History of the Ideology of the Liberal Party
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Transcript of History of the Ideology of the Liberal Party
HISTORY AND SOME ASPECTS OF THE IDEOLOGY OF THE LIBERAL PARTY*
Senate President JOVITO R. SALONGA
This is a transcript of a lecture delivered during the Basic Orientation Seminar on " Liberal Democracy" held at Subic, Zambales on April 7, 8, & 9, 1989. The same is incorporated in the LP Primer for Basic Orientation Seminar. 1989.
The word liberal, which is derived from the Latin term liberalis, meaning suitable for a freeman, is usually employed to characterize an individual who is broadminded, tolerant, generous, or open handed. Which is why when we say "Siya'y liberal sa paniniwala," we mean one who is openminded or tolerant the opposite of one who is narrowminded, extremely traditional or conservative.
From this concept we derive the word liberalism, a political philosophy based on belief in progress, the essential goodness of man, his desire for freedom, and his capability of exercising rational choice.
Therefore, liberals all over the world have some common basic ideas, though they may differ with respect to other things:
• the basic idea that every person wants to be fire and is capable of exercising rational free choice;
• the basic idea that major institutions of society must admit of continuing reform and revision in light of current conditions and needs.
What is happening in the Soviet Union today is oftentimes called "liberalization." Glasnost (openness) and perestroika (restructuring) are the current manifestations of liberalization and democratization of Soviet society. In Eastern Europe, as in Hungary and Poland, in China, and in many places around the world, the movement towards liberalization has become well nigh irreversible.
Roots of the LP; PreWar Politics
Let us now go to the roots of the liberal Party in the Philippines. The Liberal Party was born only after our liberation from the Japanese in 1945. Its founder was Manuel Roxas, who first established the Liberal wing of the Nacionalista Party.
There was only one major party that emerged from the ruins of war the Nacionalista Party of Quezon (who died in U. S. in 1944) and its two strong pillars: namely, Sergio
History of the Ideology of the Liberal Party Philippines by Jovito R. Salonga 1
Osmeña, Sr., who succeeded Quezon as Commonwealth president while in exile in the U. S., and Manuel Roxas, the eloquent younger man who was left behind.
These two Osmeña and Roxas had been together in the early 30's in their fight against Quezon over the HareHawesCutting Act (HHC) which they brought home from the U.S. Congress. The two composed the "Osrox Mission", and they were the acknowledged leaders of the "Pros" (in favor of the Act). Quezon opposed the HHC Act partly because it allowed the U. S. to continue maintaining its military bases in the Philippines, and mainly, I presume because he was not the leader of the Mission. Quezon headed the socalled "Antis," and two leaders of the opposition party (Partido Democrata), namely, Don Juan Sumulong and Claro M. Recto joined him in opposing the HHC Act. So dominant and effective was the hold of Quezon at the time, the Kastila as he was then called got the Philippine Legislature to reject what the Osrox team had brought home. Roxas was ousted from the speakership and Osmeña was repudiated. Quezon went to the U. S., lobbied with the U. S. Congress and brought back the TydingsMcDuffie Act essentially the same as the HHC Act except for the provision on military bases.
Since the TydingsMcDuffie Act was not too different, both Osmeña and Roxas were in estoppel to oppose it. The result was that the t00hree worked together again. The 1935 Constitution was drafted by a Convention presided by Claro M. Recto; Quezon and Osmeña ran for President and VicePresident, respectively, under the Commonwealth Government. Manuel Roxas became Secretary of Finance.
Because he was a oneterm president under the 1935 Constitution, the charter had to be amended to suit Quezon's wish to be reelected. "Four years, " Quezon pointed out, "is too short for a good president." A bicameral assembly was also established and Roxas, along with others, was elected to the Senate in 1941, shortly before the war.
War came to the Philippines on December 8, 1941, and suddenly the political world turned over.
To sum up the situation at the outbreak of war, one could probably say that:
1) The NP was the dominant party. The opposition parties were weak and disunited.
2) By and large, our democracy was an elite democracy. The vast majority of the people had little access to wealth and power.
3) Politics revolved around personalities, rather than around issues and principles.
4) In the face of the apparent strength of the Axis powers which were dictatorships our people maintained their loyalty to democracy, and since the U. S. was considered the
History of the Ideology of the Liberal Party Philippines by Jovito R. Salonga 2
leader of the free world, our people were, by and large, loyal to the United States.
The issue of collaboration: Osmena vs. Roxas
War, like martial law, placed political parties, except a few, in the deep freeze. Quezon and Osmeña established the Commonwealth Government in exile in Washington, but all the other important NP leaders were left behind notably, Roxas, Laurel, Recto, Aquino, Rodriguez, Osias and others. The Japanese did not leave them alone Amang Rodriguez was imprisoned, but the others were coopted by the Japanese. The puppet National Assembly elected Jose P. Laurel President of the Republic and Benigno Aquino, Sr., Speaker of the Assembly. Manuel Roxas and Claro M. Recto were in Laurel's cabinet. Recto was the Secretary of Foreign Affairs.
The leaders of the small Opposition parties were split Emilio Aguinaldo, who had run against Quezon, sided with the Japanese, as did Benigno Ramos of Ganap; but Pedro Abad Santos of the Socialist Party had worked against the Japanese and was imprisoned. The Huks of Luis Taruc played an important role during the war.
The various guerilla organizations that proliferated during the war projected a new set of national leaders among them Macario Peralta, Ruperto Kangleon, Tomas Confesor, Alfredo Montelibano, Salipada Pendatun, Terry Adevoso, Alejo Santos and many others, including Ferdinand E. Marcos.
It was inevitable that with the return of the Americans and the reestablishment of the Commonwealth in 1945, the one issue that would split the nation and the Nacionalista Party, was the issue of collaboration. Those connected with the Japanese, in varying degrees of cooperation, were called collaborators. Today, we use the term balimbing.
It is possible that without the issue of collabora00tion, Manuel Roxas who was with the Laurel Cabinet would not have enough reason to fight his mentor and friend, Sergio Osmeña, Sr. But war has a way of dividing even good friends. The sick, reluctant Sergio Osmeña, Sr. ran for President, with Amang Rodriguez, who had been imprisoned, as his VP; Manuel Roxas, who was then Senate President, (the Senate was convened in June 1945 by Osmeña, in line with MacArthur's desire ran under the banner of the newlyformed Liberal Party, with Elpidio Quirino, who had also been imprisoned, his vice president.
Note that the LP has its roots in the NP. Both parties in the election of April 1946 promised they could get bigger U. S. aid than the other.
