High-Rise Housing In The Netherlands

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Project Coordination TNO Bouw

Postbus 49

2600 AA Delft

Contact person: J.F.T. Roeloffzen

tel no: 015 276 31 36

fax no: 015- 276 30 24

email: [email protected]

Contact information

other parties

Rigo Research en Advies BV

Postbus 2805

1000 CV Amsterdam

contact person: F. den Breejen

tel no: 020- 522 11 37

fax no: 020- 627 68 40


Nationaaal Duurzaam Bouwen Centrum

Postbus 29046

3001 GA Rotterdam

contact person: K.W. de Vries

tel no: 010- 412 47 66

fax no: 010- 214 29 25


Opdrachtgever Ministerie van Volkshuisvesting, Ruimtelijke Ordening en Milieu

(Ministry of Housing, Spatial Planning and the Environment)

Postbus 30941

2500 GX Den Haag

contact person: H.S. van Eyk (DG Wonen, Director Policy

Development, Manager Unit Wonen Internationaal)

tel no: 070- 339 22 99fax no: 070- 339 14 61


High-Rise Housing In The Netherlands:Past, Present And Sustainability Outlook

Date 25 October 2004

Authors TNO Bouw (J.F.T. Roeloffzen, R. Lanting and Dr N.P.M Scholten)

Rigo Research en Advies BV (F. den Breejen, R. de Wildt, Hans vanRossum)

Nationaal Duurzaam Bouwen Centrum (J. Blass, K.W. de Vries and

M.O.M. Willemse-ter Braake)


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Preface

This High-rise (etc.) reader was compiled for the Directorate-General Housing of the

Ministry of Housing, Spatial Planning and the Environment (VROM).

The purpose of the reader is to provide a concise overview of the high-rise situation and

the available expertise in the housing sector in the Netherlands, specifically for

interested foreign professionals. Special attention was thereby given to importantsubjects, such as maintenance, sustainability and occupation. It also includes a

European comparison, which presents an interesting profile of the high-rise situation in

the Netherlands.

This reader was developed in partnership with the Ministry and the Nederlandse

Organisatie voor Toepast Natuurwetenschappelijk Onderzoek (TNO), RIGO Research

en Advies BV, and the Nationaal Dubo Centrum.

I hope this reader will contribute to the discussion on high-rise buildings in the housing

sector and the restructuring of the new Europe. In addition, I trust it will provide

insight, in the European framework, into the level of expertise available in the

Netherlands, so that current and future occupants could benefit therefrom.

A.Th. van Delden

Deputy Director-General Housing

The Hague, November 2004


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High-rise housing in the Netherlands: past, present and sustainability outlook 3 / 119

Table of contents

Executive summary; major conclusions and questions ............................................................... 5

1 Introduction.................................................................................................................... 7

2 History of high-rise residential buildings in the Netherlands .................................. 10

3 Characteristics of high-rise building.......................................................................... 163.1 Current status of high-rise building in the Netherlands ................................................. 163.2 Housing ownership and housing management............................................................... 223.2.1 Management by landlords.............................................................................................. 233.2.2 Management by the Owners Association ..................................................................... 23

3.2.3 Management problems................................................................................................... 243.3 Living environment........................................................................................................ 253.3.1 Physical characteristics of the living environment in post-war high-rise districts......... 263.3.2 Social and economic characteristics .............................................................................. 273.3.3 Opportunities for sustainable improvements in the high-rise living environment......... 273.4 A European comparison................................................................................................. 28

4 Residents and dwelling use.......................................................................................... 314.1 Who lives in high-rise housing? .................................................................................... 314.2 Satisfaction and wishes of the residents......................................................................... 344.3 The demand for high-rise housing ................................................................................. 374.4 Social aspects and sustainability.................................................................................... 394.4.1 Example: Emmen, City Centre North............................................................................ 404.4.2 Resident participation .................................................................................................... 404.4.3 Example of participation in the Poptahof, Delft ............................................................ 41

5 Structural and financial aspects of high-rise buildings ............................................ 425.1 Building methods and technologies............................................................................... 425.2 Modern high-rise construction techniques..................................................................... 495.3 Maintenance, refurbishment and demolition of high-rise.............................................. 505.3.1 Maintenance, refurbishment and quality of high-rise housing....................................... 505.3.2 Demolition or refurbishment of high-rise ...................................................................... 545.4 Costs and Benefits of Redevelopment ........................................................................... 58

5.5 The added value of sustainable solutions....................................................................... 595.5.1 The limited approach ..................................................................................................... 595.5.2 Social aspects of the limited approach........................................................................... 605.5.3 Other limited measures and strategy.............................................................................. 605.5.4 The drastic approach...................................................................................................... 615.5.5 Sustainable solutions under the drastic approach .......................................................... 625.5.6 Financial government instruments involved in the drastic approach............................. 635.5.7 Summarizing: sustainable solutions............................................................................... 63

6 Legal and policy aspects.............................................................................................. 656.1 Legislation and regulations relating to high-rise............................................................ 656.1.1

Apartment rights ............................................................................................................ 65

6.1.2 Allocation of housing..................................................................................................... 66


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6.1.3 Structural aspects ........................................................................................................... 676.2 Policy aspects................................................................................................................. 706.2.1 Policy and effect on the surroundings............................................................................ 706.2.2 Sustainability in policy .................................................................................................. 71

7 Current developments and the outlook...................................................................... 747.1 Developments in demolition and refurbishment............................................................ 747.1.1 Technical developments ................................................................................................ 747.1.2 Sustainable demolition and reuse cycle ......................................................................... 747.2 Urban regeneration ........................................................................................................ 757.3 High-rise for specific target groups ............................................................................... 827.3.1 High-rise and housing for the elderly ............................................................................ 827.3.2 Refurbishment of complexes for the elderly.................................................................. 817.3.3 New build complexes for the elderly............................................................................. 837.3.4 Future housing for the elderly policy............................................................................. 867.3.5 High-rise for younger people ......................................................................................... 867.4 Importance of and outlook for high-rise ........................................................................ 90

8 Important Dutch high-rise parties ............................................................................. 948.1 Players............................................................................................................................ 948.1.1 Knowledge centres and umbrella organizations ............................................................ 948.1.2 Major contractors........................................................................................................... 968.1.3 Architects....................................................................................................................... 998.1.4 Project developers........................................................................................................ 1018.1.5 Designers and consultants............................................................................................ 1038.1.6 Housing Associations .................................................................................................. 1058.1.7 Government and banks ................................................................................................ 105

8.2 Foreign activities ......................................................................................................... 106

Appendix 1: Building methods................................................................................................... 107

Appendix 2: Definition of sustainable housing......................................................................... 111

Appendix 3: Types of flats.......................................................................................................... 113

Literature..................................................................................................................................... 116


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Executive summary; major conclusions and questions

High-rise in the Netherlands occupies a special position in the housing market. The

high-rise blocks dating from the nineteen-sixties and seventies are by far the most

uniform, the most direct and the most visible result of post-war spatial planning. High-

rise has been making a comeback since the start of the nineteen-nineties. New high-rise

housing is more luxurious, is located in a sought-after location, offers prospects for

other groups in the population and, probably most important of all, over the years it has

acquired a different image.

