income renters and62% of extremely-low income homeowners spendmore than half of their income on housing(Human Impact Partners, 2011).Housing costs more than most people canaord. 20,000 Long Beach families live inovercrowded homes (LBCD, 2012).If thecurrent housing and segregation crisis continues,the entire city will feel amplified, detrimentaleects to its quality of life, its economy, its health,

    and its safety.

    HOUSINGS IMPACT

    ON: Health

    Life expectancy itself varies with neighborhood.Overcrowding and substandard living conditionare major factors in disease transmission, chron

    illness, respiratory infections and even decreaselife expectancy (Krieger, Higgins, 2012). In LongBeach, people who live in East Long Beachs 908zip codewith its large parks, quality housing,and high caliber schoolshave a life expectancyof 83 years. People who live who live in downtowLong Beachs 90802 zip codewith itsovercrowding, poor air quality, and minimaloutdoor spacehave a life expectancy of only 7years (See Graph 3) (Chheang, 2012).

    Many health factors at play in our communitiespoint back to living conditions. We live in themidst of national obesity and diabetes epidemicand lack of aordable housing links to inadequanutrition, especially for children. Relativelyexpensive housing leaves low-income renters litto spend on foodespecially healthy food(Ellaway, Macintyre, Fairley, 2000).

    90802 90813 90805 90806 90810 90804 90807 90814 90808 90803 90815

    84

    82

    80

    78

    76

    74

    72

    In some zip codes almost seven yearsare shaved o of your life if you end upliving in certain neighborhoods, those withpoorer resources and substandard housing.

    GRAPH 3

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    Inadequate and unaordable housing leads

    to increased stress and decreased mentalhealth, too. It is no surprise that whenfamilies work multiple jobs to pay for rentorwhen families live in overcrowded conditionswith multiple families per unitthe stress haslasting impacts.In contrast, adequate and

    aordable housing provides stability, privacy, anda sense of control that leads to psychologicalhealth for individuals and their greatercommunities (Pollack, Egerter, 2008).The high cost of housing forces families to choosebetween basic needs, and families are oen lewithout health care. One study found thatlow-income people in unaordable housing areless likely to have routine sources of medical care;

    they oen postpone treatments and are morelikely to use emergency rooms for primary care,which stresses local economies (Kushel, Gupta,Gee, 2006).

    HOUSINGS IMPACT ON:

    Education and Childhood

    DevelopmentThese eects are even more pronounced inchildren. Home environments shape childrensinterpersonal skills, mental health, motivation,cognitive development, and physiology.Overcrowded homes create overstimulation forchildren and parents (Kopko, 2007). Dr. GaryEvans, an environmental and developmental

    psychologist at Cornell University, found thatovercrowding in homes produces patterns ofwithdrawal, psychological distress, and behavioralproblems. General motivation decreases, andgirls, specifically, oen develop patterns ofhelplessness.Blood pressure in 10-12 year oldboys increases, and overnight stresshormones spike in all children ages 8-10,which stunt growth and slow neuroplasticityin the long term.

    This situation at home spills into education.Long Beach Unified School Districts truancrates in 2009-2010 were a staggering 45%.

    Neighboring LA County held its rate to 29%(See Graph 4) (California Department ofEducation [CA DOE], 2011; Minasian, 2012).Children who are chronically absent in element

    school are 7% more likely to drop out of highschool (Seeley, 2008). In the long run, truancyleads to lower grades, the need to repeatacademic years more oen, higher rates ofexpulsion, and lower rates of graduation. Thesestudents are also at heightened risk fordelinquency, substance abuse, gang activity, ancriminal behavior (Attendance Works, 2012;Seeley, 2008; Walls, 2003).

    45%

    29%27%CALIFORNIA

    LONG BEACH

    LOS ANGELES

    GRAPH

    Long Beach Unified SchoolDistricts truancy rates in2009-2010 were astaggering 45%.

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    Economic family issues is a major, contributingfactor to chronic truancy. Families who cannotfind a quality and aordable home movefrequently (Attendance Works, 2012; Seeley, 2008;Walls, 2003). Parents work long hours to pay rent,and students struggle to find transportation toschool (Attendance Works, 2012; Chhang, 2012).They struggle to adjust to new living and learningenvironments. Some teenage children have towork to buttress family finances. Middle income

    families face challenges getting their children toschool, as well; mornings can be chaotic. Parentshave early meetings and cars break down, buttheses problems are far more pronounced inlower-income communities where childcare andalternative modes of transportation are virtuallynonexistent. When families spend over 30% oftheir incomes on rent, they have little le tospend on educational safety nets.

    The need for intervention is clear, but thesolution is complex. Aordable housing oersstability and provides solutions to many, ongoingeducational issues. When a family can aord theirhousing, stop moving, and get their children toschool with a tolerable level of chaos, many ofthe issues that lead to truancy and decreasededucational performance disappear entirely.

    HOUSING IMPACT ON:Local Economies

    Extensive studies show that aordable housingboosts local economies through job creation, taxrevenue for local municipalities, and increasedspending in local shops due to savings on rent.

