Hitlerism the Iron Fist in Germany Nordicus Dorothy Waring 1932 249pgs POL.sml

HITLERISM

THE IRON FIST IN

GERMANY

BY NORDICUS

THE MOHAWK PRESSNEW YORK

COPYRIGHT, 1932, BY DOROTHY WARING

MANUFACTURED IN THE UNITED STATES OF AMERICAAT THE VAN REES PRESS

TO R. F.

CONTENTS

1. GERMANY GONE MAD 1

2. THE LIFE AND WORK OF ADOLF HITLER7

3. THE MAN WITH THE CLUB-FOOT34

4. SATELLITES 47

5. RENASCENCE OF THE GOOSE-STEP63

6. PRIMITIVE PRESS 89

7. "PROPAGANDA WIE DER AMERIKANER ESMACHT!.. . 96

8. AND THE MONEY? 104

9. HAKENKREUZ AND CATHOLICISM111

10. TREASON? 117

11. "WE DEMAND . . : 123

12. TRIPLE ALLIANCE MADE TO ORDER137

13. SMOTHERING THE JEW 146

14. THE HITLER REICH 174

15. ECONOMIC PARADISE 185

16. CATCHING THE FARM-VOTE199

17. NAZI KULTUR 208

18. HITLER AND MUSSOLINI 213

19. THE ENEMIES 219

20. HITLER AND FRANCE 223

21. WHAT NEXT? 233

BIBLIOGRAPHY 241

HITLERISM

THE IRON FIST IN GERMANY

CHAPTER I

GERMANY GONE MAD

THE huge Festhalle in Frankfort-on-Main is filledwith a noisy crowd of 20,000 . Grimy laborers, poli-tically-confident students, Teutonic Babbitts with pro-truding beer-bellies and egg-like heads, excitedwomen, still more excited girls, old men who havelived in better days, ex-soldiers who survived the mudand stench of the front, youngsters not yet out oftheir teens,-all are caught in a tremendous wave ofenthusiasm. Stunned by the years of economic miserysince the war, these people suddenly discover a poli-tical Moses to lead them out of the black wilderness .Germany is to be saved! Deutschland erwache! Tri-umph of the Aryan race! Down with the Jews! Aunited front once more against the French swine! HeilHitler!

Ebert, Rathenau, Stresemann, the men who workedto save Germany from chaos, are gone and forgotten .They were traitors! Everything will be bettered by themagic of Adolf. The crowd sees a rosy picture. TheTreaty of Versailles will be disregarded. Germany

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HITLERISM: THE IRON FIST IN GERMANYand Austria will unite and the glory of the pure Ger-man race will be established . The Jews will be chasedout of the country . Usury will be ended. The laborerwill get a full dinner-pail and German youth willlive in a paradise of athletic fields.

Mussolini saved Italy! Hitler will save us!"Volkischer Beobachter!" "Der Angriff!" The

newspapers with flaming headlines sell like wildfire .On the speaker's platform a little man shouts and

gesticulates excitedly. In short, staccato, biting wordshe lashes his hearers into a frenzy . A dynamic pieceof energy. True revolutionary fervor here . All theeloquence and self-confidence of a Danton, the un-compromising attitude of a Robespierre . JosefGoebbels, doctor of philosophy, the Berliner "Gau-leiter" (section-leader) of the National Socialist Ger-man Workers' Party and propaganda chief for thepolitical organization in the entire Reich, is in Frank-fort to keep alive the flame of enthusiasm throughwhich the government in Germany is to pass into thehands of a dictator. The greeting befits royalty .

Goebbels is afflicted with a club-foot and an un-conquerable ambition, both of which have had animportant part in elevating him to the position heenjoys now. It is this bodily deformity that has urgedhim on to power. He had to stay back as his comradeswent forth to battle, to honor or to death. He studied .Various professions, journalist, writer, without suc-

GERMANY GONE MAD

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cess. And then the opportunity for personal power-with Hitler. Sudden success .

Here he stands-the "Mausegeneral" (mouse-general) and tells his followers what is going to hap-pen when the "November traitors" are thrown outand the Third-Reich comes into power. When headsbegin to fall!

Horns and screeching whistles . Shouts of "Heil!"and "Bravo!" The band strikes up a military marchand the crowd beats time.

The spirit of 1914 again .Another scene . A little "Wirtschaft" (cafe) buried

away in the heart of the old town. A dozen youngNazis (National Socialists), each wearing the"Hakenkreuz"-crusading sign of the party-in hiscoat lapel, are seated at a long table . Discussions .Plans. Inevitable beer-drinking. The party becomeslouder and louder. Soon a group of Communists re-turning from a meeting enters for a glass of beer. TheNazis begin sarcastic observations, which are an-swered promptly by insults . In a few minutes a free-for-all develops. The frightened cafe-owner promptlytelephones for the police . Ueberfall kommando!(riot squad!) The police-wagon, containing Schupossitting like wooden soldiers, swishes through thestreets, whistles shrieking. A few minutes of expertblack-jack work and the miniature war is ended . A

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HITLERISM: THE IRON FIST IN GERMANY

Communist is found lifeless on the floor, his skullcrushed in by a beer-jug .

The reds swear revenge. A few days later a Naziis found dead on a lonely side-street, his body cov-ered with knife-wounds . The police are helpless . Theskirmishes continue in all parts of Germany . Murdersare reported again and again . A veritable civil war,bitter, uncompromising, without quarter .

Another scene . The Social Democrats, the strongestparty in the Republic, hold a parade . The thousandsof marchers indicate that the party still maintains itssuperiority in number. There is organization here,enthusiasm. Here, too, are patriots . Bands, marchers,banners, bugle and fife corps . The long files marchthrough the streets. On the sidewalk a crowd of youngNazis, all in their teens, follow the marchers andyell in unison: "Deutschland erwache!" The march-ers pay no attention. The Nazis start abusive remarks .A shrill whistle and the Schupos appear. The Nazisscatter, many bearing the marks of police bludgeons .

The Reichstag. The same room where Bismarck,Windhorst, Lasker, Virchow and other great Germansspoke before representatives of a more powerful Ger-many. A strange scene here now . The members of anew party, commanding 107 votes, do their utmostto make legislation a joke. Communist speakers,greeted with "Pfui"!, answer in a similarly politemanner. National Socialists introduce resolutions

GERMANY GONE MAD

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again and again proclaiming no confidence in thegovernment. Their resolutions defeated, they answerwith songs and prevent further business . The speaker,attempting to keep order, orders certain particularlyloud members to leave the building. The Nazis riseand depart in a body, vowing not to return until theycan obtain "fair play" in the Reichstag .

This is the modern Germany. A people overcomeby a passion for political experiment. On September14, 1930, when the results of the Reichstag electionswere made public, the world took notice. The Na.tional Socialist party, founded but ten years before,was returned as the second strongest party in Germanywith six and a half million votes and 107 mandatesin the Reichstag . At the last previous elections, onMay 20, 1928, the party had but 12 representatives .This unprecedented, totally unexpected success aston-ished the mass of German people as much as itaroused the fears of the so-called victor nations . Hit-ler's party with its new "Weltanschauung", its promiseto save Germany and reassert the supremacy of theAryan race, its political program-an unusual hodge-podge, its brown shirts and Mussolini-like saluta-tions and discipline, this party was not taken seriouslyby the Germans. Now, with its mandate increasednine-fold in a decade, it is an important factor in thefuture of Germany. The movement is kept in flamesby a group of ambitious men, exceptionally wise in

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the methods of modern propaganda and hungry forpower. There are so many discontented elements inGermany that the sensational promises of these politi-cal adventurers cannot fail to allure millions to thebanners of the National Socialists . Spurred on by thequick rise of the new party, something new in thepolitical history of Europe, Hitler and his followersexpect to organize a new Germany in the shortestpossible time.

What is the program of this new political party?What kind of men are directing its destinies? Whois financing it? What is its organization? What isits probable future? Can Germany afford a trial ofHitlerism at a time when the political tension inEurope is so keen that a slight disturbance mayeventually lead to war? Does the mass of Germanpeople know when to put on the political brakes?

CHAPTER 2

THE LIFE AND WORK OF

ADOLF HITLER

NOVEMBER 8, 1923 . The "Biirgerbraukeller" inMunich, filled to the doors . An expectant spirit per-vades the atmosphere. For a week everyone has beenwhispering that the Nazis under Hitler are going tomarch to Berlin and proclaim the fall of the republic .The crowd, restless, speculates . Suddenly the hall isstormed by "S .A." soldiers, with Hitler at their head .The police are powerless . Doors are slammed. Amachine-gun, with its ominous mouth pointing at theamazed crowd, is placed at the main entrance . A nearpanic ensues . Suddenly Hitler jumps upon a chairon the platform and shouts for attention. The crowddoes not seem to take notice of the middle-sized man,with his oval face, brown hair and large deep blueeyes. He draws a revolver quickly and fires towardsthe ceiling. Then with eyes flashing he yells at the topof his voice: "The national revolution has brokenout! The hall is filled with 600 fully armed men!Nobody is allowed to leave! The Bavarian government

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HITLERISM : THE IRON FIST IN GERMANY

and the government at Berlin are deposed! A newgovernment will be formed at once! The barracks ofthe `Reichswehr' and the police are occupied, bothhave rallied to the 'Hakenkreuz' banners!"

The National Socialist party had been founded onlyfour years before . With but three representatives inthe Reichstag and little real power, they were alreadybeing led into revolution by the fiery Hitler .

All through the night of November 8th a bitter cam-paign for power followed . Hitler was deserted byhis fellow-leaders . One by one they fell away. Onthe next morning it became clear that the putsch couldnot be carried through against the now organizedopposition of the "Reichswehr" and the police. Atthe instigation of General Ludendorff, then alliedwith Hitler, a peaceful march through the city wasarranged, in order to uphold the waning prestige ofthe party. With Hakenkreuz flags and war bannersflying, the Nazis marched triumphantly towards theMarienplatz, pushing aside the small detachments ofpolice who attempted to prevent their further march .As the parade approached the "Feldherrnhalle,"Hitler yelled to the larger detachment of police to sur-render. The answer was a hail of lead . Eighteen of themarchers fell dead, including the servants of Hitlerand Ludendorff, both of whom jumped in front of theirmasters at the critical moment, and scores of otherswere wounded. The old Ludendorff, like a fearless

LIFE AND WORK OF ADOLF HITLER

9

Siegfried, marched steadily forward clear throughthe ranks of the police, with eyes straight ahead . Theastonished attackers stopped firing .

So ended the Hitler-putsch . A few months later theleader was tried for treason and sentenced to fiveyears imprisonment . Ludendorff, the war-hero, wasfreed .

ADOLF HITLER was born on April 20, 1889, in thelittle Bavarian-Austrian border town, Braunau, asthe son of a pensioned customs-officer . He grew up inthe country, being educated as a Catholic, and attendedthe "Realschule" in the upper Austrian city of Linz .When but eleven years of age, he asserted his inde-pendence by informing his father that he did not wishto follow in his footsteps and become a customs-offi-cer ; instead he pointed to his talent for drawing andinsisted that he wished to become a painter or anarchitect. Two years later his father died . When hewas sixteen he lost his mother . Upon the advice offriends he left for Vienna, after having quit schoolbecause of a lung-ailment. Here he failed to pass theentrance examination for the Painting Academy. Hewas advised to follow the career of an architect. Itwas necessary that he begin with apprentice work .Long hours, incompatibility with fellow-workers,

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hunger, all this is described by Hitler in his auto-biography, "Mein Kampf" :

"I lived five years of misery and woe in this city.Five years, in which I earned my living first asapprentice and then as unknown painter ; my trulysparing bread that never sufficed to appease even anordinary hunger. This hunger was my true comrade,the only one that never left me. Every book that Iacquired ; every visit to the opera ; everything wasdone at the expense of this hunger . It was a steadybattle with my pitiless friends . But indeed I learnedmore during this period than ever before. Besides mywork and visits to the opera, my only joy was in mybooks. I read a great deal at that time, and alwaysthoroughly. The free time after my work was spententirely in reading. In a few years I laid the back-ground of all the knowledge I possess to-day . . . ."

Hitler had always had a desire to live in Germanyinstead of Austria . In 1912 he went to Munich, capitalof Bavaria, where he was scarcely able to make aliving by drawings and sketches for magazines andnewspapers . He described the two years preceding thewar as the happiest of his life . Here his first interestin politics was awakened . The old Bavarian townwith its treasures of art, sculpture and architectureseemed a paradise to the Austrian youth with a desireto learn more about the world . The fascinating lifeof the middle-class Bavarian with his inevitable beer-


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jug appealed to the young Hitler, who intended tosettle to a peaceful career dedicated to art .

Sarajevo! The young man took stock. To returnat once to Austria was not necessary. He preferredto fight with the Germans against the traditionalenemy, France ; Austria with its conglomeration ofvarious races and its Habsburg rulers did not awakenany sense of patriotism. With the Germans! Adven-ture! Glory! On August 3d he penned a note to theKing of Bavaria and asked that he be allowed toenter the ranks of the Bavarian army. The applicationwas accepted immediately and the Austrian Hitler wasassigned to the 16th Infantry Regiment, a well-knowngroup of volunteer students . With but a few weeks'training he was sent to the front . On the way the trainpassed through Bingen-on-Rhine, which is just oppo-site the German Statue of Liberty, the "Niederwald-denkmal." Hitler describes the thrill of pride heexperienced when he first saw this statue, dear to theheart of every German .

Hitler experienced the bloody attack on Lange-marck with his regiment. For four years he remainedin the thick of battle, enduring all the vicissitudesof the conflict. Apparently oblivious to the thunderon the fields about him, he ran through the shell-scarred land and delivered dispatches . He was alone,accompanied only by his duty. There were no closefriendships among his fellow-soldiers . He argued on

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HITLERISM: THE IRON FIST IN GERMANYpolitical questions with them, but he did not enter intothe spirit of comradeship at the front . On October 7,1916, he was wounded in the leg and was brought tothe hospital at Hermis. In March 1917 he was sentinto hostilities again. He took part in the Flandersengagement directed against the English, as well as inthe first two great German offensives. In the fall of1918 he was sent again to the Flanders sector to takepart in the offensive again directed against theEnglish. On the 14th of October, acting in his usualcapacity of dispatch-bearer, he was gassed so seri-ously that it was feared his sight could not be saved .In the Pomeranian hospital of Pasewalk he remainedin agony for months, his eyes burning like live coals .His condition gradually bettered . On November 10,1918, he heard the news of the fall of the monarchyand the formation of the German Republic. Hisreaction was bitter :

"Since the day when I stood beside the grave of mymother, I had not cried . My obstinacy grew whenmy fate seemed pitiless during the days of my youth .It appeared to me almost a sin to grieve when somany dear comrades and friends were called outof the ranks by death ; they died for Germany! Andas the creeping gas began to eat into my eyes duringthe last days of the conflict, and as I began to weakenunder the terror of blindness-but for a momentthen the voice of my conscience thundered : Miser-


13able fool, you want to weep while thousands are worseoff than you ; and so I carried my lot silently . Now Icould not do anything else but weep . I saw for thefirst time how personal trouble disappears when mis-fortune of the fatherland is at hand . . . .

"The more I tried to understand the great eventsof this hour, the more my brow burned with shame .What did the whole business of pain in my eyes meanagainst this misery?

"What followed, they were terrible days and evenworse nights . . . I knew that everything was lost . Tohope for mercy upon the part of the enemy could onlybe attempted by fools-or liars or criminals . In thesenights my hate against the men who had brought aboutthis crime grew and grew. . . .

"I, however, decided to become a politician ."The curious thing about Hitler's four-year service

at the front is that he was not promoted beyond theposition of lance-corporal. Thousands of his com-rades possessing less ability were appointed officersas soon as death provided vacancies, but the Austrian,who later became the sudden political leader of mil-lions of Germans, received no unusual promotion .True that he was awarded the Iron Cross, first class,just as hundreds of his comrades . His lack of advance-ment may be attributed to the fact that he remainedwith the same company throughout the years of hos-tilities . It was a peculiar fact that German soldiers

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HITLERISM: THE IRON FIST IN GERMANYtransferred from one company to another during thewar were able to advance more easily than if they re-mained with their original group.

After returning from the front Hitler applied forcitizenship in the German Reich, which was refusedon the ground that he was Austrian born . Gratitudefor risking his life for the Germany he loved!

The collapse of the German monarchy and the sub-sequent founding of the German Republic were takenas a matter of course by the mass of German people .But Hitler-the foreigner-saw a great tragedy beingenacted. The "November traitors," who had signedthe degrading peace, had brought about the ruin ofhis adopted country. Again to battle! This time onthe political field, no quarter given, none asked!Returning to Munich he threw himself into politicalactivities. On April 8, 1919, when the Communistsgot temporary control of the city, the central com-mittee of the Bolshevists sent a patrol of four men toHitler's residence to arrest the man who had startedto cause so much trouble. According to Hitler hereceived them with a rifle . Impressed with its business-like muzzle, the four armed reds retreated beforethe determined man whose method of handling fire-arms they understood and respected . On May 1stMunich was freed by the white soldiers and Hitler,who had discreetly left the city until conditions weremore favorable, returned .


Is

Fanatically interested in politics and determinedto accomplish something in his new career, Hitlerjoined a "staatsbiirgerlicher Ausbildungskurs" (citi-zenship course) given by the government to the 2ndInfantry-Regiment in Munich. So enthusiastic was hefor this sort of study that he was appointed as ateacher to pass on what he had learned to smallergroups. He suddenly discovered that he was giftedwith a remarkable power of oratory, with a power tosway his hearers and bring them around to his ownline of reasoning. The more he talked the more hethirsted for the opportunity to impress thousands ofhearers .

During the month of May 1919 a "Deutsche Arbei-terpartei" (German Workers' Party), including sixmembers under the leadership of Anton Drexler, hadbegun to arouse attention in Munich . Hitler was sentby his company to a meeting of the new organizationto make a report on the views of the speaker . Thespeech concerning the breaking of the "Zinsenknecht-schaft" (interest-servitude) was delivered by Gott-fried Feder .

A new perspective, a new world was opened tothe eyes of the aspiring young politician . Here wasthe national idea by which Germany was to be saved!The germ of a new idea! A new German people,national, no Communists, no Jews, no financial en-slavement by the rest of the world!

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HITLERISM: THE IRON FIST IN GERMANYHitler became member number 7 of the "Deutsche

Arbeiterpartei" . In a few months he demanded thechairmanship of the budding party, which until thenhad been held by his close friend, Anton Drexler, alocksmith. He obtained it. For the first time Hitlertasted power. It pleased him . Dogged, indomitable,stubborn, those are the keynotes for the future! Apassionate instinct to rule, to direct others, becamethe dominant characteristic in his nature . Nowforward!

Week after week the little group met in the "Hof-brauhaus" and discussed plans for the future. What-ever money the members could scrape together wasspent for flaming red placards inviting the public tomeetings. On February 24, 1920, the first open "mass-meeting" of the organization, which had now becomethe National Socialist German Workers' Party, before100 enthusiastic spectators . With his magic oratoryHitler sent these 100 hearers forth as inspired mis-sionaries of his cause. He attacked the war profiteerssavagely and tried to make clear to his hearers theastounding results of the Treaty of Versailles, whichmeant the certain ruin of Germany . He claimed tobe the first German to protest bitterly against theVersailles proclamation that Germany was solely toblame for the war, a protest that since then has devel-oped into a veritable mountain of indignation .

The meetings continued . Hitler became more and


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more abusive. He attacked the French as a "Neger-volk" (negro-nation), as "Blutsauger" (blood-suck-ers) . No room for weaklings in the new Germany!He found new planks to draw followers-religion,propaganda, army, race-anything to attract! Thou-sands flocked to his standard-the "Hakenkreuz"-(swastika), 1 the ancient anti-Semitic cross in a colorscheme of red-white-black in memory of the colors ofthe old army.The Kapp-putsch on March 12, 1920, found Hitler

and his cohorts at work with their fiery propaganda .In December of the same year the party bought the"Volkischer Beobachter" (National Observer), whichbecame its official organ . On February 3, 1921, Hit-ler spoke for the first time in the Zirkus Krone inMunich on the theme "Zukunft oder Untergang" (Fu-ture or Destruction) . More than 5,500 turned out thistime to hear Hitler sing the praises of the Germanrace and predict the fall of the present regime . A mazeof catchwords and phrases intended to catch the atten-tion of the people flowed from the pens of Hitler andhis close followers . "Der Morgen findet endweder inDeutschland eine nationale Regierung oder uns tot!"(Tomorrow will either find a national government inGermany or it will find us dead!) . . . "Arbeiter! Esgibt Grosseres als Marx-dein Volk!" (Workers!

1 A cross of equal arms with rectangular continuations allclockwise. IS

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HITLERISM: THE IRON FIST IN GERMANYThere is something more important than Marx-yournation!) . . . "Dem Nationalsozialismus gehi rt dieZukunft!" (The future belongs to the National Social-ist movement!) . . . "Freiheit, Brot, Raum!" (Free-dom, Bread, Room!) . . . "Wahle deutsche Manner!"(Elect Germans!) . . . "Deutsches Volk erwache!! Undkehre zur Einfachheit zuriick! !" (Germans awake! !And return to simplicity!!) . . . Kampft mit uns furdie Ideen Adolf Hitlers!" (Fight with us for the ideasof Adolf Hitler!) . . . "Schlagt die Juden tot!" (Killthe Jews!)

Hitler's new party gradually spread throughoutBavaria. The idea of a greater Germany, includingGermany and Austria, found wide appeal in the lattercountry, where his party soon became stronger andstronger. Money began to flow in from bitter oppo-nents of Bolshevism, from nationalists hating theSocial-Democratic regime, from initiation fees andmembership dues. When the Communists attempted tobreak up mass-meetings, the "Sturmabteilung" (stormsection) of the party was founded . On November 4,1921, the first bloody battle between the "S.A." (thencalled "Ordnertruppe" (order-troops) in the "Hof-brauhaussaal" in Munich resulted in a victory for the"S.A." and led to the permanent organization of thepolitical-military shock troops . When the various po-litical-military organizations-the troops of the Com-munists as well as other formations-protested against


19the "Republikschutz-gesetz" (law for the protectionof the republic), a column of 600 of Hitler's troopstook part in the demonstration on the "Konigsplatz ."Here Hitler addressed a mass of 35,000 people .

The party gradually grew in numbers . In October1922 the N .S.D.A.P. was represented in Coburg on"German Day" by 2,000 "S.A." troops. On Novem-ber 30, 1922, five mass meetings were held in Munichbefore 14,000 hearers; on December 13th, ten hugemeetings attracted 20,000. The first "Reichsparteitag"(national meeting day) of the party was held atMunich on January 28, 1923. This year marked aperiod of terrible suffering in Germany . The inflationhad destroyed the entire financial system ; the Ruhrterritory was in a chaos ; the country was in a crisis .

Meanwhile Hitler had obtained 30,000 followers .Misjudging the situation, believing that his hour wasalready at hand, he proclaimed the fall of the govern-ment in the Biirgerbraukeller in Munich on Novem-ber 8, 1923, and announced the establishment of anationalistic government under Hitler, Kahr, Poehner,Ludendorff and Seisser . When Kahr, Lossow andSeisser backed out, the putsch lost its impetus . Thenext day a protest parade suggested by GeneralLudendorff ended in the bloody engagement at theFeldherrnhalle, which has already been described .

This premature attempt to bring about the fall ofthe government almost resulted in a catastrophe for

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the Hitler-movement. Hitler was arrested on Novem-ber 12th, placed in prison and charged with treason .The other leaders of the party escaped to foreigncountries and the organization remained without adirecting power. The "Volkischer Beobacher" was sup-pressed and the headquarters of the party were raided,literature seized and the treasury taken. The Na-tional Socialist movement had come to an abrupt halt .Various leaders, who had not taken part in the putsch,formed left and right wings of the party . Hitlerismseemed to have breathed its last .

Brought to the prison at Landsberg, Hitler at firstbegan a hunger strike. He broke down completelyphysically. His friends endeavored strongly to con-vince him of the foolishness of this procedure, but hecontinued to refuse all food . Finally, after twelvedays of fasting, he listened to the advice of Drexler,who encouraged him for the future, and he began toeat again.

The trial began on February 26, 1924, in theKriegschule in Munich. Members of the governmentwere unsuccessful in their efforts to have the trial takeplace in Leipzig before the Supreme Court. Thebuilding was surrounded by barbed-wire entangle-ments and every member of the audience was searchedfor hidden weapons. Hitler was once more the centerof publicity in Germany, although Ludendorff, Frick,Kohm and others were also to answer charges of


21treason. Hitler testified in his own defense that evena thousand nationalists have the right to represent anation. He took the responsibility for the putsch onhis own shoulders and admitted that he was a revolu-tionary, whose sole purpose was to overthrow therevolution of November 1918 . His last words beforehis accusers were : "I know the verdict that you aregoing to give. But the eternal court of History willnot ask us : have you committed treason or not? Evenif you judge us guilty a thousand times, the goddessof the eternal court of History will laugh at the motionof the federal attorney and she will tear up the verdictof this court, for she pronounces us not guilty ."

Five years in prison was the verdict, with paroleallowed after six months . Hitler was brought to theprison at Landsberg together with other leaders ofthe thwarted putsch . Here he wrote his memoirs,"Mein Kampf" (My Battle), which has become thebible of the National Socialist movement . Almosteight hundred pages testify to the character of theman to whom millions of Germans are looking hope-fully for salvation . These pages betray the man. Theygive a picture of the life of the writer and include afanatical defense of the party program . Here-truly-is a patriot . He loves Germany, blindly . But whata lack of intelligence, of insight, of understanding forthe realistic problems facing Germany! Here speaksthe opportunist, the adventurer, the preacher who feels

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the pangs of ambition . And yet scores of intelligentmen are swept away by this less than mediocre effort .Professor Adolf Bartels writes in the "DeutscheSchriftum" : "Hitler's work is in my opinion the mostimportant political publication since Bismarck's `Ge-danken and Erinnerungen' (Memories and Reflec-tions) ."

In December 1924 Hitler was freed . The receptionaccorded the hero by his followers testified to hisimmense popularity. But Hitler bided his time . Theparty was broken, finances were sadly lacking andthe various groups had decided to remain split. Theorganizer got to work and began to weave togetherthe tattered threads of his party . The unfriendlyRosenberg and Esser-Streicher groups were broughttogether upon his insistence ; the prohibition ofthe party was swept aside ; the "Volkischer Beo-bachter" appeared again ; and the publication of hisautobiography once more began to attract attentionto his person. The reorganization progressed steadilyand surely. Again meetings, propaganda, reorganiza-tion of the "S.A." In May 1928 the party achieved12 seats in the Reichstag, representing 809,000 votes .This success was enough to force the Prussian authori-ties to lift the ban upon Hitler as a speaker on Sep-tember 28th. On November 16th Hitler addressed amass-meeting at the "Sportpalast" in Berlin for thefirst time since his imprisonment.


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When acceptance or rejection of the Young Planwas placed directly before the German people, Hitlerjoined Hugenberg, the Nationalist, and the "Stahl-helm" (The Steel Helmet) organization in fightingagainst acceptance. This was the first time Hitler hadjoined any other political organization in an effort toachieve his purpose. The National Socialists workedfeverishly to force enough unfavorable votes to thepolls to protest against the "Auslieferung der `Kriegs-verbrecher' " (surrender to the war criminals) . Ac-ceptance of the Young Plan would have been refusedhad ten million Germans voted against it. Almost sixmillion votes testified to the fact that Hitler was begin-ning to obtain more and more political power .

In January 1930 the Hitler-movement received animportant boost when the government in Thuringiawas entrusted to a coalition between the German Peo-ples' Party and the National Socialists . OberamtmannDr. Frick, one of the accused at the Hitler-putsch trial,was named Minister of the Interior. In Saxony theNational Socialists were returned as second strongestparty in the Landtag (Diet) . In the same yearthe brown shirt uniform of the Hitlerites was for-bidden in Bavaria and Prussia . On July 4, 1930, theparty was dealt a severe blow by the separation ofthe Strasser group after a difference of opinion withHitler. On September 1st came the crisis in the "S .A."in Berlin, after which Hitler succeeded Pfeffer von

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HITLERISM: THE IRON FIST IN GERMANYSalomon as the leader of the storm-troops . On Septem-ber 14th came the surprising Reichstag elections, inwhich the National Socialists received 6,400,000 votesand 107 representatives in the German parliament .

HITLER is a born orator. His friends speak of him asa shy nervous type, who suddenly loses these char-acteristics when facing a large audience . Here he isin his element, where he can appeal to the emotionsof his hearers. Here logic can be thrown to the winds .The goal is enthusiasm among blind followers for hiscause. On the platform he is the go-getter, the im-pulsive, confident man of will, who can easily sacrificefacts for idealistic illusions. Thoughtless answers toquestions by journalists testify to his inability to un-derstand what he really wants. In one sentence hedescribes the Jews as cheats and rogues, none of whomcan be trusted ; in another he says "I have nothingagainst decent Jews!" The French-the eternal enemyof the Germanic race-are a pestilence ; but he hasnothing against a "Verstandigungs-Politik" (rap-prochement) !

At times Hitler is the proverbial "good fellow" .Those who know the Austrian type, the soft, good-natured person who takes things easy, will be sur-prised to find these same characteristics in the natureof the fiery leader. But that remains but one side of


25

his character. The other side is overshadowed by afanatical ambition, an urge to power sweeping in itsintensity, brutal, regardless of opposition . Hitler isunable to see anything from the viewpoint of anotherperson-a quality that causes a continual strain be-tween him and other party leaders. The loss of suchmen as Kapitan von Miicke, Otto Strasser and Haupt-mann Stennes, all of whom resigned after tilts withHitler, gives an eloquent example of the latter's in-ability to handle men. In his party headquarters he isuncertain, choleric, tempestuous-the prima donnaoff-stage, exciting followers by temperamental out-bursts, fits of weeping, and periods of gloomy silence .But always the role of dictator! When he enters the"Brown House" things start humming, clerks scatter toand fro, guards snap to attention . His whole mannerbetrays the effect of a sudden soaring flight to power,which has left him a little dizzy and amazed, but de-termined to carry on the beautiful dream . He forceshimself to play the part of an autocrat-a role outof keeping with his real nature-but necessary if theshow is to be kept going.

The qualities necessary in playing the dictator arelacking here. Like Caesar, Hitler begins an importantdemand of his followers with "Ich verfiige!" (Iorder!) But he lacks the resolution and clear-thinkingwhich must be possessed by a dictator . In criticalmoments he cannot make up his mind. There are many

26


National Socialists who claim that their leader ex-hibited a striking weakness when he refused to en-gineer a putsch after the extraordinarily successfulReichstag elections in September 1930 . Others criti-cise him for his ill-timed putsch in 1923 . When theBerlin "S.A." revolted in the summer of 1930, Hitlerflew to Berlin and patiently visited the various citydistricts, arguing with the leaders, making promisesand begging for cooperation . A real dictator wouldhave dismissed the rebels without much further ado ;instead Hitler granted financial privileges which in-dicated that his Berlin followers were more in-terested in jingling marks than in the remarkable"Weltanschauung" he had arranged for them .

Unlike Mussolini, Hitler is unable to act delib-erately. The acclaim of the multitude is pleasing musicto the Italian dictator, but he does not need it nordoes he care for it. With Hitler it is a matter of life .Applause from the masses means everything to theNazi chief .

Hitler is unquestionably one of the greatest of Ger-man orators. He understands mass psychology andpossesses the ability to hammer his ideas into theheads of rabid supporters. This unusual ability hasgiven him a tremendous confidence in his own abilityas a leader and at the same time makes him disdainfulof the written word . His book, "Mein Kampf," is aclassic example of the fact that great speakers seldom


27

are able to write convincingly. In this same book hegoes to great pains to prove to his readers that revolu-tions are made by orators and not by journalists . Hepoints out that the Russian Revolution was achievedwith the following of millions of illiterate peasants bydirect appeal to their emotions through the spokenword. "The power brought about by the great his-torical and political movements was achieved for cen-turies through the magic of the spoken word." Heforgets the important place occupied by printed propa-ganda in the Reformation, in the period of Humanism,in the Renaissance and in the French Revolutions of1789, 1830 and 1848 . The coming German Revolu-tion will be achieved through oratory, mainly of theHitler variety, according to his modest reasoning.

Hitler understands how to attract attention to him-self. During the years of the inflation, when he pro-tested vigorously against the spirit of the Treaty ofVersailles, he was among the Germans who daredto lift their voices against the might of the victor na-tions. That made an impression . It steeled his own self-confidence. Since then he has been in the limelight,always in search of ideas by which the attention ofthe public will be focused on him . A peculiar methodhe has adopted is the use of the witness stand at im-portant test cases in which National Socialists havebeen accused of rowdiness or in which members ofthe "Reichswehr" have been accused of illegal propa-

28


ganda activities. Here he makes it a policy to explainhis own political views . Recently he appeared in thecriminal court in Berlin in defense of four Nazistorm-squad members who had been arrested for re-sorting to violence in handling foes of their party .The courthouse was surrounded by thousands of ad-mirers, who shouted and sang during the trial . Thefour accused were the least object of attention in thecourtroom. What Hitler had to say was of interest ."Our movement is legal, not because legality is closeto our hearts or because of our faith in the constitu-tion of the republic, but because I believe any attemptto achieve power unconstitutionally is doomed tofailure." He insisted that he was personally opposedto individual terrorism . "All storm-squad membersare unarmed, except perhaps for keys and screw-drivers." Certain of them might have overstepped thebounds of self-defense in dealing with the "red mur-derers", but the entire party must not be condemnedfor the actions of a few members who do not obeyorders higher up, he insisted, "Nobody regrets morethan I the fact that Germans continually are fightingone another." As long as he remains chief of theparty, power will be fought for along legal grounds .Result-thousands of newspapers throughout Ger-many feature the new testimony . Hitler's words arediscussed in every little beer cafe in the hinterland .