High-rise is coming into the picture more and more in regard to providing urban

housing. Dutch policy is providing scope for building higher structures. This policy is

crystallizing at a local authority level. There is no specific high-rise policy at central

government level. However, the governments policy for the big cities places emphasis

on the integrated regeneration (restructuring) of urban areas. The advantages of high-rise can be utilized optimally in regeneration, and the sustainable refurbishment of the

existing high-rise stock is an indispensable element in it. It is important to know in this

context what the current status of our high-rise is and which specific characteristics and

future expectations should be taken into account in this regard. There follows a brief

overview of the Dutch high-rise stock.

Thirty percent of homes in the Netherlands are multi-family dwellings. Of these 30%,

6.7% are in the high-rise category. The following can be said about them:

Most high-rise housing was built in the nineteen-sixties and seventies (60%)

Most high-rise housing is owned by housing associations (62%)

90% of high-rise dwellings are occupied by one or two people

The most common high-rise dwelling has three or four rooms and covers an area of

between 60 and 100 m2

The quality of the average high-rise flat is better than the quality of other types of

housing.

If these figures are compared with other European countries, one sees that while the

share of high-rise housing in the overall stock is low, the average Dutch high-rise home

is relatively large, there is little owner-occupation and the proportion of households

with one or two people is much higher than elsewhere in Europe. Dutch high-rise

housing is moreover somewhat newer that the rest of European high-rise housing, and

consequently also of better quality in many cases. The following can be said about theoccupancy of high-rise housing:

Dutch people prefer to live in a low-rise home. Many people live in high-rise for a

couple of years and then move on to a bigger dwelling in another environment.

High-rise flats are good for housing old people, young people and students.

There are relatively more ethnic minorities (western and non-western) living in high-

rise housing.

Sixty percent of the people living in high-rise have an income that is modal or below,

and there are therefore relatively many people from low-income groups in high-rise

dwellings.

Resident satisfaction with high-rise homes is as good as with low-rise homes.


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The vast majority of Dutch high-rise homes were built using different concrete building

systems. Different versions of in situ, stack type and prefab still dominate the stock.

Steel structures are used on an incidental basis, but they are becoming a more and more

attractive alternative, particularly for buildings higher than 70 metres. Current

techniques are aimed primarily at light buildings and fast construction. Combinations ofa steel skeleton and concrete finishing are very common.

Over the last 15 years huge sums have been invested in the sustainable refurbishment of

homes, and maintenance has improved radically in order to keep the high-rise stock at a

high quality level. This has resulted in the disappearance of poor and mediocre high-rise

housing and the percentage of excellent high-rise dwellings has doubled. In the

Netherlands the choice between demolition and refurbishment is often made on a case-

by-case basis. However, there is a growing trend towards opting for sustainable

refurbishment rather than the demolition of housing. Here too it has been found that

integrated refurbishment (physical, economic and social) works best. Involving the

occupants of the dwellings concerned at an early stage and continuing to communicate

with them during the refurbishment or demolition process is essential.

These factors relating to high-rise and associated issues give rise to positive

expectations for the future. There are enough possibilities for high-rise in the future,

despite the preference that most Dutch households always have for a single-family

home with a garden. Space in the Netherlands is becoming ever scarcer, and there is

growing demand for urban housing, new techniques are providing better dwellings, and

finally the policy makers are permitting higher structures to be built in the Netherlands.

Luxurious, slender, sustainably developed, good quality high-rise homes could provide

a good living environment, primarily for older people and starters with two incomes,

and possibly also for young people. More and more of the existing stock is also being

made suitable for a more diverse range of residents. Integrated refurbishment andrestructuring are being applied on a large scale. The 56 districts approach of the

Ministry of Housing, Spatial Planning and the Environment is providing clear direction

in this regard. The first results, in the Bijlmer and elsewhere, are now emerging and

continuing positive results are expected.

A large amount of varied information is needed in order to be able to implement

developments and changes in the high-rise stock. Statements about the high-rise stock

can only be made if large-scale surveys are regularly conducted on the basis of random

samples. In the Netherlands the Housing Needs Survey (Woning Behoefte Onderzoek)

and the Housing Quality Register (Kwalitatieve Woningregistratie) are indispensable

instruments. The most important core data in these two overviews are updated everyfour years in order to be able to formulate policy and take decisions. The sustainable

refurbishment of high-rise housing in the Netherlands can be seen as a market where

much has yet to happen. The right boundary conditions have been created. Over the

next few years it will be necessary for both public and private sector players to take on

and overcome the remaining challenges in close consultation with the residents of high-

rise housing, and to work on creating a sustainable high-rise housing stock in the

Netherlands, and possibly even elsewhere in Europe.

This document contains an overview of the important players in the Netherlands with

experience and expertise in high-rise.


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1 Introduction

The goal of this reader is to present concisely a broad-based analysis of the current

position of high-rise in the Netherlands with a particular focus on sustainable

developments, and to take a brief look at the outlook. The reader also seeks to provide

an initial overview of the relevant expertise available in the Netherlands. The reader

consists mainly of quantitative information, but the quality of high-rise housing is also

discussed in depth here and there. In this reader the following definition is used for

high-rise housing (this definition stems in part from the lift limit, i.e. a lift is necessary

if a building has more than four storeys):

High-rise building appears to be becoming more and more popular in the Netherlands.

Nevertheless, high-rise housing dating from the nineteen-sixties and seventies is often

associated with social deprivation, an unsafe residential environment and criminal

activities. It is therefore not popular with the population and it no longer complies with

the technical criteria. It is also the case that urban living has remained popular with a

small group of people, primarily in city centres. There may be other opportunities for

high-rise housing for the elderly, youth, starters or people with high incomes (luxury

urban housing), and these opportunities can be followed up. The high-rise districts built

in the nineteen-sixties and seventies, the best-known example of which in the

Netherlands is the Bijlmer in Amsterdam, are more and more in need of major

refurbishment or restructuring. Over the last twenty years the quality of the high-rise

housing stock has improved.