It was an uneven fight. Osmeña was ailing and wanted to withdraw but was prevailed upon to continue; Roxas was younger and dynamic. And although Roxas championed the
History of the Ideology of the Liberal Party Philippines by Jovito R. Salonga 3
cause of those leaders who had to face the wrath of the Japanese and "help tide our people over to better times," Roxas (who had worked in the cabinet of Dr. Jose P. Laurel) was not charged with treason, unlike Laurel, Recto, Aquino, Sr. and the others. In fact, he was the fairhaired protege of Douglas MacArthur who had promoted him from Colonel to BrigadierGeneral in the U. S. Army in early 1945, and had the implied indorsement of Manuel Quezon and the blessings of Mrs. Aurora Quezon, who campaigned for him.
The LP Becomes the Ruling Party
Roxas and Quirino won the election of April 23, 1946 and the new Liberal Party became the party in power.
After his inauguration as President of the Republic on May 25, 1946, Manuel Roxas, with the concurrence of Congress, issued a general amnesty in favor of all, supposed collaborators with the Japanese.
It was predictable that Roxas would adopt a proAmerican stance. Not only was it considered a badge of loyalty and honor, it was an advantage during those days. His inaugural speech characterized the U. S. as our mentor and guide. It was under Roxas that our independence was declared on July 4,1946; it was under Roxas that the Parity Act was adopted and the 1947 Military Bases Agreement signed and ratified. It was also under Roxas that the political foundations of the Republic were established. It was under him that the economic reconstruction of a ravaged nation was launched.
At the LP Convention of January 31, 1947, the newly elected President (Roxas) declared: "We promised that 'aid would be obtained from the U. S. and will continue to receive aid from that country." Today, many critics fault Roxas for the parity arrangement and the MBA.
In retrospect, no president could have done otherwise. We were down and out at the time, and we could not get any rehabilitation aid without placing U. S. citizens and corporations on the same footing as Filipinos in the exploitation of our natural resources and the operation of public utilities. Unlike Filipinos, the Americans do not deal with their allies on the basis of pure sentimentality. We should keep this in mind when we talk about the PAP and the possible renegotiation of the MBA.
Now, with respect to the MBA that was not a 00commitment of Roxas to the Americans. It was the commitment of the Commonwealth Government in exile in 1944, and in that sense was a personal commitment of both Manuel Quezon and Sergio Osmeña. The interesting thing to remember is that Quezon in the early 30's was against the military bases and that was his brief against the HHC Act but apparently the Japanese invasion and the
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war in Europe changed his outlook. In September 1943, he wrote President Roosevelt saying that U. S. bases in the Philippines would safeguard both nations and guarantee "the future peace of the Pacific." In March 1947, as Stanley Karnow pointed out, Filipinos "submitted voluntarily to their own exploitation," but to many, the bases are a reminder that the Philippines "has remained hostage to U.S. interests" (Karnow, in Our Image, [1989] p. 330).
More than 40 years later, we are still a nation divided on the issue of the continuation of the U. S. military bases.
Roxas' Definition of a Liberal
At the LP Convention in January 1947, the new party president (Roxas) defined, presumably for the first time, what it meant to be a Liberal. He said, and I quote:
I would define a liberal as one who fights hard for what he believes in, but concedes to those who disagree with him, the right to fight in a like manner, as long as they are fair.
The true liberal believes that there is such a thing as truth, and it can best be determined in a free and open contest for the allegiance of men's minds.
The true liberal believes that while the people may not always be right, they are usually right, and that in the end, if the people are given free rein to choose and select, righteousness, truth, and justice will p00revail.
The true liberal believes in progress toward the goals of peace, justice, and freedom. He believes in the greatest good for the greatest number. He believes that men can be led to happiness and prosperity, but neither terrorized nor driven toward those goals.
The true liberal believes in reason and enlightenment rather than in fear or superstition; in judgment rather than passion; in debate rather than in intrigue.
But what does being "Liberal" mean in terms of our economic structure? Roxas' answer was this:
The liberal believes that the poor must not be oppressed nor must the rich be persecuted. Production for social usefulness rather than for selfish profit is his creed. Each man shouid be paid in accordance with his contribution; but each is entitled to a decent livelihood. Each man, woman, and child must have equal opportunity to succeed in life, regardless of sex or the social or economic status of his parents.
In obvious reference to other ideologies, Roxas pointed out: "The liberal does not believe
History of the Ideology of the Liberal Party Philippines by Jovito R. Salonga 5
the common masses should be condemned to a life of poverty or suffering, nor does he grant that any of us is endowed by the Creator with superior rights to rule or to prevail. He does not believe that a class should rule and another class be ruled. He believes that government should represent all the people; while the majority should prevail, the rights of the minority must at all costs be defended. The minority today may be the majority of tomorrow."
The above quotations embody the essence of liberal democracy. Whether what Roxas said made any substantial difference is another matter.
If you remember, it was in a U. S. military base Clark Field that President Roxas, after a stirring speech, succumbed to heart failure in 1948. Elpidio Quirino succeeded Roxas, and was challenged from within the Party and from without. Jose Avelino, the Senate President, established the Avelino Wing of the LP, and the NPs put up the newlyamnestied Dr. Jose P. Laurel as candidate for President. VP to Quirino was Fernando Lopez of IIoilo and
VP to Laurel was former Justice Manuel Briones of Cebu. Quirino as President Quirino won the bitterlycontested election of 1949, despite the Avelino wing of the LP and the two principal issues raised against every administration since then: the issue of graft and corruption and the issue of rising prices. The elections were marred by votebuying, frauds and terrorism in a number of places notably in Lanao, where the birds, the bees, and the dead were reported to have voted, and in Negros where a reign of intimidation allegedly existed under Governor Lacson. In the Tagalog areas, Laurel won, and the prevailing belief that Laurel had been cheated led to the Batangas revolt, which Laurel himself quelled, for the sake of national unity. In that election, the U. S. was reportedly on the side of Quirino. Apparently, the wartime record of Dr. Laurel and his nationalistic stance did not sit well with the Americans. at that time. Among the leaders of the Liberal Party who ran for Congress and won were Diosdado Macapagal of Pampanga, Ferdinand Marcos of Ilocos Norte, and Emmanuel Pelaez of Misamis Oriental.
Because of the worsening insurgency problem which is a big problem up to now, except that it was then known as the Huk problem Quirino, an able administrator, drafted an LP Congressman from Zambales as his Secretary of National Defense, Ramon Magsaysay.