29The object is achieved-Hitler's personality and aimsare kept in the limelight.

Hitler has often been compared to former KaiserWilliam II. His striking similarity of manner has ledpolitical opponents to name him "William III" . Agrandiose imagination, a curious scorn for realities,an overbearing self-confidence, the ability to becomethe centre of attention, the over-valuation of oratoricalability, all these characteristics were possessed by theformer kaiser during the time he controlled the destinyof the German fatherland and are outstanding in themakeup of the Nazi leader. Many of the formerkaiser's utterances, such as his insistence upon"smashing any political enemy", might have comefrom the mouth of Hitler, who shouts in the approvedMachiavellian manner : "Will is power, and power iswill! If we have the will, we will have the power!"Both men are alike in that they can bear no contra-diction, will not be corrected nor advised .

An obvious handicap in the character of the futuredictator is his intellectual education . Hitler is sensi-tive upon this point perhaps more than any other . Heknows little or nothing of the real intellectual Ger-many, the Germany of Goethe, Schiller, Kant,Beethoven, Frederick the Great . He is the popularagitator, the adventurer smiled upon by fame andfortune, the contribution of post-war Germany to thehero-albums. A Germanic General Boulanger. As a

30

HITLERISM: THE IRON FIST IN GERMANYchild of the masses Hitler despises the cultured classeswhich have long been the bearers of the German"Kultur", especially the university professors . Yetwe find the paradox of a prominent university profes-sor and winner of a Nobel Prize, Dr. Johannes Stark,falling in line with the ever-mounting mass of Hitler-admirers and singing the praises of the new politicalsaviour. Even an enthusiastic comparison with Bis-marck! Professor Stark writes : ("Adolf Hitlers Zieleand Personlichkeit", page 7ff.) "Hitler possesses-like Bismarck-the ability to see reality. But thedomain of his experiences and observations is anessentially different one. While Bismarck's eyes pre-dominantly saw the state, namely the monarchs, theministers, the parliaments and armies, the eyes of Hit-ler are focused predominantly on the bearers of thestate organization, the people themselves . As a childof the people he lived in their midst, stood beside thehand-worker as hand-worker, beside the common sol-dier as common soldier, observed and collected ex-periences for many years. In Vienna he observed as aconstruction laborer the industrial and cultural miseryof the lower classes, the influence of the Jews on theworkingmen and the press, the success of the Social-Christian Party of Lueger, the battle of nationalitiesin the Vienna Parliament, the political policy of theHabsburgs; four years a soldier on the west front,he observed the souls of his comrades, the effect of


31the enemy propaganda and the propaganda at home ;back home wounded, he observed the accomplishmentsof the Jewish war business organizations and the effectof the Jewish press on the people ; during the revolu-tion he observed carefully the conduct of therevolutionary leaders, of the ordinary citizens, ofgovernment officials, of the army and defense organi-zations ; in 1923 he came to Munich, where he hadthe opportunity to know the leading government offi-cials intimately." (No word about the Hitler-putsch!)

"Like Bismarck, Hitler not only understands howto see things as they really are ; he is a thinker whorecognizes the causes of observed events and themotives of the men causing those events. But Hitlergoes still deeper ; he is like a great natural scientist,who observes the coherence established by naturallaws and who works on until he sees through the lastcauses. He sees indeed the immediate causes for thegrowth of the Marxian movement, for the success ofdestructive propaganda at the front and at home, forthe failure of the bourgeoisie, officers and governmentofficials against the rebels and promoters of the revo-lution . . . . But he inquires still further, for the lastroot explaining the settling of the German ship ofstate . . . as well as for the roots of the great achieve-ments of the German people . He finds the latter in theracial peculiarity of the people and in the genius ofcertain leaders."

32

HITLERISM: THE IRON FIST IN GERMANYAnd again: "Bismarck's highest aims were : union

of the various German states to a political unity in aGerman Reich, and security of this Reich from domes-tic and foreign enemies . . . . Hitler's highest aims are :creation of a German community so that all Germanscan be conscious of the fact that they possess the samenational characteristics ; physical and spiritual educa-tion of the German people ; cultural and industrialdevelopment of their talents and powers undisturbedby foreign elements . . . . The next tasks which Bis-marck faced in carrying out his highest aims were :separation of the Habsburg Reich from the communityof German states, defeat of the enemy on the westwhich had been working against German unity andGerman power, followed by establishment of the Ger-man Reich ; a Triple Alliance policy and a Russianre-insurance policy, suppression of Social Democracyand the Catholic Center in domestic affairs in orderto protect the Reich . . . . The next tasks facing Hitlerwere and are : organization in one party of a largenumber of German-conscious men prepared for battle,instruction of the masses of German people about theirposition and their enemies through a comprehensiveexciting propaganda, achievement of a decisive ma-jority in the Reichstag, assumption of the governmentand destruction of Marxism, thus automaticallydestroying the domestic power of the internationalJewish financiers ; the breaking of ground towards an


33

alliance with England and Italy with the purpose ofshattering the chains constructed by internationalJewish financiers and French militarists to imprisonthe German people."

CHAPTER 3

THE MAN WITH THE CLUB-FOOT

A LITTLE man with a crippled foot sits at a magnifi-cent desk and scribbles away. The words come quicklyfrom his pen. The agitator par excellence! The exactopposite of Hitler. Patriotism is shoved neatly intothe background to make ,way for burning ambition .But patriotic words flow freely. He is penning tencommandments for National Socialists :

1 . "Your fatherland is called Germany, love itabove all and more through action than throughwords!"

2. "Germany's enemies are your enemies ; hatethem with your whole heart!"

3. "Every national comrade, even the poorest, isa piece of Germany ; love him as yourself!"

4. "Demand only duties for yourself ; then Ger-many will obtain justice!"

5. "Be proud of Germany; you ought to be proudof a fatherland for which millions sacrificed theirlives!"

6. "He who abuses Germany, abuses you and yourdead ; strike with your fist against him!"

34


35

7. "Strike a rogue more than once! When one takesaway your good rights, remember that you can onlyfight against him physically!"

8. "Don't be an anti-Semitic knave ; but be carefulof the `Berliner Tageblatt'!"

9. "Make your actions such that you need not blushwhen the new Germany is mentioned!"

10. "Believe in the future ; only then can you be avictor!"Dr. Josef Goebbels, the little "Mouse-General" of

the Hitler-movement, the leader of the Nazis in Berlinand all North Germany, is the most picturesque figurein the new political party. A tiny, thin, nervousNapoleon, opportunist, organizing genius, excellentspeaker. Having been through a few years of poverty,he suddenly makes the long jump to power in onesuperhuman stride and then demands every luxury forhimself. He understands this modem world ; he knowsthe power of publicity and advertising in the machinecivilization. From the minute when he joined forceswith Hitler he has kept himself in the limelight withhis active pen, his astonishingly coarse speeches andhis peculiar ability to attract attention wherever hegoes .

Goebbels was born on October 29, 1897, in Rheydt,a little town in the Rhineland. Here he attended the"Biirgerschule" (Citizen's School) and the "Gym-nasium" (High School) . The youth was unable to de-

36

HITLERISM: THE IRON FIST IN GERMANYcide what he wanted to do. A storm and stress periodfollowed, during which he rapidly changed from oneuniversity to another, Freiburg, Bonn, Wurzburg,Cologne, Munich and finally Heidelberg . He studiedHistory, Literature and Philosophy without rhyme orreason, depending upon fate to steer a course for himin future life. There was no doubt that the young manwas gifted, especially in the field of Literature, buthe was incapable of any sustained effort . A restless,turbulent nature in chaotic times. A wanderer, satiri-cal, ambitious, irritable.

Those who had escaped with their lives after thedeadly conflicts at the front returned to continue theiracademic work. This little crippled lad, with a desirefor literary work, tried to obtain an influence overhis comrades. They glanced at his club-foot andlaughed. He was angered. One day they would see!

With the aid of a scholarship provided by theCatholic Church, Goebbels completed his doctorate atHeidelberg. Here he sat at the feet of the famousprofessor, Friedrich Gundolf, who caused him to lookupon the great Goethe and Shakespeare with differenteyes. Professor Gundolf, the Jew! A few years laterGoebbels is writing his catchwords : "The Jew hasdestroyed our race! He has rotted our morals, sappedour tradition and broken our power!" And again :"The Jew is unproductive! He does not produce, he


37

traffics only in products! And everything he handleshe has somewhere at some time stolen!"

Goebbels first tried his hand at poetry and drama .In January 1924 he wrote "Der Wanderer" (TheWanderer), which he offered to the FrankfortSchauspielhaus . The theatre refused the play, whichwas produced three years later by the National So-cialist Stage in Berlin . Following the failure of hisfirst dramatic venture, at most a shallow, patheticeffort, Goebbels turned to journalism . But this careerwas too tame for the excitable young man. He wantedaction, some outlet for the nervous energy that dis-turbed his restless soul. At 27 years of age, Napoleon,his hero, was in Germany at the head of an army .Here he was, writing tame newspaper articles at thesame age. No chance to crack the whip at his fellowman. Action! Power!

And then-Hitler!Here was the opportunity! Something new, the idea

was a good one. But ideas be damned, Goebbels comesfirst! The Nazis would provide the step-ladder bywhich he could climb to fame .

In 1924 Goebbels first began his National Socialistactivities in the Ruhr territory as editor of the"Volkische Freiheit" (Nation's Liberty) in Diissel-dorf. Soon he advanced to the position of businessmanager of the "Rhineland-Horde Gau" of the N.S.-D.A.P. His pen was restless-two books, "Letters to

38

HITLERISM: THE IRON FIST IN GERMANYContemporaries" and "The Second Revolution", beganto attract attention among leaders of the party . Hitlerwas especially pleased with the new publications, oneof which was "dedicated respectfully to Mr. Hitler" .Here was a powerful pen to help the party to its feetagain (the organization was undergoing a crisis afterthe failure of the Hitler-putsch and the subsequent haltin its activities) . Hitler needed trusted lieutenants,especially at a time when it was difficult to assert hisleadership. Hitler has a weakness for praise . Theeffect can be imagined as he read the glowing wordswritten by the ambitious Goebbels : "Before the courtat Munich you grew before us into the figure of aleader. What you said there is the greatest statementspoken in Germany since Bismarck's death. . . . Whatyou said there is the catechism of a new political beliefin the despair of a world crashing together . Youwere not silent . God gave you the words to describewhat is ailing in Germany. . . . You began at the bot-tom, as every truly great leader . And like everyleader you grew greater as your task grew greater ;you became a wonder just as your task became apolitical wonder!"

In 1926 Hitler appointed Goebbels as "Gauleiter"(Section-leader) of the Berlin-Brandenburg organi-zation of the party . As soon as he arrived in Berlinthe party there sprang into action . An organization ofwealthy backers of the party was formed at Goebbels'


39

instigation. Battles with the Communists for supremacyof the streets began to take on the bloody form whichdistinguishes them to-day. The newspapers started totake notice of the little Rhinelander who had cometo the big city and without much further ado hadbegun to lead the blase Berliners around by the nose.They liked it. Thousands turned out to hear Goebbelsspeak. His sarcastic utterances and insults hurled ateveryone in the Berlin city government, from the policepresident down, delighted the mass of people in thegreat city. "Der Kerl ist richtig!" (That fellow isOX.!), the highest compliment that a Berliner canpay to one of the city's outstanding personalities, wasgenerally applied to the little man with his long noseand glittering eyes, who always wore a trench-coattoo big for him .

Mass meetings. Demonstrations . Law suits. Pam-phlets. Advertisements. The Berliner got what hewanted, "immer etwas los!" (always something goingon!) .

A huge auto rolls up to an imposing building onthe Hedemannstrasse . The fiery little general stepsout, slams the door and hobbles quickly up the path .A guard of six "S .A." soldiers, big strapping fellowswho would have made the heart of Frederick the Greatbeat with delight, salute stiffly. Stupid elephants andthe intelligent little mouse! Goebbels proceeds quicklyto his office, which is elaborately furnished. Here

40


visitors to the king of the Berlin Nazis are receivedin elegant style. Twenty rooms are reserved for thecivil and military sections of the party. Hundreds ofemployees rush excitedly through the halls of thebuilding, stirred to action by the business-like leader-ship of the chief. They fear him, because they knowthat unsatisfactory work will be rewarded with atemperamental outburst.

Goebbels delights in drawing historical parallels .In selecting his own office he was careful to take theroom where Walter Rathenau had directed the activi-ties of the committee for war supplies . He sits here inhis armchair and chatters orders, never forgetting thathe-the man who could not be denied power-nowdictates from a position of power in the same roomwhere Rathenau-the Jew-once held a position oftrust .

But the party leaders in Munich have their doubts .Here they are preaching a magnificent theory of thesuperiority of pure Germanic blood, and a little manwith a club-foot-according to racial experts a certainsign of an intermixture of races-forces his way tothe leadership of the Berlin branch of the organiza-tion. A particularly painful point. Goebbels himselfis sensitive about his bodily affliction . When catch-words are needed, when propaganda is needed toattract followers, he is the first man to step forwardwith plans and ideas ; upon every subject except one


41,

-the Nazi doctrine of pure blood . He knows that itwould be an obvious paradox if he stood before hisfellow members and preached the maintenance ofpure German stock while his hearers looked at hiscrippled foot. If Goebbels were a member of anyother political party, his affliction would not attractnotice (one is reminded of the tiny Windhorst,Catholic leader, bellowing storms of abuse at the tow-ering figure of Bismarck) ; but as a National Socialisthe stands under the strongest suspicion that can beheld of a member of his party-bad blood .

The doctrine of racial purity preached by the Na-tional Socialists, Alfred Rosenberg and ProfessorGunther, must be considered cum grano salis . Thenaive confidence with which these men speak of "pure"and "unmixed" and "superior" races is striking .

In May 1928 Goebbels-called by his followerssimply "the Doctor"-was elected to the Reichstag,where he soon distinguished himself by a series ofinsults calculated to keep him in the public eye. Hecannot find enough to keep the rays of publicity play-ing upon him. Since then his propaganda has becomewilder and without reason . Now he preaches real agi-tation-"conquer the streets!" Misery, terror andbloodshed-these are the paths to power!The young man's sudden ascent has made him

drunk with power . He dedicates the future to Goeb-bels. On and on! Power is sweet! The same hunger

42


for might that marks the character of Hitler is evidenthere. It betrays the entire National Socialist move-ment, which is based upon the discovery of an ideaby which wealth and fame for a few party leaders canbe secured in the shortest possible time by means offanatical sophistry and unrestrained agitation at theexpense of an entire nation . The more one studies thehistory and program of the National Socialists, themore one is convinced of the deplorable fact thatastonishing numbers of the German people are beingled around by their noses to a promised Utopia bya group of demagogues and political upstarts . Theweakness of the German people lies in their senti-mentality, in their willingness to believe everythingthat is told them . A people of extremes . Alongside ofa Frederick the Great, a William I and a Bismarckthey produce a Hitler and a Goebbels!

Goebbels is unquestionably a skilled speaker. Heunderstands the business of holding the attention ofan audience not too insistent upon logical arguments .He delights in playing theatre . When scheduled toaddress a mass meeting, he purposely arrives late atthe scene of festivities, waiting until the patience ofthe audience has been exhausted and then striding into the platform amid a fanfare of welcome . He em-ploys rows of adjectives and continually draws elabo-rate historical parallels about which the averagemember of his audience knows nothing. High-sound-


43

ing, pleasing phrases! Give the mob a run for theirmoney! They are idiots, but through them I-Goeb-bels-obtain my luxurious apartments and speedy

automobiles. I am no longer a member of that low

mob! Above them! Higher and higher, to more fameand more glory! The cabinet post waits!

Goebbels' writings are distinguished by the samerevolutionary tenor . The following excerpt shows hismanner of writing-and thinking : "REVOLUTIONARY

DEMANDS. . . . We do not go into the parliament inorder to carry out our program THROUGH DEMOCRACY .We know very well that THE FATE OF NATIONS IS MAS-TERED THROUGH PERSONALITIES, never through ma-

jorities. The essence of parliamentary democracy isthe MAJORITY, the DESTRUCTION OF THE PRINCIPLE

OF RESPONSIBILITY and the GLORIFICATION OF THEMASSES, above whom a few dozen rogues and cheatscarry on their swindler activities . The essence of

ARISTOCRACY is ability, the rule of the more ableand the lowering of the less capable under the com-manding will of the leaders. EVERY FORM OF GOVERN-MENT-whether outwardly democratic or aristocratic-is FORCE. A radical difference is found only in thefact whether the FORCE WORKS AS A BLESSING OR A

CURSE for the people as a whole ."What we demand is NEW, CLEAR-CUT and RADICAL,

therefore in the long run REVOLUTIONARY. . . . The up-

heaval we want is to be achieved first of all IN THE

44

HITLERISM : THE IRON FIST IN GERMANYSPIRIT OF THE PEOPLE . . . . We know no IF OR BUT,

we know only EITHER . . . OR!

"We demand : the RESTORATION OF GERMAN HONOR .

WITHOUT HONOR NO RIGHT TO LIVE . . . . In the LOSS

OF OUR HONOR lies the origin of the LOSS OF OUR

LIBERTY .

"In place of the SLAVE-COLONY the rebuilding ofa German NATIONAL STATE . The STATE is for us noth-ing in itself, it is only a MEANS TOWARD AN END. Theend is NATIONALITY, that is the sum of all living andcreative powers in the nation. The picture that callsitself the GERMAN REPUBLIC to-day is no longer theprotector of our inherited worth . . . . We want thedestruction of the SLAVE-COLONY and a substitution ofa NATIONAL FREE STATE .

"For every working man WORK AND BREAD! Everyproduction is to be rewarded on the grounds ofABILITY . More means Of LIVELIHOOD for the Germanworker!

"For the People LIVING QUARTERS AND BREAD, AND

AFTERWARDS REPARATIONS! No democrat, no republi-can has the right to deny these . We want ACTION! . . .

" . . . FIRST THE MOST VITAL NECESSITIES FOR THE

PEOPLE, and then LUXURY AND TRIFLES. WORK forthose who want to work! LAND for the farmer! TheGerman foreign political policy, which is ruining usto-day, must be changed so that something can bedone about the lack of ROOM in the fatherland .


45

"Peace among the workingmen! Every person must

do his duty and help the general welfare; in return

the STATE TAKES OVER THE PROTECTION OF THE IN-

DIVIDUAL and guarantees him the reward due for hiswork. . . .

"War against profiteers, peace with the workers!

Destruction of all capitalistic influences on the politi-

cal system of the country .

"SOLUTION OF THE JEWISH QUESTION . Rejection

of all foreign races from public life of all kinds .

Clean distinction between GERMAN AND NON-GERMAN,

based upon race and not upon changed nationality or

religion.

"An END TO THE DEMOCRATIC PARLIAMENT! Crea-

tion of a PROFESSIONAL PARLIAMENT, that takes care

of the fate of PRODUCTION. . . .

"RESTORATION OF TRUTH in industrial life . Make

good the injustice by which millions of Germans were

robbed during the war, WITHOUT RESERVATION .

"THE RIGHT OF THE PERSONALITY above the mob .

THE GERMAN ALWAYS BEFORE THE FOREIGNER AND

JEW!

"FIGHT against the withering poison of the inter-

national-Jewish spirit! Conscious strengthening of

German power and German customs! Extirpation of

the foul Semitic immorality and racial destruction .

"DEATH SENTENCE FOR CRIMES AGAINST THE PEO-

PLE! THE GALLOWS FOR PROFITEERS AND USURERS!

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"A PROGRAM WITHOUT COMPROMISE, backed byMEN, who will carry it out passionately. A watch-word without formula, but filled with a living energy .

"WE DEMAND!"

CHAPTER 4

SATELLITES

ALFRED ROSENBERG

A TALL thin man with blond hair and blue eyesspeaks quietly. This man is cultivated, intelligent . Butbehind the outward mask is hidden one of the mostfanatical of the National Socialists . He repeats hisfavorite theme again : "Auf jeder Telegraphenstangevon Miinchen his Berlin wird das Haupt eines promi-nenten Juden aufgespiesst werden" (On every tele-graph-pole from Munich to Berlin the head of aprominent Jew will be pierced) .

This tall blond man with the suspiciously Jewishname is from the Baltic region . In the party he isknown as the "Judenfresser" (Jew-eater), because ofthe mass of anti-Semitic material he has collected . Theextreme sceptic, enemy of socialism, of religion . Aphilosopher with a sour stomach . The know-all, bath-ing in reflected sunlight as Hitler's right-hand manand intellectual inspiration. The brains of the Na-tional Socialist German Workers' Party here, justas Hitler furnishes the soul. Leader of the Munich

47

48

HITLERISM: THE IRON FIST IN GERMANYfaction of the party, chief of the N.S.D.A.P. press,editor-in-chief of the "Volkischer Beobachter" .

Educated as an architect, Rosenberg soon turnedhis talents to journalism. Having made himself anexpert upon all matters pertaining to anti-Semitism,he soon managed to obtain the editorship of a smallweekly, the "Volkischer Beobachter", which was dedi-cated to a bitter campaign against all Jews . Thispublication appeared regularly many years before thewar. During the conflict Rosenberg was probably inParis, a point upon which he has displayed the utmostsensitiveness . After the revolution of 1918 he suc-ceeded in obtaining German citizenship .

Rosenberg continued his campaign of hate againstthree forces-Jews, Masons and Catholics, a cam-paign now carried on by General Ludendorif and his"Tannenberg-Bund". Being an opportunist, like everyleader in the Nazi party, Rosenberg reluctantly de-cided to drop his antagonism to Catholicism and tothe "Medicine-man" Pope after it had become ap-parent to Hitler and other leaders that the Catholicvote in Germany and Austria was too large and in-fluential to be disregarded. The centre of interest soonturned upon the Jews . Pamphlets and books portray-ing the immorality of the Talmud and giving historiesof the Jews appeared from Rosenberg's pen withregularity. When it became evident that the NationalSocialist movement would adopt opposition to the

SATELLITES

49

Jews as one of the main planks in its platform, Hitlerbegan looking for the right man to direct the cam-paign of hate. The party bought the "Volkischer Beo-bachter" in 1920 and changed it from a weekly to adaily, the official party organ. After the crisis inparty affairs brought about by the unsuccessful putschin 1923, Rosenberg was named again in 1925 aseditor-in-chief of his former paper .

The young blond man soon obtained a tremendousinfluence over Hitler. He is now unofficially namedHitler's "Chancellor", and is the director of theparty's foreign policy, which is said to be a productof his pen . All official explanations of the party'sprogram are written now by Rosenberg ; he is the in-telligence behind the few intelligent remarks comingfrom the not too brilliant Hitler . The Richelieu inHitler's cast of characters, the man who probably willbe entrusted with the chief position of a FascistTscheka, or appointed Foreign Minister, should theHitler Reich become a reality.

Rosenberg was one of Hitler's colleagues duringthe 1923 putsch which nearly ended in a catastrophefor the budding party. He escaped to Austria, but thepolice did not seem to be interested in his arrest.Returning to Munich he founded the "GrossdeutscheVolksgemeinschaft"' (The Greater German NationalCommunity), a split-party to keep the Nazi ideasflourishing until Hitler's release . He kept in close

50


contact with his imprisoned party leader during thelatter's confinement, which was rewarded later byimportant positions in the party organization .

In 1926 Rosenberg founded the monthly, "DerWeltkampf" (The World War), which preached an-nihilation of Jewish and Masonic power . In 1927 heorganized the "Kampfbund fur Deutsche Kultur"(The Fighting Alliance for German Civilization) . Inthe Nazi landslide of September 1930 he was re-turned as a member of the Reichstag. He is a memberof the Committee for Foreign Affairs .

Hitler's sudden about-face after the 1930 electionsand his insistence that he intends to obtain powerlegally is attributed by many to Rosenberg's influence .The latter understood clearly enough that the blatantadvertising and reckless threats coming in torrentsfrom Hitler's eloquent mouth would have to cease ifthe press of foreign countries was to be appeased . Heconvinced Hitler that the time had now come for care-ful assertions, for diplomatic and ambiguous ut-terances . The entire campaign was changed, at leastoutwardly. The interested public is now treated withpictures of the fiery revolutionary Hitler proclaimingto the world from the witness stand at a Nazi trialthat he is going to obtain power constitutionally .

A deep friendship exists between Hitler and Rosen-berg, in spite of the former's expressed opposition tothe activity of journalists as politicians . The spoken

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word is the ideal on which he hopes to step to adictatorship, but his inspiration comes from the busypen of his "good friend, Rosenberg". Another paradoxin the paradoxical makeup of the German Mussolini .

Although he does not possess the same ability toplay theatre as Hitler and Goebbels, Rosenberg un-derstands something about the value of an assumedtemperament. When the party leaders get together inthe "Brown House" in Munich things hum. The dis-cipline so earnestly desired in the ranks of the Nazistorm-squads is peculiarly lacking among the grouphigher up. The constant clashing of opinions does notreach the ears of the general public.

Rosenberg is undoubtedly one of the finest headsin the National Socialist Party . Why so able a manshould degrade himself to the level of religious striferemains a problem for psychologists to solve .

WILHELM FRICK

The first National Socialist to obtain a ministerialpost in a German state was Dr . Wilhelm Frick . OnDecember 8, 1929, the National Socialists returnedsix members to the Thuringian Diet, thus passingahead of the Democrats, the German Nationalists, theIndustrial Party, the Peoples' Party and the Com-munists. On January 23rd Frick was named to theposition of Minister of the Interior in Thuringia, a

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HITLERISM: THE IRON FIST IN GERMANYposition once held by the great German poet, Goethe .

Born on March 12, 1877, in Alsenz in the Palati-nate, Frick first followed the career of a lawyer. Atthe age of 40 he came to Munich, where he held alegal post in the city government. From 1917 to 1925he was leader of the political police in the Bavariancity. Here he came into close contact with Hitler, whoconverted him to the N.S.D.A.P., which thereafter en-joyed his special favor .

On the night of November 8, 1923, when Hitlerengineered his unsuccessful putsch, Frick immediatelyrallied to the Nazi standard. He was proclaimed PolicePresident of Munich under the benevolent protectionof Hitler. At the trial for treason Frick was sentencedto 15 months' imprisonment along with Hitler . He wasparoled in 1924, and returned to his duties as ifnothing had happened . He has represented the Na-tional Socialist Party in the Reichstag since 1924, andpossesses a reputation far and wide as one of the mosttempestuous of the Nazi leaders. His eloquent pleasfor the release of the murderers of Erzberger andRathenau have given him a measure of prominencein Germany. He insists that the crime of the murderswas not so great as the "geschichtliche Verbrechen"(historical crimes) of Erzberger, Rathenau and "otherGerman statesmen" .

Frick's appointment to the post in Thuringia, aresult of the first Nazi attempt at a political coalition,

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resulted in a wave of enthusiasm in party circles . Thefirst National Socialist minister was hailed as a hero .A milestone in the history of the party. Frick himselfgot to work immediately to attract attention to hisparty. He began to make Thuringia a hotbed of op-position to the Social Democratic government at Ber-lin. Accompanied by blatant advertising, he reducedthe salaries of all public officials ; cleaned the policeforce of every officer who was suspected of republicansympathies; and introduced a veritable "spoils-sys-tem", by which every important position obtainablewas given to National Socialists. Nothing to attract at-tention to the National Socialist government was over-looked. The Nazi youth organization, "Adler andFalke" (Eagle and Falcon), which had been forbiddenbefore Frick's accession, was again allowed to resumeits activities .

Frick's greatest triumph was the creation of a newchair for Social Anthropology at the old University ofJena. The National Socialist Professor, Dr . Hans F . R .Gunther, was named by Frick for the new post. Thecreation of a new chair and the appointment of Pro-fessor Gunther, long known as a fanatical exponentof Germanic racial superiority, aroused loud opposi-tion among the university council, which protestedstrongly against the high-handed action so unusual inGerman university history. Frick was able to carryhis appointment through. Professor Gunther's first

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lecture at Jena was magnified into a triumphant cele-bration for the National Socialists. Hitler and Frickhonored the academic assembly by their presence andNational Socialists throughout Germany compared thegreat event to Schiller's first lecture at the sameuniversity.

The Dessau Bauhaus, Germany's leading school ofarchitecture, was directed by Professor Grotius, whosemodernistic conceptions grated against Frick's nerves .The latter soon replaced the noted architect by a HerrSchultze of Naumburg, a man who was more "volkischgesinnt" (nationally-minded) .

Soon after his appointment Frick served noticethat certain prayers were to be introduced into allschools . Among these were the following :

Vater im Himmel!Ich glaube an deine Allmacht, Gerechtigkeit and

Liebe .Ich glaube an mein liebes deutsches Volk and Vater-

land.Ich weiss, dass Gottlosigkeit and Vaterlandsverrat

unser Volk zerriss and Vernichtete .Ich weiss, dass trotzdem in den Besten die Sehnsucht

and die Kraft zur Freiheit wohnt.Ich glaube, dass these Freiheit kommen wird, durch

die Liebe des Vaters im Himmel, wenn wir anunsere eigene Kraft glauben.

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(Father in Heaven!I believe in thy almightiness, justice and love .I believe in my beloved German people and father-

land.I know that godlessness and treason to the fatherland

have torn and destroyed our people.I know that in spite of this the desire and power for

liberty dwells in the spirit of the good.I believe that this liberty will come, through the love

of our Father in Heaven, i f we believe in our ownpower.)

Vater im Himmel!Ich glaube an deine allmachtige Hand,Ich glaube an Volkstum and Vaterland,Ich glaube an der Ahnen, Kraft and Ehr,Ich glaube, du bist uns Waffe and Wehr,Ich glaube, du strafst unseres Landes VerratUnd segnest der Heimat befreiende Tat!Deutschland, erwache zur Freiheit!

(Father in Heaven!I believe in thy almighty Hand,I believe in nation and fatherland,I believe in my ancestors, power and honour,I believe thou art our weapon and defence,I believe that thou shalt punish our nation's traitors,And bless the deed that brings us liberty!Germany, awake to liberty!)

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HITLERISM: THE IRON FIST IN GERMANYThese prayers, which were to have been pronouncedby little children in their classrooms every day, causeda storm of indignation among republican leaders inBerlin, who eventually caused Frick to withdraw his"Verrat and Schande" (treason and shame) prayers .The battle provided columns of controversy in Ger-man newspapers and brought the Nazis an astonishingamount of free advertising .When the Remarque film, "Im Westen Nichts

Neues" (All Quiet on the Western Front), reachedGermany, it was at first passed by the Berlin filmcensor. Frick prohibited the showing of the film inThuringia, protesting loudly against the "shameful"depiction of German soldiers as cowards. A nationalis-tic wave spread throughout Germany and the film wasthen prohibited in all German-speaking states . Thisvictory was hailed with delight by Nazis everywhere,who pointed out the "leading" position their partywas achieving in important national affairs. Theauthor Remarque was hurriedly placed on the Nazilist of "traitors", which already included Ebert,Erzberger, Rathenau, and the foreigners who havecontributed most to Germany's "humiliation", Dawesand Young. The usual thing followed the announce-ment of a prohibition : thousands of Germans crossedthe border at Luxembourg to see the film and a bookshowing scenes from the production enjoyed a tre-mendous sale.

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Frick's desire to fill the body of the Thuringianpolice corps with Nazis soon brought him into conflictwith the Reichsinnenminister Severing (NationalMinister of the Interior), who threatened to withdrawfinancial support from the Thuringian police if thispolitical spoils-system were kept up . Frick answeredthat in such a case he would discharge the entire policeforce and create a vigilant body composed solely ofNazi storm-squad soldiers . The affair had its endingin the Leipzig Supreme Court, where Frick won atemporary victory in the decision forcing the govern-ment at Berlin to continue financial support .

GOTTFRIED FEDER

The idealist in the party, the man who gave Hitlerthe germ idea for his new party, is Gottfried Feder .The master was soon outstripped by Hitler-and themaster soon became the closest follower of his pupil .Raphael the pupil of Perugino!

Feder was born on January 27, 1883, in Wiirzburg .In 1905 he passed an examination as engineer andsettled in Munich . Here he was engaged in the con-struction of airplane hangars, when he suddenlyturned to the study of political economy. The financialchaos during and after the war led him to organize the"Deutscher Kampfbund zur Brechung der Zinsknecht-schaft" (German Fighting Alliance for the Destruc-

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tion of Interest-Servitude) . With this system he hopedto lead the way towards the abolition of the system bywhich money is loaned at interest . In this system hesaw the economic ruin of Germany .