The reader gives a brief but essentially complete analysis of the most important aspects

relating to the position of high-rise in the Netherlands. Chapter 2 outlines the history of

high-rise in the Netherlands. It describes its inception and how high-rise has developed

in the Netherlands. Chapter 3 describes the typical characteristics of high-rise in the

Netherlands, and chapter 4 gives an overview of the construction methods and

technologies employed. Where is the stock of high-rise homes, what are the

characteristics of these homes and the living environment, when were they built, who

owns these dwellings, are many such homes empty and what can be said about the

quality and maintenance of this housing? These questions are answered in chapter 3.

Chapter 4 addresses the residents and the use of the homes. What type of people live in

high-rise housing and which social classes are they in? Are the people who live in high-

rise housing satisfied with their dwellings and their living environment, and what are

their incomes. Input from residents and their wishes are also discussed. The discourse is

general, but a specific example will be described in some cases.

Chapter 5 answers questions about which construction methods and building techniques

were employed in the Dutch high-rise stock and the financial and sustainability aspects

of managing and maintaining high-rise buildings.

Definition of High-rise used in this report:

Residential buildings with 5 or more storeys


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Chapter 6 addresses legal and policy aspects relating to and associated with high-rise.

Which requirements (technical and architectural) must high-rise buildings meet and

when are high-rise buildings safe (legislation)? The nature of the rental agreements and

contracts of sale are subjected to detailed attention. The chapter ends with high-rise

policy in the Netherlands, and policy trends are discussed briefly.

Chapter 7 considers whether high-rise has a future in the Netherlands. How does it

compare with low-rise building and what can be expected in the near future?

Developments in urban planning are incorporated and an analysis is made of whether

there is a place for high-rise in urban plans. Finally, this chapter reviews trends in

demolition and refurbishment, and high-rise housing for the elderly with special focus

on home automation.

The reader ends with chapter 8, in which the important players involved professionally

in Dutch high-rise building are listed.

The leitmotif in the chapters is the overarching theme of sustainability. This is

expressed in most chapters, in some cases in the form of a special example, but often as

measures or solutions that have been applied. Chapters 4 and 5 devote a few sections to

a deeper discussion of sustainable building and refurbishment. This reader uses the

definition of sustainability quoted in the Ministerial conference in Genval (see appendix

2).

Our vision of a sustainable approach is based on the Triple P concept. The expression

Triple P is derived from the concept of the triple bottom line as described by John

Elkington in his book Cannibals with Forks (Elkington, 1998). The triple bottom-line

means that in its operations, an organization has to give equal weight to the three

aspects of People, Planet and Profit/Prosperity. When translated into the building world,this is an integrated process involving balancing:

People: this includes aspects like quality of the environment, quality of the

dwelling, quality of the amenities and access.

Planet: such aspects as water management, soil, waste and health

Profit/Prosperity: this involves local employment, local business activity, function

mixing, flexibility, IT and infrastructure

This is also known as doing business in a socially responsible way (MVO).

Profit was changed to Prosperity prior to the World Summit on Sustainable

Development in Johannesburg (2002) in order to include social benefit in the equationalongside economic profit. In recent years there has been increasing recognition that

sustainable building should not be solely concerned with the P of Planet (environment).

The Ps of People and Prosperity also need to be involved in the development of a

sustainable built environment, which certainly includes the living environment.

This line of reasoning is used in this reader in regard to the sustainable refurbishment of

high-rise, although this application of these principles is still relatively new. Elkingtons

books was only published six years ago and it focused on organizations, and not

primarily on sustainable building, so it is not surprising that the earliest projects, in

particular, were not always set up along these lines. The Triple P approach is most

suitable for describing the breadth of broadly based projects.


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There are frequent references in the text to appendices; these can be found immediately

after chapter 8. The literature listed at the back of this volume includes all relevant and

used literature.


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2 History of high-rise residential buildings in theNetherlands

There are 6.6 million homes in the Netherlands, about five million of which were built

after the Second World War. The share of multi-storey buildings is considerable; about

thirty percent of homes are in this category1. Only some 6.7 % are high-rise buildings (5

or more storeys)

Share of dwellings in high-rise residential buildings in the housing stock (2002)

Total housing stock (all dwellings) 6,710,880

Total number of dwellings in multi-storey buildings 1,946,155

Number of dwellings in high-rise buildings 446,620

Figure 2.1: Share of multi-family residential buildings in housing stock

Between 1946 and 1980 approximately 610,000 dwellings were built in multi-storey

buildings in the non-profit sector. Of these, 67% are situated in estates with 100 or more

flats / apartments. No less than 40 % of all post-war housing is council housing or so-

called Housing Act housing2. Many of these dwellings are located in multi-storey

buildings. The largest share of social rental housing has been built by housing

associations; a smaller share by the local authorities (municipalities).

In the Netherlands multi-storey residential buildings have been built to an increasing

extent since 1945, including in smaller towns and rural municipalities. In the early post-

war period (1945-1965) roughly 400,000 dwellings were realized as multi-storey

buildings. Most estates consist of blocks with three to five storeys with the walk-up flats

as the dominant type. After 1960, when new construction techniques (see chapter 4)

were introduced, the gallery-access type flat was the most abundant type of medium-

rise building3. Originally the flats were not equipped with lifts and central heating. The

size of the apartments is small compared to present standards. Although the quality of

these flats is minimal, their low rents still make them attractive to low-income groups.

An explosive development (later called the high-rise boom) occurred in the nineteen-

sixties and early nineteen-seventies. The high-rise boom was caused by a combination

of factors. Architects and town planners, influenced by well-known international

opinion leaders such as Gropius and Le Corbusier, have long cherished the idea that

high-rise was the best solution for housing the urban working class. An important

contribution to the decision making process was a report of the Hoogbouw-LaagbouwCommission instituted by the Netherlands Minister of Reconstruction and Housing at

that time (1961). The conclusions of this commissions report were generally

interpreted as being in favour of high-rise building. In combination with the government

building policy at that time, which was expansive encouraging industrial building (to

cope with the labour shortage and to meet housing targets), all conditions were met for

creating a climate favourable to high-rise building. More than 300,000 dwellings in

buildings with six or more storeys were built in the relatively short period between 1964

and 1974.

1Housing Demand Survey 2002

2Lanting; Multi-storey residential building in the Netherlands, TNO Bouw3Medium-rise buildings are defined as buildings that are 3 or 4 storeys high


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residential buildings in the inner city. These high-quality flats were destined for an

emerging new target group consisting of people who prefer the city life style and can

afford to pay for the comfort.