Magsaysay's Defection to the NP
Perhaps Quirino did not anticipate that Magsaysay would be the darling of the press and the niño bonito of the CIA. News and pictures of Huk surrenderees were featured in the newspapers it was only much later, after his departure, that his closest aides were to tell the real story: a good number were fake. In any case what Jose Avelino could not
History of the Ideology of the Liberal Party Philippines by Jovito R. Salonga 6
accomplish through his Avelino wing, Ramon Magsaysay was able to achieve, but paradoxically through the Nacionalista Party of Laurel and Recto, both avowed nationalists. So great must have been their dislike for Quirino that Laurel, who could have had a return bout had he wanted it, and Recto, the uncompromising nationalist, were persuaded by the likes of Senator Lorenzo Tahada, who had left the LP (he ran for the Senate in 1947 and won under the LP banner) to found his own Citizens' Party, to support Magsaysay in the 1953 presidential election. I was told that the agreement between Magsaysay and these gentlemen was kept in the vaults of the U. S. Embassy. But since that is hearsay, and I did not bother to ask Dr. Laurel (who treated me like a son) or Senator Recto (with whom I appeared in a number of big cases), I cannot vouch for the veracity of that report. Quirino was besieged by petty, frivolous charges of extravagance e.g.(the 5,000peso bed and alleged corruption involving his close relatives.) This alienated his own leaders.
It was a bad time for President Quirino his own Vice President (Lopez) abandoned him and helped in organizing the Democratic Party, with Carlos P. Romulo as candidate for President. Joining him were LP Senator Lorenzo Sumulong of Rizal and other LP senators and congressmen, many of whom were identified with the sugar bloc. It proved to be a brief, lonely venture for Romulo he was not known to the masses at home, though he was wellknown to many Americans abroad. More importantly, the sugar bloc, led by Eugenio Lopez and Piding Montelibano, had their feet on the ground: they knew that the U. S. could not possibly support two candidates against Quirino.
Eventually, the Democratic Party found it expedient to merge with the NP perhaps, the correct term is assimilated and Romulo had to be sacrificed. Romulo, a much wiser man because of the experience, returned to diplomatic life and Lopez became a candidate for senator in 1953 under the MagsaysayGareia teatn of the Nacionalista Party. Some official NP candidates for Congress (I was among them having won in a free and fair convention) had to be sacrificed in return, without previous notice or hearing. I resigned from the NP.
Be it noted that it was apparently easy for Magsaysay, an LP, to join the NP. Inspite of Roxas' definition of the term "liberal," there was no clear ideological differentiation in practice between the two parties. Tumcoatism was in fashion, and the people did not seem to mind.
Note also that since we were "liberated" in 1945, the U. S. had been openly intervening in Philippine politics and in other areas of Philippine politics. This is why our independence has been described by critics and political analysts as more theoretical than real.
"As a practical matter," columnist Joseph Alsop observed, "Magsaysay is the American candidate." CIA operatives helped Magsaysay, an honest likeable man, win the presidential
History of the Ideology of the Liberal Party Philippines by Jovito R. Salonga 7
election.
Magsaysay's Victory
Magsaysay, who initiated the socalled housetohouse campaign, won by an overwhelming majority. For the LP, his victory proved to be a near debacle. Only 18 LP congressmen, led by Macapagal, Marcos, and Villareal, were elected, in 1953. Before the 1953 election, there were 3 liberal senators: Peralta, Pecson, and Magalona. After the 1955 election, there was not one LP senator left, only Recto, a guest candidate in the LP lineup, survived the NP onslaught.
The victory of Magsaysay gave rise to high expectations: graft and corruption would be wiped out, basic services would be delivered, and poverty would be eased.
At that time, if you will recall, Recto was the most formidable critic of Magsaysay. In the view of Recto, Magsaysay, a close friend and disciple of CIA officer and master of advertising gimmickry Ed Landsdale was the tool of the United States, and our dependence on the U. S. made us a nation of mendicants, affecting our economy adversely, and diminishing our sense of selfesteem, at home and abroad. The criticism of Recto was valid, but the reality of politics was such that for a time it looked as if Magsaysay would be the common candidate of the NPs and the LPs in 1957. Many ranking LP leaders were committed to support him. But fate intervened. Magsaysay perished in an airplane crash in Cebu in March 1957, and for the first time a genuine Nacionalista, Carlos P. Garcia, became president of the nation. Looking back, Magsaysay's presidency was a "disappointment. His dreams of reform foundered as he refused to learn the political and bureaucratic machinery." (Karnow, p. 354).
Garcia as President
Many people thought that Garcia would be defeated in the November 1957 election. Three political groups challenged the Nacionalista Party candidate: the LP, with Yulo and Macapagal as candidates; the Nationalist Citizens Party with Recto and Tafiada, and the Grand Alliance the so called heirs of Magsaysay with Manuel Manahan and Vicente Araneta.
Since I did not belong to any party at the time, I worked for Recto in my district. Garcia won, Yulo was second and for the first time in our history, his vicepresidential candidate (Diosdado Macapagal) won over the candidate of the winning party (Speaker Laurel). Manahan was third and Recto the nationalistwas the kulelat, prompting him to say that while he expected to lose, he did not anticipate a disaster. But it was not his nationalism that made him lose. It was his failure to organize and go down to the level of the masses. He
History of the Ideology of the Liberal Party Philippines by Jovito R. Salonga 8
thought his mere name and prestige would be sufficient to insure his victory.
It became clear that under a 2party system, with the NP and LP monopolizing the poll inspectors, it would be almost impossible for other political parties to win in national elections.
Macapagal's time had clearly arrived. As vicepresident without porfolio, he went travelling to all the provinces including the very remote islands. Garcia, the president, embraced many of Recto's ideas. He adopted the Filipino First Policy. But his relatives and proteges were reportedly involved in corrupt deals, alienating his own partymates, including Mayor Arsenio Lacson of Manila. In the meantime, Congressman Ferdinand 1Vlarcos, who had met and married Imelda in 1954 after a whirlwind courtship, was reelected congressman in 1957, and ran for the Senate in 1959, copping first place. The Liberals were back in contention, with Marcos, Ambrosio Padilla, Estanislao Fernandez, and Rogelio de la Rosa holding the fort.
Macapagal's Campaign and Triumph; LP Back in Power
In 1960, I was approached repeatedly by VicePresident Macapagal to run for Congress in the 2nd district of Rizal. I had resigned from the NP in 1953 and was partyless for 7 years. I was in active law practice and I was also Dean of Law of the FEU. The LP in Rizal had been decimated by the defection of Senator Lorenzo Sumulong and his followers to the NP; the combined might of Rodriguez and Sumulong was so formidable no LP candidate for governor or congressman could hope to win at that time. Eminent personalities and close relatives dissuaded me from entering politics. But in 1960, I joined the LP and began the tedious task of reorganizing the LP in Rizal at the grassroots level, especially among the youth, mostly students, in preparation for the 1961 election. I was fortunate that at the time, the Rodriguezes and the Sumulongs were fighting each other. Macapagal and Pelaez won in my district along with a strong senatorial slate, led by Manglapus, Manahan, Rodrigo, Osias, Antonino, and KalawKatigbak. Incidentally, both Manglapus and Manahan followed Pelaez's example: they became Liberals. The record shows that in the 2nd district of Rizal I won over Secretary Serafin Salvador (Rodriguez' candidate) and reelectionist Congressman Francisco Sumulong of the Sumulong wing of the NP. The Liberal Party, under President Macapagal, was back in power.