Hearing Feder speak before a meeting of the"Deutsche Arbeiterpartei" (German Workers' Party)in May 1919, Hitler was at once converted to hisviewpoint. He describes the effect in his book, "MeinKampf": "For the first time in my life I perceivedthe meaning of international capitalism . After I hadheard Feder's first lecture, the thought flashed throughmy head that I had found the essential suppositionsfor the foundation of a new party. . . . The develop-ment of Germany was clear enough to show me thatthe hardest battles . of the future were to be foughtnot against enemy nations, but against internationalcapital. I felt a powerful prophecy of this comingbattle in Feder's lecture ."The party program announced on February 20,

1920, which will be considered at length in anothersection, was written by Feder. The first commentaryon the program was also a product of his pen. Thispublished program forms the first volume of theNational Socialist Library, which is edited by Feder .Various leaders have contributed works on the DawesPlan, Free Masonry, capitalistic department stores,the Jewish press evil, new volumes of German history(featuring the most important (!) event of modern

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times-the growth of the N .S.D.A.P. movement), andscores of pamphlets upon political topics. Feder alsoedits "Die Flamme" (The Flame) in Niirnberg, "DerStreiter" (The Fighter) in Forcheim and the "Hessen-hammer" (Hesse Hammer) in Darmstadt in the stateof Hessia .

Feder has remained one of Hitler's most dependablesupports. In 1924 he was elected to the Reichstag,where he is known as Hitler's warmest friend . Acapable, well-meaning idealist who becomes lost assoon as he ventures into the economic field . A manwho is able to adapt himself to the sizzling propa-ganda system inaugurated by the German Mussolini .Witness the final paragraphs of his program : "Na-tional Socialism is a 'Weltanschauung' (world-philosophy) which stands in sharpest opposition to thepresent world of capitalism and its Marxian andmiddle-class satellites .

"Fight for our life in the service of this powerfulidea, fight for a new Germany, and it would be nodecent battle, if we did not have a symbol, a bannerin this fight! . . .

"OUR STORM BANNERS WAVE BEFORE OUR RANKS .

ALWAYS YOUNG, BEAMING AND BRILLIANT, THE HAKEN-

KREUZ, SYMBOL OF LIFE AWAKENING AGAIN, COMES

BEFORE OUR EYES.

"Our storm banners, our eagles bear this symbol :

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"We are the army of the Hakenkreuz,Wave the red banners high,We shall bring the German workersTo the road of a new liberty!"

COUNT ERNST REVENTLOW

Count Reventlow, a member of the former Germannobility, is one of the newest leaders of the Nazi party .He rallied to the Hitler banner during 1927, after hehad taken the precaution of publicly recalling one ofhis published manuscripts in which he had accusedHitler of dependence on Rome. A politician of thepre-war period and a man of some influence among theold German nobility, Count Reventlow is dependedupon to bring many new votes . A convincing leader,able to handle the masses, quiet and resourceful .Member of the Reichstag after the 1930 landslide .One of the leaders of the Nazi foreign policy .

THE STRASSER BROTHERS

The chairman of the organization forces of theparty is Gregor Strasser, a jovial Bavarian, rated asone of the best speakers in Hitler's ranks. Born inLower Bavaria on May 31, 1892, he served duringthe war, advancing in 1916 to the rank of lieutenant,and was awarded the iron cross, first and second

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classes. After the conflict he settled down in Landshutas a druggist. When Hitler led his followers in theunsuccessful 1923 putsch, Gregor Strasser led a groupof volunteers from Landshut to Munich, where hearrived too late to be of much use . When Hitler wasserving his sentence after the putsch, Gregor Strasserwas one of the men who managed to keep the partyalive .

Together with his brother, Dr . Otto Strasser, GregorStrasser founded a series of newspapers intended tofurther the cause of National Socialism . In the sum-mer of 1930 the theoretical differences between theStrasser brothers and the Hitler-Goebbels group on thequestion of socialism came to the breaking point . InMay 1930 a seven-hour discussion was held by partyleaders in Munich concerning party principles . Ac-cording to points 13 and 14 of the program, the partydemands government ownership of all trusts andprofit-sharing in all industrial enterprises. Hitler soonsaw that financial backing upon the part of capitalistswould never come if he insisted upon these points .At the Munich discussion Otto Strasser asked Hitler :"What would you do to-morrow with the Krupp or-ganization in the event that you obtained politicalleadership in Germany? Would the share-holders andworkers be in the same position in respect to property,profits and leadership as to-day, or not?" Hitler an-swered: "Naturally. Do you believe that I am so

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HITLERISM : THE IRON FIST IN GERMANYfoolish as to disturb industry?" Then from Strasser :"If you want to uphold the capitalistic system, thenyou have no right to speak about socialism ." Hitlercountered: "The expression `socialism' is in itself abad word. It is important to understand that thesetrusts must not be affected by socialism ; the point isthat they can be changed if they react against theinterests of the nation. As long as they don't do this itwould be a crime to destroy these industrial enter-prises." The cold disregard of one of the main planksin the platform in an effort to attract shining coinsfrom the pockets of capitalists was too much for OttoStrasser. Convinced of the futility of remaining in aparty where the "unchangeable" program was so wil-fully disregarded, he resigned his membership andfounded a radical wing of the National Socialist or-ganization. Since then he has been blessed with theuncompromising enmity of Hitler . His brother Gregorremained by Hitler's side during the controversy . Liv-ing down the "treason" of Otto Strasser has beensomewhat of a problem for the other Strasser .

CHAPTER 5

RENASCENCE OF THE GOOSE-STEP

THE organization of the National Socialist GermanWorker's Party is autocratic . At the head of themovement stands Adolf Hitler, who is slated for thepost of dictator if the organization comes into power .He-the creator of the party-is endowed with dicta-torial authority in all its affairs and is empowered toselect and dismiss any of his co-workers . Every mem-ber of the party is subject to his will and must followhis orders blindly. According to the statutes of theparty, he carries the sole responsibility for the entiremovement and cannot be deposed .

Hitler is surrounded by a net of co-workers, allsubject to his command. Under him are the "Reichs-geschaftsfiihrer" (national business manager), the"Reichsschatzmeister" (national treasurer), "Organi-sationschef" (organization chief), "Reichspropagan-dachef" (national propaganda chief), etc . The twoorganization leaders are the Reichstag AbgeordneteGregor Strasser and Oberst a .D. Hierl. The secretarialduties fall upon Stadrat Karl Fiehler ; the propaganda

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HITLERISM : THE IRON FIST IN GERMANYcommittee is under the leadership of Dr . Josef Goeb-bels ; the finance committee under Stadrat Schwarz ;the committee for young National Socialists underMajor a.D. Walter Buch. Alfred Rosenberg is incharge of the party press, Dr . Hans Frank II is legaladviser, Landtagsabgeordneter Adolf Wagner is re-sponsible for industrial questions and Gottfried Federfor theoretical financial questions. Hitler himself isthe leader of the sport and gymnastic committee .

These leaders have thousands of other co-workersunder them, who owe them the same obedience whichthey in turn owe to Hitler . Discipline is the keynoteof the entire organization . The democratic principle ofthe rule of the majority finds no sympathy in the campof the National Socialists ; the party is anti-democraticas well as anti-parliamentary . Hitler looks upon themob merely as a means by which he can attain per-sonal power. Inwardly he despises the mass of peoplewho are numbered among his followers. What theyas a majority desire is of no importance to him ; thepolitical will of the leader must be carried out inthis revolutionary party . The National Socialists mustreason : "Hitler, right or wrong!" Absolute obedienceand iron discipline, characteristics of the old Prussianarmy, have been incorporated into the German Fascistsystem by which Germany is to be elevated intoUtopia.

The organization of the party is divided into 26


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"Gaue" (districts), which do not in themselves formthe various provinces of the German Reich : East Prus-sia, Greater Berlin, Brandenburg, East March, Pom-erania, Silesia, Magdeburg-Anhalt, Halle-Merseburg,Thuringia, Sleswick-Holstein, Weser-Ems, East-Han-over, Hanover-South, Brunswick, Westphalia-North,Westphalia-South, Hessen-Nassau-North, Hessen-Nas-sau-South, Rhineland, Essen, Diisseldorf, Saxony,Wurttemberg-Hohenzollern, Baden, Hamburg andMecklenburg-Liibeck. Danzig and the Saar territoryare also included as separate districts. Bavaria, whichwas the original scene of the Hitler movement beforeit spread throughout Germany and Austria, has aspecial organization, which is divided into 9 "Gaue" :Greater-Munich, Upper-Bavaria, Lower-Bavaria, Swa-bia, Upper-Palatinate, Upper-Franconia, Middle-Fran-conia, Lower Franconia, and the Rhine-Palatinate .Austria is separated into 7 "Gaue" : Vienna, Upper-Austria, Lower-Austria, Carinthia, Styria, the WesternDistrict (Tirol and Vorarlberg), and Salzburg . Each"Gau" is in turn divided into various sections . Theleaders of each district are appointed by Hitler, whomay replace them at any time without justifying hisaction.

THE PARTY HEADQUARTERS

The headquarters of the organization are in Munich,in the heart of Bavaria. The initiative for the Third

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Reich comes from the most particularistic of the Ger-man states, the most jealous rival of Prussia. Evenuntil the beginning of the Franco-Prussian War of1870, the cooperation of the southern states was adoubtful issue. Although Bavaria and the othersouthern states united with the Prussians in a wave ofGerman enthusiasm and although Ludwig II was thefirst to prevail upon King William I to accept thetitle of German Emperor (at Bismarck's instigation),Bavaria always remained a jealous exponent of statesrights. Her postal service, railway system and tele-graphs, as well as the Bavarian army in peace time,remained independent. There was always a little-con-cealed envy of the leading position of Prussia in theGerman Reich. The new National Socialist partyendangers the pre-eminent position of Prussia infavor of Bavaria ; nevertheless it boasts of strong sup-port in Prussia .

In July 1930 the National Socialists bought theformer Barlow palace in Munich, on Brienner Strasse,one of the most aristocratic avenues in the city . Thebuilding was bought with funds contributed by eachmember of the party at the request of Hitler. Thecondition of the palace was such that it could not beused until extensive renovations had been made . Thesewere supervised in every detail by Hitler himself,whose original ambition was an architect's career .After nearly a million dollars had been spent in the


67

purchase and alteration of the old palace, it was dis-covered that it was situated in the Munich "Bann-meile" (banned district), that section of the city inwhich no open-air demonstrations are allowed to takeplace. This was a double misfortune for Hitler, whowas prevented from dedicating the finished structureand who cannot address crowds of his supporters fromthe balcony of his headquarters .

A proud moment for Adolf Hitler as he enters hisnew magnificent quarters and returns the salutes ofhis supporters! But ten years before he was seated inthe cellar of a public house, virtually penniless, dis-cussing plans for the first open meeting of his newparty, which attracted 107 listeners . Carry on! He hasbut a taste of power!

Hitler's closest co-workers, leaders of the upperdivisions, have their offices in this building. Theydirect the activities of some 1500 fellow-workersspread throughout Germany and Austria . The salariesof these workers are very small. They are expected,as enemies of democracy, to subjugate their desire forluxuries to the general welfare of the party . The fewmen higher up, however, Hitler, Dr . Goebbels andothers, live magnificently. Their salaries are not gen .erally known, but it is certain that they are not suffer-ing particularly during the present world-wide de-pression .

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THE "STRASSENZELLE" SYSTEM

Each "Gau" is divided into a number of sections,which correspond roughly to counties in the UnitedStates. These sections are then divided into a numberof "Strassenzellen" (street cells), little organizationsof about four or five men, one of whom is appointedleader by the head of his section . There is no attemptmade to ask the opinion of the five members as towhom they prefer for their leader ; the appointmentcomes from above and is final. This "Obmann"(chairman) is responsible for the political activityof his men. He must be certain that his followersknow the program of the party and must report anychange in views to his superiors .

The orders from above come in the form of militarycommands and must be passed on in the same form .All members of the party are pledged to strict obedi-ence and must not ask questions in carrying out a com-mand. Thus the entire system smacks of militarismrather than the organization of a political party .

The "Strassenzelle" system was borrowed from theSoviet idea of organization. It is paradoxical thatthe most-hated enemies of the National Socialists-the Bolshevics-furnished many organization ideaswhich were taken over without much hesitation byHitler .


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NATIONAL SOCIALISM AND THE STUDENTS

Leaving the halls of a large German university, Iam accosted by a young man-evidently a student-who gives me a red slip . The "Hakenkreuz" occupiesa prominent position on the paper, which reads :

"A JEW NAMED STOLPERprominent member of the State Party, calledthe National Socialist movement a few daysago in an open meeting a

NATIONAL PLAGUE, WHICH HAS DISEASED THE

GERMAN PEOPLE .This Jew has insulted 10,000,000 Germans-butnothing happens to him-for the present!

Now IS THE TIME TO PUT AN END TO THIS GALICIANIMPUDENCE!

Every bit of slander, every insult doubles thestrength of our march!

STUDENTS! The elections at the universities ofGiessen, Greifswald, Karlsruhe, Vienna, etc .brought the National Socialists surprising gains .The last period of the fight for power has begun .-We need every Man !

LET'S GO, FELLOWS!There is a people to be freed!"

Following this is the advertisement for an open meet-ing for students, "male and female" . Entrance for

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HITLERISM : THE IRON FIST IN GERMANYstudents is but 20-pfennige (5 cents), for all others50-pfennige (12 cents) .

One must understand the nature of German univer-sity life if he wishes to find why the Hitler movementhas achieved so tremendous a backing among thestudents. Unlike the American student, the Germanuniversity man takes politics seriously . It is at oncehis favorite sport and his most important extra-cur-ricular activity . German students played an importantpart in the liberal agitation in the Germanies follow-ing the Congress of Vienna in 1815. They formed"Tugendbunde" and "Burschenschaften" and dem-onstrated strongly against Metternich's cold reaction-ary policy in central Europe, which he answered bythe promulgation of the famous Carlsbad Decrees ofthe German Federal Diet in 1819. The students wereconveniently muzzled . During the revolution of 1848the German students were among the loudest indemanding a republic. Many of them, including CarlSchurz (who later became a noted American), wereforced to leave the country after the collapse of therevolution .

This extraordinary interest in politics has remaineda characteristic of student life until the present day.There is scarcely a portion of the German people thathas felt Germany's degradation since the war morekeenly than the students. They are determined to bethe leaders, or at least among the leaders in the


71

creation of a free Germany. Hitler, with his magicprogram, has proven an irresistible attraction . Themilitary organization, so reminiscent of the dayswhen Prussia bloomed in a rosy bed of militarism,appeals to them . Especially the fraternities, which-unlike those in America-are devoted first of all tothe fostering of patriotism, have flocked to Hitler'sbanners. These fraternity students with their facesscarred by compulsory duels which have tested theirmanhood, with their flashing mediaeval uniforms,stiff salutes and swaggering manners, have found anew outlet for their energies .

The National Socialist German Students' Allianceis the largest and most important sub-organization ofthe Hitler-party. It was founded in 1926 at the Uni-versity of Leipzig by Wilhelm Temple, a student oflaw, and quickly spread throughout academic Ger-many. Twenty universities sent representatives to thefirst meeting of the organization at Leipzig in 1928 .In this same year Baldur v . Shirach of Weimar wasselected to replace Temple as leader and the seat ofthe alliance was changed from Leipzig to Munich,an indication of the fact that Hitler stepped in andinfluenced, or to be more explicit, ordered the transfer .During 1930 the organization enjoyed a remarkablegrowth, until it now includes around 35,000 votes .This fact is significant when it is realized that these35,000 votes comprise one-third of the entire student

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vote in Germany. It must be considered also thatthere are 26 other political parties which have beenseeking the support of the students . Although womenstudents were first included in the students' alliance,a special organization for them has been formed .Hitler and his followers have emphasized continuallythat the organization must remain a "man's party"and that the woman's place is in the home . Neverthe-less the Workers' Organization of National SocialistWomen Students is included in the large group ofsub-organizations .

The student alliance has its own newspaper, for-merly the "Akademischer Beobachter" (AcademicObserver), a monthly, now "Die Bewegung" (TheMovement), a weekly. Propaganda has been carriedon quietly. Disturbances have taken place at some ofthe larger universities, particularly at Vienna andBerlin, but in general the astonishing growth of theHitler Party among the students has been accompaniedwith but little disorder . Every now and then attemptshave been made to attract interest to the party bysensational pamphlets. A regrettable example of thistook place at the University of Kiel, where the eminentProfessor of Theology, Dr. Baumgartner, was accusedby National Socialist students in a pamphlet of"Landesverrat" (treason) . The rector of the univer-sity promptly ordered all organization privilegeswithdrawn for the National Socialist group at Kiel .


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Rabid followers of the Hitler doctrines avoid attend-ing the lectures of prominent Jewish professors, whodo not understand the "Nordic culture" .

Hitler has decreed that the student alliances beintrusted to a great extent with the military defenseof the party . In other words, they are expected to beactive members in the "Sturmabteilungen" (storm-squads), which will be discussed at length in a latersection. They are expected to study the theory ofmodern warfare and attend the practice sessionsarranged for week-ends. The student alliance itselfvoted to demand military instruction as a course forall German universities. At the present time such aninnovation seems doubtful, but it will be one of thefirst measures carried out should Hitler attain power .Summer camps under the guise of "Bildungskursus"(educational courses) were held in 1930 near variousuniversity towns, and it is probable that the systemwill be continued on a larger scale . Here elderlyPrussian sergeants, now rabid followers of Hitler,bark out military commands in the old fashion andattempt to ingrain in the young men who just missedthe horrors of the war the same snappy thoroughnessthat distinguished the Prussian soldier .

Since the National Socialist Party is intended tobe a permanent proposition, Germans must be watchedover "from the cradle to the grave". High schoolpupils and those of lesser age are organized in a

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group-"Hitler-Jugend" (Hitler-Youth) . This organ-ization, led by Kurt Gruber, was founded in Plauen,but its headquarters were removed along to Munichtogether with the university group . The "Hitler-Jugend", like the university organization, is dividedinto a number of "Gaue", which correspond in gen-eral to the political organization of the party . Variouscommittees devoted to sport, educational training,press propaganda, etc., watch over the affairs of theyoung Hitlerites . The National Socialist PupilsAlliance includes high school students . It has beenforbidden at many schools, but has-like the otherHitler groups-enjoyed a steady increase in mem-bership. It has, however, not yet been organized withthe same thoroughness as the other groups . Teachershave been banded together in the National SocialistTeachers' Alliance. They are expected to preach thecorruption and treason of the republican leaders .

Students, youthful and advanced, are taught toregard the "gewaltsame Befreiung Deutschlands" (thefreeing of Germany through violence) as the idealof modern youth. Elderly agitators among them insti-gate them to revolt against the democratic views oftheir teachers. An enticing picture of the new Hitler-Reich is painted : sport is the main subject ; German,History, Knowledge of Nature (especially race ques-tions and Biology), Mathematics, Latin, English,French, will be taught . And what is also important, no


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pupil will suffer the pangs of failure! Everyonepasses-those who do not know enough will be givenspecial attention after school hours. At the universi-ties learning will be national, Germanic . Jews will bechased from the academic faculties . How can one lovehis fatherland when he accepts the instruction ofSemitic scientists?

OTHER ORGANIZATIONS

When a new political party attains sudden success,crowds of professional men flock to its banners-with one eye conveniently looking in the direction oftheir careers. Lawyers belonging to the party areunified in the National Socialist German Jurists underthe leadership of the party's main counsel, Dr. HansFrank II (who distinguishes himself in this mannerfrom Dr. Hans Frank (I), a noted Jewish lawyer) . TheNational Socialist Alliance of Physicians is underthe direction of Sanitatsrat Dr . Liebel of Ingolstadtand has for its chief aim the education of "futureNational Socialist physicians". The women of theparty are organized as the "Red Hakenkreuz" . Theirmost important duty is connected with the treatmentof National Socialists who have been wounded inconflicts with Communists, Social Democrats and thepolice. Every conceivable kind of organization is

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being formed to promote the party, including anautomobile corps and motorcycle corps .

Every town has its National Socialist propagandaheadquarters, usually a bookshop selling party liter-ature. An amazing conglomeration greets the visitorto one of these shops. The "Hakenkreuz" is seeneverywhere-pennants, neck-tie pins, watch-chains,charms, flags, posters, etc . Pictures of Hitler, silhou-ettes, paintings, book ends, plaques, post-cards, allshowing his features, are for sale . Framed picturesof Nazis "who died for liberty", of party leaders-Dr. Goebbels, Dr. Feder and the rest, are mixedwith likenesses of other heroes of the fatherland-Frederick the Great, Bismarck and General Luden-dorff. On one picture the old Fritz watches in thebackground as a straight-shouldered Nazi marcheson to freedom ; on another a Nazi is seen shakinghands with a member of the Social Democrats . "Onlyin this way can the Reich be saved!" Post-cards bearpatriotic sayings of Fichte and other German poets .Scattered throughout the shelves are thousands ofpamphlets and books proclaiming the party's program,attacking the Jews, describing the life and works ofHitler. Every book by or about Mussolini is prom-inently featured. Pamphlets proclaiming the superior-ity of the Germanic race . Attacks on the Talmud, evenon the Pope and the Catholics. History books writtenby Heinrich von Treitschke, the Prussian historian


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and anti-Semite . Scores of newspapers devoted tothe cause, weeklies, monthlies, most of them primitivein make-up and style .

THE "S.A."-HITLER'S ARMY

The backbone of the Hitler-movement is the "Sturm-abteilung" (storm-squad), known under its abbrevia-tion, the "S.A." This formation is the military sup-port of the Hitler party and is counted upon to aid theparty in event of a civil war. Party leaders insist thatit is but a harmless "Sportabteilung" (sport-section)of the organization, while others believe that the"S.A." is the forerunner of a military system thatwill surpass even the old Prussians in effectiveness .

When Hitler first began his speeches againstMarxian ideas, attacks were frequently made upon hishearers by Communists. Groups of his followersformed armed groups for "Saalschutz" (hall-protec-tion) duty. These groups included many ex-soldiers,especially Hitler's comrades during the war, whostraightway gave a touch of military color by adoptinga uniform, at first somewhat primitive . They wore acap similar to those of the Bavarian mountain troops,a brown Hitler shirt, brown trousers, and the "Haken-kreuz" sign in black on a white and red band wornon the left arm .

After a bloody beer-hall meeting on November 4,

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1921, the groups were formally organized into the"S.A." as it exists to-day. At the head of the shocktroops stands Hitler, the "OSAF" (oberste SA.-Fiihrer), the chief of the storm-squad. HauptmannFerdinand Franz Felix von Pfeffer, a well-knownorganizer of political-military organizations, was orig-inally entrusted with this office by Hitler in 1926.Just before the Reichstag elections in 1930, the"Sturmabteilung" in Berlin revolted . Hitler imme-diately dismissed von Pfeffer and took over the posi-tion of "Osaf" himself.

The "S.A." is divided into five districts, led by"Inspekteure" (inspectors), each of whom is con-sidered as a sort of "vice-Osaf" . The five headquar-ter centres are located in Berlin, Dresden, Diisseldorf,Hanover and Munich. The "Osaf-Stellvertreter" ofthe Berlin district, Hauptmann Walter Stennes, re-cently caused consternation in the party ranks bybreaking with Hitler. Each "vice-Osaf", just as the"Osaf", has an Adjutant at his side. The organizationis led in a similar manner in Austria under the direc-tion of Hauptmann Reschny in Vienna. During thefirst few months of 1931 these leaders directed themilitary education of approximately 100,000 men .

The organization of the "S.A." reminds one ofthe old Prussian system, which has been copiedclosely. The smallest unit is the "Gruppe" (group),which includes from 3 to 16 men . A group is selected


79

from National Socialists who live together in a cer-tain vicinity, so that it may be called together speedilyin case of emergency. The leader of the group isexpected to know the names and addresses of his menand must be able to get in immediate communicationwith them at any time . A number of such groupsforms a "Trupp" (troup), which comprises a militarycompany. The "Truf" ("Truppfiihrer"), the troupleader distinguished by two stars on the collar, hasthe same duties as the "Gruf" ("Gruppfiihrer") withone star. From four to five troups form a "Sturm"(storm), led by a "Sturmfiihrer", the "Sturmf", withthree stars . This section is roughly equivalent to anarmy battalion. Four to five storm-sections form a"Standarte" (regiment), led by a "Staf" with fourstars, who is assisted by an adjutant, the "Adj-Staf" .Each "Standarte" has a band, a bicycle squad and ahospital section under the direction of the "Sta-Arzt"(regiment-physician) . All the regiments in a certainnational "Gau" form the "Gausthrme", which cor-respond roughly to the divisions of the old army . Anumber of the "Gausturme" together form the"Armeeinspektion" (army-inspection) which is un-der the leadership of the "vice-Osaf" already referredto. Each officer is distinguished by certain additionsto his uniform. Every "Armeeinspektion" has its ownordnance department. A "Generalinspekteur" (gen-eral-inspector) is entrusted with visiting the various

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HITLERISM: THE IRON FIST IN GERMANYdistricts and seeing that they maintain the high stand-ards required . Headquarters are in the "brown-house" in Munich under the direction of "Stabschef"(chief-of-staff) Hauptmann Dr . h. c. Otto Wagener.

A special group, the "Schutz-staffeln" (S .S.), (pro-tection squad) stands directly under "Osaf" Hitler .This squad is distinguished by a uniform of blackcaps and shirts, similar to Mussolini's "black-shirts" .The "S.S." is composed mostly of war veterans whohave given evidence of personal courage and who arewell developed physically. They are the crack troopsof Hitler's army.

The soldiers of the "S.A." and the "S.S." areexpected to purchase their uniforms themselves . Theuniform for the "S.A." members consists of a brownHitler-cap with a chin-strap, a brown shirt and brownneck-tie, brown riding trousers and leather or strapleggings . A "Sam-Browne" belt, bread-pouch, field-flask and knapsack complete the uniform . A red"Hakenkreuz" band with the black cross on a whitebackground is worn on the left arm . Various insigniaon the collar show the rank of the wearer, while dif-ferent colored collars signify the district .

At first the various leaders were required to studytheoretical warfare, with close attention paid to in-struction in handling machine guns and cannon, tac-tics, etc. This was withdrawn by Hitler when it wasperceived that the party might be prohibited because


81

of its military character . The training now given,although admittedly of a military nature, is called"sport". On Saturday nights groups of Hitlerites,from the "Gruppe" to the "Stiirme", gather in allparts of Germany for the week-end drill exercises.After loud greetings with outstretched arms, the menbegin to ride in rows of trucks to the camping place .Organized yelling of Hitler catch-words and singingof Nazi songs inform villagers who are passingthrough their quiet towns .

Arriving at their quarters the soldiers sleep untilseven. Breakfast. Knapsacks packed . "Companyattention!" "Right face!" "Squads right!" all theold commands. Prussian thoroughness once again .No guns here. When members of the "S.A." march,the left hand is held in the belt, the right swingsalong. Uniform inspection. Music corps. Companyformations . Drills until 12. Then lunch, followed bymore drill and lectures on the science of battle . Thenthe important event of the day-return and marchthrough the streets with snappy music and flyingbanners .

Soldiers of the Third Reich-the liberators ofGermany!

This soldier-playing is an expensive propositionfor Hitler. Many in his army are unemployed, forwhom the few pennies paid means at least a movieduring the week and free meals on the week-end .

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HITLERISM: THE IRON FIST IN GERMANYOthers are fanatical enthusiasts of the Hitler cause,who are happy to be able to aid the campaign directedagainst those elements which are bringing Germany'ssupposed ruin .

There is no question that the "S.A." has been ofgreat value to Hitler. It has conquered the streetsfor him-at the cost of some hundred dead and morethan one thousand seriously and slightly wounded .It has protected the huge propaganda meetings whichtake place frequently all over the country, hasguarded the immense parades, and has fought itsway to a "balance-of-power" against the variousother political-military organizations-the "Rot Front-kampferbund" (red-front-fighting alliance) of theCommunists ; the "Stahlhelm" (steel-helmet) anorganization of Nationalist ex-service men and the"Reichsbannar" (Reich-banner), the political organ-ization pledged to the upkeep of the republic. Besidesthese, the "S.A." is in continual conflict with thepolice, who aim to prevent it from disturbing the peaceby fighting with the other political-military organi-zations.

"The threatening step of the brown regiments" pro-vides a favorite topic for National Socialist propa-ganda. The "S.A." is continually on the front pageof the German press . A newspaper report, clipped atrandom, gives evidence of the sort of work it is per-forming now :


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"Lobau. 4. May, 1931 : On Saturday evening threesections of National Socialists undertook a nightmarch. According to the police, one section wasattacked by 70-80 Communists, who used revolvers,black-jacks and clubs . A free-for-all followed, with15 to 20 shots coming from the Communist side . TheS.A. guard had thirty wounded, of whom a numberwere transferred to the Lobau hospital."

Members of the "S.A." are taught that they mustat some future time be ready to sacrifice their lives forthe cause. "When it is a matter of exterminating theJews, we are ready to go over the top!" Hitler placesthe eventual march on Berlin at a time when at leasta million National Socialists have been trained in theranks of the "S.A." When he comes into power, mem-bership in his army will be an honor and voluntary .There will be no compulsory service as in the days ofBismarck and Wilhelm II .

Hitler's intention to include the "S.A." in hisfuture Reich has been taken seriously by his fol-lowers . Many men who have seen military service andwho are now taking a part in the military manoeuvresare fanatical supporters of his plans because theyexpect to obtain high positions in the new Hitlerarmy. This explains in part the fact that many adven-turers have rallied to his cause. In a time when mak-ing a living is not the easiest of tasks and when thepolitical side of the Hitler movement is enjoying suc-

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cess after success at the ballot-box, this army offersa ray of hope to many who can find nothing else to do .

The question naturally arises : what part will the"S.A." and the "S.S." and the various reserve organ-izations play in the event of military necessity? Out-wardly, the military units are sadly lacking in arms .Whether there are a series of munition-storehousesthroughout the nation is difficult to ascertain.

Although Hitler chants phrases about the legalityof the Nazi movement with the same vehemence char-acterizing Mahatma Gandhi's defense of his non-violence campaign, many observers refuse to placemuch credence in such assertions when the question ofarmaments is considered. Marching battalions of"S.A." troops place one hand in their belts-a sig-nificant reminder that these hands are reserved forcarrying rifles . That the week-end excursions of thestorm-squads are devoted to something more thansport is not even a matter of conjecture.

Rumors have been flying throughout the Reich thatthe Hitlerites possess secret stores of arms, whosetrade-marks bear a suspicious resemblance to thoseof the regular "Reichswehr" equipment. Germans whohave had enough of the misery of war are whisperingabout a German arms manufacturing plant, which issaid to be furnishing the Nazis with arms secretly .Others, who believe that the next war will be foughtin the air, point to the rumor that 75% of the


85

commercial pilots of the Luft-Hansa, many of themwith previous war experience, are loyal followers ofHitler. Recent world-wide publicity about an inde-pendent Nazi air force dedicated to "party propa-ganda" has proved embarrassing to the "BrownHouse."

In the event of civil war the Hitlerites would havea tremendous advantage over the Communists if theycould turn at once to these rumored secret stores of ma-chine guns, rifles and hand grenades . Just what couldbe accomplished against an aroused France-armedto the teeth-is an altogether different question .

In the event of a putsch, an effort to take overthe reins of government by force, the "S.A."-withits present strength-would need the help of eitherthe "Reichswehr," the army of 100,000 men allowedGermany by the Treaty of Versailles, or the efficientlyorganized police. If both are brought against theNational Socialist army, there is no question but thatthe latter would collapse at once, If the Reichswehrremained neutral, which is not at all improbable con-sidering the active propaganda in its ranks by theNational Socialists, the result would be a battle to thefinish between the "S.A." and the police. If the policeremain loyal, they would in all probability maintainthe upper hand . The German police force is totally outof proportion to the required force in a nation duringpeace time. The frequent political clashes, with con-

86


stantly recurring bloodshed, make it imperative thata large, exceptionally well-trained police organizationbe ready for all emergencies. The German "Schupo"(cop) is a splendid physical specimen, fearless andwell able to take care of political rowdies . There is nocorruption in the ranks. Realizing the superiority ofthis force, the National Socialists are attempting toobtain control of the various ministries of the interiorin the separate federal states, so that the police forcemay be "strengthened" by the addition of Hitlerites .If the National Socialists are given a voice in thegovernment, the first office desired is that of theReich's Defense Minister. Control of the "Reichs-wehr," with a view toward a future putsch, is the ever-predominant idea among the party leaders .