From the nineteen-nineties until now much effort has been put into the refurbishmentand restructuring of the post-war multi-storey housing stock, which is still an important

reservoir for the social housing market. The medium and the high-rise housing stock of

the nineteen-sixties and early nineteen-seventies, in particular, is at risk due to its poor

quality. In several cases demolition is preferred to refurbishment for economic reasons.

Starting in about 1990, however, there was a change in Dutch thinking about high-rise

building. Whereas from the nineteen-seventies onwards the wealthy tended to move to

green city suburbs, or some preferably to a detached house in the country, during the

nineteen-nineties there was a trend to move into luxury high-rise flats in the city. The

occurrence of this opportunity was due in part to the so-called Key Projects. Their aim

was to regenerate some inner city locations, some of which had had an industrial use

until then, although in recent years they had no longer been actively used, such as the

Kop van Zuid in Rotterdam, the banks of the River IJ in Amsterdam and the Ceramique

site in Maastricht. The vision for these industrial locations, which are in or close to the

oldest parts of the city, was not only to give them a residential function but also to

achieve it in the form of high-rise buildings. Based on the realization that space is

becoming ever scarcer in the busy society of Netherlands and in response to the housing

needs of young people with high-pressure jobs in the city, luxury high-rise housing was

built together with amenities geared to the target group (such as cafs and theatres) in

locations where until then the cityscape had been defined by ageing factory and port

buildings. These projects also included the transformation of some old industrial

buildings. For example, in Maastricht a theatre was located in a former Ceramique

factory building, large attic flats (lofts) were created in industrial buildings in the Kopvan Zuid in Rotterdam, and the old Holland-America Line buildings were given several

uses, including a hotel, a concert hall and housing. This led to the creation of

multifunctional districts featuring interesting architectural and spatial concepts. A

change had taken place in thinking about living in the city and the Key Projects were a

great success.

This trend has been continued with the modern high-rise projects in recent years. High-

rise buildings are used as landmarks. A striking high-rise building with an interesting

architectural personality is located at a prominent position in the urban landscape as a

means of creating the urban structure. High-rise buildings help people find their

bearings and provide a contrast with medium-rise and low-rise buildings. Inner cityhigh-rise housing has an attractive status and is clearly intended to provide the better off

with a prestigious living environment. Local authorities give high-rise a good status and

they want to show that they count and are attractive to the target group concerned by

means of spatial impact.

Alongside these new developments in city centres, during this same period there was a

completely different trend in the older high-rise districts. Originally built as social

housing intended to provide people on modest incomes with good accommodation,

designed in accordance with the concept at that time of ideal living and quality, and

built in huge numbers because of the housing shortage in those days, these districts

went downhill. In structural terms the dwellings declined into a mediocre condition, and

anyone who could afford a different residential environment moved elsewhere. During


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the nineteen-nineties this resulted in the dilapidation of entire residential areas. Housing

managers saw that on average a dwelling that had been vacated remained empty for two

years and that vacancy rates of 20% of the entire housing stock were not unusual.

Faced with these problems, central government, local authorities and housing managers

went to work to rejuvenate the high-rise areas. This became known as the restructuringof post-war districts. Since then some very successful projects have been initiated and

the old high-rise neighbourhoods are acquiring new lan, possibly in part because of the

prestige and impact of the more recent high-rise building projects. There is more about

the restructuring projects in the following chapters.

Focus on high-rise building policy and development went up a gear at the end of the

nineteen-nineties. One of the most important reasons for this is the intensification of

urban areas. The fact that high-rise living is becoming more popular in Amsterdam can

be deduced from the production characteristics of the annual new build plans. It was

noted in 1996, for example, in house building plans project documentation in

Amsterdam that the share of new high-rise dwellings (with more than six storeys) rose

from 32% in 1981 to 53% in 1993. These figures refer to all dwellings in buildings with

more than six storeys that are part of new complexes. The share of very high buildings

(more than 70 metres high) also increased. It rose from 4% in 1993 (166 dwellings) to

14.5% in 1995 (751 dwellings). These changes signal a fairly revolutionary trend as far

as Amsterdam is concerned, and one of the causes is the desire to optimize land use,

with the result that higher building densities are occurring more frequently. The

traditional use of medium-rise building as a structuring principle is being replaced more

and more by higher medium high-rise buildings with six to nine storeys and by really

high-rise structures.

The selection of high-rise as the form of new housing cannot be seen separately from

the social developments during the period concerned. In broadbrush terms in recentdecades we have seen preference changing from uniformity (function separation

between living, working and recreation) and multiformity (mixing functions). The

Nirwna development in The Hague, constructed at the end of the nineteen-twenties,

was the first block of flats in the Netherlands. This square residential block is a part of

earlier plans to build three or five linked blocks of flats at this location. Squares were

planned between the blocks. Apart from the fact that the project was an architectural

highlight at the time, thought had also been given to integrating housing with the

surroundings.

High-rise building became prominent in the Netherlands in the second half of the

twentieth century as a solution for cities with a growing population and a shortage ofhousing. Many high-rise dwellings were built in the cities during the nineteen-sixties

and seventies, whereby the emphasis was on functionality. Housing had to be found for

many people quickly, cheaply and at the same time. Uniformity predominated. Well-

known examples dating from this period are the Bijlmer district in Amsterdam and the

Kanaleneiland and Overvecht areas in Utrecht. These same examples prove that

projects that were considered to be a successful formula at the time also have a

downside. For years these areas have suffered from neglect, crime and social problems.

After the rather reckless developments of the nineteen-sixties and seventies, the

nineteen-eighties were a period of smallness of scale and refurbishment. As was noted

earlier, high-rise dwellings became so unpopular that the high-rise construction

programme was scrapped. It was not until the nineteen-nineties that interest in high-rise

housing returned as a result of growing interest in public spaces and the development of


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high quality contemporary architecture in the context of the city centre. Economic

growth contributed to stricter resident requirements as regards space and comfort, and

luxury apartment complexes were the upshot. Prices increased correspondingly.

Currently many cities are having to contend with substantial differences between

districts in terms of social living conditions. Generally speaking areas with many post-war high-rise buildings have not benefited as a result, and many people have left. Poor

maintenance, dirty streets and entrances, and declining shopping amenities are all trends

that amplify one another. Local authorities are trying all kinds of remedies, but in some

cases it would seem that district bureaus, social work and the police can do little to help.