The new President, who had allegedly obtained U. S. support, came into power with a number of assets and liabilities. His biggest asset was his record of integrity as a congressman, and his identification with the poor, having come from their ranks. His biggest liability was the fact that both houses of Congress were dominated by the Nacionalista Party. His first acts as President were to ban his relatives from any dealings
History of the Ideology of the Liberal Party Philippines by Jovito R. Salonga 9
with Government and to remove import and exchange controls. He opened Malacauang to the "common man."
Though political turncoatism was becoming contemptible, a group of NP Congressmen decided to form the AlliedMajority, wresting the speakership from Daniel Romualdez. Cornelio Villareal of Capiz became Speaker. I was appointed Chairman of the House Committee on Good Government. In time, the members of the Allied Majority became Liberals. In the Senate, a heartbroken Amang Rodriguez, betrayed by some partymates, was eventually replaced by Ferdinand Marcos as Senate President. He was also the president of the Liberal Party.
In 1963, with the LP in power, Marcos was awarded a string of medals on the basis of an affidavit executed by a former classmate, Lino Patajo, subsequently appointed Comelec Commissioner where he showed his mettle and knowledge of the law. He was persuaded to do so by an aide of Marcos, in preparation for the 1965 election. Whether Macapagal and his Secretary of National Defense Macario Peralta thought those medals awarded almost 20 years after the event would appease Marcos so he would not run for President is a different matter altogether. Incidentally, the awards and medals claimed by Marcos at least thirty (30) of them were exposed as fake by American and Filipino scholars. Alfred McCoy unearthed U. S. Army records in the National Archives in Washington that "fully documented the fraud" (Stanley Karnow, "In Our Image," 1989, p. 369).
From the beginning, Macapagal was crippled by the Stonehill case. As head of the Committee on Good government investigating the case, I felt that the whole thing wits mishandled by the advisers of the president there were more NPs than LPs who were. tainted by the activities of the American GI who thought the whole government was in his pocket.
Marcos Defects; NP Convention Fight and the 1965 Election
Finding no chance to be the candidate of the Liberal Party for President which, he said, had been pledged to him by the incumbent Marcos became a Nacionalista with Speaker Jose Laurel and Daniel Romualdez as sponsors, over the objection of Amang Rodriguez.
The NP convention of 1964 was mainly a fight between two former Liberals Marcos and Pelaez. The other aspirants bowed out Senators Arturo M. Tolentino and Gil Puyat, both Nacionalistas, and Fernando Lopez, a former Liberal. Marcos and Pelaez entered into a gentlemen's agreement not to buy votes. Apparently, one of them violated the agreement with impunity. Marcos, with the valuable help of Imelda, garnered 777 votes which partly explains why 7 has been the favorite number of the two.
History of the Ideology of the Liberal Party Philippines by Jovito R. Salonga 10
The election of 1965 was a contest between Liberals who used to work together on the LP side, Diosdado Macapagal and Gerry Roxas; on the NP side, Marcos and Lopez; and a third party,,, the PPP, with Raul Manglapus and Manuel Manahan. I was in that campaign; I ran for the Senate under the LP banner. It was almost a clean sweep by the NP ticket in the senatorial slate, only Serging Osmeifta and I made it. Among the bloopers of the Macapagal campaign: the banning of the Marcos film, "Iginuhit ng Tadhana" and the electronic penetration of the MacapagalRoxas headquarters by the Marcos agents.
Marcos and his pretty wife, Imelda, were the stars of that campaign; no wife of a presidential candidate had ever joined that fray with that kind of role. It was she who organized the "Blue Ladies," solicited contributions, persuaded national and local kingpins to join the Marcos bandwagon, sang and spoke in various rallies, and decided vital questions as if she were Marcos herself. In a sense, the conjugal dictatorship had its roots in the 1965 campaign. Marcos recited a litany of 15 promises and summed them up in one catchy slogan "This nation will be great again."
The 15 promises of Marcos, according to the Free Press issue of November 20,1965 were (1) Bring down prices and raise incomes; (2) No more shortage or importation of rice; (3) Reduce graft and corruption to a minimum; (4) Punishment of those who have enriched themselves in office; (5) Stop smuggling; (6) Faster Land Reform; (7) Jobs for the jobless; (8) Law and order; 1(9) Honest tax Collection; (10) Economy in the government by reducing national budget to essential services; (11) No nepotism; (12) Rule of Law (13) No persecution of political enemies; (14) Nationalistic policy; and (15) Heroic leadership.
The Marcos couple won the election, allegedly with U. S. support1, by a convincing majority of more that 600,000 votes.
Marcos quickly asserted his leadership; Vice President Lopez became a political spectator, for practical purposes. NP members of Congress lost their pivotal role as policymakers, even as the military establishment assumed increasing importance. The Marcos Administration, in less than 2 years, became known for its rackets and scandals and for its lack of respect for the sanctity of human life. Thirtythree simple men, all members of the Lapiang Malaya, were gunned down in cold blood in Manila.
Before the war, elections had been quite clean and politics relatively honest. The quickest way to poverty, it was said, was for a man to enter politics. No one was supposed to be
1 President Macapagal says that he lost U.S. support, which President Johnson had promised him in 1964, when he was in the U.S., due to two things: (1) he did not accede to Defense Secretary Macnamara's request that he disassociate himself from Sukamo; and (2) the influence of a proMarcos man in pentagon Col. Napoleon Valeriano. Even the 100,000 tons of rice Johnson had promised to send Macapagal were diverted to another country. Stanley Karnow in his "In Our Image" [1989] says that U.S. was neutral in the election. [p.357]
History of the Ideology of the Liberal Party Philippines by Jovito R. Salonga 11
elected through fraud or to get rich by becoming a politician.
After the war, something went wrong in some places in the country. But in many other places, elections were still relatively clean and honest .until Marcos became president.
Elections Under Marcos: The Reign of Greed and Terror
In 1967, the Liberal Party fielded a strong senatorial slate. But so scandalous was the use of wholesale frauds and terrorism in many cities and provinces that only one opposition candidate, Ninoy Aquino, made it to the winning circle.
Unknown to most people, Marcos and Mrs. Marcos since 1967 had already been depositing many millions of dollars in foreign banks. In 1968, they instructed Credit Suisse, a Swiss bank, to place their deposits under the pseudonym William Saunders for him, and Janye Ryan, for her. Also in 1968, the Liberal Party2 exposed two rackets: the BenguetBahamas deal of Marcos and his cronies and the falsification of a resolution of the National Economic Council allowing the entry of giant Japanese trading corporations in the Philippines, without further formality.