The "S.A." is not altogether a completely loyalorganization . Immediately preceding the September1930 Reichstag elections, the "S.A." in Berlin, thenunder the leadership of Hauptmann Stennes, brokeout in open rebellion . For a long time this portion ofHitler's army had protested in vain against the lavishand extravagant habits of various political leaders ofthe party, particularly Dr. Goebbels. The "S.A." mem-bers demanded more money for extra duty during thecoming elections, pointing with anger and a goodmeasure of jealousy at the luxurious office of the"Mausegeneral" and his huge Mercedes automobile .The party had enough to allow its leaders to live like


87

princes, they protested, and at the same time membersof the "S.A." were being tried before a jury withoutadequate legal protection, which should have beenprovided and financed by the party's treasury . Pick-ing an opportune time to present their demands-August 27th-with but a few days remaining beforeelections, the Berlin "S.A." refused all further dutyuntil reforms-to take place immediately-shouldbe promised. Goebbels telegraphed for Hitler at once,who arrived by plane . The party leader attempted toplacate his disgruntled followers, but he perceivedimmediately that he had a difficult task on his hands .He had to do something radical to appease the excitedBerliners. Accordingly, Hauptmann Pfeffer, "Osaf"of the entire "S.A.", was dismissed and Hitler tookthe post himself. This fact, since Pfeffer was exceed-ingly unpopular in the Berlin district, and variousfinancial arrangements, served to placate the rebels .Every National Socialist was taxed an additional20-pfennige (5 cents), the total of which was there-after placed in the "S.A." treasury. Initiation feesfor members were raised from 1 mark (25c) to 2marks, half of which was to go to the military organi-zation. Fifty percent of the net profits of the massmeetings held by the party was promised to the"S.A." Obtaining these liberal concessions, the rebelshastened to inform their chief of their undyingloyalty. Calls of "Heil Hitler!" and "Deutschland

88


erwache" once more rang through the congestedstreets of Berlin and the damnation of Jew money-lenders was preached far and wide . After the electionsscores of great plate-glass windows of the Wertheimand other large department stores were crashed in byyoung rowdies inspired with Germanic fearlessnessand imbued with the desire to demonstrate the supe-riority of pure Nordic blood.

CHAPTER 6

PIIIM1TIVE PRESS

THE Hitler-movement has progressed entirely tooquickly to allow the development of an efficient pressapparatus. Party leaders understand only too wellthat the bombastic methods they have adopted in theeffort to catch the votes of the masses do not workas well with the printed word as with the spoken wordin the fevered atmosphere of a mass-meeting . "Ac-cursed Jews", "the will to live", "the French negrorace", "Nazi steel nerves", "Pfui on the sauwirt-schaft (pig-industry) ", "callous fists", all the favoritecatch-words have more effect on the types of human-ity in the N.S.D .A.P. ranks when yelled from a plat-form by orators with anger-distorted features .

The number of party newspapers suffers in com-parison with that representing other German politicalparties. The Ullstein-Verlag, a newspaper chainadmittedly favoring the Social Democrats and therepublic, commands a circulation of 4,260,000 indaily newspapers, weeklies and monthlies, whereasthe entire National Socialist press scarcely reaches

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a total of 700,000. This fact is significant of the lessimportant part played by the press in the Hitler-movement, which having but one-sixth of the pressinfluence of but one Social Democratic chain com-mands 109 seats in the Reichstag to 143 held by theSocial Democrats.

In 1930 the National Socialists were representedby 12 dailies, 34 weeklies, several monthlies and oneillustrated magazine. At the same time the SocialDemocrats commanded more than 150 dailies, whileeven the Communists were represented by 40 dailies .

The official party paper, the "Volkischer Beobach .ter" ("National Observer"), appears in Munich underthe auspices of Adolf Hitler. Originally an anti-Semitic weekly, the "Miinchener Beobachter" (Mu-nich Observer), it was acquired by the Nazi party in1920 and converted into a daily. After the Hitler-putsch the newspaper was banned. It appeared againin January 1925. To-day it is published in three edi-tions, one for Bavaria, one for Berlin and one forthe Reich. The publishers claim a daily circulationof 165,000. Party leaders often refer to the news-paper as the future "Regierungsorgan" (official gov-ernment newspaper) .

If a majority of the intelligent voters among the6,406,397 who returned 107 mandates in September1930 for the National Socialists were forced to readthe "Volkischer Beobachter" for any length of time,

PRIMITIVE PRESS

91it is doubtful if they would continue to believe thatthe future Germany can only be saved through Hitler .Abuse, insults, accusations, scandals, and naive politi-cal reasoning form the background of this newspaperdedicated to "Freiheit and Brot" (liberty and bread) .An issue picked at random provides plenty of materialfor the "fighters of the National Socialist movementfor a Greater Germany" . Headlines streaming acrossthe front page and underlined in red announce the"Thomas Mann Scandal in Paris" . The great Germanauthor has actually dared to speak in Paris aboutthe possibility of friendship between France and Ger-many, an atrocious monstrosity, "geistiger Landes-verrat" (spiritual treason) ! "Thomas Mann was in-vited by the Jewish and Masonic circles in Paris andcelebrated as a great European and upright republi-can, just as he deserves." An accusation of embezzle-ment of millions in the German Foreign Office is madein flaming headlines . The Jewish press is working tosave the life of Peter Kiirten, the Diisseldorf "Jack-the-Ripper", who has just been sentenced to death .(!)Four complete columns topped by a sensational head-line bring forward the Dreyfus case again, which islabelled a victory of the Jewish money powers againstFrench militarism. German Jews are "Dreyfusards"who speak of "morality" but mean "power" .

On the same side an astonishing "revelation" forthe exclusive benefit of pure-blooded Germans-

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America's film favorites are almost without exception(fast ausnahmlos) Jews, who have understood wellenough how to hide their Jewish ancestry. "For exam-ple, Ricardo Cortez, who appears as a fiery SpanishDon Juan, is really Jacob Krantz of New York ; Rodla Roque is a Jew ; Norman Kerry in really NormanKayser ; Sue Carol, America's spoiled actress, wasformerly Eva Lederer . Nick Stuart was born in Ru-mania as Nikolaus Prate . Douglas Fairbanks, one ofthe best-known film-stars, is really Nicolaus Ullman .Other Jews are Al Jolson, Eddie Cantor, Harry Green,Benny Rubin, Mitzi Green, Joseph Schildkraut,Bobby Gordon, etc."

The report of a Jewish mass-meeting in Breslauaddressed by Police President Weiss of Berlin on thesubject, "National Socialists, Jews and Fatherland,"is headlined "2000 Jews are Afraid of NationalSocialism". A mass-meeting in Berlin addressed byDr. Goebbels is headed "National Socialism is Mod-ern Prussianism" . In fat type : "We stand fast andcourageous always and everywhere, in north, south,east and west. WE ARE THE PRUSSIANS IN GERMANY!The old Prussian phrase 'Ich dien'!' (I serve) hasbeen changed by the government to-day to 'Ich ver-dien'!' (I serve myself) ."

Other headlines feature attacks on Communist mur-derers, on court decisions, on any and every opponent .Reports from the provinces are headed : "WE ARE ACT-

PRIMITIVE PRESS

93

ING-SOON THE HITLER-BANNERS WAVE OVER ALL THE

STREETS-RESTLESSLY FORWARD!!" A sporting sec-tion and industrial news broadcast the Nazi sport pro-gram and the new industrial order . Eight pages ofprimitive journalism calculated to catch and hold theattention of Nazi supermen, the cream of all races!

Most of the newspapers representing the Hitler-movement are local newspapers which were so close toruin that something had to be done in order to con-tinue publication. The up-and-coming Nazi party pro-vided a splendid opportunity to save the falteringeditors. Several new newspapers have also beenfounded, the most important being "Der Angriff"(The Attack), an evening tabloid published in Berlinby Dr. Goebbels "Fur die Unterdriickten" (For theOppressed) and "Gegen die Ausbeuter" (Against theProfiteers) . Goebbels is distinguished by the factthat he invariably goes twice as far as any of hiscomrades . His tabloid is, if anything, twice as sensa-tional as the "Volkischer Beobachter". At the presentwriting the newspaper is leading a "Zweimonatsplan!"(two-months-plan), an effort to double the partymembership in Berlin within two months . The entiremake-up of "Der Angriff" mirrors Goebbels' person-ality. Every day new catch-words : "Think of theWounded S.A. Soldiers!" "Remember the S .A.Prisoners!" "We are Attacking! Our Weapon-theTwo-Months-Plan!" "Help To-day, not To-morrow!"

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A recent sensation for this particular newspaper wasthe verdict sentencing Goebbels to jail for two monthsfor libel .

Every district of the party has its own local news-paper, generally named "Beobachter" in connectionwith the name of the district . Weekly papers carrysuch names as "Der Streiter" (The Fighter), "DieFlamme" (The Flame), "Der Eisenhammer" (TheIron-Hammer), "Der Adler" (The Eagle), "DerStiirmer" (The Stormer), "Der Freiheitskampfer"(The Fighter for Liberty) and "Die Diktatur" (TheDictator) .

The press plays a secondary role in the Hitler-movement, which owes its success to spoken propa-ganda, iron discipline and efficient organization . Partyleaders point to the fact that the Liberals gained powerin England in spite of the opposition of a host ofConservative newspapers altogether out of proportionto the few representing the Liberals . The Nazis havemade but one organized effort to found a press organ-ization. This attempt, engineered by the Strasserbrothers, resulted in failure after the dispute betweenOtto Strasser and Hitler. Since then National Socialistnewspapers have sprung up like mushrooms, withoutrhyme or reason, all over the Reich .

The "Deutschnationale Volkspartei", the GermanNationalists, have always looked with a certainamount of favor upon Hitler and his aspirations . The

PRIMITIVE PRESS

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Fascist leader is looked upon as the supreme reac-tionary, whose aims in many cases coincide with thoseof the Nationalists . For this reason the newspaper-king Hugenberg has long adopted a favorable attitudeto the Hitler-movement. Activities of the Nazis areprominently featured in the Hugenberg chain andeditorial comment finds much worthy of praise inHitler's party. With the Nationalists it is a case ofcommitting slow suicide, since thousands of partymembers have been influenced by the Hugenberg atti-tude in stepping further right into the ranks of theNazis. Without doubt the influence of Hugenberg'snewspapers is equal to or surpasses that of Hitler'sown primitive publications .

According to the Hitlerites, the German press ispoisoned by a press owned or controlled by Jews . The"Berliner Tageblatt" and the "Frankfurter Zeitung",two of the best-known German newspapers, are theparticular objects of Nazi hatred because of theirJewish sympathies .

CHAPTER 7

"PROPAGANDA WIE DER AMERIHANER

ES MACHT!"

LEADER of the propaganda organization of theparty is Dr. Goebbels, the Berlin "Gauleiter" (sec-tion-leader), who is depended upon to attract millionsof votes through an intensive advertising campaign .This little man with his remarkable energy is respon-sible for much of the success already obtained by theNazis. Energetic, quick-witted, convincing, he pos-sesses many qualities necessary for successful lead-ership. He is able to formulate quickly mottoescalculated to attract attention, and then drill them intothe minds of his subordinates. "Mit den Augen derMasse sehen-das ist das ganze Ratsel der erfol-greichen Propaganda!" (See with the eyes of themasses-that is the whole puzzle of successful prop-aganda!)

Goebbels has organized the Nazi propaganda intpfour parts : 1. Through the written word ; 2. throughthe spoken word ; 3. through parades ; 4. throughcultural (sic!) arrangements . The written word pro-claiming party principles is broadcast through stick-

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"PROPAGANDA WIE DER AMERIKANER ES MACHT" 97

ers, hand-bills, pamphlets, party newspapers andbooks, local organization publications, placards, rub-ber stamps, foreign newspapers, post-cards, paperand flannel pennants, movie slides, etc. Importantstress is placed on the stickers, which used oftenenough remain as a steady reminder to indifferentparty members . The favorite symbol on the stickers isthe "Hakenkreuz" (swastika), symbol of an anti-Semite crusade . "Every member of the party," saysGoebbels, "should carry such stickers with him . Onecan work with them quickly and without being dis-covered (!) . Continual drops of water will wearthrough stone ." Hand-bills are only of importanceif they bear texts other than ones advertising a futuremeeting, since the latter are invariably thrown awaybefore a complete reading . An effective text used is :"National Socialists buy only in German shops . Themiddle-class reads its newspaper: `Volkischer Beo-bachter'." Local organizations are urged to use thedrawings of the caricaturist Mjolnir, who usuallyrepresents the National Socialist as a strong heroicman crushing a tiny Jew distinguished by curly hairand aquiline nose. Hand-bills should be pasted onpoles and other convenient places all over a town atthe same time . The inscription must be the same, butdifferent colors are advised. The text should beselected from : "Against Marxism and Reaction-theNational Socialists!For Liberty and Bread-

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HITLERISM: THE IRON FIST IN GERMANYthe National Socialists!Your Greeting-HailHitler!Out from the Old Corpse-Parties--onwith the National Socialists!Become a NationalSocialist-Everything else is Dung!" The hand-billsare to be pasted so that they cannot be torn awayeasily. "It takes a lot of cleverness to get away withsuch work, besides it is forbidden by the police" isGoebbels' advice.

Pamphlets written by party members should be ina "rough manner" (in derber Weise) when meantfor distribution in workers' districts. Flaming head-lines must be used if attention is to be attracted .Party newspapers are to be sent to all members. It isexpected that party members will ask for Nazi news-papers at all cafes, railway stations and news-stands,so that demand will be created . Newspapers alreadyread are to be left "by chance" ("zufallig") in rail-way-trains, street-cars, cafes, stores where the Nazitrades, in the reception rooms of physicians and den-tists, in barber-shops, etc . Pamphlets must be distrib-uted to persons hurrying to catch trains, not to thosearriving, since the former will have time to read thetext while the latter often throw them away . Theymust be given to workers before and not after workinghours, so that they can be read and discussed duringmeal hours . Every mail box must contain a Nazi pam-phlet on Sunday morning, "so that the citizen canread it at his ease with his coffee" .


Placards must be in the same style so that all Naziswill recognize an announcement at once. Party mem-bers are advised to carry rubber stamps inscribedwith Hitlerisms around with them . They can be usedeverywhere. Advertisements for newspapers must beshort and attractive. For instance : "1 . THE ATTACK!2. WHEN IS THE ATTACK COMING? 3 . THE `ATTACK',

THE GERMAN MONDAY NEWSPAPER ."

Special Nazi stamps are sold everywhere and usedon letters and post-cards . By this means the entirepropaganda system is financed . Post-cards showingpictures of party leaders are to be used wheneverpossible. "Even the republican mail-carrier will beinfluenced by this method". Huge banners and pen-nants bearing mottoes are to be used at meetings .Slides at local movie houses are advised . The firstNazi tone-film is now being produced in Berlin .

Advertising through the written word is closelyallied with advertising through the spoken word .Various methods in spoken propaganda are advisedby Goebbels : 1. Individual talks ; 2. evening discus-sions; 3. mass-meetings ; 4. organized yelling. Theindividual talks have always remained the bestmethod of obtaining votes because of the "inner con-tact". During the evening discussion, members of theparty are expected to further their own knowledgeof party aims . Each local organization is expected toarrange at least two a month. Party members who

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show especial ability in speaking at these eveningdiscussions are to be used in larger meetings whennecessary. Meetings must be carried out withoutregard to the number of visitors in the audience ; theprestige of the party is never to be sacrificed by can-cellation of a scheduled meeting .

The mass-meeting is the most important of all Nazipropaganda. Themes to be discussed must be suchas to attract the masses ; "sensational current events,Jewish or Marxian scandals,-mainly political scan-dals which will attract the masses through anger inhopes of hearing a sensation or learning somethingthat might be of use in bettering their financial posi-tions". Contact with the masses must not be lost by toointelligent political themes . The Nazi storm-squadsmust always appear at all mass-meetings to "protect"the speakers . A number of individual "S.A." men areto be placed among the audience in order to locateany Communist disturbance at once . The chairmanof the meeting must not speak longer than 3 to 5 min-utes at the beginning and the end of the meeting .Every member of the party is expected to attend ascheduled mass-meeting. The mass-meeting must beclosed with a cheer for National Socialism and AdolfHitler .

Organized yelling squads are expected to informthe public of the presence of Nazi followers. Shortsentences such as "Deutschland erwache!" and "Heil

"PROPAGANDA WIE DERAMERIKANER ES MACHT" 101

Hitler!" yelled in unison and accompanied by auto-horns or other noise-making devices are preferred tostrike terror into enemy hearts . The yelling squadsmust be composed of courageous youths, "die gege-benenfalls nicht in unangenehme Lagen kommen"(who can be trusted to take care of themselves) .

Propaganda through parades is left to the discretionof the local party organizations. Iron discipline in thetrue Prussian sense is the keynote here .

Propaganda through cultural arrangements isimitative of the Russian ideas. The Nazis expect toproduce films such as the Russian "Potemkin". TheGermanic heroes will be prominently featured in thenew films. National Socialist theatres have been organ-ized in various larger cities with the purpose ofspreading the pure Germanic "Kultur" (civilization) .

ALTHOUGH Goebbels has been in charge of partypropaganda for the last few years, the real instigatorof the system is Hitler himself . Now that he is occu-pied with ideas, program and leadership, it is neces-sary to place the responsibility for advertising uponsomeone else's shoulders . Hitler's view of the impor-tance of propaganda in his political system has re-mained one of the backgrounds of the movement. Thepropaganda methods he has adopted are somethingnew in German political history . The Germans are a

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sentimental, impressionable folk . Thus the highlyorganized advertising system has struck a responsivechord among the masses . Hitler preaches that propa-ganda must be popular and must be made to suit theintelligence of the persons to whom it is directed .The end must be held in view without regard to themeans. In order to attract the vote of the stupidest ofhis hearers, the Nazi speaker is expected to hammerstupidities and platitudes into his head . The level ofintelligence is to be measured at the lowest point. Themasses are important in that they hold the key topower. For every intelligent head there are ten stupidones whose votes banded together suffice to attainthe desired end. Intelligent reasoning, according toHitler, has no place among the modern masses . Henceit follows that a majority can only be secured througharousing the masses through enthusiasm and wildimpulsive suggestion. The working man must be givenno time to think ; his emotions must be kept excitedthrough rosy pictures of the future and throughfanatical opposition to the present government . Hemust be blindfolded and coaxed along, led by his noseinto the Hitler fold . How else can a political adven-turer obtain power?

After the victory on September 14, 1930, Hitler,radiantly happy and grandiloquently formulatingnew phrases, announced to the party that 70,000 meet-ings in all parts of Germany were to be arranged


immediately . Although a bit exaggerated, it is certainthat the campaign which followed exceeded anythingof its kind ever attempted in the Reich before. Thebattle of the streets which came soon won control forthe Nazis . The party continues its advertising methodsto-day and is fast approaching the forefront amongall German political parties .

The propaganda system is intended to keep alivethe spirit of revolution among the Nazis . Anyone canwait, is the principle. In order to obtain demands anunbroken march forward is a vital necessity . Awakenpassion, wrath, anger, organize hate and despair,through "so-called" legal methods . "The revolu-tionary must know everything! He must do every-thing! He must never let the masses remain quiet untilhe has obtained power." According to Hitler it is noteven necessary to allow truth to be the basis of prop-aganda. He admits frankly that the truth might be onthe side of the opponent and as such cannot serve hisown aims. Propaganda must place emphasis upon allthat will in the long run prove valuable to the partyspreading the propaganda. Sensations, scandals,promises, give the public what it wants and the publicwill give us what we want! The saviours of Germanyat work!

CHAPTER 8

AND THE MONEY?

ONE of the first necessities of a political organiza-tion is money. Without it a political idea remains aninteresting subject of conversation, which, if it gets tothe masses at all, will take decades of snail-like prop-aganda efforts. Hitler-like all political adventurersin a hurry-has struck upon a combination that hasworked wonders in loosening the purse-strings of allkinds of people, from the modest laborer who countsevery spare pfennig to the capitalists who can affordto give millions. His loud and uncompromising oppo-sition to internationalism, pacifism, parliamentarismand the Jewish "plague" is enough to attract rabidsupporters everywhere .

The National Socialist party machine requires asteady stream of funds to cover the enormous expenseof maintaining its huge propaganda system as well asits military organization, the "Sturmabteilung" . Fi-nancial contributions must increase with the constantextension of the network of local organizationsthroughout Germany and Austria . The flow of gold

104

AND THE MONEY?

105

has not been disappointing to Hitler and his cohorts,who now command more ready funds than any otherpolitical party in Germany, not excepting the SocialDemocrats. It is difficult to ascertain the individualsbacking Hitler-most of them prefer to remain in thedarkbut the general sources are obvious .

During the inflation of the mark in 1923 Bavarianindustrialists were in a panic. It seemed for a whilethat a Communist revolution would transform Bavariainto a new Bolshevist state. When Hitler and hisnewly-formed party came to the fore as the mostemphatic protector of Germany against the Bolshevistmenace, the capitalists began to open their pocket-books with devout gratitude and showered the Na-tional Socialists with money . This in spite of Hitler'spronounced opposition to capitalism! The industrial-ists figured that Hitler's program points aimed at theirown system were nothing more than bait for themasses. At any rate they looked upon Bolshevism asthe deeper danger of the two . As a natural result theHitler movement thrived . All during the inflationperiod, when other political parties had all they coulddo to keep their heads above water, the Hitleritesabounded in funds . While other political leaderswere trying to figure their losses in millions of marks,Hitler-the guardian angel of Bavaria against thereds-remained in Munich and collected funds con-tributed in dollars by German-Americans, in francs

106


from supporters in Switzerland, in gulden from Hol-land, etc .

Then came the crash through the premature No-vember putsch. With the reorganization in 1925 fundsbegan to flow in again. The party program with itsmagnificent hash of so-called evils proved irresist-ible. Contributions showered and are still coming in .Capitalists frightened by the spectre of Bolshevism ;nationalists who see in Hitler the dictator of a new,powerful Germany ; fanatical anti-Semites from allparts of the world who believe in this new religiouscrusade ; workingmen looking for something better(just as laborers have been looking for better condi-tions for centuries and centuries) ; former officers whowant to revel once again in the glory of a militaristicGermany ; the middle-class merchants oppressed bytaxes until they despair of any improvement underthe present government ; all are digging down cheer-fully into their pockets .

Hitler preaches that his movement is altogethernational. Germany for the Germans! The other nationsof the world are only of interest in so far as they canhelp the German fatherland. It is significant that allmoney offered from foreign countries is promptlyaccepted with thanks. An interesting question iswhether the Fascist Hitler has received or receivesany financial aid from Italy .

AND THE MONEY?

107

A CERTAIN source of income-the various feescharged members of the party. Each new membermust pay 2 marks (50c) as a registration fee and duesof "at least" 1 mark (25c) a month . Members whocan afford more are expected to pay more than theminimum allowed. Besides this each new member ispledged to pay "einen einmaligen freiwilligen Werbe-beitrag" (a single voluntary enlistment contribution),as well as 30-pfennige (7c) each month for the insur-ance fund of the "S.A." When funds for specialpurposes are needed, such as for the purchase or con-struction of party headquarters, a "special tax" isplaced upon each member at the will of Hitler . Sinceblind obedience is one of the most important princi .ples of the party, it is not expected that objections beoffered to such arbitrary orders .

The "S.A.", the military organization of the party,is its most expensive proposition . The members areexpected to buy their uniforms themselves, but alwaysfrom the Nazi quartermaster. The weekly "sportingexercises", for which the men are paid small amounts,act as a financial drain. If unable to obtain food fromvillagers along the way, the local organization mustfurnish the men with meals. It is obvious that theseweekly exercises requiring automobiles, campingequipment and food could not be arranged withoutadequate financial backing. After the revolt of theBerlin "S.A." in the summer of 1930, Hitler awarded

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HITLERISM: THE IRON FIST IN GERMANYthe military organization 50% of all future reg-istration-fees and profits of the ordnance-department,where all uniforms, literature and party insignia aresold. Besides this, he ordered a special tax of 30-pfennige on each member for the insurance fund ofthe "S.A." Hundreds of "S.A." men are injuredyearly in battles with the Communists, some evenfatally. When unable to work, the injured "S.A."members receive a pension from the party organiza-tion. The treasury is also forced to take care of thelegal defense and court costs of all "S.A." membersaccused of disturbing the peace, manslaughter ormurder. On election days the Hitler-soldiers mustbe paid for their services in "keeping order" .

In the future Third Reich "Zinsknechtschaft" (in-terest servitude) is to be broken . The economicprinciple of interest paid for the use of money is tobe calmly brushed aside. Yet .when the treasury of theparty is low Hitler authorizes a "Zwangsanleihe"(forced loan) upon the part of every member, theloan to be returned with 1/2°Jo interest at the end ofone year. This policy has proven a very favorable onefor the party, which would have to pay anywherefrom 6 to 15 17o for private loans . It is interesting tonote how quickly Hitler sweeps aside all programdemands when they conflict with financial interests .

Another source of income-the profits returnedfrom the thousands of mass-meetings held in the larger

AND THE MONEY?

109

cities. When the better-known leaders-Hitler, Goeb-bels, Frick, Count Reventlow, Gregor Strasser-speak, thousands turn out to witness the oratoricalfireworks. Every Nazi is expected to attend these mass-meetings. The price of admittance ranges anywherefrom 50-pfennige (12c) to 2-marks (50c) . The "Er-werbslose" (unemployed) are graciously furnishedtickets at a cheaper rate. Because of the sensationalpropaganda tactics of the party, thousands of curiouspersons flock to these mass-meetings . The centraltreasury at Munich usually benefits by these meetings,which provide large profits .

The campaign for money is well organized. Hitlerand other party leaders travel throughout the Reichmeeting small groups of capitalists and declaring Na-tional Socialist principles and aims . The politicalsituation is portrayed as a battle to the end againstthe terror on the left . The capitalists are reminded thatthey had better give while there is a chance, if theywould save their own necks .

There has been much speculation as to whetherHitler receives any backing from American individ-uals or industrial enterprises having branches in theReich. It has been said that a prominent Americanautomobile manufacturer, long known for his anti-Semitic feeling, for years has been giving large sumsto encourage the Hitler cause . In this connection it ispeculiar to observe that a surprisingly large number

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HITLERISM: THE IRON FIST IN GERMANYof this manufacturer's German agents are active in theNazi movement . An exclusive New York social organi-zation, composed chiefly of a group of old German-Americans, is said to have contributed secretly, aswell as several wealthy German-American families inthe Mid-West, whose wealth was accumulated beforeProhibition. American business concerns in Germany,branches of world-wide organizations, are said to havegiven to the Hitler cause in the hope that they mightnot be disturbed under a Hitler regime .

Funds from Germans in Mexico, Brazil, Argentine,Paraguay and other countries flow in to the Hitlercoffers, it is reported . A former huge German indus-trial enterprise still has remnants all over the world ;these individual organizations are said to have helpedHitler financially. All these organizations naturallyprefer secrecy in their dealings with the "BrownHouse."

CHAPTER 9

HAHENSSEUZ AND CATHOLICISM

NATIONAL SOCIALIST leaders believe that "thepower of Rome is digging itself into the German flesh,slowly and painlessly, but with dismal certainty" .Alfred Rosenberg especially has exhibited a fanaticalhatred against the Catholic Church in his book "DerMythus des 20. Jahrhunderts" (The Myth of the 20thCentury) . But Rosenberg's arguments fell upon deafears among other leaders, who although personallyagreeing with his views, saw too much of a dangerin combating so powerful a force . He was promptlysquelched .

The nationalist doctrine preaches that all "iiber-staatliche Machte" (powers above the state) are con-sidered as inimical to eventual German liberty.Rosenberg insisted that Catholicism as another powerabove the state must be considered in the same hostilelight as the Jews and Free Masons, that Catholicismas a political power in Germany must be destroyed .But here he struck the iron, dictatorial will of Hitler.

Hitler, himself raised in the Catholic faith, does not111

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HITLERISM: THE IRON FIST IN GERMANYwish a quarrel with Rome for other reasons. He under-stands that Germany, although strictly speaking aProtestant nation, has felt the influence of Romethroughout its history. All attempts to stamp outCatholicism as a political power have ended in miser-able failure . Hitler is willing to sacrifice his nationalprinciples. His own power is more important as anend than the mere maintenance of his principles . Herealizes the impossibility of obtaining the desiredpower if he inaugurates a crusade against Catholicismas well as against the Jews. Little can be accomplishedif he alienates the sympathies of millions of Catholicsin Germany and Austria who are willing to back himas long as he keeps his terroristic activities away fromthe direction of Rome . The real Hitler here. It isbetter to wave an olive-branch and entice the Catholicvote. The wisdom of his policy is evident when Luden-dorff's "Tannenbergbund" is considered . After desert-ing the National Socialist ranks, Ludendorff foundedhis own organization, which is attempting to convinceGermany of the Jewish, Masonic and Catholic perilthrough "moral persuasion" rather than through anorganized political party. If anything, Ludendorff'sparticular aim is directed against Rome, which hesees as the greatest enemy of all. With but 30,000members, Ludendorff's organization has been out-distanced by Hitler's party. Bitter opposition toCatholicism in Germany will not pay in the long run .

HAKENKREUZ AND CATHOLICISM

113As usual Hitler remains conveniently on the fence .

He does not wish to alienate either the Catholic or theanti-Catholic . "There are indeed many priests," hesays, "who use their holy office as a means to furthertheir political ambitions, those who in a more thanobjectionable manner forget in political battles thatthey are the protectors of a higher truth and notrepresentatives of falsehood and slander ; but forevery such unworthy one there are more than thou-sands of honorable priests, savers of souls, true totheir mission, who stand out in the false and depravedswamps of the present like tiny inspiring islands ."He does not want to mix in religious affairs. "Thepolitical leader must never touch the religious doc-trines and traditions of his people (!) ; when he doeshe places himself in the category of a reformer ratherthan a politician!" The worst enemy of the Germanpeople is international Communism ; the duty of Na-tional Socialism is to stamp out this evil . He does notwish to be drawn into a battle against Catholicism ."It is in the interest of the Jews that the Germanpeople be bled in a religious battle (against Cathol-icism) . . . . It will always be a most important dutyof leaders of the National Socialist movement toprevent the party being drawn into such a fight, toprovide the sharpest front against these efforts andto dismiss immediately from the party all those guiltyof spreading such propaganda ."

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HITLERISM: THE IRON FIST IN GERMANYHitler's overtures towards Catholicism have re-

ceived no particular recognition from the CentreParty, the organized political Catholicism, with 4,126,-983 votes and 68 seats in the Reichstag . For years theCentre Party has been taking a part in the governmentin coalition with the Social Democrats . Catholic politi-cal leaders have openly named Hitler and his move-ment as enemies of religion and church .

The Catholic power in Germany is too strong sincethe foundation of the Centre Party . During the warof 1870 the Vatican Council decreed the doctrine ofpapal infallibility, which Bismarck interpreted as anattempt upon the part of the Pope to mingle in theinternal affairs of Germany. The outbreak of theFranco-Prussian War in the summer of 1870 forcedthe issue into the background. Returning from thebrilliant victory over the French, Bismarck foundhimself face to face with a new party-the Centre-recruited mainly from the south German states, andstanding in more or less open opposition to Bismarck'sdesire to maintain a strong centralized government .These German Catholics were bitter because Bismarckhad not aided to reestablish the temporal rule of thePope in Italy, while Bismarck accused the new partyof attempting to stir up trouble with Italy . Soon thedifferences approached a serious point . In 1872 Bis-marck started his "Kulturkampf" (struggle for civili-zation) by expelling the Jesuits from Germany. Two

HAKENKREUZ AND CATHOLICISM

115years later the "May Laws" were enacted in Prussia,under which no one other than a German could holdoffice in the Catholic Church and all ecclesiasticalseminaries were abolished . A sharp conflict ensuedwith Bismarck on one side and the German bishopsand the Pope on the other. Anti-clerical legislationresulted in the imprisonment of bishops and the clos-ing of more than a thousand parishes .

For seven years Bismarck carried on his campaign .The repressive measures resulted in a wave of indigna-tion among Catholics throughout Germany . Theybanded together in 1874 and returned the CentreParty with 1,443,000 votes. Towards the end of theseventies Bismarck noted that Socialism was spread-ing throughout his reactionary Reich . Considering ita greater danger than the Catholic evil, he suddenlybacked out of his war against Rome and abandonedthe anti-clerical legislation. The Chancellor knew wellenough when he was defeated . Although neverabandoning his own opposition to Catholicism-inlater life he often mentioned the fact that his viewswere unchanged he considered it a political ex,pedient to recognize its power. Sledge-hammer blowsdirected at Rome were of no avail, a lesson whicheven the great Bismarck was forced to learn .

The "Kulturkampf" and the subsequent Catholicvictory, as well as the permanently solidified CentreParty, remain portions of German history which are

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HITLERISM: THE IRON FIST IN GERMANYunderstood by Hitler and his fellow leaders . It isfutile to hope for power if the program contains apositive anti-Catholic plank when German politicalhistory shows that so effective a government as thatcreated by Bismarck came out second-best in a strug-gle with Rome.

CHAPTER 10TREASON?

THE "Reichswehr" is a military force of 100,000men allowed Germany by the Treaty of Versailles .The most effective modern weapons of warfare-tanks, planes and heavy artillery-are prohibited inthe peace dictated by the victor nations . In spite ofthis handicap, Germany has taken full advantage ofthe proportionally tiny army at her command . The"Reichswehr" consists of 100,000 model soldiers,every one of whom might be an officer in the armyof other nations where compulsory military servicebrings in hundreds of thousands of misfits .