There is greater variation in design in the more recent newly built VINEX. VINEX is

an acronym for Vierde Nota over de Ruimtelijke Ordening Extra (Fourth

Memorandum on Physical Planning Plus). The Memorandum proposes a plan designed

to beat the looming housing shortage through the construction of 635,000 housing units

in the period between 1995-2005. One of the concepts covered by that plan is the so-

called Vinex housing projects, i.e. centrally allocated housing locations that normally

comprise more than 5,000 housing units, which are, through force of circumstance,

located at some distance from the peripheral areas of existing major cities. A good

example is the Utrecht - Leidsche Rijn project, the biggest of the Vinex locations in the

Netherlands, which is located west of the old city of Utrecht and the A2 motorway.

With a surface area of approximately 6x9 km, the project is designed to accommodate

some 90,000 inhabitants and provide 40,000 job opportunities). Single-family

dwellings, high-rise blocks, owner-occupied and rental housing are all mixed up

together. This type of area is turning out to be sought after. People who live

inexpensively in proportion to their income have the opportunity to move to a dwelling

that is more in line with their desired accommodation. For years there was no

alternative, but now there is once again cheaper social housing available for the true

target group, including high-rise housing. There is now greater focus on variation,comfortable living and sufficient amenities. However, new residential districts are

mostly outside the cities. The approach to the housing stock is one of the most

important ways to prevent segregation in regard to urban regeneration. Many dwellings

in pre-war and early post-war residential districts no longer meet todays requirements,

and therefore the approach to this housing is based, among other things, on demolition

and replacement. Another measure, which is being promoted by the KEI - the

knowledge centre for urban regeneration - and other organizations, is concerned with

improving the quality of life in existing housing.5The modification of existing homes

generally leads to dwelling differentiation and urban design variation. Unlike

demolition and new build, this measure moreover represents no extra burden on the

environment (extra building materials and demolition waste) and prevents a loss ofcultural and social value. As far as high-rise is concerned, here we are talking about

such methods as building additional storeys of dwellings, partial demolition, creating

extra dwellings or combining dwellings (see section 4.2 for more information).

However, the Ministry of Housing, Spatial Planning and the Environment has observed

that the urban regeneration process has been stagnating, and extra effort is required to

accelerate urban regeneration. The Restructuring Action Programme (Actieprogramma

Herstructurering) is intended to achieve this.6This programme contains a package of

interlinked measures aimed at accelerating urban regeneration in existing inner city

districts. The programme can be divided into general amenities that are suitable for all

districts and measures that are aimed at a select number of priority districts. These

5See www.kei-centrum.nl6See www.vrom.nl


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priority districts will be the subjects of extra attention from the government over the

coming years under the title the 56 district approach. Performance agreements have

been made between the local authority and local organizations, such as housing

associations, in 23 of these 56 priority districts so far. This is an important step on the

way to achieving the necessary differentiation in the housing stock in these districts.Performance agreements are expected to have been signed in virtually all districts by

the end of this year.

The 56 districts are in the four large and 26 medium-sized local authority areas.

Between them these districts house over a million people in nearly 540,000 dwellings

(8% of the total Dutch housing stock). In these districts approximately 115,000 new,

often more expensive rental and owner-occupied homes are being added, and this

necessitates the demolition of some 95,000 dwellings. This densification combined

with restructuring is possible because these early post-war districts were by and large

very spaciously laid out. However, there is also thinning out in some districts as a

result of the creation of large areas of planting. A substantial part of the new build

consists of owner-occupied homes (60%) and more expensive rental housing (30%).

Some high-rise housing also qualifies for demolition and new build. For example, some

of the high-rise blocks in Southeast Amsterdam (the Bijlmer) are being replaced by new

build single-family homes with gardens.


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3 Characteristics of high-rise building

High-rise differs architecturally from ordinary, more ground-hugging structures like

detached houses, terrace houses, shopping centres, hotels, hospitals and various types of

industrial buildings, in that it lacks a recognizable, more or less standardized building

typology. Nevertheless, typical aspects of high-rise buildings will be mentioned in this

chapter. Starting with the high-rise situation as it is at this moment, followed by high-

rise ownership and high-rise building management. Furthermore, attention is devoted to

high-rise and vacancy, and typical aspects of the surroundings of high-rise buildings.

3.1 Current status of high-rise building in the Netherlands

Over 30% of the total Dutch housing stock consists of multi-family dwellings. Based on

the definition that high-rise consists of five or more storeys of dwellings, high-riseaccounts for 6.7% of Dutch housing stock. Figure 3.1 gives a classification of the total

housing stock in terms of year of construction, number of rooms, rental or owner-

occupied, and single or multi-family dwellings.

The same classification was made specifically for high-rise. The following four tables

give insight into the size of high-rise homes, the ownership of high-rise housing

Total dwellings

6,710,880100 %

100 %

100 %

100 %

Before 1945 1945-1969 1970 and later

20% 27% 53%

10 %

37 %

34 %

19%

1 + 2 rooms

3 rooms

4 rooms

5 rooms

71 % 29 %

Single family Multi family

45.8%

54.2 %

Rental

Owner

occupied

Figure 3.1 Subdivision of the total housing stock (WBO 2002)


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(division between rental and owner-occupied), the size of the households in high-rise

housing and the number of rooms per dwelling7.

Floor space Total housing

stock

Multi family

dwellings

High-rise

residentialdwellings

Non High-rise

residentialdwellings

Up to 20 m2 0.2 0.6 0.7 0.4

20 - 40 m2 3.1 6.6 4.9 4.7

40- 60 m2 12.1 23 18.1 14.5

60 - 80 m2 16.2 31 27.6 16.0

80-100 m2 14.6 20.1 25.1 15.7

> 100 m2 53.8 18.7 23.6 48.7

Total 100 % 100% 100% 100 %

Table 3.1: High rise dwellings by size

Tenure structure Total housing

stock

Multi family

dwellings

High-rise

residential

dwellings

Low rise

residential

dwellings

1989 2002 1989 2002 1989 2002 2002

Public Rental

(state/municipal)

- - - - - - -

Social landlords 41.6 36.5 63.8 62.0 68.9 62.2 34.6

Private rental 13.2 9.3 23.3 17.3 20.0 15.8 8.9

Owner-occupied 45.2 54.2 12.9 20.7 11.1 21.9 56.5

Cooperative - - - - - - -

Total 100 % 100 % 100 % 100 % 100 % 100 % 100%Table 3.2: Tenure structure 1989 and 2002