In 1969, the Liberal Party fielded. Sergio Osmeña, Jr. and Genaro Magsaysay as its candidates for President and VicePresident, respectively, against the MarcosLopez team of the Nacionalista Party. Before Marcos, no presidential candidate for reelection had ever won. But with the use of the three G's guns, goons, and gold Marcos won his reelection bid, by a landslide majority of more than 2 million votes. Time and Newsweek called it "the dirtiest, most violent," and the "most corrupt election" in modern Filipino history, "Lutong makaw na, lutong Makoy pa"3 became the current joke.
Predictably, the year 1970 opened with a rash of demonstrations, marches and riots in the cities, all of them demanding that Marcos resign. Marcos and Mrs. Marcos were greeted with a coffin as they emerged from the Legislative Building, where he had just delivered his January 1970 State of the Nation address. Several days later, around 4,000 students stormed Malacañang, ramming a fire truck through a front gate. Four students were killed and hundreds were injured in the ninehour siege.
Many people were outraged. They could not celebrate an electoral triumph that had been marred by raids on the public treasury amounting to almost a billion pesos, and tainted by wholesale frauds, including the use of fake ballots and fake election returns, and incredible acts of terrorism. The national treasury was so depleted that not enough resources were left
2 Sen. Salonga was the one who exposed these two deals in the Senate. The other scandalous event, the Jabbidah massacre, was exposed by Senator Aquino.
3 i.e. Precooked food with Marcos as the cook.
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to service the mounting external debt. Marcos was able to negotiate a standby agreement with the IMFWorld Bank, which agreed to reschedule the debt and extend new loans, but only after a 60% devaluation of the peso. The IMFWorld Bank supervision of the Philippine economy began.
The demand for a new Constitution that would permit the restructuring of society mounted. Congress yielded to public pressure by authorizing the holding of a Convention. In November 1970, the election of delegates to the Convention was held. In 1971, the Convention, otherwise known as "Concon" opened despite the fear that it might be manipulated by Marcos. Shortly after this, on August 21, 1971, the proclamation rally of the Liberal Party was bombed, resulting in several deaths and serious injuries to candidates for national and city positions. Serging Osmena and I were among the most seriously injured I almost lost my life. Marcos quickly suspended the privilege of the writ of habeas corpus and promised that the mystery of the Plaza Miranda bombing would be solved in a few days, something that up to his flight from the Palace was not fulfilled. The Liberal candidates for the Senate, except for two Nacionalistas, swept the elections, despite their inability to campaign.
Martial Law and OneMan Rule
In August 1972, a series of mysterious bombings took place in Greater Manila. Only one was reported solved: A PC sergeant assigned to the PC Firearms and Explosive Section was found responsible for the bombing of a department store in Manila. It was in this setting of public confusion and despair that Marcos proclaimed martial law just one year before the end of his nonrenewable term of office and following the fake ambush of Secretary of National Defense Juan Ponce Enrile. Citing the Muslim insurgency in the South and the NPA rebellion in the North as his principal reasons, Marcos declared that he had no other recourse but to impose martial law, "to save the Republic and reform society."
With the acquiescence of a weary, confused people, oneman rule was quickly installed with active support of the military. The mass media were seized; the Legislative Building was padlocked; the independence of the Judiciary vanished. Several senators, including Ninoy Aquino, the LP Secretary General, Convention delegates opposed to the idea of prolonging the term of Marcos, reputable publishers and journalists, student activists and labor leaders, were picked up and and detained in military prison camps. Mass action was prohibited. Political parties were virtually outlawed.
On January 17, 1973, Marcos announced that 95% of the people in the nonexistent Citizens' Assemblies (barangays) had overwhelmingly ratified his new Constitution, whose transitory provisions legalized the imposition of martial law, vested in Marcos sweeping
History of the Ideology of the Liberal Party Philippines by Jovito R. Salonga 13
powers, and allowed him to remain in office indefinitely.
A group of senators and congressman, mostly LPs, Convention delegates, and civicspirited citizens challenged this farcical ratification before the Supreme Court. By a 6 to 4 vote, the Supreme Court held that the New Constitution was not "validly ratified" in accordance with the 1935 Constitution but nevertheless held that "there was no more judicial obstacle to its being considered in force and in effect."
A new ruling coalition came into the scene: Marcos was its undisputed head, and Imelda, his wife, as his alter ego; trusted military officers, led by General Fabian Ver; cabinet members, technocrats, and the bureaucracies under them; close relatives, business associates, cronies, and allies in the mass media; key figures in the business community, old and new political lieutenants, and a network of provincial, city, town, and barangay leaders functioning in accordance with orders from above.
The leaders of the Liberal Party boycotted the periodic referenda called by Mareos to give him the answers he wanted. Meanwhile, the Nacionalista Party fell under the complete control of the dictator.
In 1977, Imelda Marcos was appointed Governor of Metro Manila and at the same time Minister of Human Settlements.
To the disillusionment of many Filipinos, the United States not only continued but increased its military and economic assistance to the Marcos Government. The NPA insurgents grew in size and number.
The Divisive Issue
To participate or not in elections called and conducted by the dictator this was the issue that divided friends, even close relatives, and political parties. As far as plebiscites and referendums were concerned, there was little debate about the need to boycott but elections were a different matter.
In 1978, the three principal leaders of the Liberal Party were first united in participating in the first election for the interim Batasang Pambansa. They agreed to lead the pack in their respective bailiwicks Ninoy Aquino in Central Luzon, Gerry Roxas in Western Visayas, and I was supposed to do the same in Metro Manila.
When in early 1978, the dictator decided to adopt the notorious system of block voting under which a voter, by simply writing KBL, was deemed to have voted for a whole slate of Marcos' candidates, Ninoy himself from his isolation cell proposed to me and I conveyed the proposal to Gerry Roxas that the LP boycott the 1978 elections. We thought his
History of the Ideology of the Liberal Party Philippines by Jovito R. Salonga 14
proposal was a sound one, readily agreed with Ninoy Aquino in writing, and held a press conference were we announced our unanimous agreement to boycott the 1978 election.
The intervention, however, of Senators Tañada and Rodrigo, who convinced Ninoy Aquino in Fort Bonifacio that it would be better for him to change his boycott stand and launch his candidacy since Ninoy might then be allowed to go out of his prison room and campaign, thereby enabling him to meet the people, had the effect of dividing not only the Liberal Party but the entire Opposition. Roxas and I felt bound by our agreement and by our press announcement in favor of a boycott. However, we gave our blessings to Ninoy in view of the difference in circumstances we were still physically free but Ninoy was behind bars. Ninoy and his candidates ran under the banner of Lakas ng Bayan, otherwise known as Laban ("Fight"). Pepe Diokno and many others were for boycott. But I campaigned for Ninoy and his teammates.
When Marcos brazenly rigged the 1978 election, Ninoy Aquino who, with his entire slate, lost vowed he would not participate anymore in any Marcos election.