From the moment of its creation this military bodyhas been under the influence of an undisguised na-tional spirit. The political parties dedicated to themaintenance of the republic, the Social Democrats,the Catholic Centre and the Democrats, have alwayslooked with suspicion upon the national guard whichis supposed to be a strictly neutral body . They rea-soned that in the midst of the political strugglestaking place in Germany, the officers and men of the

117

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HITLERISM: THE IRON FIST IN GERMANY"Reichswehr" must be the neutral support of the gov-ernment. This lack of confidence was furthered whenthe "Reichswehr" General von Liittwitz and otherofficers from the old military organization took aleading part in the unsuccessful Kapp-putsch. It soonbecame evident that the "Reichswehr" sympathizedwith the various political-military bodies organizedafter the war, particularly with the "Stahlhelm"(Steel-helmets) and the "Deutsche Offiziersbund"(German Officers' Alliance) . Supporters of the re-public even professed to see in the "Reichswehr" abody favorable to the restoration of the Hohenzollern .

If Hitler is to obtain control of the governmentby force it is necessary that he obtain the moral andactual support of the "Reichswehr". His sad ex-perience during the 1923 beer-hall putsch in Munichhas been a bitter lesson . Although thousands of cadetsin training had then flocked to his banners, the deser-tion of the Reichswehr Divisionskommandeur Generalvon Lossow made a farce of his contemplated marchon Berlin and ended in bloodshed. He is taking nomore chances. If a revolution takes place he wantsto be sure of his men this time . They must be suchzealous followers of his cause that his orders willbe followed if necessary. The lessons of the FrenchRevolution and the Revolution of 1848-49 in Franceand the Germanies testify eloquently to the importanceof a national guard to a revolutionary movement .

TREASON?

119The attempts of the Reichswehrminister General

Groener, head of the army, to stamp out National So-cialist propaganda in the ranks and among the officerswere at first without success, although every effort wasmade to discover those who were responsible for thepropaganda work. Finally it was discovered that threeyoung officers in the 5th Artillery Regiment at Ulm,Oberleutnant Wendt and Leutnants Scheringer andLudin, had attempted to get in touch with the partyheadquarters of the National Socialists in Munich witha view towards spreading Nazi propaganda among theranks of the "Reichswehr" . Although they protestedthat their efforts were directed purely by personalinitiative and without the knowledge of party leaders,the three young officers were arrested in their barracksand ordered to stand trial .

The lower courts found the defendants guilty, butthere was no doubt that the case would reach the"Reichsgericht" (Supreme Court) in Leipzig . AllGermany soon became divided into two hostile camps .One side insisted passionately that the officers wereloyal supporters of the fatherland, interested onlyin the freedom of the German people, while the otherside argued just as vehemently that their actions couldonly be interpreted as treason to the existing govern-ment. Flaming headlines in newspapers in every Ger-man city kept interest at a fever heat .

The case reached the highest court just after the

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HITLERISM: THE IRON FIST IN GERMANYsensational victory of the Hitlerites at the September1930 elections . The officers were defended by HansFrank II, chief counsel of the National Socialist partyand a man gifted with brilliant oratorical powers .Wendt, Scheringer and Ludin admitted their na-tionalistic feelings and asserted that any loyal officerwould act as they did if he really had the welfare ofthe nation at heart . A series of witnesses indicatedthat the accused were guilty of the charges placedagainst them-that of agitating among the "Reichs-wehr" for the National Socialists. Frank's defense wasbased upon the assumption that it would be a shameto convict three officers of such sterling qualities whodesired nothing more than to help the fatherland .

When it was decided to call Hauptmann von Pfeffer,leader of the "Sturmabteilung", and Hitler to thewitness stand, the scene developed into a dramareminiscent of the Dreyfus trials in Paris . The public,composed mostly of National Socialist sympathizers,greeted the young officers and the party leaders withbravo-calls . Von Pfeffer informed the court in amatter-of-fact way that the National Socialist Partyand the "Reichswehr" both had one end in view-thedefense of the German people . According to his logicthere was no reason why they could not work together .

The case reached a dramatic climax when Hitlerwas called as a witness. Fresh from the politicaltriumph that had brought him into the spotlight, he

TREASON?

121

stepped jauntily to the stand and attempted to makea joke of his inquisitors. In a loud tone he informedthe court that he was not so foolish as to attempt todestroy the value of the "Reichswehr" ; on the con-trary he expected to transform it into a national armyas soon as he came into power. He pointed out thatcommands had been given to his own semi-militaryorganization, the "S .A." to avoid carrying of weapons,that the military exercises of this body were carriedout without guns and that any member guilty of carry-ing a concealed weapon was immediately expelledfrom the party. The chief justice of the SupremeCourt then asked Hitler if he intended to come intopower through a revolution or through legal methods.Flushed by his victory at the polls and confident ofthe future, Hitler answered that it would not be neces-sary to obtain the reins of government by force ; ina few years 35,000,000 out of 40,000,000 Germanvoters will have flocked to his party. With this abso-lute majority he expected to rule Germany. One cannotlabel this treason . He was then asked if he couldexplain a statement he had once made in a speechthat "one day the heads of the 'November-traitors'will roll" . The witness answered that this prophecywill undoubtedly be realized ; after the victory of hisparty heads are certainly going to roll, but only afterthe legal death verdicts of a new Supreme Court .

The three officers were sentenced to imprisonment

122


for a year and a half. It would have been impossiblefor a self-respecting state to acquit the accused ."Deutschland fiber alles!" and Nazi songs and shoutsrang in the ears of the young officers as they were ledaway .

The trial marked an important milestone in theHitler movement . The leader declared under oath thathe intended to obtain power legally. The original in-tention of his party-the march on Berlin and theviolent overthrow of the government in imitation ofMussolini's march on Rome-has been laid asidegently now that he realizes that apparently the sameend can be obtained through the ballot. The astonish-ing success of his party at the polls, the indisputablefact that his movement will soon be the strongest politi-cal party in Germany have convinced Hitler that itmight perhaps be better to bide his time. The settingof the "Reichswehr" trial provided an admirablebackground for informing the world that he will at-tempt no more beer-hall fiascos .

CHAPTER I I

e°R7E DEMAND . . :

THE program of the National Socialist GermanWorkers' Party, composed by Adolf Hitler and Gott-fried Feder, was first read at a mass-meeting in the"Hofbrauhaus-Festsaal" in Munich on February 25,1920, for the benefit of party followers . On the pre-ceding day, February 24th, it had been adopted unani-mously by party leaders . Following is a translation ofthe program with an introduction signifying its un-alterable character :

"The program of the German Workers Party isdedicated to the present . The party leaders refuse toestablish new aims with the sole purpose of allowingthe development of the party through artificiallyaroused discontent of the masses after the aims ofthis program have been achieved .

"1. We demand the union of all Germans in aGreater Germany according to the right of self-de-termination .

"2. We demand for the German people equalitywith all other nations, abolition of the peace treatiesof Versailles and St. Germain.

123

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HITLERISM: THE IRON FIST IN GERMANY"3 . We demand land and ground (colonies) for

the sustenance of our people and settlements for ouroverpopulation .

"4. A citizen (Staatsbiirger) can be only onesuited,to the state (Volksgenosse) . The latter can beonly one who has German blood, without regard toconfession. No Jew therefore can be a person suited tothe state.

"5. Anyone not a citizen can live in Germany onlyas a guest and must remain under legislation forforeigners .

"6. Only the citizen has the right to determine theguidance and legislation of the state. Therefore wedemand that every public office, no matter what kind,whether in the Reich, state or county, be filled onlyby citizens .

"We oppose the corrupt parliamentary system offilling office according to party points of view withoutregard to character and ability .

"7. We demand that the state be obliged first ofall to give the citizen a chance to earn his livelihood .If it is not possible to sustain the entire population ofthe country, citizens of foreign nations (Nicht-Staats-burger) are to be deported .

"8. Further immigration of non-Germans is to beprohibited. We demand that all non-Germans who haveimmigrated to Germany since August 2, 1914, beforced to leave the Reich immediately .

"WE DEMAND . . ."

125

"9. Every citizens must be accorded equal rightsand duties.

"10. The first duty of a citizen is to work withhands or head. The activity of the individual must notoffend the interests of the whole but must on the con-trary benefit all .

"11. Therefore we demand the abolition of in-comes received without work, the BREAKING OF INTER-

EST-SERVITUDE (Zinsknechtschaft) ."12. In consequence of the huge sacrifice of prop-

erty and blood, which every war demands of a people,all wealth achieved through the war must be regardedas criminal. We demand therefore complete confisca-tion of all war profits ."13 . We demand government ownership (Verstaat-

lichung) of all trusts (Vergesellschafteten Betriebe) ."14. We demand profit-sharing (Gewinnbeteili-

gung) in all large industrial enterprises ."15. We demand a comprehensive development of

the old-age pension system ."16. We demand the creation and maintenance of

a healthy middle-class, immediate placing on a coop-erative basis (Kommunalisierung) of the large depart-ment stores and their lease to small tradesmen atinexpensive rents, maximum consideration for thesmaller tradesmen in the purchase of supplies by thegovernment, states and counties .

"17. We demand a ground-reform (Bodenreform)

126


suited to our national needs, the passing of legislationallowing the expropriation of land without compensa-tion to be used for the common welfare of the people .Abotition of land-interest (Bodenzinses) and preven-tion of speculation in land (Bodenspekulation) .

"18. We demand a battle to the end against thosewho injure the interests of the community throughtheir activities. Common thieves, usurers, profiteersare to be punished by death, without regard to con-fession or race.

"19. We demand the substitution of a Germancommon law for the materialistic Roman law dedi-cated to world-rule (Weltordnung) .

"20. In order to make possible for every capableand diligent German the achieving of higher educationand the chance of becoming a successful leader, thegovernment is pledged to improve thoroughly ourentire system of public education . The teaching meth-ods of every educational institution must take intoaccount the demands of practice as well as theory . Thecomprehension of citizenship must be taught in thelower grades . We demand the education of particu-larly promising children of poor parents throughscholarships given by the state without regard to classor vocation of the parents .

"21. The state is responsible for improvement inhealth conditions among the people, especially throughprotection of mother and child, through prevention of

"WE DEMAND . . ."

127

child-labor, through compulsory physical education,and through greatest support of all organizations de-voted to health improvement among the youth .

"22. We demand the abolition of the mercenarytroops (Soldnertruppe) and the formation of a na-tional army (Volksheer) .

"23. We demand a legislative battle against con-scious political falsehoods and their diffusion throughthe press. In order to make possible the creation of aGerman press, we demand that

"a) All editors and co-workers of newspapers ap-pearing in the German language must be persons suitedto the state (Volksgenosse) ;

"b) Non-German newspapers must have the per-mission of the government in order to appear. Theymust not be published in the German language ;

"c) Legislation must prohibit the financial partici-pation of non-Germans in German newspapers ; if thisbe disregarded the guilty newspaper will be bannedand the non-Germans immediately deported .

"Newspapers that disturb the tranquillity of thecommunity are to be forbidden . We demand a legis-lative battle against all artistic and literary tendencieswhich have a destructive influence upon the nationallife, and the closing of all institutions encouragingsuch tendencies .

"24. We demand freedom for all religious con-

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HITLERISM: THE IRON FIST IN GERMANYfessions in the state, in so far as these confessions donot offend the morality of the German race .

"The party as such represents the point of view ofa positive Christianity, without binding itself to anyparticular confession . It opposes the Jewish material-istic spirit in and around us and is convinced that thelasting convalescence (Genesung) of our people canonly follow on the principle : common welfare beforeself-interest (Gemeinnutz vor Eigennutz) .

"25. In order to accomplish these we demandthe creation of a strong central power in the Reich .Positive authority of the political central parliamentover the whole Reich and its general organization .

"The formation of special class and professionallegislative bodies (Stande-und Berufskammern) inthe individual federal states to carry out the lawsdecreed by the Reich.

"The leaders of the party promise to stand up forthe above points, if need be at the risk of their lives ."

According to Gottfried Feder the aim of the Na-tional Socialist German Workers Party is the regen-eration of Germany to a "German freedom" in a"German spirit" . A number of principles underliethis extensive program . The first-a political principle-is that the German Reich is the home of the Ger-mans. A national state comprising all of Germanstock is to be founded and this state is to be repre-sented "vigorously" in foreign countries . All Jews

"WE DEMAND . . ."

129and non-Germans are to be denied the right of holdingresponsible public offices, the immigration of Jewsfrom the east is to be prohibited and Jews and otherforeigners who become burdensome are to be de-ported. Only the German who understands the German"Kultur" and the German destiny has the right tocitizenship. Non-Germans can only live in the GermanReich as guests and must remain under laws passedespecially for foreigners . The rights of a German arealways to be placed before those accorded foreigners .

The second principle is based upon the politicaleconomic theory that a high yield for capital loanedshould be abolished as unsound . Nevertheless, it ismade clear that National Socialism recognizes theright of holding private property, which is placedunder the protection of the state. The welfare of thepeople demands that no one person in the state beallowed to amass a huge fortune . The German peopletogether comprise a production community pledged toaid the general welfare and civilization of Germany.Every German will have an opportunity to work andto spend his earnings as he wishes . In industrial life,the small, middle-sized and large undertakings mustbe mixed "healthily", especially in agricultural enter-prises. All trusts are to be placed under national super-vision. Death sentences will be meted out for usuryand profiteering. Every German will be pledged to

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HITLERISM: THE IRON FIST IN GERMANYwork for a certain number of years, the age limits tobe ascertained later.

The third principle turns to the field of finance .Money is a servant of the state, and the state will notallow those controlling large sums of money to founda "state within the state" . The "interest-servitude" willbe broken through : freeing the state and the peoplefrom slavery under the powers controlling huge sumsfor loan at high interest ; government ownership ofthe Reichsbank ; monetary appropriations for allgreat public works (utilization of water power, con-struction of roads, etc.) without resorting to loans,the state issuing without interest "coupons" backedby national funds ; introduction of a standard of valuefully covered by the state; foundation of a specialbuilding and industrial bank empowered to give loanswithout asking interest ; and a complete reform of thetax system, by which the consumer will be freed fromindirect taxes .

The next principle is concerned with sociologicalconditions. The first law in the new Reich is to be"das allgemeine Wohl" (the general welfare) . Anold-age pension system is to be created by which everyGerman can be assured of a pension as soon as he isunable to work. All working men are to take partin creative work in positions based upon age andability. All profits made during the war and the Ger-man revolution are to be confiscated and used for

"WE DEMAND . . ."

131the general welfare . Community settlements are to bebuilt to take care of the serious housing shortage .

The fifth principle, the cultural aim, promises the"blooming" of all sciences and arts in a politicallyfree, and industrially healthy state . This will beachieved through the education of the young intophysically healthy and spiritually free people by theapplication of the great inheritances of German cul-ture. There will be complete religious freedom, butespecial protection will be given Christians . Religiousdoctrines which run against German morality and theGerman national feeling are to be suppressed . Allpernicious influences in literature, the press, stage,art and moving pictures are to be suppressed . Com-plete freedom for all university teachers is promised .

Militarism is the subject of the sixth principle .The right of military service will be allowed everyfree German, so that the country will be able to pro-tect itself . The present military force will be abolishedand a national army under the leadership of profes-sional soldiers will be created .

Miscellaneous improvements include: 1 . Press re-form-suppression of all newspapers which do not dojustice to the German people (i.e., under Jewishleadership) ; punishment for the spread of false news ;2. ballot reform-change in the methods of election ;abolition of immunity for representatives of the peo-ple ; 3. creation of a professional parliament ; 4. re-

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HITLERISM: THE IRON FIST IN GERMANYform of real estate laws and civil law (recognitionof land ownership ; no land to be sold to Jews orforeigners if the state wishes to buy it first ; confisca-tion of land if it is being used for profiteering) ;5. public law reforms-the new state will be ruledby a leader (whether a monarch, president or dictatorwill be decided by the people themselves) ; states`rights will not be violated in the new Reich ; repre-sentation of the Reich in foreign countries, consularand tariff affairs, army and navy are matters underthe control of the state .

Three great enemies stand in the way of the ac-complishment of this program, according to the Naziview-Marxism, Parliamentarism and-most im-portant-Capitalism. The teaching of "the Jew, KarlMarx" with his battle of the classes, his denial ofthe right of private property and his economic, ma-terialistic view of history, is to be fought with toothand nail. Bolshevism, especially, is to be kept out ofGermany. The anti-parliamentary battle is directedagainst immune representatives of the people, who arenever responsible for the results of their decisions .The parliamentary system as it exists to-day, insiststhe Nazi, is corrupt and unfit to help run the govern .ment. The third enemy-the world-wide power ofmoney-is chiefly in the hands of the Jews . The Jewas usurer must be stamped out. "National Socialismsees-just as anti-Semitism sees-that the most im-

"WE DEMAND . . ."

133portant root of the plague lies in the Jewish-materialis-tic spirit ."

As soon as the three enemies are defeated, theNational Socialist party has fulfilled its aim. Accord-ing to Feder, the movement is not in the strict senseof the word a party. "It is an organized, confidentportion of the German people, gathered about thespiritually strong leader, Hitler, in order to rescueGermany from the shame and weakness imposed onher by the victor nations and from the lacerations anddemoralization caused by domestic differences ."

The Nazis believe in nationalism as the first creed,because in it they see the only possibility of a futurestrong fatherland. In socialism they see the only pos-sibility to maintain and further the workingman'sstand. The laborer-"the mightiest force in thefatherland"-will show the way to political freedomand to the re-birth of the German state. Every manmust work. Without work no bread . Without bread nolife. The great enemythe Jewhas caused all themisery of German slavery. He has "divided Germanyinto two halves and therefore is the real cause of theloss of the World War ."

"Every party has a program," says Goebbels . "Butno party has yet carried out its program . It neverwill be able to carry out its program in the future,because all cannot be carried out . Our program says,short and clear, FREEDOM FOR THE GERMAN WORKERS.

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The road is clear and simple : PUT THE WORKERS BACKINTO THE PICTURE . We shall use every means to ob-tain our end. WE ARE NOT AFRAID OF A SOCIAL REVO-LUTION, WHEN THE FREEDOM OF THE NATION IS AT

STAKE. WE ARE NOT AFRAID TO BREAK AWAY THE

CHAINS BINDING THE GERMAN NATION . We promisethe German working-man only this : we are going tofight with him to the last breath for his rights of ex-istence, no matter how bitter this fight is going to be .We offer him the highest that can be offered to arepressed nation : THE FIGHT FOR FREEDOM AND

BREAD!"

So much for the program and the Nazi view ofit. The reader sees at once an unusual conglomerationof doctrines-idealistic, patriotic, fanatical-calcu-lated to appeal to the wide masses upon which Hitlerhopes to be shoved to the head of the state. He seesthat any man-intelligent or otherwise--can findsomething in the magnificent hodge-podge to satisfyhis own curiosity. The patriot is offered a new andpowerful Germany bristling with militarism, as in thegood old days. The laborer is enticed away fromCommunism with interesting socialistic bait. Those inthe middle-class dissatisfied with the weight of theirpocketbooks are offered a brand new system offinances (by which the rest of the world is coldlydisregarded) and the opportunity of a new existence .Anti-Semites are delighted with the picture of the Jew

"WE DEMAND . . ."

135

-the classic goat of the centuries-held up to ridi-cule. "Anti-Semitism is in a certain sense the founda-tion-stone of our movement ." Amazed Germans-stillwondering how it came about that Germany lost thewar-suddenly are given a new solution : the Jewsdid it!

The most astonishing thing about this program isthe fact that Hitler and his cohorts are thoroughlyconvinced that most of it will be carried out eventually .With a grand disregard for the opinions of other na-tions, the Treaty of Versailles will simply be an-nounced as inapplicable to Germany! The Germansin Germany, Austria and Poland will be united with-out having to ask the permission of any other people .A new standard of currency, backed by the Germannational wealth only and without regard to economicforces behind international relations, will testify toGermany's complete independence from the rest ofthe world! Hitler with remarkable naivete believesthat France will stand idly and watch him tear up thepeace treaties by creating a new German militarymachine. The lessons of history will be forgotten longenough to obliterate the "national pest"-the Jews-from the fatherland . The two million Jews in Ger-many will no longer inspire fear in the hearts of sixtymillion Germans (!) . The Jewish rats will be ex-terminated. (Thousands of Jewish volunteers died inthe German trenches during the war .)

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HITLERISM: THE IRON FIST IN GERMANYIn the schools the coming Hitler youth will be

"educated in character" and will never have to endurethe ignominy of a failure . The new Third Reich willbe a paradise for the full-blooded (!) Aryan working-man and his offspring .

Hitler's entire program breathes defiance of France-the traditional enemy of Germany for a thousandyears. Germans have nothing in common with this"negro nation", this arch-enemy . Yet when a Frenchjournalist visits the would-be dictator, the party pro-gram is conveniently forgotten and flattering phrasesfall from Hitler's smiling lips . "I believe that I mayassure you, there is no one in Germany who wouldwelcome more than I every honorable attempt to betterFranco-German relations." The same man who is goingto tear up the Treaty of Versailles!

CHAPTER 12

TRIPLE ALLIANCE MADE TO ORDER

THE foreign policy of the Hitlerites is expressedin the first three points of the party program .

Point number 1 : "We demand the union of allGermans in a Greater Germany according to the rightof self-determination" is based upon the principlethat a people having the same blood, the same lan-guage and the same cultural traditions must band to-gether in the same state . A classic example of thefutility of any other sort of state, according to theNazi viewpoint, is the Austria-Hungary of 1914 withits impossible conglomeration of nationalities. Thenew Germany must include only the Germans in Ger-many, Austria, and sections of Poland where Germansare in a majority.

For this principle the Hitler-movement is preparedto battle to the end . The great differences of history-Christianity and Paganism, Catholicism and Prot-estantism, Monarchy and Republicanism have beenreplaced by the split between Nationalism and In-ternationalism . This is the basis of the National So-

137

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HITLERISM: THE IRON FIST IN GERMANYcialist program. After the war Germany was robbedof its right of self-determination by a dictated peace .In spite of this "unscrupulous treatment", Germanyand Austria must unite politically and defy the victornations. "And if a war with neighboring nationsshould come about, then both (Germany and Austria)will at least know that they are fighting for their na-tional necessities (volkische Notwendigkeiten) and notin the interest of an international idea, be it eitherdemocratic or communistic-international."

One notices in this first demand a sublime ignoringof the rest of the world. The League of Nations islooked upon as a nonentity with its "pacifism destroy-ing all vestiges of national feeling" (volkszerstorenderPazifismus) . The mere announcement of a customs-union between Germany and Austria aroused a stormof opposition in France and was the occasion of abitter dispute before the League. Whether France willstand idly by and watch a political unification of Ger-many and Austria is not even a matter of conjecture.Hitler's grandiose imagination and hallucination ofSiegfried greatness allows him to stand and shout de-fiance at the rest of the world. He insists that in orderto attain a position as a political factor in the worldagain, Germany must first obtain the territories lost asa result of the war. How he wishes to realize thisdream will be explained in a later section .

Point number 2 : "We demand for the German peo-


139

ple equality with all other nations, abolition of thetreaties of Versailles and St . Germain ." There is notmuch to say here . The fulfillment of this point, aswell as points 1 and 3-the entire foreign policy ofthe Hitlerites-depends on whether Germany can riseto a position of political power where it will be ableto disregard the dictated "advice" of the victor na-tions. The ardent Nazi does not believe that the treatiesof Versailles and St. Germain will be revised (re-vidiert) ; they simply will be announced nonexistent(gekiindigt) . Point number 3 is based on the sameprinciple : "We demand land and ground (colonies)for the sustenance of our people and settlements forour overpopulation ." The wrong done Germany inthe "theft" of her colonies will be righted by an im-perialistic policy contemplated to add glory to thecoming Third Reich. According to Hitler the presentgovernment has adopted the wrong attitude in attempt-ing to promote international understanding and for-eign aid for Germany in her pressing condition .Understanding with foreign nations always will becrippled by lack of agreement with France, he claims .Moreover, a thousand years of German-French rela-tions have shown definitely that understanding betweenthe traditional enemies is altogether an idealistic con-ception. The Bruening regime is struggling againstterrific, insurmountable odds, according to Hitler'sreasoning. Away with idealistic fancies, with naive

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HITLERISM: THE IRON FIST IN GERMANYdreams of understanding ; inform France that thepeace treaties imposed upon a deceived foe exist nomore-and then see what she will do .

Hitler's conception of inherited enmity betweenFrance and Germany is not altogether an original one .There have been German historians who claim that thegeneral trend has been towards understanding betweenthe two nations, notably Johannes Haller, who in his"Tausend Jahre deutschfranzosische Beziehungen"even insists quite unreasonably that Bismarck's aimin the 80's was the establishment of lasting friendlyrelations with France ; but considered as a whole theGerman intellectual world has been and is scepticalof ever reaching that sublime state . Hitler's attitudeis a positive one-the only way to deal with the Frenchis to show one's teeth . Anything else will not be un-derstood. Enmity between the two people is just asnatural as the traditional enmity between cats anddogs. As long as Germany adopts a meek compromis-ing attitude, she will come out second best in herpolitical and economic relations with France .

According to the Hitler viewpoint, Germany is beingencircled again by her greedy neighbor . Armed to theteeth and supported by her satellites, Czechoslovakiaand Poland, both armed all out of proportion to theirpopulations, France is again squeezing the life out ofGermany. When you squeeze a man's throat, histongue comes out . Therefore, Hitler reasons, put a


141

sudden end to the conferences, flying visits of min-isters and foolish talks about understanding and assertthe political equality of Germany .

To support his contention Hitler has made good useof the precarious international situation and hascreated a new Triple Alliance, by which he hopes tomaintain the balance of power in Europe and todestroy the eternal nagging of a powerful, but stillunsatisfied France. Italy and England are to be thetwo other corners to this triangle of powers calculatedto check the power of France, a country "whose bloodis gradually being ruined by the negro element, alurking danger for the white races of Europe ."

Since the formation of the Nazi party, Hitler hastried again and again to get into close touch with hismodel, Mussolini. The first efforts were consideredcoldly, but the ever-mounting differences betweenItaly and France and the feeling that Germany andItaly face a mutual enemy have eased the negotiationsconsiderably. But Hitler has had to make a real politi-cal sacrifice in order to obtain the desired Italianfriendship. Here again the program is thrown over-board. Hitler wants the foundation of a closed Germanstate, including ALL of German stock. At first heclaimed that he would not renounce one German inSouth Germany, in South Tyrol, in Poland and in the"League of Nations colony", Austria. Mussolini hasmade it clear that he does not intend to give up South

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HITLERISM: THE IRON FIST IN GERMANYTyrol, given to Italy after the World War . Where-upon Hitler has given up his claims to South Tyrol, a"Verzicht" that has aroused complete consternationin the ranks of the Nazis who happen to live in SouthTyrol. Germans are asked to forget that they areGermans in this particular portion of Central Europe ;they must sacrifice their nationality for "understand-ing" with Mussolini. Hitler, as a disciple of Mach-iavelli, believes that the end justifies the means .Germans should be concerned more with obtainingterritory lost to Poland, Belgium, Denmark andLithuania, because the latter countries obtained por-tions of German territory, whereas South Tyrol wasformerly Austrian and not German land. That is aquestion for the Austrians to settle, not for Germans .It would be a dangerous mistake, Hitler answered hiscritics, if a small matter of 250,000 Germans in SouthTyrol were allowed to disrupt a natural friendship be-tween Germany and Italy, both of whom numberFrance as their most formidable enemy. Give up SouthTyrol now and later a greater portion of Germansoil will be obtained from the most important of allenemies, France . The first question to settle is theabolition of the Polish Corridor . Unless this be done,Hitler warns, East Prussia, separated from the heartof Germany, in all probability will be lost to Poland .

The South Tyrolese claim that Hitler is a traitor tothe fatherland if he leaves them at the mercy of the


143

Italians. The German minority, now estimated at250,000, has been complaining loudly of tyrannicalmethods adopted by the Italians. It is claimed thatthe minority laws have been coldly disregarded andthat Germans are being oppressed everywhere .Tyrolese Germans point out that Polish minoritiesin Germany, Hungarian minorities in Czechoslovakiaand others have never endured hardships forced uponthem by the Italians .

Hitler claims that the sacrifice of the Germanminority in South Tyrol is a political necessity . OtherNazi leaders label it a stroke of genius and draw anumber of historical parallels-was not Bismarckforced to exclude the German-speaking Austrians inhis struggle for German unity? And did not Cavoursacrifice Nice and Savoy to France in order to com-plete Italian unity?

Meanwhile German schools are being closed inSouth Tyrol, German business men are forced out byunfair competition, the German press muzzled andGerman citizens exiled. All a price for Mussolini'sfriendship and for the second leg of Hitler's newTriple Alliance .

Hitler has adopted England as his other ally . Ger-many's ignominious defeat and her continued weak-ness brought about by the uncompromising attitudeof France have left England in a worse position thanbefore the war. Hitler reasons that pre-war Germany

144


as an industrial and colonial power was not as much athreat to England as the France of to-day, armed to theteeth, pursuing a vigorous colonial policy and con-trolling Europe in financial affairs . The British Em-pire is gradually falling apart, the dominions areclamoring for independence, India is causing no endof trouble and financial supremacy has shifted fromLondon to New York and Paris . England, gettingweaker day by day, must have allies . Hitler offershimself, as a great foe of France and of Bolshevism .Just how he can arrange a formal secret treaty of al-liance with England is not clear, since such an agree-ment must be acted upon by Parliament before it canbe ratified. In other words, secrecy would be im-possible.

Hitler has made valiant efforts to obtain Englishfriendship. Immediately after the favorable electionsin September 1930 Lord Rothermere, the Englishnewspaper king, visited Munich, where he receiveda royal welcome from Hitler. The great visitor waslauded to the skies as the type of man necessary forEnglish-Nazi friendship . There was joy unabated inthe "Brown House." And then came the crushing jokeof the year. Lord Rothermere was a Jew! GeneralLudendorff, arch-enemy of Jews, Catholics andMasons, discovered the damning fact and broadcastit to an unbelieving world of pure-blooded Aryans .And here is the unfortunate element in Hitler's rosy


145

picture of a new Triple Alliance . There are still thou-sands of financially powerful Jews in both Englandand Italy who do not especially care to see friendshipof their countries with so pronounced an anti-Semite.

Hitler is not so much concerned with the foreignpolicy of his party as with domestic problems . Thebulk of work in arranging for this new alignment ofEuropean powers falls on the shoulders of Rosenberg .He has found time to include a new plan of conquestin the Nazi program-the winning of Ukrania, hisnative soil, now in the possession of Russia . SovietRussia will be told by powerful Fascist Germany thatshe (Germany) is overpopulated and intends to trans-fer her excess population to Ukrania . The course ofhistory will be changed completely and dramaticallyin order to allow German blood to invade the east,a sort of invasion comparable to the "Volkerwan-derung" at the beginning of the Middle Ages . Rosen-berg believes that a bit of intimidation will bringRussia to her knees, that the great Slavic nation willshrink before the Nazi sword .

CHAPTER 13

SMOTHERING THE JEW

ENTERING a Nazi book-shop in one of the largerGerman cities, I enter into conversation with the owner .One of his hands is covered with bandages, the resultof a free-for-all between a group of Nazis and Reds .I soon discover that this man of forty has the intelli-gence of a fourteen-year old . He speaks with bitternessabout the war, talks endlessly about the cowardiceof the French and of his own bravery during the in-vasion of the Ruhr, and assures me that he and therest of his friends will not forget "the dirty trick yourPresident, Wilson, played us." When he talks aboutthe Communists he becomes more and more excited,finally rushing behind the counter and returning witha huge revolver, which he waves frantically . "Theywon't bother me, the dogs, not as long as I can handlethis!"

Obtaining his confidence, I ask him : "What is thebackbone, the underlying principle, of the NationalSocialist Party?" Without answering he goes off andreturns a minute later with two little pamphlets, "Die

146

SMOTHERING THE JEW

147

verfluchten Hakenkreuzler, Etwas Zum Nachdenken"(The Accursed Hitlerite, Something to Think About),by Goebbels and the caricaturist, Mjolnir, and"Gesammelte Denkspriiche Beruhmter Manner Uberdie Juden" (Collected Mottoes of Famous Men Con-cerning the Jews), by Rolf Berger . The latter pam-phlet included some interesting statements, such asthe following :

"Trust no fox on the green heath,Trust no Jew on his very oath ."

DR. MARTIN LUTHER.

"The Jew has never stopped monopolizing money ;indeed he has even gone so far as to choke a countryin a moment of danger by opening or closing hismoney-bag."

FRANz LISZT ("Die Zigeunerand ihre Musik", 1861) .

"The fatherland of the Jews is composed of therest of the Jews ; no community on earth holds togetherso strongly as these . Therefore, it is evidently absurdto give them a share in a government or in the ad-ministration of a state ."

SCHOPENHAUER.

"Through practically all the countries of Europethere is spread a mighty, hostile state, which is always

148


at war with other states and which presses terriblyhard upon the citizens ; it is Judaism ."

FICHTE.

"The (so-called) chosen people have been herefor centuries ; indeed since their creation they havebeen a parasitic plant on the stems of other nations ."

HERDER.