Number of

persons per

household

Total housing

stock

Multi family

dwellings

High-rise

residential

dwellings

Non High-rise

residential

dwellings

1 31.7 59.5 58.5 29.7

2 34 28 32.2 34.2

3 13.1 6.8 5.4 13.6

4 14.5 3.6 2.6 15.4

5+ 6.7 2.1 1.3 7.1

Total 100 % 100% 100% 100%

Table 3.3: Size of households

These tables reveal that most high-rise homes cover an area of between 40 and 100

square metres, that 62% of the high-rise stock is owned by housing associations and that

more and more high-rise homes are being converted from rental to owner-occupied. In

1989 only 11% were owner-occupied, whereas in 2002 this had almost doubled to

nearly 22%. The trend is towards converting more and more high-rise homes from

rental to owner-occupied. The government is encouraging owner-occupation among the

lower social classes and the housing policy is aimed at converting rental into owner-

occupied dwellings. In order to stimulate this the Home Ownership Promotion Act

7Housing Demand Survey 2002


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came into effect in 2001. Under this act subsidies are paid out in order to enable people

to buy their own homes. The schemes operating under the auspices of this act are

currently being evaluated. It can be seen from table 3.3 that very many high-rise homes

are occupied by one single person. Nearly 60% of the homes are being lived in by one

person whereas this figure is only just over 30% in the national stock. The remainder ofthe high-rise homes are being occupied primarily by families of two or three people

(38%), which is comparable to the figure for the overall housing stock.

Number of

rooms per

dwelling

Total

housing

stock

Multi family

dwellings

High-rise

residential

dwellings

Non High-rise

residential

dwellings

1 1.1 3.3 4.0 0.9

2 8.2 22.4 20.4 7.4

3 19.3 43.3 38.5 17.9

4 33.7 24.9 32.7 33.8

5+ 37.7 6.1 4.4 40.0

Total 100 % 100% 100% 100%

Table 3.4: Number of rooms per dwelling

There are two to four rooms in over 90% of the high-rise dwellings. The major

difference with the total housing stock (and therefore primarily with low-rise building)

is that 40% of the low-rise homes have five or more rooms, whereas this figure is less

than 5% for high-rise. It is not surprising that most high-rise homes have three to four

rooms because the vast majority of high-rise housing was built in the nineteen-sixties

and seventies, when it was thought that three to four rooms would be ideal for people

who would want to live in high-rise blocks. There was less interest in high-rise in the

nineteen-eighties. The available space in the Netherlands was utilized as much aspossible to provide larger dwellings. The building of high-rise housing has picked up

again since 1990, primarily as a consequence of less building land.

There are different types of high-rise

dwellings in the Netherlands. The

most important types of high-rise are

gallery-access flats, hallway-access

flats and other flats. They jointly

account for 765,000 dwellings, which

represent 12% of the overall housing

stock8. More details about types and

some core information about these

sorts of blocks of flats are given in

appendix 3. There are further versions

of high-rise housing to be found in the

Netherlands. Generally speaking these

are special buildings that cannot be compared with one another. The tallest block of

flats in the Netherlands is over 140 metres high (Westpoint in Tilburg). There are many

buildings throughout the Netherlands that are over 100 metres high and have housing as

their primary function. Currently information about the number of homes in this high-

rise category and further details about occupancy etc. cannot be obtained. However, an

8Referentiewoningen bestaande bouw, Novem 2001

Westpoint Tilburg


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Figure 3.2 High-rise districts in the Netherlands.

(source: naoorlogse wijken in beeld, RIGO research)

Region Utrecht-Amersfoort

Region Hague/ Rotterdam

Region Nijmegen/Arnhem

Region Amsterdam

Groningen

impression of these buildings can be obtained by visiting the website

www.skyscrapercity.com

A study of post-war districts was conducted in 19959. In this study post-war districts

were classified into different types. One of these types is the recent high-rise transitdistrict. A total of 515 post-war districts were studied (in the study post-war was

defined as districts that were built between 1946 and 1980). A substantial part of the

Dutch high-rise housing stock was built during this period, and it is therefore interesting

to see how many of these 515 districts still contain high-rise. The study showed that out

of the total of 497 districts (there was not enough information about 18 districts in order

to use them in the development of the types), 85 districts were of the recent high-rise

type.

These districts contain a significant proportion of the high-rise housing built between

1946 and 1980. An examination of the geographical spread of these high-rise districts

9Naoorlogse wijken in beeld by RIGO research en advies

10 or more residential

high-rise districts

5 to 10 residentialhigh-rise districts

4 or 5 residential

high-rise districts

3 residential

high-rise districts

1 or 2 residential

high-rise districts


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reveals that very many high-rise buildings were constructed around the four major cities

(Amsterdam, Rotterdam, The Hague and Utrecht). Besides the four major cities, there is

much high-rise housing to be found in and around Arnhem/Nijmegen, Groningen, the

three cities of Den Bosch, Tilburg and Eindhoven in Brabant, and around Sittard/Geleen

in Limburg. The remaining high-rise districts are distributed across the country, withGroningen as the most striking exception.

Six other types of high-rise district were identified in addition to the recent type. There

are also high-rise blocks of flats in the six other types, particularly in the aged hallway-

access district (see tables 3.5 and 3.6).

Table 3.5: Households, inhabitants and number of districts by building period

Further discussion of the types of district is not appropriate in the context of reviewing

the status of high-rise in the Netherlands. See the original report for more information.

Table 3.5 shows the total number of districts designated in the Netherlands and table 3.6

presents information about how many post-war districts there are of each type. Post-war

districts represent about one eighth of the total number of districts designated in the

Netherlands. It is striking that they contain over a quarter of the Dutch housing stock

(more than 1.7 million dwellings).

Table 3.6 shows the numbers of districts in the post-war residential districts category

classified by type. The recent high-rise transit district accounts for 85 districts, whichrepresents 2.5% of the total number of designated districts in the Netherlands. However,

there is also substantial high-rise housing in the 65 districts (over 1.5% of the total

number of designated districts) of the aged hallway-access type of district. Hence 4% of

Dutch districts have typical characteristics of high-rise residential districts.