Marcos scheduled local elections in 1980. Roxas found himself besieged by LP Leaders who wanted to participate and, with the advice of former President Macapagal, partly yielded by authorizing the formation of the socalled National Union for Liberation (NiJL). This was a crude subterfuge; most NUL candidates lost, anyway.
The Liberal Party, which did not want to lose its credibility by participating, nevertheless lost much of its visibility by refusing to participate. In a country under dictatorship, it has been said, there is no political decision that is completely right, it is always partly wrong.
Ninoy's departure for the United States in May 1980, my incarceration in October 1980 followed by my exile in the United States in March 1981, and the hasty departure of Senator Gerry Roxas in June 1981 for an urgent operation on his liver, probably weakened the Liberal Party and the democratic Opposition at home.
The Vision and Program of Government
Apart from lecturing in various schools and assemblies and helping organize Filipinos in Honolulu and Los Angeles, I found time to write a manuscript, entitled "The Marcos Dictatorship and a Program for the Future." The third part of this manuscript, which was completed in 1984, contains the Liberal Party Vision and Program of Government, which was to be adopted as the official ideology of the Liberal Party at its Exe00cutive Committee meeting of October 5, 1985. It was the request of Senator Roxas, before his death, that I write the draft of the LP Program of Government.
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The LP Vision and Program is different from all the previous platforms issued by the Liberal Party since 1946. It is not only liberal and nationalistic it is progressive and propeople. The Nacionalista Party, which had been taken over by Marcos, became a puppet of the dictator. The KBL was organized, at the suggestion of former Speaker Jose Laurel, Jr, who admitted that it was he who "suggested to President Marcos to create an umbrella organization to incorporate political parties such as the NP." This came to be known as the KBL (the Kilusang Bagong Lipunan).
After the 1980 local elections, which saw the Laurels scoring a victory in Batangas, Doy Laurel started organizing a united Opposition group, which was later known as the UNIDO. In the beginning, the cochairmen were Senator Gerry Roxas of the Liberal Party and Speaker Laurel, Jr. of the Nacionalista Party. But with the demise of Senator Roxas on April 19, 1982, Doy Laurel became the head of the UNIDO, with the participation of some Liberals. In the meantime, at the request of Senator Roxas before his demise, the Executive Committee of the Liberal Party installed me as Executive Vice President and I succeeded Roxas.
The Assassination of Ninoy Aquino
Meanwhile, Ninoy was getting impatient in Boston, he felt isolated by the flow of events in the Philippines. In early 1983, Marcos was seriously ailing, the Philippine economy was just as rapidly declining, insurgency was becoming a very serious problem. Ninoy thought that by coming home, he might be able to persuade Marcos to restore democracy; he explicitly stated that he wanted to revitalize the Liberal Party. He might be arrested and imprisoned again, but he expected to be called by Marcos and it would be his turn to tell Marcos: "Leave the country, take your money, and allow the country to have free and fair elections." I tried to dissuade Ninoy; I thought the time was not right, but he couldn't be stopped. Ninoy left for Manila via Taipeh and met his end at the MIA on August 21, 1983, exactly 12 years after the Plaza Miranda bombing.
Marches and demonstrations demanding Marcos' resignation, became the order of the day. Marcos called for elections for the Batasan on May 14,1984. The democratic Opposition was divided: Tañada, Diokno, Butz Aquino, Macapagal, Sarmiento, and some Opposition figures in the United States, including Raul Manglapus and myself, were against participation, unless Amendment 6, which allows Marcos unlimited power to rule by decree, was repealed. Eva Kalaw was in favor of participation. Cory was against participation in the beginning, but finally went along in the end. Doy Laurel's Unido and Pimentel's PDPLaban participated and became highly visible.
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Split of the Liberals and Efforts to Unite
In the 1984 elections, the Liberals split: Eva Kalaw, Neptali Gonzales, John Osmeña, and others decided to participate. They held a meeting of the Concerned Liberals for Party Unity, converted it into a meeting of the 'Directorate of the Party', and chose Eva Kalaw as head. The Kalaw Wing of the Liberal Party was born.
On the other hand, the MacapagalSarmiento group proceeded to expel the participationists for acts inimical to the Party. In any case, Eva Kalaw won in Manila together with Lito Atienza. All in all, the democratic Opposition won around 58 seats, although this number was disputed.
When Mrs. Kalaw and Lito Atienza went to the United States in 1984, they passed by Los Angeles and visited me. The result was the execution of a Unity Agreement (witnessed by Mrs. Judy Roxas and former Congressman Raul Daza), the details of which were to be implemented by a fiveman Committee Dr. Pedro Yap, as Chairman and John Osmeña, Lito Atienza, Abraham Sarmiento, and Manuel Concordia, as members.
I returned to the Philippines in January 1985, for the purpose of among other things, "helping heal the rift within the democratic Opposition." The fiveman Committee (later increased) called for a meeting of the LP National Executive Committee in October 1985, and this was agreed to in writing by both the Salonga and Kalaw camps, with the participation of Mrs. Judy Roxas. The Party President was to be elected at said meeting. The National Executive Committee meeting was held on October 5, 1985 at the residence of Mrs. Judy Roxas, but Eva Kalaw decided to hold her own "National Directorate" meeting, resulting in the defection to the Salonga Wing of John Osmeña, Lito Atienza, Evelio V. Javier, Lorna Verano Yap, and many others. The National Executive Committee elected me as Party President.
As stated earlier, the democratic Opposition won around 58 seats in the May 1984 elections. In an assembly of 200 members, this number couldn't do much except create a lot of noise, which it did as in the filing of impeachment proceedings against Marcos based on the "stolen wealth" expose of the San Jose Mercury News in mid1985. As a twothirds majority was necessary to impeach Marcos, the charges were promptly dismissed. After the snap election of February 7,1986, the KBL majority in the Assembly proclaimed Marcos a week later as the dulyelected president.
The Snap Election of February 7, 1986
Even before the snap election, it became very obvious that the days of Marcos were
History of the Ideology of the Liberal Party Philippines by Jovito R. Salonga 17
numbered. Mrs. Aquino, Senator Tañada, and Jimmy Ongpin organized the Convenors' Group and invited presidential possibilities to join them. On November 28, 1984, Mrs. Aquino called me up in Encino, California to find out when I could come back. I told her I was coming home in January 1985. In the meantime, Salvador Laurel of the Unido announced he was running for the presidency, as did Eva Kalaw of the Kal00aw Wing of the Liberal Party both refused to join the Convenor's Group.
Due to pressure from within and from the United States, Marcos called for a snap presidential election, which was finally set for February 7, 1986. I withdrew from the race in favor of Cory Aquino, as did Doy Laurel, who was finally prevailed upon to run as Cory's vice presidential candidate. But my withdrawal was conditioned on their issuing a Minimum Program of Government, which a committee that I chaired had drafted, based largely on the LP Vision and Program of Government. Both Cory and Doy signed this document in early January 1986.