    The financial benefits start with construction. In

    2010, the National Association of Home Buildersstudied the economic impact of building 100Low-Income Housing Tax Credit (LIHTC) units forfamilies and seniors in a typical metropolitanarea. The study estimated that every 100 unitsbuilt would lead to the creation of 80 newconstruction jobswith an another 42 jobscreated as a byproduct of these constructionworkers spending their incomes in local shops.(Natl Assc. of Home Builders, 2010).

    The growth continues when occupants move inttheir new homes. A four person family has tomake $42,150 or less per year to qualify aslow-income (LA County FY 2012 Income Limits). Ifthis family were to live in an apartment at mediaarea rent costs, they would pay 43% of theirmonthly income on rent. Remember that thefederal government defines aordable housing a

    housing that costs no more than 30% of income.

    A Personal Story

    Housing and Educational Achievement

    Jose Tovar lived in inadequate housing conditions andstruggled at school. With no space or privacy to do homework,his grades suered and in 9th grade he held a 1.4 grade pointaverage. That year, his family was able to secure qualityaordable housing, and within 2 years his GPA shot up to 3.0and the next year he graduated with 3.4 GPA and honors.

    Children need safe and quiet spaces to study. Housingconditions impact a childs ability to succeed in school.

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    If this family of four could procure an aordablehousing unit, their monthly rent costs would dropby over $450 per month. Low-income familiesspend this money on basic but otherwise unmetneeds (Bivens and Edwards 2010 p.15).

    If Long Beach realizes its 2013-2021 Regional

    Housing Needs Assessment goal numbers andconstruct the 4,000 units it says it needsand, ifwe were to drop the $450 figure saved by ourfamily of four to $300 per month to stayconservativethe result would be over $14.4million reinvested in the local economy withinthe first year of construction. This figure does noteven account for the multipliers that will furthergrow this investment and lead to greatereconomic growth. The people who live in our 100

    unit example spend their le over pay locally,which adds 30 more jobs to the neighboringeconomy (Natl Assc. of Home Builders, 2010).Residents spending is more diverse than theinitial construction phaseranging fromhealthcare to education, from retail torestaurants.

    New markets emerge around these units, and

    businesses know that in advance. In a nationalsurvey of more than 300 companies, housingaordability was frequently listed as an importantfactor in businesses decisions to build, relocate,or expand. (Gambale 2009). From an employersperspective, aordable housing puts localeconomies at a competitive advantage (Centerfor Housing Policy, 2009).

    The benefits gain momentum for governments,too. Aordable housing generates revenue for thestate and local municipalities through sales taxon construction materials, workers income taxeszoning fees, etc. The National Association ofHome Builders projected that localjurisdictions gain roughly $827,000 in

    immediate revenue from an investment inthose 100 units of aordable housing (SeeGraph 5). Aordable housing also lisneighboring property values or leaves ituntouched, so tax bases usually increase as aresult (Center for Housing Policy, 2009). Theextent of the impact on local property values iscontrolled by the nature of each subsidyprogram, by existing neighborhood stability, andby the type of property replaced by the housing

    itself (Ellen, 2007).

    When housing is aordable, families can aordnecessities like food, clothing, and medical care.When families can live within the 30% margin,entire communities benefit from the ripple eectof their disposable income.

    CONCLUSION

    The health, education, and economicbenefits of aordable housing are clear, butthis paper is about something even more

    pivotal: dignity. The citizens of Long Beachdo not simply need places to live; they needsomewhere to call home.

    For too long, Long Beach families have been

    playing by the rules, but quality housing remainsout of reach and the whole community suers.Long Beach needs comprehensive, citywidehousing policies that meet the needs of all LongBeach residents. Residents, developers and cityleaders should work together to provideopportunities for Long Beach families to haveaccess to aordable, safe and healthy homes.

    GRAPH 5

    Permit/Impact Fees

    Utility User Fees

    Businesss Property Taxes

    General Sales Taxes

    Other Fees and Charges

    Other Taxes

    37%

    18%

    13%

    8%

    18%

    6%

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    HOUSINGS IMPACT ON:

    Thanks to all our contributors who made this possible:

    BIBLIOGRAPHY

    Attendance Works. (2012).The Power of Attendance: How Federal, State & Local Policy Can Promote School Success by AddressingChronic Absence. Retrieved January 7th, 2013, http://www.attendanceworks.org/policy-advocacy/Basolo, V., & Scally, C.P. (2008). State Innovations in Aordable Housing Policy: Lessons from California and New Jersey. Housing Polic

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    Department of Planning and Building, 2010. A study compiled at the request of Jack Humphreys.Ellaway A., Macintyre S, Fairley A. (2000). Mums on Prozac, kids on inhalers: The need for research on the potential for improving healtthrough housing interventions. Health Bull.

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    Jill Gresham

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    Minasian, S. (2012). Long Beach Joins National Campaign to Boost Reading Levels. Gazettes. Retrieved January 2nd, 2013,http://gazettes.com/news/education/long-beach-joins-national-campaign-to-boost-reading-levels/article_7464bb00-d05d-11e1-8b-001a4bcf887a.htmlPollack C., Egerter S., et.al. (2008). Where We Live Matters for Our Health: The Links Between Housing and Health. Robert WoodJohnson Foundation: Commission to Build a Better America.

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