Number of districts total number of dwellings Total number

inhabitants

Average dwelling

occupation

Number of households

per acre

Districts build before 1946 198 757.000 1562000 2,1 31

Districts build between 1946 and 1980 515 1706000 3946000 2,3 17

Districts build after 1980 152 412000 1122000 2,5 14

mixed districts 152 496000 1119000 2,2 21

Other districts 2903 2855000 7755000 2,6

total 3920 6.226.000 15504000 2,4

table 3.5 households, inhabitants and number of districts by building period

Mixed districts are districts were both buildings build before 1946 and after 1946 are present in an equal of almost equal amount

Other districts are districts with a zipcode in places with less than 30.000 inhabitants and a density less then one household per hectare

Source of the table are Housing survey 1994 and WMD 1991


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Type of district Number of

districts

Total number of

householdsAged hallway-access district 65 279,000

Impoverished hallway-access district 53 191,000

Recent high-rise transit district 85 307,000

Recent low-rise family district 86 299,000

Prosperous low-rise district 45 90,000

Central early post-war terraced district 74 221,000

Average post-war district 89 300,000

Total 49710

1,678,000

Table 3.6: The seven types of postwar districts

The figures from tables 3.5 and 3.6 are taken from a study carried out in 1995 and theycould therefore give a distorted picture of the current situation. However, no new types

of high-rise district were built after 1994. High-rise buildings in cities are being used

increasingly as landmarks. Tall and slender towers are being built more and more and

they are often in urban centres where there is no residential district but a district with

work, living and recreation. The city of Rotterdam, for example, has formulated a

structure plan for high-rise in the city centre11

. There are no longer districts but height

zones. High-rise buildings are used for living in and working in. Separate areas are no

longer designated. Information about the current distribution of high-rise buildings in

the Netherlands (see tables 3.7 and 3.8) shows that relatively speaking the provinces of

South Holland (12%), North Holland (8.8%) and Utrecht (7.3%) have the most high-

rise. These high-rise buildings are often in the larger cities.

High-rise per province

no high-rise high-rise total housing stock

Groningen 95.7% 4.3% 100.0%

Friesland 97.4% 2.6% 100.0%

Drenthe 97.7% 2.3% 100.0%

Overijssel 96.0% 4.0% 100.0%

Flevoland 98.1% 1.9% 100.0%

Gelderland 96.4% 3.6% 100.0%

Utrecht 92.7% 7.3% 100.0%

North Holland 91.2% 8.8% 100.0%

South Holland 88.0% 12.0% 100.0%

Zeeland 97.1% 2.9% 100.0%

North Brabant 95.8% 4.2% 100.0%

Limburg 94.3% 5.7% 100.0%

Total NL 93.3% 6.7% 100.0%

Table 3.7: High-rise per province

10The number of post-war districts adds up to 497 and not 515. This is because insufficient statistical data

could be found about 18 districts during the development of the types11

http://home.wxs.nl/~stee8329/planning/planning.html


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High-rise rise as a function of size of municipality (number of inhabitants in a

municipality)

no high-rise high-rise total housing stock

less than 20,000 98.9% 1.1% 100.0%

20,000-50,000 96.5% 3.5% 100.0%

50,000-100,000 90.4% 9.6% 100.0%

100,000-250,000 90.5% 9.5% 100.0%

over 250,000 86.1% 13.9% 100.0%

Total 93.3% 6.7% 100.0%

Table 3.8: High-rise rise as a function of size of municipality (number of inhabitants in a municipality)

In recent years (2000-2003) over three-quarters of new build homes were owner-

occupied. Most of the rental homes that have been built are in the private sector. Much

has changed in the Netherlands in recent decades. Previously the majority of new buildhomes were offered by the government as rental housing, including a great deal of high-

rise (particularly in the nineteen-seventies).

The proportion of new build homes in high-rise blocks has increased substantially (see

also figure 2.2 on page 8). Whereas previously virtually all new build high-rise homes

were rented, currently this percentage is around 50%. New build rental housing in high-

rise blocks is also largely built by the private sector.

Sixty-nine new homes are being built for every 100 being demolished.12

Demolition is a

small-scale phenomenon that is distributed very unevenly. It goes without saying that

the demolition and new build are concentrated in the cities, predominantly in pre-war

districts and the post-war compact districts. It can be said that as a rule demolition isconcentrated in areas where housing was built on a large scale and relatively cheaply.

This therefore applies to much high-rise housing. However, there are no precise figures

about the share of high-rise in demolition and new build activities.

3.2 Housing ownership and housing management

Table 3.2 showed that housing associations are the biggest owners of high-rise housing

(62%). However, the number of owner-occupiers of a high-rise dwelling has doubled in

recent years (from 11% in 1989 to 22% in 2002). Private tenants occupy approximately

15% of high-rise housing. Irrespective of the owner, all high-rise housing has areas thatare used by all residents, such as the entrance hall, the staircase and the lift. In some of

the high-rise complexes there are moreover common amenities that the residents of the

complex can use, such as a shared garden (present in 22% of all high-rise housing), a

social and recreational area (15% of all high-rise housing) or catering and care facilities

(6% of all high-rise housing). The occurrence in each form of ownership is shown in the

following figure. Other facilities that are to be found are the provision of somewhere to

put rubbish, window cleaning and the appointment of a caretaker, who is responsible for

daily supervision and who can be a focal point for residents. Approximately 35% of all

high-rise homes are in a complex with a caretaker13

. Complexes with social rental

12Manshanden et al (2003)13

KWR, 2000


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housing are more likely to have a caretaker than other high-rise complexes (see the

figure below).

0%

5%

10%

15%

20%

25%

30%

35%

40%

45%

50%

d

garden

reational

a g

orcare

ilities

social landlord

private landlord

purchase

total high-rise

Figure 3.1 Presence of common facilities in high-rise housing, by form of ownership (source: KWR, 2000)

The common areas and facilities have to be managed and cleaned, and services such as

the appointment of a caretaker or window cleaning have to be paid for. The law

stipulates that the maintenance of the common parts of a multi-family dwelling is the

responsibility of all flat owners14

. In the case of rental housing this is arranged by the

landlord, who owns the complex, and in the case of owner-occupied housing, the

Owners Association has the responsibility.

3.2.1 Management by landlords

Housing associations and private landlords take care of the management of the common

areas in exchange for a contribution from the tenants. This contribution comes under the

service charges that may be charged to tenants in addition to the rent.

3.2.2 Management by the Owners AssociationFlat owners in the Netherlands have a statutory obligation to cooperate with one

another. An Owners Association has to be set up and all owners of a flat in the

complex are members. The importance of management by Owners Associations is

increasing as the number of high-rise owner-occupied flats increases. It is not possible

for residents to terminate their membership of the Owners Association. Membership

does not cease until the flat has been transferred to a new owner. The Owners

Association has to appoint a manager/administrator who has to implement the decisions

of the meetings and draw up a budget and a statement of operating income and

expenditure. The manager draws up the budget and statement of operating income and

expenditure such that the association will have sufficient finances to fund future

14Meijer et al, 1995


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maintenance needs. The manager who is appointed may be one of the residents, but he

or she may also be external, for example from an estate agent, estate manager or

administration office. In many cases Owners Associations, particularly the larger ones,

recruit an external manager15

. The Owners Association must meet at least once a year.