In an interesting development, Mrs. Eva Kalaw, who had raised the hands of Cory and Doy, changed her mind and decided to run for vice president. But many Liberals campaigned for a CoryDoy Ticket in various provinces and cities. The Kalaw Wing faced the danger of disintegration.
The conduct of the February 7, 1986 election is known to many, and I need not dwell on that, except to say that Raul Daza and I campaigned in Eastern Visayas. I also managed to do some campaigning in Metro Manila, Central Luzon and some Tagalog provinces.
Following the Batasan proclamation of Marcos as winner, despite the NAMFREL results which showed that Cory Aquino was winning, Cory appointed me as head of the Civil Disobedience Advisory Committee. The Tagumpay ng Bayan rally was held on Sunday, February 16, after the Batasan proclamation for Marcos and the issuance of the declaration of the Catholic Bishops that Marcos had lost the authority to govern. It was at that rally that Cory called for a boycott of crony firms, crony media, and crony banks.
Meanwhile, Evelio Javier, who used to be with the Kalaw Wing, and then joined the Salonga Wing and campaigned for Cory and Doy, was murdered in cold blood in Antique shortly after the elections. He was a faithful Liberal up to the end.
On February 22, 1986, Juan Ponce Enrile and Fidel Ramos defected to the Opposition and the EDSA Revolution began, culminating in the oathtaking of Cory and Doy on February 25, and the flight of Ferdinand and Imelda Marcos, with their retinue, on the evening of that day.
The first Executive Order of the newly installed President was in keeping with the LP
History of the Ideology of the Liberal Party Philippines by Jovito R. Salonga 18
Program of Government the recovery of the stolen wealth of Marcos, his business associates and cronies. Executive Order No. 1 created the Presidential Commission on Good Government, and I was appointed Chairman. Along with my recommendees as Commissioners, Ramon Diaz,; Pedro Yap, and Raul Daza, President Aquino included Mary Concepcion Bautista, a human rights activist.
The accomplishments of the PCGG, up to my resignation in early March 1987, are a matter of public record.
Meanwhile, President Cory Aquino, torn by conflicting counsel, finally decided to abolish the Batasan, thus ending the debate between the boycotters and the participationists. A Freedom Constitution to guide the revolutionary government was promulgated. A little later, President Aquino created a Constitutional Commission composed of 50 outstanding citizens to draft the new Constitution. 00
The proposed Constitution was submitted to the people for ratification on February 2, 1987. Almost 80% of the people ratified the Constitution in what was widely hailed as a free and open plebiscite.
The Elections of May 11, 1987 and the Resurgence of the Liberal Party .
Conformably to the new Constitution, congressional and senatorial elections were held on May 11, 1987. Of the 24 Senators elected, three were fullfledged Liberals: Salonga, Osmeña and Ziga. One was partly Liberal: Senator Saguisag. The others were either independents, or belonged to the PDPLaban, now taken over by President Aquino's brother, Congressman Jose "Peping" Conjuangco, or to Lakas ng Bansa which was organized by proAquino personalities shortly before the election. The first head of Lakas ng Bansa was former Congressman (now Senator) Neptali Gonzales, who was succeeded by Mr. Paul Aquino. Mrs. Eva Kalaw ran as Opposition (GAD) Senator and lost. The Kalaw Wing became a thing of the past.
My election as Senator of the Republic and my subsequent elevation to the Senate Presidency signaled the coming into the fore of a united, effective Liberal Party. I was elected Senate President on June 30, 1987 despite the fact that there were only three Liberals in the Senate at the time. Senator Saguisag, who was partly with PDPLaban, subsequently signed membership papers filed with the COMELEC, manifesting his full affiliation with the Liberal Party. In the House of Representatives, 18 LP congressmen were elected under the Liberal Party.
In a move that caused uneasiness among other political parties in the ruling Laban coalition, the majority floor leader of the Senate, Senator Orly Mercado, took his oath as a
History of the Ideology of the Liberal Party Philippines by Jovito R. Salonga 19
Liberal, followed by the popular Opposition Senator Joseph "Erap" Estrada. One week before the local election, the Senate president pro tem, Senator Tito Guingona, and the Chairman of the Presidential Commission on Urban Poor, Mr. Mar Canonigo, who had translated the "LP Vision and Program of Government" into Pilipino in 1985, also affiliated with the Liberal Party, bringing with him many leaders from the ranks of the dispossessed.
The Local Elections of January 18, 1988 and the New Politics
The Liberal Party decided to field its own bets in the local elections of January 18, 1988 after President Cory Aquino declared she would not interfere in the local polls and that she would not proclaim any candidate. The August 28, 1987 coup made her change her mind somewhat, but the Party could no longer change its stand. The fact that in some places, Lakas ng Bansa or the PDP Laban (identified with Peping Conjuangco) proclaimed candidates which the Liberal Party could not in conscience support, only confirmed the soundness of the Party stand. Before the May 11, 1987 elections, these two parties were supposed to have merged as announced by their officials. Curiously, the two parties merged again in late 1988. A good number of PDPLaban leaders, led by Senator Nene Pimentel and former Secretaries Janet Ferrer and "Bobbit" Sanchez maintain that the merger was illegal and that their own PDPLaban Party had nothing to do with the LDP of Congressman Peping Cojuangco and Speaker Mitra.
In any case, the LP leadership waged a determined fight against political dynasties in many places, particularly in the Province of Rizal, where the political dynasty sought to destroy the Liberal Party. We could not do otherwise, since we in the Party had called for the dismantling of all undue concentrations of power and wealth. Rizal is a good model of how the Liberal Party should conduct its campaign. We did not engage in votebuying and we concentrated on issues, rather than indulge in namecalling.
Before the elections, we were zero in Rizal no provincial official, no officerincharge (OIC), not even one town mayor or councilor. But now the Liberal Party, along with its allies, is the dominant party in the historic province of Rizal, not merely because of the candidates who wqn but because of its adherence to principle. We have shown that it pays to adopt the new politics.
The Rizal experience has been duplicated in many other places, notably in Eastern Visayas where, under the leadership of Congressman Daza, we scored almost a clean sweep. We now have governors, vice governors, and provincial board members, mayors, vice mayors, and councilors in Mindanao, Visayas and Luzon. But clearly we have just begun we can do more in the future.
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Winning elections is good but how we win them is more important. "The main problem in a political campaign," said Adlai Stevenson, "is how to win without proving yourself unworthy of the office." The Recruit scandal now rocking Japan and the system of "money politics" that has weakened Prime Minister Takeshita and the LDP there should teach us a lesson. It is good to have money and all the things money can buy, but perhaps, it is better to pause once in a while and find out whether we still have the things that money can never buy. Such things, for example, as integrity, selfrespect and credibility.