"The Jew is the plastic demon of the decline ofmankind."

RICHARD WAGNER .

"The Jews are nothing but an ignorant and barbaricpeople, who have for a long time united the dirtiestavarice with the most abominable superstitions andwith the most inextinguishable hate against all nations,by whom they are tolerated and on whom they enrichthemselves."

VOLTAIRE.

"The aversion of the German people towards theSemites is not based on differences of religion anddogma, but on differences of blood, race, descent, na-tional customs and national disposition ."

JOSEF VIKTOR VON SCHEFFEL.

"The Jews are closely allied, in spite of the factthat they are split up . Through unknown superiorsthey are led straight towards common objectives . They

SMOTHERING THE JEW

149

refuse all efforts to nationalize them ; they are a statewithin the state and are in Poland a deep and evento-day a permanent scar on this land."

MOLTKE.

"I will give the Jews every right, except that ofholding a high office in a Christian state ."

BISMARCK .

"One doesn't hear so many complaints about theProtestants or about the Catholics as about the Jews .Why? Because all the trouble this people causes liesnot in the individual but is rooted in the constitutionof the people. The Jews are like worms and locusts,which lay a land bare."

NAPOLEON.

"Even in the circles of best-educated men, whowould ordinarily spurn every thought of religious in-tolerance with abhorrence, echoes to-day as if fromone mouth, `The Jews are our calamity!"'

PROF. HEINRICH VON TREITSCHKE .

"The Jews are the abomination of the race of man(teedium generis humani) . They hate everything thatto us is holy ; they are allowed to do things whichseem outrageous to us. They are the lowest of allpeople (detertima gens) ."

TACITUS.

I50


"We command, that the Jews in the smaller towns,especially in those which lie in the country, and whichcan be harmed most by the Jews, be sent away ."

FREDERICK THE GREAT.

And so on, and so on! That is the verse to the newGerman hymn of hate, seeping through the masses ofa civilized people, being discussed in the cafes and atall Nazi gatherings, being taught to young childrenbefore they are able to think for themselves . And thechorus (from "Die verfluchten Hakenkreuzler", Goeb-bels.Mjolnir)"WHY are we enemies of the Jews?"We are enemies of the Jews because we are war-

riors for the freedom of the German people . THEJEW IS THE CAUSE AND THE BENEFICIARY OF OUR

SLAVERY . He has used the social troubles of our broadmasses in order to widen the split between right andleft among our people, he has made TWO HALVES OFGERMANY. Here is the real reason for the loss of theWorld War on one side and for the betrayal of therevolution on the other side . . . .

"The Jew has no interest in the solution of the ques-tion of German fate . He CAN'T have it, since he livesbecause it remains unsolved . . . . He has a better trumpin his hand, when a nation lives in slavery than whenit is free, busy, self-conscious and self-contained . THE

SMOTHERING THE JEW

151

JEW HAS CAUSED OUR MISERY, AND TO-DAY HE LIVES ON

OUR TROUBLES .

"That is the reason why AS NATIONALISTS AND AS

SOCIALISTS we are enemies of the Jew . He has RUINED

OUR RACE, ROTTED OUR MORALS, CORRUPTED OUR

TRADITIONS AND BROKEN OUR POWER. We can thankhim for being the goats of the world to-day . As longas we were Germans, he was a leper among us . Sincewe have forgotten our Germanic character, he hastriumphed over us and our future .

"The Jew is the plastic demon of the decline ofmankind. (Compare this original statement with thatof Wagner given above .) Where he scents rubbish andputrefaction, there he appears and begins a criminalgame of chess with the people . He takes on the maskof those whom he wants to deceive, pretends to be thefriend of his victim, and before the unfortunate oneknows it, he has his neck broken .

"The Jew is uncreative . He does not produce any-thing, HE DEALS ONLY WITH PRODUCTS . With junk,clothes, pictures, precious stones, grain, stocks andbonds, shares, people and states . And he has STOLENsomewhere everything he uses in his trading . As longas there is a storm raging in a state he is a REVOLU-

TIONARY, as soon as he is in possession of POWER, hepreaches peace and quiet, in order to chew his bootyin comfort.

"What has ANTI-SEMITISM to do with SOCIALISM?

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I ask it the other way round : what has the Jew to , doWith SOCIALISM? SOCIALISM is the gospel of WORK.

Who ever saw a Jew work and not plunder, steal,sponge (schmarotzen) and live from the sweat of the

other man's brow? As SOCIALISTS we are all JEW-

HATERS, because we see in the Hebrew the incarnation

of capitalism. . . ."What has ANTI-SEMITISM to do with NATIONALISM?

I ask it the other way around : what has the JEW todo with NATIONALISM? NATIONALISM is the gospel of

BLOOD, of RACE. The Jew is the enemy and the de-stroyer of unity of blood, the conscious destroyer of

our race. We are AS NATIONALISTS JEW-HATERS, be-cause in the HEBREW we see the eternal enemy of our

national honor and our national freedom ."The Jew is indeed ALSO A HUMAN BEING. Certainly,

and none of us has ever doubted it . We only doubtthat he is a DECENT person . He doesn't belong to us .He lives according to other inner and outer laws. Be-cause he is a human being is no reason why we shouldallow him to oppress us in the most inhuman manner .He is indeed a human being-BUT WHAT KIND? Ifsomeone beat your mother in the face with a whip,would you then say : `Thank you, sir! HE IS ALSO AHUMAN BEING! That is no human (Mensch), that is asavage (Unmensch) ! How much worse has the Jewdone to OUR MOTHER GERMANY and how much worsedoes he still do to-day?

SMOTHERING THE JEW

153

". . .ANTI-SEMITISM is unChristian . That is to saythen that the Christian means to look on as the Jewcuts our skins into strips . . . . In order to be ChristianYOU MUST LOVE YOUR NEIGHBOR AS YOURSELF! MY

NEIGHBOR IS MY COMRADE IN BLOOD AND NATIONALITY .

IF I LOVE HIM, THEN I MUST HATE HIS ENEMIES . HE

WHO THINKS AS A GERMAN, MUST DESPISE THE JEW .

One statement depends on the other ."Even Christ saw once that one doesn't find love

sufficient in all situations. When he came across thethieves in the temple, he didn't say : `Children, loveeach other!' ; instead HE TOOK a whip and drove thepack away ."WE ARE JEW-HATERS BECAUSE WE ADMIT THAT

WE ARE GERMANS. THE JEW IS OUR GREATEST CALAM-

ITY. (Compare with assertion by Prof. Heinrich vonTreitschke above.)

"It isn't true that we eat a Jew with every break-fast .

"But it is true that HE IS EATING US UP SLOWLY

BUT SURELY, TOGETHER WITH ALL OUR POSSES-

SIONS.

"THAT IS GOING TO CHANGE, AS SURE AS WE ARE

GERMANS."

This philosophic contribution to the ever-mountinglist of anti-Semitic literature in Germany was notwritten by the inmate of a lunatic asylum ; it is fromGoebbels' pen and it is deadly earnest . It shows clearly

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HITLERISM : THE IRON FIST IN GERMANYjust how low a man imbued with uncontrollable ambi-tion can go in the search for a cause. Anti-Semitismis nothing new in the history of the world. It hasexisted for a long time and probably will continue toexist for many centuries to come, but seldom has itreached the high level, or better-the disgustinglylow level exhibited by the Hitlerites . The concentratedhate of 6,406,397 registered German voters is placedupon the Jew. Every conceivable misfortune-eco-nomic, social or political-has been attributed to theJew. The first practical results of this campaign ofhate came recently in Berlin, when a score of Naziyouths boasting unmixed Aryan blood attacked Jewsin a synagogue .

According to Gottfried Feder, the man behind theNazi program, anti-Semitism is "to a certain extentthe underlying principle of the National Socialistmovement." A careful analysis of the program showsthat six points of the twenty-five are aimed directly atthe Jew :

Point number 4 : "A citizen can be only one suitedto the state. The latter can be only one who has Ger-man blood, without regard to confession. No Jewtherefore can be a person suited to the state ." Herethe rights and duties of citizenship are denied the Jew .Under a Hitler regime he must live as a non-citizen .

Point number 5 : "Anyone not a citizen can live inGermany only as a guest and must remain under legis-

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lation for foreigners." In other words, Jews can bedeported at the will of the government, since they donot enjoy the privileges of citizenship and are classedas foreigners .

Point number 6 : "Only the citizen has the right todetermine the guidance of the state. Therefore wedemand that every public office, no matter what kind,whether in the Reich, state or county, be filled onlyby citizens ." Thus the Jew is summarily shoved backinto the Middle Ages and refused the right to voteand to hold office . The rights granted him by the Ger-man Constitution are to be changed-in some manner .

Point number 7 : "We demand that the state beobliged first of all to give the citizen a chance to earnhis livelihood. If it is not possible to sustain the entirepopulation of the country, citizens of foreign nations(Nicht-Staatsbiirger) are to be deported." No Germanmust be unemployed in the Hitler-Reich . In order toelevate the jobless into economic paradise, all Jewshaving jobs or earning a livelihood must make waywhen Germans blessed with pure Aryan blood live onthe dole . Jewish business men, doctors, lawyers, pro-fessors, all may be deported if there be any unem-ployment whatsoever. Where this army of Jews willbe sent is not made clear.

Point number 8 : "Further immigration of non-Germans is to be prohibited . We demand that all non-Germans who have immigrated to Germany since

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HITLERISM: THE IRON FIST IN GERMANYAugust 2, 1914, be forced to leave the Reich im-mediately."

Point number 23 : "We demand a legislative battleagainst conscious political falsehoods and their diffu-sion through the press. In order to make possible thecreation of a German press, we demand that

"(a) All editors and co-workers of newspapers ap-pearing in the German language must be personssuited to the state (Volksgenosse) ;

"(b) Non-German newspapers must have the per-mission of the government in order to appear. Theymust not be published in the German language ;

"(c) Legislation must prohibit the financial par-ticipation of non-Germans in German newspapers ; ifthis be disregarded the guilty newspaper will bebanned and the non-Germans immediately deported."

Thus according to the program the press, regardedas an important factor in the political control of Ger-many, must be cleansed of all Jewish influence . Everynewspaper criticising Hitler's anti-Semitic policy willbe muzzled if the least bit of Jewish backing befound.

Point number 24 : "We demand freedom for all re-ligious confessions in the state, in so far as these con-fessions do not offend the morality of the Germanrace." There will be freedom of religion in the HitlerReich, that is, for all except Jews .

Points 4 to 8 (concerning rights and duties of citi-

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zenship), point 23 (concerning the press), and point24 (concerning religion), are aimed directly at theJews. In the rest of the program : points 1 to 3, foreignpolicy ; points 11-13, administration of justice ; points14 to 19, industrial program ; points 20 to 22, educa-tion and administration of youth ; and point 25, ad-ministration of the state, the problem of anti-Semitismremains as a fundamental principle .

Hitler has gone so far as to claim that the Germanrace is degenerating through two factors, both ofwhich he attributes to the Jews . First, the great spreadof syphilis in Germany is due to prostitution, whichHitler asserts is controlled by Jews ; second, the Jewishidea of "marrying for money" has corrupted the Ger-man marriage system, in that Aryans are imitatingthe Jews and losing their best stock in the process!("Mein Kampf", Volume 1, Page 270.) The naivereasoning here is typical for the most part of the en-tire program.

If one can muster up enough patience to read thepages and pages of anti-Semitic tirades in Hitler'sautobiography, he can obtain a splendid picture ofthe mental capacity of Germany's Mussolini . In prisonafter the unsuccessful putsch in Munich, Hitler passedthe time by writing a 700-page book about himself,into which he pours all the passion of his hatred forJews. As a youth he had never heard the word "Jew" .There were but few Jews in Linz and his father

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HITLERISM: THE IRON FIST IN GERMANYavoided any mention of the "chosen people" . Comingto Vienna, he was asked by friends to read the anti-Semitic newspapers, but he refused, describing suchpublications as "unworthy of the cultural mission ofa great people" . At first he even admired their seem-ing objectivity and fairness, but he was soon alienatedby the fact that they dared to attack William II ofGermany, whom he always loved more than the Aus-trian Emperor, and that they sometimes showedfriendship for France . That was too much for him .He started to read the "Deutsches Volksblatt", an anti-Semitic publication. Then came the great moment ofdecision. He saw a black-haired Jew on the street,gazed at him intently and asked himself : "Could thisbe a German?" There followed a soul-tearing battlebetween "feeling and reason" . He made up his mindafter suddenly seeing that the Jew was a "spiritualpestilence in art, literature and the theatre" . "Thefact," he writes, "that 9/10 of all dirty literature, ofartistic buncombe and theatrical foolishness is trace-able to this people, who number scarcely 1/100% ofall the inhabitants in the country, cannot be deniedvery easily." Now he looked upon the Jewish presswith different eyes . The liberal attitude, the dignity,the impartiality, everything was but a cloak forulterior motives. He began to see that Jews were beingfavored behind subtle statements . The Social-Demo-cratic press was being led altogether by Jews (lauter

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Juden) . At first he tried to reform the Jews he hap-pened to know personally, but it was an impossibletask. "I gradually began to hate them . I became afanatical anti-Semite." He studied Marx to find outsomething about this doctrine of Socialism which theJews were preaching, but he was altogether unim-pressed. He saw that "if the Jew wins over the worldwith the help of the Marxian doctrines, then his crownwill be the wreath of death for mankind . . . . So I be-lieve in the spirit of the almighty Creator . I shall de-fend myself against the Jew, I shall fight for the workof the Lord!"

At various points in his autobiography Hitler lasheshimself into a frenzy, his sensitive heart bleeding withshame when he thinks of how the Jews have causedevery conceivable bit of trouble in his beloved coun-try. Charming descriptive words fall easily from hispen-"rats", "dirty", "naked egoism", "falsity","parasites", "liars", "blood-suckers", "tyrants", allthe approved phrases of political demagogues forcenturies. The Jew has no culture of his own, whathe does possess is merely composed of scraps fromthe culture of other, purer, races. To the "two queensof art-architecture and music", the Jews have neverhad an outstanding contributor. What has been doneby Jews has been nothing more than "spiritual theft" .Only on the stage, where tricks and deceit are neces-sary, have the Jews done any worthwhile work . Jewish

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philanthropists scattering their money are comparedto farmers distributing fertilizer, since both expect toreap fortunes later! Then he goes on at length describ-ing how the Jew creeps into community life like anoctopus, grasping everything in his tentacles andsqueezing the life out of all rivals. The final resultof this eternal squeezing will be Bolshevism . Hitlerpoints to himself as the saviour of the white races inthis age-old struggle against the Jew .

It is difficult to believe that a sane man could beresponsible for some of the pages of Hitler's book :"The black-haired Jewish youth waits for hours, withsatanic joy in his eyes, for the innocent German girl,whom he overpowers and attacks ." The Jew has anespecial grudge against the "white races" . He wasresponsible for the negro troops brought to the Rhineto contaminate the pure German stock there! Thegravest mistake made in 1914 was that the Germanpeople failed to recognize the domestic enemy-theJew! "Thus the Jew is the greatest force workingtowards the complete destruction of Germany.Wherever we hear of attacks against Germany in anyplace in the world, there are the Jews lurking in thebackground, just as in peace and war Jewish financeand the Marxian press carry on a planned campaignof hate against Germany."

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THE Hitlerites claim that the anti-Semitic principleof their party goes back to the Christian-Socialisticmovement during the last quarter of the nineteenthcentury. This party was founded by Adolf Stoecker(1835-1909) in 1878, Protestant theologian and poli-tician, member of the Prussian Landtag since 1879and of the German Reichstag from 1881 to 1908,and chaplain to the royal court from 1874 to 1890 .During the Franco-Prussian War in 1870, he at-tracted the attention of Kaiser William I by aneloquent sermon on the battlefield . He was called toBerlin shortly after. A man of positive tempera-ment and fixed ideas, he soon began to mix his theo-logical duties with politics . He felt himself to be aleader of the people and began to fight actively forhis liberal ideas . For a while he enjoyed the favor ofthe Crown Prince William, who before his accessionto the throne had been working in company withWaldersee and others to better conditions for theworkingman. As Kaiser, William II dropped all con-nections with Stoecker.

As an "intellectual anti-Semite", Stoecker began touse his powerful position in a bitter battle againstthe Jew. He founded the Christian-Socialist party in1878 with the purpose of winning back the SocialDemocrats to the idea of "nationalism" . At first hisparty was moderately successful . Elected to the Prus-sian Landtag, he found enough time outside of his

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HITLERISM: THE IRON FIST IN GERMANYecclesiastical duties to start a driving propagandaagainst efforts to make the German press Jewish(Verjudung der Presse) . When an anti-Semitic peti-tion containing 250,000 signatures was sent to Bis-marck, on April 13, 1881, Stoecker's name occupieda prominent place. In the Prussian Landtag he de-livered strongly anti-Semitic speeches . He played aprominent part at the first International anti-SemiticCongress from September 10-12, 1882.

Stoecker's Christian-Socialist party gradually de-clined in influence and the leader lost his court posi-tion. Seemingly incessant squabbles, first withBismarck and then with Kaiser William II after 1888,made his connections at court unbearable . But hisideas remained . The sort of anti-Semitism advocatedby Stoecker and his party differs from that now prac-ticed by the Hitlerites, in that the former were in-terested in obtaining the support more of the middleclasses and the aristocracy than of the worker,whereas the Hitlerites are anxious to stir up discon-tent among the masses by a comprehensive propa-ganda stopping at nothing.

The anti-Semitic petition of 1881 was left unan-swered by Bismarck. The Chancellor had onlycontempt for the efforts of a court chaplain to be apolitical power, a fact emphasized by slighting refer-ences to Stoecker in Bismarck's memoirs, "Gedankenand Erinnerungen". Moreover, Bismarck was never an

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enemy of the Jews, although Hitlerites are fond ofpointing to him as an example of a great anti-Semite .He numbered among his friends and acquaintancesthe brilliant Lasalle, the physician Dr . Cohen, thebanker Bleichroder, the political leader Simson andthe great English Jew Disraeli . As a Junker he didpossess a certain amount of reactionary prejudiceagainst the Jew, but later in life the great statesmandropped any outward trace of anti-Semitism . Althoughhe once spoke against admitting Jews to positions inthe state service, twenty years after-as Chancellor-he carried through a law for the emancipation ofthe Jews. He advocated inter-marriage, believing thatthe mingling of Jewish blood with German stock pro-duces a better race, and often referred to the intelli-gence and ability of the Jews as a people . Accordingto the Hitlerite standpoint such views are "treason-able" .

ADOLF STOECKER was the foremost anti-Semite ofhis time. He always insisted that it was altogether im-possible for the Jew to understand the high Christian"Weltanschauung" or the deep spirit of Germanicideas. In his opinion Judaism was a great danger forGerman national life. "Modern Judaism," he said, "isa foreign drop of blood in our national body ; it is adestructive power. . . . We must nurse again the pecu-

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HITLERISM: THE IRON FIST IN GERMANYRarities of our national genius-German spirit, indus-triousness and piety, our heritages." As long as Juda-ism played "an important role in Germany," it wouldbe impossible to have a Christian, national state . TheGermans would be fools to let the Jews cripple theirnational life.

Stoecker believed that Israel had de facto retaineda national character all its own . He insisted that nopeople on earth retained its racial peculiarities sotenaciously as the Jews and he spoke again and againabout the "foreign" race, religion and nationality ofthe Jews. "The Jews are a nation within the nation,"he said, "a state within the state, a race in the midst ofanother race. All immigrants are finally assimilated inthe nation where they live, but not the Jews . Their un-broken Semitism and their rigid ritual system andenmity to Christians stand in direct contrast to theGermanic spirit." And again : "The Jews are to-day anation for themselves, and we ought not to look uponthis people as other than foreigners simply because theyspeak German among us. They speak Hebrew, too,and they have another method of tabulating time ; theycannot show more clearly that they want to retain theirnational consciousness ."

Stoecker was opposed to the emancipation of theJews, which would be an error from the national view-point. He conceded that individual Jews achievedexcellent results in various fields, but a flood of the

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spirit of Judaism in the sciences would not aid thenational development of Germany . That Jews pro-vided work for laborers was an insult to German na-tional pride . He often quoted Professor Treitschke,"that man moved by the national spirit and above anysuspicion of religious fanaticism", who had once said :"The Jews are our misfortune!" When in February1888, a statue of Heine, the great German poet, wasto be erected, Stoecker worked feverishly against theproposition. "It alienates the healthy patriotism of thepeople," he said . "It ought to be made of mud . . .Heine-the Jew-was a rascal (Lump) !" He askedhis followers not to accept the conception that Lessingwas a friend of the Jews. "Lessing's `Nathan the Wise'is an exaggerated picture and it is going to disappearbehind the figure of Shylock ." He rebuked Lessing forwriting that "Weltburgertum" (citizenship-of-the-world) was the only true spirit and that nationalismwas a weakness. This statement, Stoecker said, ex-hibited one of the many weaknesses of the great Les-sing. "In the century that separates us from him wehave progressed a little."

At mass-meetings Stoecker adopted sensationalmethods in convincing his audiences of the anti-nationalistic spirit of Semitism. A typical example ofhis method is this extract from an attack on the Jews :"Ladies and Gentlemen : Recently a body was foundin the vicinity. It was examined : present were the Jew-

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ish town-physician, a Jewish doctor, a Jewish coroner,a Jewish lawyer-only the body was German! . . . Wedon't want this to be the fate of Berlin and the fate ofall great cities ; we want to keep our people alive withthe real powers of life (Lebenskrafte) . You can beassured of it ; the people are behind us!"

Stoecker felt that anti-Semitism was not only anational question, but an international one of the high-est importance. "But no people," he said, "suffers somuch under the burden of Judaism as the Germans .. . . Our national honor, however, is not sensitiveenough to fight against this evil ." . . . "It is not enoughto speak German in order to be a German. One canindeed say-an Evangelical or a Catholic Frenchman,Englishman or German, but not a Jewish Frenchman,Englishman or German, but a French, English orGerman Jew. . . . The national life of nations is threat-ened by this international force ." He linked SocialDemocracy, seemingly his pet aversion, with Judaismas typified by the names Karl Marx and Lasalle .

According to Stoecker the Jewish problem could besettled only if the Jews suddenly obtained a completeenthusiasm for the Christian belief. He prevailedupon the Jews to be "more tolerant, more modest andto get in their places" . It is a veritable racial war,because "Judaism wants to rule, to attack our bestpossessions, our Christian religion, our Kultur andour German spirit."

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It is easy to see that the anti-Semitism whichStoecker advocated has been inherited quite naturallyby the Hitlerites in present-day Germany. Most of thestock-phrases and examples of Stoecker's anti-Semi-tism, a few of which have just been given, are familiarto German Fascists . Hitler has, very obviously, madea study of his predecessor in the art of Jew-baiting .Besides his anti-Semitic policy, he owes much of hisprogram to the militant churchman . The motto on thefront of the "Brown House" in Munich : "DeutschlandErwache!" (Germany Awake!) was first used byStoecker .

Hitler found much indeed in Stoecker's characterwhich coincided with his own . Stoecker was an excel-lent orator and a man of strong will-power . Ambitious,impulsive, commanding, he was by nature and byspirit one of those positive personalities of the Prus-sian elite which made so great an impression upon themasses during the Wilhelm-Bismarck era, a typewhich Hitler feels to be altogether German and "Nor-dic". Stoecker, like Hitler, was burdened by a naive,almost fanatical belief in his mission . His life was acontinual battle against opposing forces . He was beingheckled constantly at mass-meetings, which would givehim opportunities for withering rebuttals ; he oftendenounced his foes in the courtroom and was in turndenounced by them ; he was always accusing news-papers of cowardly attacks, and invited investigations

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of his own financial affairs time and time again .When he addressed the Reichstag, the members eitherapplauded vigorously or cheered or hissed him down .Revered by a passionate group of followers and justas profoundly hated on all sides, always keyed forbattle, he was the type of fighter who would appealtremendously to the Nazi chieftain, were he livingto-day.

Unlike Hitler, Stoecker never tasted real success inhis movement. Thrust as a young minister into thecircles of Berlin aristocracy, he attempted somewhatunsuccessfully to apply religious emotionalism topolitics and to prove that belief in God went hand inhand with a nationalistic spirit and hatred of inter-nationalism. To members of the court he appeared asa hated Socialist and to the workingman as a suspi-cious highbrow . That was the tragedy of his position .Always concerned with holding his office as court-chaplain, he sometimes found it difficult to go as faras he would have liked in his political work.

At that time Germany was not ready for Stoecker'srabid anti-Semitism. The country was enjoying aperiod of comparative prosperity after Bismarck'sseries of sledge-hammer blows delivered at Denmark,Austria and France. There was really no chance toaccuse the Jews of causing any trouble in Germanyfor the simple reason that Germany was at the heightof her power, unquestionably the strongest power on

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the continent. Nationalism had brought her to a placein the sun. There was no point in persecuting theclassic scape-goat of the centuries at a time when theGerman people seemed happy and prosperous. More-over, Jews had fought in the front-line trenches duringthe war of 1870-1 ; many had lost their lives for theFatherland . Stoecker's attempts to incite the masseswere not successful, since the people did not feel thedanger of Judaism to be as great as Stoecker main-tained. The same sort of campaign instigated by Hit-ler at a time when Germany is "biting the dust underthe heel of France", when the world-wide depressionhas left the German nation tottering and attempting tomaintain its head above water, this campaign met witha different sort of response . According to the psy-chologist, Dr . A. A. Brill, the Jews have performed aworthy function in history in that they have providedfor centuries the "scape-goat force" upon which man-kind can vent its normal supply of sadistic impulses .Post-war Germany bears out the theory. Hitler hap-pened along with his anti-Semitic campaign at pre-cisely the right moment, when the German nation,bled, bruised and trampled by a pitiless war, soughtfor something upon which it could vent its feelings .This helps to explain Hitler's astonishing success andStoecker's comparative failure .

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As a proponent of the extreme nationalistic doctrine,Hitler insists that it is impossible that a Jew be aGerman. The Nazi leader preaches the supremacy ofthe German race. It is pure ; it is unmixed! On theother hand eminent scientists have shown that no suchthing as a "pure" race exists, at least not amongcivilized nations. Hitler's attempts to remove the"Jewish stain" from the "pure Aryan German" raceis doomed to failure for the simple reason that no suchthing as an unmixed race exists . Obviously no man--even Hitler-can arrest the natural development ofmankind at a certain point and proclaim that fromnow on the race is going to remain clear and pure .It is a fact that Jewish blood has constituted a partof the Germanic race for centuries and probably willalways do so . The Jew in Germany has adopted thedistinguishing marks of German nationality-the lan-guage, the cherishing of common historical traditionsand the belief that the Germans compose a distinct,cultural society .

In attacking the Jews Hitler claims that they con-stitute a nationality . In his admirable "Essays onNationality", Professor Carlton J. H. Hayes ofColumbia has pointed out rightly that the Jews arenot a nationality; they are adherents of a religion,which is an altogether different thing . Under the maskof nationalism Hitler is endeavoring to renew the age .old feeling of religious intolerance . Fanatical hatred

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against the Jew because of his supposed lack of alldecent virtues is expected to raise the tidal wave onwhich Hitler hopes to ride to power .

It is difficult to believe that so enlightened a peopleas the Germans could be influenced strongly by thisanti-Semitic campaign . But in the last few decadesthe mass of the German people has been called uponso often to believe the most absurd things that bynow there seems to be a real revolution against com-mon sense. In promising to make Germany a newEl Dorado, where the happy Fascists will breed a raceof fair-haired supermen, Hitler has painted a picturewhich clear-thinking would tend to destroy . Conse-quently among the Hitlerites there is no clear-thinking .The mass of bigoted Hitlerites swallow such propa-ganda as is given them, a fair example of which hasbeen given at the beginning of this chapter . Theaverage Nazi gloats over his bible-Hitler's auto-biography; he looks forward with confidence to theday "when things are going to happen to the Jews,"when "heads begin to fall" and when the "chosenpeople" will be chased out of sacred German territory .He suddenly attributes all his misery-economic andpolitical-to the Jew ; ke even looks back and seesor imagines that he sees all his past miseries causedby the Jew.

Especially receptive to the anti-Semitic propagandaare the younger Nazis, the younger generation born

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just before, during and just after the World War .They are taught that it is absurd to expect them topay for the debts of their elders. The shame andmisery of the German defeat are due to the shady in-fluence of the Jew! Hate him, work against him, takeup arms against him! All the rowdyism, the breakingof windows of Berlin department stores, the enteringof synagogues during worship, all this miniature reignof terror can be attributed to the younger Nazis, theirminds inflamed against "the greatest criminal of all"-the Jew. The youths are taught that the culturalmission of the German race has been made difficultbecause of a lack of national feeling. This nationalfeeling will be developed in an extreme form by theHitlerites. "Fate has placed the German people",teaches Dr. Johannes Stark, "in opposition to otherpeoples; to the French nation, which wants to enlargeits territory, and wants the hegemony of Europe ; tothe English nation, which wanted and wants to controlthe sea and world-trade ; to the Slavic nations, whichpossess an irrepressible urge towards expansion ; andto the Jewish nation, which wants to plunder and con-trol the working classes . . . . Fate has placed the Ger-man people under the influence of foreign nations,between the Mediterranean spirit of the Roman Em-pire and the oriental spirit of the Jewish nation ."

This constant hammering on anti-Semitic ideasthrough mass-meetings and the press has begun to

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show alarming results. The average American, livingin a country where anti-Semitism is not so stronglyrooted, does not realize the progress made in a fewshort years by this campaign of hate. The GermanJew, a little bewildered by the ever-mounting list ofsins of which he is accused, does not know how to pro-tect himself. Usually little concerned with politics, hefinds every political sin attributed to him. A spiritof panic is developing among the Jews in the Reich .

CHAPTER 14

THE HITLER REICH

IT is obvious that Hitler intends to become dictatorin his new Reich, following in the footsteps of a Sulla,a Napoleon, a Primo de Rivera or a Mussolini. Hepoints out that he, as leader of the extreme right inGermany, is in the approved position occupied by allgreat dictators of history. Germany can be saved onlyby the leadership he can give it ; he is the man pickedby fate to control the destinies of the new Germany .The entire organization of the Nazi party is basedupon this principle . Blind obedience of the old Prus-sian kind is the keynote of the organization . WhatHitler orders must be carried out without question.

Yet it is a strange paradox that a party agreedupon the selection of Hitler as dictator within itsranks and as dictator of a future Reich has withoutrhyme or reason carefully avoided mention of thefuture form of government. One searches in vainthrough the 25 points of the program for any mentionof the word "dictator", or for any hint of a dictator-ship policy. At the mass-meetings and in the press a

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"dictatorship" is spoken of as the only means bywhich Germany can be saved from the "terrible parlia-mentary conditions" .

Although left out of the program, the dictator-ideais never otherwise avoided . With grandiose eloquenceHitler hammers it into the heads of a people anxiousto try anything to better conditions. "All the develop-ment and all the culture of mankind," says Hitler,"are not born from the majority, instead they arebased completely on the genius and power of person-ality." And again : "The best form of government andthe best constitution are those in which the best headsof a community are brought to play leading roles."Responsibility in the future Reich is to be placedupon one head (that is, Hitler's) . There are to be nodecisions by majority. There will be advisers to besure, but decisions will be left for one man only .

Hitler is faced with a continual dilemma . Shouldhe attempt to seize power now and risk a possiblefailure, knowing that one more unsuccessful putschwould close his career, or should he wait and attemptto gain ground legally? A conflicting mass of advicehas left him in a quandary . He does not know what todo. He knows that every day passing by leaves hischances less favorable. The German people-espe-cially the German workmen-are of higher intelligencethan the Italian or Spanish workmen. These lattermasses can be led around by their noses much better

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than Germans . Whether Germans will consent tobe led around like the Russian or Italian hordes is amatter of conjecture . Hitler knows that if the gloriesof a dictatorship are to be his that he must act quickly .Hence the feverish activity in the "Brown House," therestless propaganda, the constant criticism of thepresent government and the unceasing battles with ,theCommunists.

Why Hitler will be shoved into the role of dictatoris explained by Goebbels: "It is an old lesson of his-tory that when a young party sure of its aim wrecksthe rule of a corrupt and inwardly foul system, whenit takes into its own hands the power of the state,it gives the responsibility to a DICTATOR, who mustconquer the state with new ideas and put them through .That is what we are going to do . When we have onceconquered the state, then THIS STATE IS OUR STATE.

Then we shall be and we alone-the responsible menin this state. To-day we are a PARTY in a battle againsta rotten system-naturally not a parliamentary party-; the moment this rotten system falls, THEN WE

SHALL BE THE STATE . Then we shall construct the stateaccording to our own principles ."

And what will be the nature of this new state?Instead of parliaments in which are representatives

of the various parties, the Hitler-government intendsto create on the one hand an "industrial parliament"(Wirtschaftsparlament) . This parliament will be

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elected by all working (schaffenden) Germans on theprinciple of general equal suffrage . But at these elec-tions the people will not vote under the auspices ofparliamentary-democratic parties ; instead variousprofessions and workingmen will elect representa-tives from their own groups. This "professional par-liament" will have nothing to do with politics, exceptin so far as politics concerns industry . The "Wirt-schaftsparlament" is a concession to the people . "Wedon't want to keep the people out of the governmentaltogether," says Goebbels apologetically.