In the Senate, we showed our adherence to our LP Vision and Program of Government. We authored the Code of Conduct and Ethical Standards for Public Officials and Employees and passed a genuine agrarian reform bill, Senate Bill No. 249, a social justice measure.
The future looks bright for the liberal Party. We have a vision, we have a program, and we are determined to carry them out. Mahatma Gandhi said the first evil that would destroy man in this century is politics without principle; we in the Liberal Party believe that politics based on principles is what will make a new Philippines truly free, just, democratic and progressive which is our people's aspiration.
It is also the dream of the heroes of the Liberal Party who fell in the dark night of the Marcos' dictatorship, among them Ninoy Aquino, Gerry Roxas, Cesar Climaco, Jose Lingad, Evelio V. Javier, and many other heroes of the nation.
The LP Vision and Ideology
The question may be asked: In what sense is the Liberal Party today different from the other political parties?
For one thing, the LP at the national level is not a party led by balimbings; it is a party led by persons committed to the democratic faith. For another, the LP is a party that is closely identified with the weak and the poor. Among its ranking leaders and organizers are those who come from the ranks of the marginalized and the dispossessed.
More than that, the LP has a vision of the kind of society we want a free, just, democratic, and progressive society; that is, a society free from the domination of any external force or power, with a government and an economic system that will serve the priorities and interests of the overwhelming majority of our people (p. 5 of LP Vision). This Vision is spelled out in detail in our Program of Government which you have in your kit. The Program is based partly on the insight best articulated by a philosop00her: "Man's capacity for justice makes democracy possible; man's capacity for injustice makes democracy necessary." Democracy does not insure that the people will always elect good
History of the Ideology of the Liberal Party Philippines by Jovito R. Salonga 21
leaders, but it enables them to get rid of bad ones, without resort to violence. 00
I shall just take up to two main topics the military bases and the problem of poverty for two reasons: 1) the exchange of views between Professor Ed Garcia and the other participants already dealt with most of the topics I had wanted to cover; and 2) the LP Vision and Program of Government is readily available for purpose of easy reference.
The Liberal Party of the past used to issue its platform every four years to coincide with the presidential election. Unfortunately, the platform was often forgotten once the election was over. Now, we have a Vision and Program of Government which has been adopted as the official ideology of the Party.
The U.S. Military Bases.
When we say that we want a society free from the domination of any external force of power, we mean exactly what we say. We want our independence and national sovereignty maintained and respected here and abroad. We do not want to be dominated by the U.S., the Soviet Union, China or Japan. We do not want any of them to intervene in our internal affairs, since, on the basis of our unhappy experience during the last 400 years, intervention has been for the purpose of advancing primarily the interests of the intervening power. In upholding our national interest, the LP is proFilipino, not antiU.S., antiU.S.S.R., antiJapan, or antiChina.
Inasmuch as the military bases are the best evidence of intervention, we are against the continued existence of foreign military bases in the Philippines. It was Secretary of State Cyrus Vance, during the Carter Administration, who summed up the position of the United States in his testimony before the U.S. Congress: For as long as the U.S. has its military bases in the Philippines, the human rights of Filipinos will be subordinated to "overriding security considerations" of the United States.
Fortunately, the changes going on in the Soviet Union, Eastern Europe and China render U.S. military bases in the Philippines increasingly untenable. Even the superpowers are heeding the universal clamor for denuclearization and disarmament. In the near future, foreign military bases could be obsolescent.
We realize that the military bases here will not disappear immediately after the expiration of the military bases agreement in September 1991. But they have to be dismantled or phased out after that date.
We believe that an orderly process of withdrawal can be worked out with the United States, given goodwill and understanding on both sides.
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I understand that the U.S. may be reconciled with the eventual dismantling of Clark Field Air Base, but they would like to retain the naval base in Subic. If Subic is converted into a repair facility, with the Philippines entering intc repair contracts with the U.S. and other naval states, according to their particular needs, an arrangement can probably be negotiated with the U.S., without impairing our sovereignty and freedom of action. The problem is how to achieve our objective with the least friction and waste. This will require imagination, careful planning and considerable negotiating skills. I am happy that the Senate is now undertaking indepth studies on the alternative use of the bases.
The Problem of Poverty
Manuel Roxas in 1947 said that the LP exists for the greatest good of the greatest number of our people. Today, around 60% to 70% of our people live below the level of poverty and only a few families, along with the big corporations, control the wealth of the nation. By any standard, this is unjust. This is why we are against the increasing concentration of wealth and power in the hands of a few. That was our crusade in the last local election in Rizal. We are against the monopoly of wealth and power.
The massive, grinding poverty of our people affects every aspect of our culture, our politics, our economy, and our relations with other States.
Apart from the vigorous enforcement of a genuine land reform program, we are in favor of encouraging the establishment of small industries in the countryside even as we strive to build a sound industrial base for the entire nation.
We are for a sound, realistic approach to the foreigndebt problem, as spelled out in our Program of Government.
Unless we address seriously the problem of massive poverty, we can never hope to stand on our own feet.
What the founder of the LP said many years ago is still valid today. We must narrow the gap between wealth and poverty by raising the status of the lowly. Our dream is to rebuild a society where the weak shall be strong and the strong shall be just.
Principles vs. Personalities
Earlier, there was a debate here on principles vs. personalities. But the clash between principles and personalities is probably more theoretical than real.
However sound our program, however valid our ideas and principles may be, we will have to depend on the men and women who will lead the fight for our program and our
History of the Ideology of the Liberal Party Philippines by Jovito R. Salonga 23
principles.
That is why integrity is at the core of our vision and program.
On page 20 of the "LP Vision and Program of Government", we find these passages:
A free community that is just and progressive is maintained by witness: the witness of its leaders. The Asian philosopher Confucius said it long time ago: Government, to be effective, must be government by example.
We believe that high public officials in the three major departments of government must not only be able and competent. They must be honest and incorruptible. In the Philippine situation, a high level of personal integrity has a special value that cannot be ignored.
The Recruit Cosmos scandal in Japan which has weakened and paralyzed the government of Prime Minister Takeshita and his LDP which had become notorious for its "money politics," the growing corruption in China as admitted by Chinese leaders themselves, and the corrupt deals which former South Korean President Chun Doo Hwan had to admit and for which he had to apologize, underscore the importance of high moral integrity, whatever the form of government and its economic system.
Integrity, competence, industry, patriotism and dedication are the principal requirements for leadership in the Liberal Party.
I am happy that the first measure I introduced in the Senate, coauthored by Senators Saguisag, Guingona, and Mercado all Liberals was signed into law by the President: the Code of Conduct and Ethical Standards for Public Officials and Employees (RA 6713).
Integrity, competence and unselfish service to our people, based on a Vision and Program of Government that is not only liberal but nationalistic, not only propeople but progressive this is what the Liberal Party must mean to our people if we are to be known as a party based on principles.
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