Then comes a new House of Lords, the Senate . Thisis to be composed of about 200 personalities (Per-sonlichkeiten), who will be called from all ranks andprofessions of the people . "Called" is a mild wordto use ; they will be appointed by the "Dictator" .These 200 men selected by Hitler will compose theelite of the entire people . They will always stand bythe government with advice . They will be appointedfor life ; upon the death of any one member, theSenate will vote for a successor .

The Chancellor of the Hitler Reich will be electedby the Senate from among its own members . He willcarry the responsibility for the entire political policyof the Reich-both for domestic affairs and foreignpolicy. "He will be ready to offer his life for thepolitical policies of the Reich if need be ." The Chan-cellor will select his own ministers and co-workers,

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HITLERISM: THE IRON FIST IN GERMANYwhom he can depose or replace at will, and he mustcarry the responsibility for all their actions. "TheChancellor's decisions will be final, and we shallknow how to make certain of his being a regular fel-low" (Der Kanzler ist ausschlaggebend, and dass erein Kerl ist, dafiir werden wir schon zu sorgen wissen-Goebbels, Der Nazi-Sozi, Page 25.) The electionof Hitler-"the regular fellow"-by the Senate is,according to the Nazi viewpoint, a foregone conclu-sion. Just to whom he will be responsible is not men-tioned. Perhaps to the 200 Senators, whom he appointshimself !

But is this new Hitler-Reich to be a monarchy ora republic?

Hitler does not know yet. At least he has not madeany efforts to be clear about it . There are too manyrepublicans and too many monarchists in the Naziranks to risk alienating one or the other . The firstpurpose is to obtain as much backing as possibleamong all classes of the people . In so fundamental athing it is best to remain on the fence! Goebbels is justas reticent : "We are neither republicans nor monarch-ists. For: 1) we believe that the question of the futureform of government is a side issue . A nation which isgoing to destruction under the Versailles Treaty hasother tasks than breaking heads over the question ofmonarchy or republic ; 2) this question will be settleddefinitely when the nation is at last free. But we do

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say fundamentally : a good republic is better than abad monarchy, and a good monarchy is better thana bad republic. Both forms of government have theiradvantages and their disadvantages . To select one orthe other is the business of a nation that is free ."("Der Nazi-Sozi", Page 13 .)Just as the word "dictator" is purposely avoided

in the program supposed to make clear all Hitleriteaims, so is any mention of the future form of govern-ment, whether monarchist or republican, discreetlyomitted. Gottfried Feder is the one Nazi leader witha definite viewpoint. The selection of a form of gov-ernment will be left to a later referendum! It is diffi-cult to believe that in a state where everything elseis going to be carried out without consulting the people-deporting the Jews, hanging the profiteers, servingnotice that the Treaty of Versailles does not exist anylonger, etc.,-that the matter of whether the govern-ment shall be a monarchy or a republic will be leftgenerously to the people themselves .

Because August William, former member of theimperial German family, is a member of the Naziparty, many observers have taken it for granted thatthere is a conspiracy between Hitler and the formerroyal family for a restoration of the fallen dynasty .This is improbable . Hitler is too certain of supremepower for himself to risk playing second role in thenew Reich, which is to be completely his . Moreover

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HITLERISM: THE IRON FIST IN GERMANYthe idea of a restoration is unpleasant to the massof German people. Before the war the royal familyenjoyed great popularity among the German masses .Although William II had shown a liberal tendencyduring his days as Crown Prince (a fact that irkedthe great Bismarck until his death), he seemed to haveforgotten the workingman after his accession to thethrone. Nevertheless he continued to be popular. TheKaiser loved to draw comparisons between himselfand Frederick the Great ; he adopted his distinguishedpredecessor's method of writing satirical marginalnotes on the reports of his ministers and he left noth-ing undone to convince his subjects that he was aworthy successor to the remarkable Fritz .

With grandiose speeches, clanking of swords, con-stant stressing of Prussian militarism as it was inthe old days, William II was indeed able to impresshis people with his own importance . He brought backthe old Louis XIV idea of "L'etat c'est moi!" and hissubjects liked it. The period of prosperity followingthe unification of Germany, climaxed in the victoriouswar against France in 1870-71, brought a generalwave of satisfaction over the Reich . Industry boomed,German scientific work became authoritative all overthe earth, the German worker had a full dinner pail .The Kaiser was considered the benefactor who hadblessed Germany with good times and his name wasmentioned reverently everywhere . His birthday was

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always the signal for great rejoicing ; schools wereclosed and the children allowed to parade around in afrenzy of freedom, shouting thanks to the great Kai-ser. The births of each of his five sons were hailedwith rejoicing . Here was the great Hohenzollernstock that had presented the fatherland with a Fred-erick the Great and a William the Great (William I,his grandfather, in contrast to William II one of themost admirable characters in history, a dignified,conscientious, lovable sovereign) .

Then came the great conflagration . Unquestionablyone of the ablest of the Hohenzollern, William II felldown miserably when the supreme test came . Endeav-oring to be his own prime minister, and scorning theadvice of more experienced diplomatic minds, headopted a political policy that was criminal-notbecause it was evil-but because it was stupid . Wil-liam II has been accused by historians still affectedby war hysteria of wanting and deliberately causingthe World War. This is untrue . He was almost afanatical pacifist. But the methods he adopted ofkeeping his country out of war were about as close tothe height of stupidity as a ruler could adopt. Hisideas of "Niebelungen-Treue" to Austria, givingthe Danube monarchy a blank check to fill out in hispromise to back her in any case, his alienation offoreign countries by tactless speeches and his personaltimidity at critical moments, all these proved pro-

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HITLERISM: THE IRON FIST IN GERMANYfound shocks to people who had placed so much trustand confidence in him.William II's five sons all outlived the war *, which

was a fortunate thing for the Hohenzollern family,but which irked the thousands and thousands of Ger-man mothers who had lost sons . Patriotic Germanspointed out that sons of political leaders among theallies had fought at the Front ; MacDonald had lost ason in France. When conditions came to the breakingpoint, William II, whose grandfather had ventured sonear the front at Koniggratz in 1866 that Bismarckfeared for his safety, took his belongings and hastenedsomewhat ignominiously across the border-line toHolland. This was the greatest shock of all. A realHohenzollern would have died at the front of histroops. Astonished Germans pointed out that the oldFritz had once seized a standard from a dying soldierand with this admirable display of courage turned oneof his retreating armies back to victory . Yet thisKaiser who had spoken so long and loudly aboutbravery had fled at the first sign of personal danger .

Retired to a palatial estate at Doom, the ex-Kaiserchops wood, writes books defending his own actionsand praising the blood of his ancestors . For the massof the German people he is "erledigt" . Still rated asthe richest German living, while a majority of wealthyGermans lost almost everything in the inflation, and

* The sixth, Joachim, committed suicide .

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married again, another fact that alienated sympathy,the ex-Kaiser remains in seclusion, almost forgottenby the men who once drank so lustily to his health .

It is difficult to say whether the ex-Kaiser has anyconnections with Hitler . Representing as he does theextreme nationalist element in the Reich, it wouldappear that Hitler might be interested in a restorationof the Hohenzollern . However, that is one of his ownsecrets . Hitler's unwillingness to speak accuratelyabout the form of government in the new Reich,whether monarchy or republic, is probably nothingmore than political strategy . He does not want to losethe sympathy of Hugenberg, leader of the GermanNationalists, and especially of Hugenberg's efficientpress apparatus. The Nationalist group, with its2,457,680 registered votes and 41 seats in the Reichs-tag, is the political party in Germany most closelyallied to the Hitlerites, at least the best potential ally ;the other 25 parties have little in their programs re-sembling the Hitlerite or Nationalist demands . Hitlerremains on the fence because he does not want to losethe reactionary vote . He knows that if he came outcategorically for a republic he would lose thousandsof votes among monarchists . There are still plenty ofthem, members of the old nobility still trying to keepup appearances and grasping at Fascism as a laststraw, and middle-class citizens too engrained in

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HITLERISM: THE IRON FIST IN GERMANYPrussian militarism to get it out of their systemseasily.

Yet Hitler must be careful of these monarchists .On November 8, 1923, the night of his unforgettableputsch, the men who deserted him at the critical mo-ment were monarchists . But an opportunist must flirtwith anyone, as long as he can enhance his ownchances. Monarchy or republic makes no differencenow! Obtain the whip-hand and then settle the ques-tion!

CHAPTER 15

ECONOMIC PARADISE

THE most astonishing part of Hitler's magic pro-gram comprises those points dealing with the eco-nomic system in the new Reich . Seldom has anypolitical party gathered so extraordinary a conglom .eration of fantastic economic theories in order to drawnew members to its standard . Hitler's method is sim-ple: he advocates a most unusual collection of funda-mental changes in the financial system of Germany,changes so fundamental that every last citizen hasa chance to begin all over again. And what man inGermany would not welcome the opportunity? Generalprofit-sharing is promised here ; profits made duringthe inflation are to be divided there ; all interest is tobe abolished as well as all mortgages ; huge depart-ment stores are to be destroyed and divided up amongsmall tradesmen ; taxes are to be reduced . What aglorious picture is offered the pure-blooded German!

"There is going to be a re-birth of TRUTH AND]BELIEF in our economic life!" shouts Goebbels . "Rightthe unlimited injustice of robbing millions of German

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people! . . . The German always before the foreignerand the Jew! . . . Fight the decomposing poison of theinternational-Jewish mentality!"

Hitler preaches that the economic program of aparty must take second place to its political aspira-tions. Industry is only a secondary feature in hisReich. "The industry of a people can only bloom,"writes Professor Johannes Stark, "when the domesticand foreign policies are directed in a fundamentallysound manner. . . . According to this principle, Hitler,in the interests of industry, sees his most importanttask in the conquest of political power. When thisimportant end is reached, then the German industriescan be guided in such a manner that all children ofthe nation can get work and bread ."

"The man who makes the program," says Hitler,"has the job of setting a goal, the politician mustreach that goal . The former is influenced by eternaltruths, the latter more by practical realities ." Headmits that he knows little about the economic de-mands of the man behind his program, GottfriedFeder. He first heard Feder lecture in 1919. His reac-tion : "For the first time in my life I heard an exposeof the principles of exchange and loan capitalism .After I heard the first speech of Feder, the thoughtran immediately through my head, now I had foundthe first proposition for the founding of a new party!"And later in the same autobiography : "The fight

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against international finance and loan capitalism hasbecome the most important point in the program ofthe fight of the German nation for its independenceand freedom ."

Hitler left this important point to Feder, who withhis demand of "Brechung der Zinsknechtschaft"(breaking of interest-servitude) has created the so-called "steel-axle" of National Socialism . Let us haveFeder explain the system in his own words ; any inter-pretation of the shadowy theory is almost impossible :" `Breaking of interest-servitude' is our cry on thefield of battle . . . . I know that this principle has notbeen rightly understood in its unheard of and funda-mental importance, even in our own ranks . One seesfor example how seldom our speakers dare to cometo this root problem . Indeed most of them feel it tobe a fundamental question ; in the treasury of wordsof our comrades is the motto : `Fight against exchangeand loan capitalism.' But just what `breaking of inter-est-servitude' means, how it works in the practical lifeof the individual and the nation, what technicallyfinancial occurrences make the nation `slaves ofinterest', or what practical steps are necessary tocarry out the breaking of interest-servitude, and whatthe results will be for the entire population when thisinterest-servitude is broken-these all are vague . . . ."

"What does one understand by 'interest-servitude?'"The condition of people who live under the money

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rule or the interest rule of the almighty Jewish highfinance.

"In interest-servitude is the farmer, who, in order tofinance his farm, must take `credit', at so high arate of interest, that the interest almost eats up theprofits of his work, or who has made or must makedebts and must drag the mortgage debts with him asan eternal ball of lead .

"In interest-servitude is the workingman, wholabors in the factories and workshops for insufficientwages, while the stockholder collects interest anddividends-without worry or work .

"In interest-servitude is the entire bourgeoisie,which to-day must work practically speaking to payfor the interest on bank loans .

"In interest-servitude are all who must earn theirbread through bodily or mental work, while standingopposite them a class-without care and without work-obtains huge incomes through interest on loanedmoney, through profits on the markets and in thebanks, and through financial transactions .-We donot speak of the small independent men or the menwith savings-accounts, even though they collect smallprofits through a fundamentally unsound system,but throughout their lives a hundred times theamount of their small savings are taken away fromthem in some manner, through taxes, pensions, etc .,

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so that in old age they may be given a part of whathas been taken away from them before . . . .

"In interest-servitude is the industrialist, who hasbuilt up his business through the hardest of work,then, according to the principle of keeping up withthe times, has changed his business into a corporation ;he is now no longer his own boss, but he must satisfythe insatiable greed for profits of the `members ofthe board and the stockholders'-if he doesn't wantto be fired from his own business .

"In interest-servitude is every nation that coversits need for money through `loans' .

"In interest-servitude every nation is destroyed,every nation that gives its most important domesticsovereign rights to the money-power-the bankers,its financial interests, its railroads, and the control ofthe most important taxes and tariffs, as Germany hasdone through acceptance of the Dawes Plan .

"In interest-servitude are all nations and all govern-ments that bend before the power of loan-capital .

"In interest-servitude is all creative work, that haslost its place to gold, . . . so that to-day . . . money hasbecome the most brutal tyrant over work .

"Interest-servitude is the correct term for the con-trasts `capital vs . work', `blood vs. money', `power ofcreation vs. profiteering' .

" . . . The demand for `breaking of interest-servi-tude' is of such gigantic proportions, of such funda-

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mental importance for our nation, for our race, thatthe re-birth of our nation out of the depths of slaveryand shame is dependent upon the solution of theproblem, indeed the happiness . . . . prosperity andcivilisation of the world is dependent upon it .

"BREAKING OF INTEREST-SERVITUDE IS THE STEEL-

AXLE ABOUT WHICH EVERYTHING TURNS. IT IS MUCH

MORE THAN A FINANCIAL, POLITICAL DEMAND ; . . . IT

GOES INTO THE PERSONAL LIFE OF EVERYONE, IT

DEMANDS THE DECISION FROM EVERYONE : SERVICE

FOR THE PEOPLE OR LIMITLESS PRIVATE WEALTH-.

IT MEANS 'THE SOLUTION OF THE SOCIAL QUESTION'."

Feder sees the very existence of money as some-thing Jewish. If this system of international loan andfinancial capitalism is destroyed, the basic demand ofthe Fascist economic system, then "the Jewish questionand the social question will be solved with one stroke ."And then a most unusual admission : even after theJews have been driven out, "a bastard portion" of theGerman race will probably try to adopt the sameideas, and it is probable that many an anti-Semiteof to-day will take the place of the Jewish capitalist .Herr Feder does not say what he wants to do with this"bastard portion" .

Then the demands : "Money as such remains theservant of the state, those possessing money powershould not form a state within the state ; . . . hence . . .freedom of the state and the people from their interest

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debts owed to loan capitalism . Government control ofthe Reichsbank-A.G. . . . Money for all public works(development of water power interests, roads, etc.)to be obtained through the issue of government cou-pons (Staatskassengutscheine) which bear no interest. . . Creation of a building association and industrialbank that grants loans without interest ." In this Utopiaevery German who wants to own his home can getfunds to build it without paying any interest on theloaned capital .

In the Hitler Reich a distinction will be madebetween creative-capital (schaffende Kapital) andsnatching-capital (raffende Kapital) . Just what thedifference is has not been made altogether clear . Ifa bank loans Herr Schmidt 25,000 marks to use in hisbusiness, is the bank giving an example of "snatch-ing-capital" or "creative-capital"? If the money is tobe used to bolster a productive business, is the factthat the bank receives a certain amount of interest forits loan enough to warrant the practice as "snatching-capital"? Even if it is, is not the capital being usedfor production, as "creative-capital"? Who is em-powered with wisdom enough to set the differencebetween the two?

What is going to happen after the principle ofinterest on loans is abolished? Feder has given afantastic answer. When the state wishes to start somepublic improvement, a canal, a railroad or a new

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road, the government issues coupons without interestfor the sums needed. With these magic coupons ma-terials are bought, wages for labor paid and the entireconstruction work finished . When the canal, or rail-road, or road has paid for itself, then the coupons,which meanwhile have been passing through varioushands as money, will be withdrawn from circulation .Feder declares in all seriousness that "money is whatthe government declares as money" . The idea of bas-ing paper money on a gold or silver standard simplywill be abolished.

What will the rest of the world have to say aboutthis fantastic economic theory? Will other nationsaccept Feder's coupons for the millions owed them,or for future deliveries of raw materials andproducts? Will all the rest of the world suddenlyrealize that "breaking of interest-servitude" would bean excellent international scheme? Is Germany's posi-tion so sound that she can afford to ignore the rest ofthe world?

Concerning the latter question, a few figures cangive us an eloquent answer. Germany cannot produceenough food nor enough raw material to support herown population. The annual imports of Germanyinclude :

Potatoes and vegetables, 170,000,000 marks .Eggs, 228,000,000 marks.Wheat, 240,000,000 marks.

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Fish, 139,000,000 marks.Meats, 133,000,000 marks .Copper, 251,000,000 marks .Tobacco, 259,000,000 marks .Iron ore, 266,000,000 marks .Coffee, 297,000,000 marks .Tea, 21,000,000 marks .Cocoa, 72,000,000 marks.Fruits, 458,000,000 marks .Wool, 459,000,000 marks.Cotton, 581,000,000 marks.

These statistics for the year 1930 show clearly howGermany depends upon the rest of the world for itsexistence. A Nazi government offering to pay for itsimports with Feder's coupons would become thelaughing-stock of the world . In the present civilizationno nation can afford to shut itself away from the restof the earth .

Let us consider each point of Feder's economic de-mands and attempt to bring some light to the con-fused picture. Point number 12 : "In consequence ofthe huge sacrifice of property and blood, which everywar demands of a people, all wealth achieved throughthe war must be regarded as criminal . We demandtherefore complete confiscation of all war profits ."Alfred Rosenberg gives a word of explanation : "Itwas but natural that National Socialism immediatelyafter its rise began to investigate war-profiteering

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HITLERISM : THE IRON FIST IN GERMANYand to demand complete confiscation of all war profits .But at that time it was politically powerless. Butthose, who thanks to the `proletarian' revolution cameinto power, have not up to the present time moved afinger to bring about a thorough and just investiga-tion. After ten years the capital has gone throughmany hands, conditions have changed, many enter-prises have failed through the criminal inflation ofthe year 1923, new ones have been organized . But onething will be determined by the national government :where the new millionaires and billionaires got theirfortunes, whether they have left or now head produc-tive enterprises or whether they got their moneythrough speculation, through profiteering or throughcarrying-trade ."

Even though this plea be justified, it is difficult tosee just how these fortunes can be collected . Many ofthe war profiteers lost their profits through the infla-tion ; others have simply spent theirs . It will be analmost impossible task to ascertain whether a certainmillionaire obtained his money during the war orsince the war. It is an easy thing to talk about violat-ing the sanctity of private property . Whether Germancitizens will stand for the principle is another matter .

Point number 13 : "We demand government owner-ship (Verstaatlichung) of all trusts (vergesellschaft-eten Betriebe) ." This point is supposed to convinceall Nazis that the party is de facto socialistic in its

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enterprises. It wishes to have nothing to do with capi-talism, unless it be state capitalism . "Syndicates andtrusts", says Feder, "have the idea of organizingsimilar enterprises in a certain field of business inorder to dictate prices . Effort to give the best andcheapest products is not so predominant as the wishto dictate quality, quantity and price . . . . New enter-prises in the same field are bought up or put out ofbusiness, very often by huge bribes . . . . New methodsand inventions are observed suspiciously and prefer-ably suppressed, if they denote a danger for the`profits' of the old business . . . Such organizations. . . serve only the greed for profit on the part ofcapital." These world trusts, Rosenberg goes on tosay, control the political policies of most nations .These organizations must be abolished . Private mo-nopoly without competition must be broken .

On this point National Socialism shows a peculiarsimilarity to its most deadly enemy-Bolshevism .But, Goebbels insists, it is the only way to solve thesocial problem. Seventeen million proletarians areat the mercy of capitalism, which holds all meansof production in its claws. The people are forced tosell their own capital-their working power-at cheapprices. These proletarians are shut out of the picturecompletely. "Production, in so far as human power,talent, invention, enterprise and genius demand, shallremain in the hands of the individual . The state will

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guarantee that everyone who takes a creative part inproduction, whether with fist or brain, will share inownership and profit .

This brings us to point number 14 : "We demandprofit-sharing (Gewinnbeteiligung) in all large indus-trial enterprises." The arrangements as to whoreceives a profit from the industries are left untilthe Nazi victory shall be complete . Any man who does"creative work" in an organization is entitled to ashare of the profits . "Big business" will not beavoided, Rosenberg admits graciously ; it is an essen-tial part of modern civilisation, but the system ofrunning business will be changed altogether . Advance-ment will depend upon ability alone. There will be noparliamentary body ruling each business enterprise .That is left for the Soviet with its Marxian doctrines.There will be "leading personalities" in business, justas in the government. Each large business organiza-tion will have a miniature Hitler at its head, a dictatorto whom allegiance and absolute obedience are due .A business Reich of little Hitlers!

In point number 15 a comprehensive developmentof the old-age pension system is demanded . EveryGerman citizen will be given a pension when hereaches a certain age or when he is unable to workthrough illness or accident. This social insurance sys-tem is not new. It is being practiced at present inGermany and its practice leaves much to be desired .

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But it is popular with the masses and anything popularwith the people is included in the Hitler program."A state that solves the problem of old-age pensions,"says Rosenberg, "will take its place at the forefrontof the coming European resurrection" .

In point number 16 it is demanded that the largedepartment stores be placed on a cooperative basisand leased to small tradesmen at inexpensive rents .Greatest consideration is promised for the smallertradesmen in the purchase of supplies by the govern-ment, states and counties . This plank is aimed atGermany's huge department store corporations, Tietz,Wertheim, Karstadt and others, "lauter Juden", saysFeder. "Suggestion . . . . bluff, awakening interest forwholly useless `necessities', for `luxuries', are theirmethods. . . . Huge palaces of unheard of dimensions,outfitted with all conceivable refinement, seduce cus-tomers to buy mostly useless articles, at apparentlycheap prices and easy paymentsRefreshmentrooms' make it easier to spend time in these depart-ment stores. . . . No one ought to deceive himselfinto believing that he gets anything free . Reallywealthy people do not go to the department storesto make their purchases ; they know what most of thepoor people do not know: `he who buys cheaply, buysdearly' . . . . The visitor at the department store doesnot know that he himself pays for the elevators, rest-rooms and the fantastic lighting effects ."

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So is the poor man taught to sharpen his hateagainst big business. The merchant is being drivenout of business by the department store : hence deathto the department store! The Hitlerites forget con-veniently that we live in a machine-age, that laboris being forced out by machinery, the ditch-diggerby ditch-digging machines, the cement-mixer bycement-mixing machines ; that the centralization andincorporation of business enterprises are but a partof the same economic evolution . These simple truthsare carefully avoided by Nazi agitators . They are will-ing to promise anything. Department stores, espe-cially those run by Jews, provide good material forinflaming the masses . Hence smashing the departmentstores is included as a demand in the Fascist platform .

Most Nazis know little about the astonishingeconomic demands in the Hitler program . The herd-instinct has led them to believe that something remark-able is going to happen when Hitler comes to power .Their empty pocket-books are going to be filled mirac-ulously. Fascist speakers paint brilliant pictures ofthe future Reich with its new money, its mortgageswithout interest, its industries dividing profits and itsbusiness freed from all Jewish competition . But theydo not attempt to explain the novel theories . Most ofthem do not understand the theories themselves ; theyare merely something for which one must agitate .

CHAPTER 16

CATCHING THE FARM-VOTE

How to catch the German farm vote has been aproblem that has caused Hitler no end of trouble .In the program point number 17 proclaims to theworld : "We demand a land-reform (Boden-reform)suited to our national needs, the passing of legislationallowing the expropriation of land without compensa-tion, to be used for the common welfare of thepeople."

Obviously an excellent arrangement, but what aboutthe farmers? Was it possible that farmers in everyregion of the Reich, many of whom had inherited theirfew acres from their fathers and grandfathers, wouldsimply give up their land? Was Hitler denying thesanctity of private property? A loud chorus of pro-test came from farmers as soon as the Nazi party beganto spread throughout the rural districts . They weresatisfied with most points in the Hitler program ; theyhated the French and the Jews, they wanted Hitlerfor a leader-but not at the expense of losing theirbits of ground .

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HITLERISM: THE IRON FIST IN GERMANYOn January 25, 1930, an organization of farmers

in Brandenburg held a meeting, at which a series ofquestions concerning Hitler's attitude towards prop-erty, right of inheritance, credit, tariff policy andprofit-sharing were adopted and sent to Nazi head-quarters. A number of embarrassing questions wereincluded :

"Is the N.S.D.A.P. ready to guarantee that ruralproperty will remain untouched?

"What is the attitude of National Socialism toinherited property and inheritance taxes?

"What is the policy of the National Socialist partytowards interest on savings or inherited capital?

"What is the tax and tariff policy of the NationalSocialist policy?

"How is the party going to obtain money for theold-age pensions?"

Here was serious business . As long as the partysought strength in the larger cities, Hitler and hissatellites were not concerned with the farm vote . Butnow, how could this enormous farm vote be luredto the right wing and how could it be held?

At the beginning of March, 1930, the party leadersgathered at the Brown House in Munich to discuss thevital problem. On March 6 a "Parteiamtliche Kundge-bung fiber die Stellung der N .S.D.A.P. zum Landvolkand zur Landwirtschaft" (Official Party Announce-ment Concerning the Attitude of the N.S.D.A.P. to the


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Farmers and to Agriculture) was issued . So importantwas this announcement considered that it has beenincluded as a foreword in the recent editions of theparty program .

What a beautiful picture has been painted here forthe upright German farmer (of Aryan blood) ! Hitlermakes his promises recklessly, with the generosityof a man giving away something that does not belongto him. Better, ideal homes ; higher wages in the formof profit-sharing ; ten-hour working day ; credit fromthe government without interest ; through protectivetariffs and abolition of certain imported articles foodprices will be forced to a high level ; cheap fertilizer .Hitler's Third-Reich will be a Utopia for farmers!

The first section of this grandiloquent announce-ment states that the necessities of life have to be im-ported at present from foreign countries and are paidfor by money borrowed from international bankers .Thus Germany is digging herself deeper and deeperinto slavery. "Freedom from this condition of slaveryis only possible if the German nation can sustain itselfthrough its own agriculture. This has become . . . aquestion of life for the German people." Then a fewwords of glorification : ". . . We see in the farmers thechief bearers of our national inherited health, thefountain of youth of the nation and the backbone of itsdefence . . . . The maintenance of a strong class of

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farmers . . . is a fundamental idea of the NationalSocialist policy. . . ."

In the present German state, proclaims the an-nouncement in section 2, the industrial importance ofthe farmers has been overlooked . Agriculture in Ger-many has reached a low level because f arm workdoes not pay any more. This is due to a number ofcauses: a policy of crippling taxation ; lack of pro-tective tariffs ; huge profits of the middleman (espe-cially the Jew) between producer and consumer ;usurious prices paid by poor farmers for fertilizerand electricity to huge (particularly Jewish) firms .

As long as the present parliamentary-democraticgovernment controlled by international "money-princes" remains at the helm, insists section 3, thenthe condition of the farmer will not be changed . Thiscan only happen in the Hitler-Reich. The partydemands

"1. The land owned and defended by the Germanpeople serves for the residence and maintenance ofthe entire nation. It must be administered thereforeby the individual owners in this sense .

"2. Only Germans can be owners of German land ."3. Lawfully inherited ownership of land by Ger-

mans will be recognized as inherited property . Thisright of ownership is bound together with the duty ofusing the land for the well-being of the entire nation .The superintendence of this duty will be placed in


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the hands of professional courts, composed of repre-sentatives of all the various groups of farmers anda representative of the government.

"4. German land must not be an object of financialspeculation and must not serve to give its owner anincome if he does not work for it . A person can onlyinherit land in the future if he will cultivate it him-self. At every sale of land and property the state hasthe privilege of buying first . Mortgaging land andproperty to private persons will be forbidden . Neces-sary credits for keeping up production will be receivedby agricultural interests through associations recog-nized by the state or by the state on favorable condi-tions . (!?)

"5. In return for the use of German land the ownermust give a certain portion of his production to thestate, this certain portion being based upon the extentand quality of his land . By this means further taxes onagriculture will cease.

"6. No . . . regulation concerning the size of agri-cultural enterprises can be given . . . .

"7. Inheritance rights of land and property will beregulated through inheritance laws, so that a split inownership . . . can be avoided .

"8. The state has the right to expropriate with suit-able compensation

"(a) land not in the possession of Germans ;"(b) land, that according to the judgment of the

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HITLERISM: THE IRON FIST IN GERMANYprofessional court, through mismanagement, has notbeen serving the needs of the people ;

"(c) sections of the land of farmers not able totake care of all themselves, for the purpose of newcolonisation . . . ;

"(d) land needed by the state for especial na-tional purposes, such as highways, fortifications, etc .

"Land acquired illegally (according to Germanlaw) will be expropriated without compensation .

"9. A carefully planned colonization . . . is a taskof the state . . . . Of first importance is the border-line in the east ."

Section 4 informs the farmers that their class willenjoy an industrial and cultural rise, "in keeping withits importance for the entire nation" . Taxes will belightened. The state will see to it that agricultural workwill pay again . The farmer will get tractors at specialprices, fertilizers, live-stock, scientific agriculturaladvice and free chemical examination of his soil .Each district will be organized . Every farmer willhave the chance to rise higher in his profession ; theable farmer can even become an inspector of his dis-trict or direct colonization. Living conditions will bebettered. The importation of foreigners to work in thefields will be unnecessary, because Hitler farms willbe so delightful that they will draw the excess ofunemployed away from the cities . The farmer's "Kul-tur" will be bettered immeasurably . Agricultural uni-


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versities with plenty of free scholarships for thoseunable to afford such an education will be spreadthroughout the Reich .

The farmers will be freed! "This political move-ment for liberty of the German nation is theN.S.D.A.P.!"

THIS orgy of promises has had the desired effect . Itresulted in a veritable stampede of farm votes . TheGerman farmer living in a hovel dreams of his futurepalace in the Nazi Reich . A Germany without taxes isalmost too good to be true. The farmer himself doesnot understand much about the high-fangled notionsof Nazi agitators and of the Nazi press, but it allsounds mighty good to him . And these Jews must bepretty rotten people, worse than he had suspected .Why, they were the ones responsible for the loss of thewar. That is news, and another reason for rallying tothe Hitler banners. The farmer looks at his mail andfinds a striking pamphlet, "Nationalsozialismus andLandarbeiterschaft" . One illustration strikes his eyeand his hardened features lighten into a smile : a beau-tiful farm-house for two families, each family possess-ing four rooms, store-houses, roomy cellars . His eldestson will be away at college learning how to securemaximum results from the land . The farm itself will

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be the ideal object in an ideal life, where all worryand care will be abolished .

Even the working man on the farm is not forgotten .He cannot share in profits derived from the sale ofproducts, but he can share in the products themselves .He will be paid in wheat, corn, or eggs and can dowhat he wants with the products . He will not beexpected to work longer than 10 hours a day . "Theworking man on the farm must have time, duringwhich he can feel himself to be a person . He musthave hours of leisure, at which time he can losehimself in observation of nature and can dedicate him-self to his family" .

And what about the farmer who owns thousands ofacres, the "Grossgrundbesitzer"? He will have all theprivileges given to the small farmer and is guaranteedhis right to private property . Somewhat paradoxically,it seems, with the other ideals presented . But c'est lameme chose! There are to be no discontented peoplein the Third Reich .

JUGGLING the program around and evolving thesegrandiose agrarian promises seems almost a bit com-ical to the outside observer, but it is obvious to thevisitor in Germany that Hitler is taken by the farmersas being in deadly earnest . One need only to note the


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farmers lining the roads and cheering the "S.A."squads as they march along the country roads on theweekly "sport excursions" . Hitler's agitation hasstruck productive territory here .

CHAPTER 17

NAZI KULTUR

THE average German is intrigued by the word"Kultur". It gives him a strange sort of self-satisfac-tion to realize that Germany is one of the most civi-lized nations on earth. He points to Germany's greatestcontributions to the world of genius-Goethe, Schiller,Luther, Kant, Beethoven, Bach, Bismarck, Frederickthe Great,-and says proudly : "They were Germans!"This deep-seated, nationalistic spirit, this ardent lovefor German culture and ideals and for the Germanfatherland, was demonstrated in the astonishing bat-tle Germany with her allies put up against tremendousodds during the World War. The wave of nationalismthat swept through Europe in the 19th century seemedto leave more lasting effects in the Reich than in othernations. The German working-man feels that he isintellectually superior to the laborers of other coun-tries ; in other classes there is a corresponding feeling .

Here then is another method of winning susceptibleGerman voters for the Nazi party . Even now, asbefore the war, only a certain portion of the popula-

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209,

tion is financially able to afford a higher education .This unfortunate state of affairs will be remedied atonce in the Third Reich . Every capable and diligentGerman will have the chance to achieve a universityeducation and "become a successful leader". A com-prehensive reform will take place in the public schoolsand the universities. Physical education will be placedbefore studies in importance, Hitler promises, aftercasting an eye at the enormous growth in the popu-larity of sports since the war. Schools do not belong inthe centre of the large cities ; they will be placed onthe outskirts "where there is green" or in the publicparks. Just how this wholesale transfer of schoolswill be managed in a country almost bankrupt has,of course, been left unexplained .

The school-children must not be burdened with toomany facts ; they must be taught first of all the im-portance of will-power. "First in importance," saysHitler, "will be development of character, especiallyin will-power and power of decision, together withtraining for a joy in responsibility ; and then-last ofall-the scientific training ." They are to be taught toreverence all great Germans : "The admiration ofevery great deed by a man of the German race mustbe bathed in pride for that happy individual . From thenumerous great names in German history the greatestare to be selected and presented to the students in soemphatic a form that they shall become the pillars of

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an indestructible national feeling ." Anti-Semitism isto become a feature of the new educational policy :"The entire education and training by the nationalstate must be turned in the direction of burning aninstinct for racial sense and racial feeling into thehearts and brains of the youth. No boy nor girl shouldleave school without having learned the last wordabout the necessity of pure blood ." Children will betaught biology, racial history, German and history asthe most important subjects . Of foreign languages,English will have the place of honor ; no German childwill soil his tongue by learning to conjugate Frenchverbs. There will be no such thing as failure ; thebackward pupil will simply get more attention untilhe is able to keep up with the others .

The "shame" of German university life will becorrected at once by chasing all Jewish professorsfrom faculty ranks. Here too the university studentwill be compelled to study "knowledge of races"(Rassenkunde) . In a Germany so proud of its "akad-emische Freiheit" the word "compelled" will be intro-duced. There will be no connection between scien-tific Germany and the science of other countries. WhatGermany produces of scientific value will be forGermans only. German genius will become nationaland not international!

In religious life the party demands "freedom for allreligious confessions in the state, in so far as these

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211confessions do not offend the morality of the Germanrace. The party as such represents the point of viewof a positive Christianity, without binding itself toany particular confession . It opposes the Jewish ma-terialistic spirit in and around us and is convinced thatthe lasting convalescence of our people can only fol-low on the principle: common welfare before self-interest." It is modestly admitted that Christianityhas attained its true worth through the Germaniccharacter given it through the Reformation. Hencethis "Germanic character" will be stressed in theThird Reich. This heroic Teutonic spirit rather thanChristianity based upon love will be the new key-note .Christ's doctrine of forgiveness and loving thineenemy are obviously out of place in a country thatmust preach eternal enmity to the "French swine" .Nazi pastors will be expected to dilate upon the heroiccharacter of the ancient German gods-even thoughthey be heathens-, since they express the real, aggres-sive, positive Christian spirit . The love-thy-neighbor-as-thyself Christian will be taboo . Any portion of theChristian doctrine that smacks too much of Jewishinfluence must be forgotten . Christianity a la Hitlerwill be a fascinating experiment.

In the field of art everything tending to accentuatethe national German spirit must be preferred to in-ternational tendencies. Modernistic settlements, archi-tectural efforts showing American or other influences,

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will be prohibited . Germans will be asked politely tohear German music, if you please, and not "Bolshe-vistic, Jewish music". The theatre will be taken outof the hands of private producers and directed in thefuture by the state. Here, too, all national productionswill be stressed .

A privilege and pleasure to live in this paradisewhere there will be "a blooming of all the sciencesand fine arts in a politically free and economicallysound state"!

CHAPTER 18

IIITLE1I AND MUSSOLINI

As regiments of Nazi soldiers file by, their headsturned stiffly to the right and their eyes upon theirleader, Hitler stands and acknowledges proudly theloyalty of his followers . The Fascist chief is happy inthe spotlight of public adoration . Kissing babies,shaking hands, making speeches upon every possibleoccasion, all the well-known attributes of twentiethcentury popularity are pleasant tasks for him . He isnot dazed by his dizzy ascension to power ; he has, onthe other hand, a well-developed appreciation of hisown ability and he believes in himself .

Although fickle, vain, short-sighted, lacking in fin-ished education, there are fundamental characteristicsin Hitler's nature that have brought him to his presentposition. He is an excellent orator, organizer andleader. Catapulted into fame he points to these char-acteristics as a gift of nature, which has endowed himwith these particular capabilities in order to makehim the German Mussolini .

Hitler has adopted Mussolini's Fascist manner of213

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HITLERISM: THE IRON FIST IN GERMANYgreeting, holding the right arm high into the air . Heimitates the Duce's peculiar mannerisms when ad-dressing a crowd and attempts to use the same Musso-lini "hypnotic stare", which in Hitler's case resultsin a grotesque and ludicrous version . The latter hasmade a deep study of every phase of the Italian dicta-tor's character and attempts at every conceivable timeto imitate him.

There are indeed similarities in the careers andcharacteristics of the two men . Both are self-mademen, both started at, the bottom and earned their liv-ings in early life. After wandering about uncertain asto the next step, Mussolini as a teacher and Hitler asa working-man anxious to become an architect, bothhad turned their eyes towards a political career . Mus-solini came eventually to Switzerland, where he joineda group of anarchistic-socialists and from where hewas deported. Coming to Austrian Trent, he was con-verted to the nationalist cause of Italy. Here he suf-fered deportation again . At the outbreak of the war,he turned his efforts towards forcing his country intothe war against Austria-Hungary, Italy's ally in theTriple Alliance, (formed in 1882 and renewed forcontinuous periods in 1891, 1903 and 1912) . Musso-lini wanted his country to have nothing to do withthe "reactionary" central power, which to him seemedinterested in gobbling up Italy's possessions. Thenagain, as a revolutionary, Mussolini desired war even

HITLER AND MUSSOLINI

215though a pacifist at heart, feeling that only throughwar could a social revolution come to free Italy .

Taking part in the war and wounded at the front,Mussolini suddenly turned around and became thedeadliest enemy of the Socialists and Communistsin Italy. He became the leader of Fascist troops,which on October 1, 1922, marched on Rome andtook over the government . Finding that a republic wasnot wanted by Italians and that the power of the Cath-olic church was still a thing to be reckoned with, Mus-solini conveniently changed his earlier views and cameto an understanding with the monarchy and later withthe Church. At first faced with the skeptical criticismand even open enmity of various other nations, Mus-solini turned his heart and soul towards the upbuildingof his fatherland . Uniting a clever foreign policywith comprehensive domestic reforms, using forcewhen necessary to carry through his projects, Mus-solini has succeeded in convincing a large portion ofthe rest of the world that a dictatorship was the onething needed to keep Italy among the powers . A bornleader, a diplomatic genius, a truly outstanding per-sonality, Mussolini is now looked upon with admira-tion rather than with skepticism .

Hitler's followers point out that he is destined toplay a similar role in the history of Germany. Oneof the most popular books in Nazi homes is a gaudyvolume of photographs which emphasizes the simi-

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larities in the careers of Mussolini and of Hitler . Hereis the iron fist provided by nature to smash Germany'sway back to the top of the nations .

A close comparison in the characters of the twomen, however, brings to light certain differences . Inearly life Mussolini was a trained journalist. He knewthe value of the printed word as well as the spoken .He was an able journalist, a logical thinker, a manto whom propaganda rated second to clear-thinking .His capacity for detailed and painstaking work isillustrated in the remarkable press campaign he di-rected before his march on Rome. Hitler on the otherhand has always remained the political demagogue,more intent upon impressing his followers and keep-ing them in a state of blind devotion than upon keep-ing them enlightened politically. Both men are extremeegoists, able and anxious to place their own welfarebefore any other thing of importance . Mussolini is thequick-witted man of ambition, the man who can changehis standard the second he perceives that his per-sonal interests will be benefited by the change . Hitleris slow and blundering, depending upon politicalgood-luck rather than upon any exceptional politicalgenius.

Mussolini resembles Bismarck in that he is a"Realpolitiker" . He refuses to commit himself or toinsist upon keeping or making promises . His assertionthat "the best program is no program" stands out in

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217direct contrast to Hitler's loud insistence that the Naziprogram will never be changed ; it is made to be car-ried out and will be carried out even at the risk ofdeath. Mussolini, realizing that one man cannot knoweverything, has surrounded himself with a group ofleaders, whose advice he values and whom he trustsimplicitly. Hitler, too, has a group of leaders abouthim, but little devotion or understanding exists here .Continued squabbling among Nazi leaders has beena stumbling-block since the formation of the party.Hitler, absolutist among the masses and his storm-squads, does not possess personality sufficient to con-trol a small group of political leaders, whose obviousaim is-like his own-personal power .

Here lies probably the most essential difference inthe two men. In his chess play for personal power,Mussolini relied on a carefully trained organizationand on trusted followers, whereas Hitler in his playfor power depends upon himself alone . So fascinatedis he by the force of his own personality, that he be-lieves he can be swept into the dictatorship withoutoutside aid by presenting himself and a program,which is difficult to surpass in number of absurdities .It is difficult to imagine a nation so advanced as theGerman ruled by a man with the level of intelligenceexhibited by Hitler in his speeches and writings . True,there is force here, brutal driving force, but the in-telligence and political capacity to lead a nation is

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HITLERISM: THE IRON FIST IN GERMANYsadly lacking. The political charlatan who stands ona street corner and shouts defiance at the powers thatbe is not the person to place in a dictator's chair . TheGerman people, sick to death of adversity, grab at thelast straw . And that straw seems to be Hitler, whoimagines himself the Teutonic Mussolini .

CHAPTER 19

THE ENEMIES

THE two uncompromising enemy parties, both ofwhich stand in the Nazi path to power, are the SocialDemocrats and the Communists . There is no hope forconciliation between either of these parties and Na-tional Socialism . Their respective programs differ sothoroughly that there is little possibility of a coalitionbetween either and the Hitlerites. The Nazis want allor nothing. Hitler commands a revolutionary party andadmittedly wants to overthrow the present govern-ment. His party as such is illegal in the German re-public, but its strength is so great that a ban wouldbe well nigh impossible .

The Social Democratic party owes its origin to the"Allgemeiner Deutscher Arbeiterverein" founded byLasalle and a group of Leipzig working-men in 1863 .This organization, a purely national one, was unitedwith the international workers led by Liebknecht in1875. In 1919 the Communistic party split with theSocial Democrats .

The Social Democrats demand international organi-219

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HITLERISM: THE IRON FIST IN GERMANYzation of the proletarians ; creation of a satisfactorysystem of international law ; abolition of war throughan organization of nations possessing the same privi-leges ; transfer of capitalistic private property to theproducing classes ; and removal of all class distinction .The party believes that its ideals can be fulfilled bestin a republic. No monarchistic or militaristic move-ments are to be tolerated. Freedom of religion andequal rights for all men are points stressed in theprogram. The party is opposed to all imperialistic andFascist aspirations just as it supports the true So-cialistic state . It supports all efforts for internationalunderstanding, especially the work of the League ofNations and the World Court; the right of self-determination for all peoples, the right of minorities .It opposes the forceful destruction of the black manin colonial territories. It demands international dis-armament. It supports the economic unity of Europeanstates and desires a United States of Europe .

Socialistic and democratic, the party has achievedone of its aims through the founding of the Germanrepublic . It has bettered the position of the working-man, so that now, in many respects, the Germanlaborer is in a better condition than many of thebourgeoisie. Possessing 8,575,343 registered votersand 143 seats in the Reichstag at the elections ofSeptember 1930 the Social Democrats, still powerful,will have nothing to do with the Hitlerites .

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Hitler preaches that the Social Democrats controla coalition running the government in a "shamefullycorrupt" manner. Attacks have long passed the stageof mild political dispute . The battle for power is abitter one, with no quarter given nor asked .

The second enemy-and the greater of the two-is the Communist party . Organized in 1916 under theleadership of Karl Liebknecht and Rosa Luxemburg(both later murdered), the party maintained that in-ternationalism is the only fatherland for the Germanproletarian. In 1917 the Communist party announcedits adherence to the Russian Soviet .

The Communists demand first of all a dictatorshipof the proletariat . Other points in its program include :economic partnership with Soviet Russia ; treaties ofbrotherhood with the suppressed classes and masses ofthe entire world ; annulment of the Treaty of Versaillesand of all international political treaties ; sovereigntyof the German Soviet Republic ; annulment of all"tribute" under the Young Plan, all foreign debtsand former international obligations of the Germanbourgeois. All property must be expropriated withoutcompensation and all capitalistic enterprises handedover to the state. There is to be no private property .Government will be based on the Russian Soviet sys-tem. A huge Red army to defend Soviet Germany willbe organized.

The Communists demand further : every man be-

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HITLERISM: THE IRON FIST IN GERMANYtween 16 and 55 must be given work ; the six-hourday will be in force for all laborers ; every laborerwill be paid according to his ability ; every laborerwill benefit by accident, sickness, old-age and life in-surance ; freedom of religions as well as anti-religiouspropaganda ; freedom of the press, etc .

Denying as it does the superiority of the Germanicpeople and stressing the international brotherhood ofthe workers as opposed to nationalism, the basic ideaof Communism stands in direct contrast to the Nazidoctrines . Both parties realize that there is littleprobability of either coming to power without a revo-lution ; hence both have adopted a policy of force inachieving their aims . The government as it now existsis too strong for either party, the result being that theNazis and the Communists have turned their thoughtsto the annihilation of each other . A miniature reign ofterror has gripped the country, where an astonishingguerilla-like warfare has kept the police busy .

CHAPTER 20

HITLER A" FRANCE

THE dapper little Austrian, shoved by a kindly fateto the centre of the world-stage, makes no hit with theFrench part of his audience . Amazed by his suddenrise to potential power, angered by his denunciationsof everything French and uneasy in the face of hisbellicose actions, the French have been in a quandary .They have watched in dismay as the gospel preachedby Hitler has spread infectiously through Germany,Austria, Hungary and even in Czechoslovakia, wherethe Nazi chieftain is represented in the Prague Parlia-ment. How can they handle this unwelcome apparition,who casts a shadow somewhat larger than his meagreself across the face of Europe? They call him a"political firebrand", an "ambitious demagogue", a"magic saviour", "an unbalanced, temperamentalactor, an easily excited neurasthenic who is over-whelmed by the events of the moment and who lacksthe capacity for real leadership and the ability tocome to a decision at the right time", but what canthey do about him?

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HITLERISM: THE IRON FIST IN GERMANYHitler's glorification of the Germanic race, his

fantastic economic theories, his formulas for futureinternational relations, his ferocious nationalism andbitter anti-Semitism have found critics everywhere, butnone are so excited as those in France, which feelsitself threatened by a trial of Hitlerism. SuccessiveGerman governments have adopted a policy of recon-ciliation with France, a policy which Hitler announceswill be discontinued, if he once comes into power .

Hitlerism is admittedly a challenge to the post-warsupremacy of France, whose hegemony in Europe theFascists want to end. Demanding equality in arma-ments, cancellation of reparations and the end of theVersailles Treaty, Hitler strikes his fist forciblyagainst those very things upon which the French arethe most sensitive. Since the war France has resolutelyavoided a helping hand for her traditional enemy .She admits coldly that a weak Germany is to heradvantage because it would give her a feeling of se-curity which she would otherwise not enjoy. A Ger-many just wealthy enough to pay reparations and justpoor enough to be unable to support a militarymachine would be-from the French viewpoint anideal state of affairs . The flow of funds into Franceafter the war, where it straightway went into thepockets of parsimonious natives and was held there,has gradually enriched the country . Germany, keptweak in armaments by the Versailles Treaty, has been

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225

unable to offer any opposition to France and hersatellites-Czechoslovakia, Poland and Belgium-which have adopted a new "encirclement policy", arepetition of the same strangle-hold which, accordingto German historians, was one of the indisputablecauses of the World War .

"To the French," says Jules Sauerwein in the NewYork Times, "the Hitlerites seem to mean the doubledanger of war and revolution . This fear is perhapsexaggerated because Hitler is far from having amonghis immediate partisans men capable of such bigundertakings .

"If Hitler gains the helm of the German state, hewill have two alternatives . First, he may elect to carryout his financial and social program which will meanthe overthrow of existing conditions and speedy bank-ruptcy for Germany. This course will evoke violenceand at the same time deprive Germany of all her alliesexcept a few miserable countries which may bedragged down with her in the hazardous adventure .

"Although this disturbance can last only a fewmonths it will nevertheless be very dangerous for therest of Europe .

"If, on the other hand, Hitler abandons his sensa-tional program and follows in the footsteps of Chan-cellor Bruening not many weeks will pass before hewill be deserted by three-fourths of his partisans, whowill proceed to form a revolutionary party which the

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HITLERISM: THE IRON FIST IN GERMANYCommunists will know how to use to further their ownends at the right moment . That is an eventuality whichFrance should consider well and guard against.

"The statesmen of Paris have great need for clearvision just now. They should above all take into ac-count that there is a Chancellor in Germany who oncemore has had the courage to defy Hitler . In as muchas Dr. Bruening, after all, is not a hero hankeringfor martyrdom, it may be concluded that if hedefies the man who already is credited by many withbeing all-powerful he must still hold a few trumps inhis hand . He must be sure of the support of the policeand the head of the Reichswehr .

"France, therefore, faces a choice between anorderly Germany and a Germany which will cradledisorder threatening all Europe. Premier Laval ispersuaded that the situation shapes up like that andthat we should go to Chancellor Bruening's aid. Butunfortunately the Premier cannot offer Germany asingle centime because the French are resolutelykeeping their hands in their pockets . It will be a neces-ity therefore for M. Laval to help Dr . Bruening asmuch as possible with reparations concessions or insome other way.

"If Dr. Bruening has nothing more than wordswith which to defy Hitler and if he fails to find inFrance the backing which the celebrated agitator isseeking in England and Italy, it is evident that the

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National Socialists will sit in Germany's MinisterialCouncil before next April (1932) and it then will betoo late for France to block the course of events boundto result therefrom ."

What will France do if Hitler comes into power?It is too late to start thinking about concessions now .Any weakening of the French position will obviouslyconvince Hitler's followers, and even those who areundecided whether to cast their lots with him or not,that France has been tamed into submission by theNazi leader and that much more could be obtainedwere he placed at the helm. On the other hand, ifFrance continues her present aloof position, the Ger-mans will be driven to desperation .

Bruening's victories-his dictatorial measures torestore German credit, his sudden announcement thatGermany is unable to pay reparations any longer, hisremarkable strategy in staving off Hitler's advent topower as long as possible, all these have failed tosatisfy the French people. They see clearly that nego-tiation with the German government is almost useless,for the simple reason that the present government doesnot represent the will of the majority of Germanvoters.

What can the French government do when Hitlerfinally takes his turn? Will "strong measures" benecessary to cope with the eventual emergency? CanFrance attempt another occupation of the Ruhr and

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risk a terrible fiasco? What is better-the nervousmarking of time as Hitler beats at the doors of thegovernment, or a test of Hitlerism, the sooner the bet-ter? Will a repudiation of the Versailles Treaty andreparations upon the part of Hitler goad the Frenchpeople, always fearing for their own security, intoanother gigantic war? Will France back her "sacredrights" by machine guns, airplanes, cannon andpoison gas at a time when she is just emerging froma weary reconstruction period after the last worldconflagration?

After the war of 1870-71 France paid a huge in-demnity in so short a time that even the Iron Chancel-lor, Bismarck, was amazed . The French accepted theirdefeat philosophically and got to work ; as in 1815France endured defeat easily and prepared at once toregain her elevated place in the concert of Europe .The surprising recovery after 1871 caused a clamorof protest to be raised in victorious Germany, wherevoices for a "preventive war" were heard. Bismarck,the "Realpolitiker", opposed this course strenuously .He understood that Germany had been saturated withwars and that she needed no conflicts, at least for thetime being, to reassert her supremacy .

But this idea of "preventive war" has not altogetherdied in Europe . It is flaming in many a patrioticFrench heart at the present time . Is it not better torisk a conflict now, when a quick war on a weakened

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Germany would be rich in compensation and justifythe constant French claim to security? Or ought theFrench to wait until the Reich, grown powerful underthe dictator, Hitler, would treat its neighbor with ill-concealed scorn? Japan's flagrant violation of the Kel-logg Pact and its ignoring of the League of Nationshave brought home conclusively to the French as wellas to other nations the fact that war as a nationalnecessity has not been banished from the face of theearth, in spite of the magnificent efforts made to bringabout so happy a state of affairs.

A "preventive war" by France, or even a new in-vasion of the Rhineland, would probably precipitateEurope and the world into another and more terriblewar. Conditions existing in Europe to-day are unques-tionably more dangerous than they were during 1914,when the spark of Sarajevo set the world ablaze. Asmuch as the French appreciate Briand's efforts forpeace, what he has done shrinks into insignificance forhis fellow countrymen when they think of the spectreof a fighting Germany, "the bully across the Rhine",which for one thousand years has been the greatFrench enemy .

THE French apparently do not favor a coalitionbetween Hitler and the Bruening government, whichthey look upon as but a preliminary step to a Fascist

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HITLERISM : THE IRON FIST IN GERMANYdictatorship. It would be better to have a trial ofHitlerism as soon as possible . Then the futility of itwould become evident to the mass of the Germanpeople, they believe . The situation, at least, would beconsiderably clarified and the constant feeling ofuneasiness which exists both in France and Germanywould give way to an outburst of some kind; whethercivil war, revolution or world war remains to be seen .

Hitler's outspoken declarations about Franco-Ger-man relations have added much to French uneasiness ."The only possible way of obtaining an understandingbetween France and Germany," Hitler told a group offoreign newspaper correspondents, "is by Franceagreeing to abandon her policy of blackmail and ex-tortion which she has practiced for twelve yearsagainst Germany. France also must give up her effortto keep the German nation in economic slavery foranother sixty years by means of reparations . Frenchstatesmen constantly complain of the progress of theNationalist movement in Germany, quite overlookingthe fact that no nation can accept, without protest, thetreatment the Germans have undergone at the handsof France since 1918 .

"The outcome of the disarmament conference atGeneva in February, 1932, will have an importantbearing on the future of Franco-German relations .The conference will be the touchstone by which thecommon sense of the world will be tested . If the world

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wishes the system of political extortion to continue,then it will agree at the conference to the maintenanceof the French hegemony, which has been achieved bymeans of a huge army unnecessary to the defense ofher frontiers, which are fully protected under theagreements of the League of Nations ."

Behind these warnings France sees not the gestureof a responsible diplomat but the threat of a politicaldemagogue who thinks of the French as a "negro-nation" corrupting the blood of Europe.

The French, occupied in watching Hitler's apparentlandslide, seemed to overlook the fact that Chancel-lor Bruening, in spite of his reconciliation policy, waspersonally opposed to the further payment of repara-tions, a point upon which all the various politicalparties in Germany agree, in spite of their otherwisewidely divergent platforms . When Bruening recentlyannounced the inability of the Reich to pay furtherreparations, thereby denouncing the Young Plan andthe reparation clauses of the Versailles Treaty, hetook a step which immediately caused the French towonder whether the Chancellor was stealing Hitler'sthunder. Taking the largest share of German repara-tions, 52.7% of the total to be paid, France has in-sisted that these political debts are sacred . Dr.Schacht's prophecy-the end of reparations-seemsto have come true, in spite of the French viewpoint .

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HITLERISM: THE IRON FIST IN GERMANYTHE menace of Hitlerism could not help but excite

a nation so touchy and so volatile as the French .Everywhere in France, on the boulevards of Paris and

in the most out-of-the-way cafes of the provinces, thefiery apostle of violence and German nationalism is

the subject of gloomy forebodings and animated de-bates. Stocks and bonds in Paris react sensitively, justas in other financial centres of the world, upon rumors

of Hitler's latest moves . The French look with a cer-tain measure of confidence on their own militarymachine, the strongest army in the world . The creamof the country's youth is being trained in the methodsof modern warfare. The streets of French cities arefilled with young men in uniform, ready to offer lifeand limb for "la patrie". But the memories of 1914-1918 persist, unpleasant memories of German fightingability. And prominent in the most recent of Frenchnightmares are the features of the nervous littleAustrian .

CHAPTER 21

WHAT NEXT?

WITH a most astonishing spirit of patience andfatalism, the German nation is watching the approachof civil war and revolution . There is little more Ger-man statesmen can do to save the fatherland fromeconomic collapse or a shattering disaster . If ever anation has fought admirably to shoulder an unfairburden, which the impartial historian will be readyto admit, then it is Germany ; this in spite of the viewsof American publicists and former diplomats whovaguely point to new sporting stadiums and churchesin the Reich as an indication of the fact that Germanyis not suffering as badly as other nations in the world-wide depression .

Coming out of the war all but ruined through ter-rible loss of life and economic misery, and dependingupon the Wilsonian 14 points for a fair deal, Ger-many was faced at Versailles by the victor nationswith but one end in view-a "Revanche-Politik" .Now that Germanic militarism was crushed and theworld made safe for democracy, bankrupt Germany

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was ordered to spend the next sixty years in raising$33,000,000,000 in gold plus interest. This was theresult when Wilson, anxious above all to have hisLeague of Nations accepted by the world, transferredthe leadership in "peace negotiations" to Clemenceau,the French Tiger, author of the significant sentence :"There are 20,000,000 Germans too many ." Wilson'spromises were treated as the expression of a privateindividual . An impossible burden was placed on Ger-many. On January 11, 1923, the French marched intothe Ruhr and attempted to seize German property,after heroic efforts had been made to meet the hugeburdens.

The Dawes Plan in 1923 was a recognition by theUnited States that she had made a mistake in leavingGermany's fate in the hands of the latter's deadliestenemy. International experts considered Germany'sfinancial and economic condition and finally agreedthat Germany was to pay lesser sums until she reacheda normal condition, when she could again start thehigher payments . For five years Germany was forcedto reckless borrowing at high interest to meet theDawes Plan obligations. International financiers stillcould not see the folly they were causing . There ex-isted an extraordinarily naive belief that Germanycould do the impossible. The seeds of present financialdifficulties in the Reich were sown during the fiveyears the Dawes Plan was in effect .

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During the first six months of 1929 another inter-national committee of experts met, "two independentexperts from each nation, experts who enjoyed inter-national prestige and authority in their own countriesand who were not bound by any instructions fromtheir own governments", America (Owen D. Youngand J. P. Morgan), Belgium, France, England, Italy,Japan and Germany. The Reich was ordered to payabout half a billion dollars annually in gold . Thisreparations plan was to be final. Ratified in May1930 the Young Plan soon proved to be but anotherfailure. Thirteen months later, on June 5, 1931, theGerman government was forced to tax the incomesof all Germans to the breaking point in order to keepthe nation above water. International capital began tohave some doubts about the wisdom of sending moneyinto the Reich ; the flow of foreign capital began tocalm down. Unable to pay for her imports, the nationwas forced to increase her exports as much as possibleand cut down on imports . Countries furnishing Ger-many with raw products began to complain. Industrywas beginning to be tied up. Germany was at the cross-roads .

On June 20, 1931, the Hoover Moratorium at lastsignalized the fact that a change of mind had takenplace. A new attitude was indicated towards this im-possible and artificial system of reparations, a systemthat meant the industrial, social, financial and political

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ruin of Germany. France objected and refused toagree to the proposal unless Germany promised tostart payments again at the end of the year's holiday .But here was no blessing. International bankers sud-denly started a panicky call for money loaned Ger-many ; huge industrial enterprises and banks beganto fail in the Reich ; domestic and foreign capitalstarted to pour out of the country. No temporary re-lief could help Germany . The sick patient neededmedicine, not morphium.

There is a limit to everything. After thirteen yearsof attempting to conform to a treaty, which the Britisheconomist Keynes recognized at once as a crazy ven-ture into finance, the German people have hadenough. A government attempting to fulfill treatyobligations must have the support of its people . It isobvious that the present government does not have thesympathy of the people. The Bruening regime, operat-ing as it does under a virtual dictatorship, has lostthe confidence of a people who have endured miserypatiently, but who are now ready to throw up theirhands and cry : "Germany has done what it could .Take anything you want. Do anything you want."

A collapsed Germany will not be an asset to totter-ing Europe. The well-being of international finance,industry and economics demands the well-being ofevery great nation, even of Germany. The reparationphilosophy has been a failure . Germany can be saved,

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it must be saved by the cancellation of reparations .Blundering along like a crowd of blindfolded drunkenmen in an alley, international statesmen, "midgets inthe seats of the mighty", fail to see that the world-wide depression is a result of foolhardy economicpolicies after the war .

So much for a foreign outlook of Germany's alarm-ing condition. What about domestic affairs? Somepolitical observers point to the failure of the refer-endum to dissolve the Prussian Landtag last summeras an indication of the diminishing brilliance of theHitler movement. Nothing could be further from thetruth. The German public is not reflecting upon thereal meaning of Hitler's program, it does not thinkof his "strange hash of anti-Semitism and anti-Bolshevism, of economic radicalism and political re-action". It has passed the stage of political argument .It demands action-at any price, and that is whatHitler is prepared to offer. When a nation reaches thelimit of its patience, blind fate may step in and solvethe problem.

An election in September 1931 in Hamburg testifiesto the steady advance of the Hitler party . In the lastlocal election in 1928 the Nazis polled 17,671 votes,entitling them to 3 seats in the Hamburg Legislature .In the 1931 election they returned 43 seats with 202,-

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465 votes. The Reichstag elections of 1930, whichsurprised the entire world, showed a great increasefor Hitler; the 1931 figures show a 45% increaseagain in one year. These figures are typical for thewhole Reich. Hitlerism is a power to be reckonedwith .

Prophesying the future of a political party in Ger-many is a difficult proposition . No one can state withcertainty that the Hitler party is coming eventuallyinto power. The political temperament of the Germanpeople is too complex and too apt to change its frontfor observers to be able to state accurately what isgoing to happen . But indications point to the fact thatthe blatant little Austrian is due soon for a chance atpower. The Hitler movement is growing into a land-slide, rising more quickly perhaps than any otherpolitical party in the history of Germany . This mix-ture of magnetic personality, promises of a gloriousfuture, unstinted glorification of the German race,and convincing political gains have quickened the Ger-man pulse. Nazi visions of a pure race have stiffenedthe backbone of a people whose pride suffered a dizzyfall after 1918 . The attitude seems to be : "What's theuse?" A spirit of resignation pervades the atmospherein present-day Germany: "One might as well giveHitler a chance!"

A brief trial of Hitlerism would perhaps be agood thing for Germany. Afterwards she would not

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take her political firebrands too seriously. So mediocrea person as Hitler directing the government fromBerlin would be a tremendously revealing experiment .Governments cannot exist on enthusiasm alone andmen with startling political and economic theoriescannot test them out when the tension in an alarmedEurope is at fever-heat .

Hitler's avowed determination to obtain powerlegally is not convincing. The very nature of his revo-lutionary movement protests against what the presentrepublic considers legal. The growth of the Nazi partyhas been paralleled by a growth, not so rapid to besure, but nevertheless a steady growth, of the Com-munists. The two parties together in a coalition couldcontrol Germany, but their aims are too far apart .The government is gradually losing its majority, butneither Hitler nor the Red party is strong enough toobtain power legally.

Politically, Germany to-day is in an extremely pre-carious condition. The republic has been held togetherto a large extent by the towering personality of Ger-many's Grand-Old-Man, President Hindenburg. Hisdeath would be perhaps the spark sufficient to causea huge conflagration. Hitler's next attempt to carrythrough a putsch will have the advantage of a morethorough preparation than his first . He is waiting forthe psychological moment to strike, a moment which

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in all probability will come before the summer of1932.

Germany's crying need since Bismarck's death hasbeen leadership. The lack of this fundamental hasbeen responsible for the astonishingly stupid politicalpolicy of the Reich before and during the war and forits sorry plight to-day. The leaders have been clever,bold men, but the Bismarckian personality, the bornleader, has never appeared. Hitler's belief that he isthe long-sought-for individual is taken seriously by apeople simply tired of waiting. At a time when theworld industrial crisis has struck the weakened Ger-man people particularly hard, Hitler has taken ad-vantage of the opportunity to express his inflated egoand ambition by promising to lead his people out ofthe wilderness . Precipitating turbulence, giving an at-tractive military show, lashing instincts of prejudiceand hate into fury, he battles on to power .

Shouting phrases about liberty and freedom andGod, the Nazi host, with an adventurer at its head,marches proudly on, not knowing where it is going .The fatherland, facing chaos, civil war, destruction,calls for help and a dapper quack-doctor nominateshimself for the role of saviour .

"Deutschland erwache!"

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SASS, DR. JOHANNES: Die 27 deutschen Parteien and ihreZiele, Hamburg 1931 .

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SCHMITT, DR. WALTHER: Die Klassenkampftheorie and ihreWiederlegung .

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STARK, G . : Moderne politische Propaganda, Munich 1930 .STURM, HANS: Los von Wallstreet, Flarchheim i. Thfir . 1931 .STURMER, ROLF : Was will der Nationalsozialismus?

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