During the meeting there is voting about the management of the complex and thestatement of operating income and expenditure and the budget are discussed. The

contribution by each owner towards the management of the common areas is

determined on the basis of the statement of operating income and expenditure. In many

cases an amount is calculated that the owners pay every month. Using the finances that

have been collected, the Owners Association can purchase services, for example to

clean the common areas and for scheduled maintenance.

It is estimated that there are approximately 58,300 Owners Associations in the

Netherlands16

. The scale ranges from complexes with two or three flats to complexes

with more than 100 flats. Approximately one third of Owners Associations are

concerned with both owner-occupied flats and rental flats. Most owner-occupied flats

are reasonably well maintained. A number of studies have revealed that the

performance of Owners Associations is uneven17

. Some of the Owners Associations

are dormant. The members do not come to the obligatory annual meeting and there is

little communal maintenance. In 2002 33% of the Owners Associations surveyed had a

written long-term maintenance plan and 31% made a periodic contribution to a

maintenance reserve fund. In a bill that will be debated in the Lower House of the

Dutch parliament there is a stipulation that from now on new Owners Associations will

be obliged to set up a reserve maintenance fund that can be used to pay the costs of

maintenance that is not carried out annually. Currently it is often the case with new

build apartment complexes that the developer or selling estate agent sets up an Owners

Association and appoints a professional manager.

3.2.3 Management problems

It has been found in practice that the common areas can be a source of irritation for the

residents if they get dirty or are used as somewhere to store all sorts of materials. This

occurs primarily in post-war gallery-access flats. The management of semi-public

spaces is often awkward. It is not clear who has the responsibility. Furthermore,

vandalism is often a problem and there is little social control, particularly if there are no

dwellings on the ground floor.

In recent years this problem has been receiving higher priority in the Netherlands.

Future management is being taken into account more often at the design stage of newbuild complexes. Clear demarcation between public and private spaces is desirable in

this regard. Initiatives are also being launched to involve residents in the management.

Social housing landlords, for example, have set up residents committees that jointly

supervise the complex and the immediate surroundings. The appointment of a caretaker

can also have a positive impact.

15Meijer et al, 1995

16Laagland Advies, 200217

Among others Laagland Advies, 2002 and Meijer et al, 1995


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3.3 Living environment

There are two different sorts of living environments associated with high-rise. High-rise

built before the nineteen-nineties has a different living environment from the high-rise

built thereafter. These two living environments will be briefly described and sometypical characteristics will be identified.

High-rise living environment before 1990

The Netherlands was inundated by high-rise blocks of flats during the nineteen-sixties.

At that time nearly 70% of these flats were owned by housing associations. The high-

rise districts were designed as garden suburbs, characterized by high-rise blocks

surrounded by planting, individual blocks spread out over

the area, segregated infrastructure for different types of

road user, and parking in outdoor or indoor car parks

(CIAM18

idea). This resulted in a living environment with

an exceptionally large amount of public space. Between the

front doors of the flats and the public highway there are

many semi-public spaces in the blocks of flats. The

management of these spaces is paid for by the owner,

usually a housing association.

The many public spaces around the blocks were intended to make it easier for people to

meet one another. They were in line with the times, but over the years they have lost

more and more of their lustre. Most blocks of flats were intended for a kind of social

structure that makes considerable use of both semi-public and public spaces, namely the

family. However, families turned out to prefer low-rise housing. Currently over 90% of

the households living in high-rise housing do not have children (see table 3.3). Themany one or two person households also often go elsewhere for their entertainment.

Life in a high-rise block is often anonymous. For many people a flat in a high-rise block

is a transit home, so the chance of becoming involved in the living environment is

small. The space and the planting are described as a major advantage of the high-rise

districts built in the nineteen-sixties and seventies, but the way this living environment

is appreciated and treated is most unsatisfactory. The planting is filthy, there are things

to vandalize everywhere, the outside areas are impossible to oversee, the massiveness

and uniformity make everything look like everything else, and the absence of watching

eyes makes people feel unsafe. The most important problems that crop up continuously

are safety, filthiness and vandalism (referred to in Dutch as the 3 Vs)19

. Other major

problems associated with high-rise districts are the large empty spaces between blocks,easy access to the buildings for strangers, the monotonous appearance, the relatively

high costs, the neglect of the surroundings, vacancies, high mobility and a poor image20

.

On the other hand the quality of the high-rise buildings themselves is good and

consequently no structural problems have occurred. The urban layout creates more

problems. It many cases it leads to people feeling unsafe, vandalism and a negative

image.

18Congrs Internationaux d'Architecture Moderne

19Ruimte rondom hoogbouw; M. van Veghel and F. Wassenberg20

High Rise Housing in Europe, OTB 2004

CIAM example De Bijlmer


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Many measures are necessary to tackle the living environment. All these measures have

been taken in the Netherlands in one or more high-rise complexes. One of the most

noteworthy measures, but also the most expensive one, is the integrated regeneration

approach. This approach involved implementing several measures simultaneously.

Demolition, refurbishment, new build, changing mobility and adding extra facilities inthe form of shopping centres, sports amenities etc. give a shot in the arm to the high-rise

environment. However, measures of a social nature are also being taken. Training for

local residents, appointing caretakers and gardeners, and close consultation with local

residents about all measures before implementation. Integrated and interactive are

currently the key words associated with the regeneration of high-rise districts in the

Netherlands. It is important to realize when regenerating the living environment that the

high-rise itself has an effect on its immediate surroundings. In particular the following

should be borne in mind.

Settlement. The loads associated with high-rise can be high and concentrated.

Depending on the subsoil, there can be substantial settlement. The area affected by

such settlement can extend to well beyond the construction site, and this can cause

damage to existing buildings21

.

Wind nuisance. Wind speeds increase appreciably in the vicinity of high-rise

projects. This can be a considerable nuisance, particularly to cyclists and pedestrians.

The wind loads on existing buildings can change significantly as a result of the

construction of high-rise in the immediate vicinity.

Sunlight and shade. The amount of sunlight received by existing buildings will

change as a consequence of the building of new high-rise projects. The energy costs

of existing buildings will change as a result of this. There are moreover legal

agreements and rules that have to be taken into account (see chapter 6).

Transport during the use phase. The transport of people and goods to and from the

site during the use phase may cause nuisance to the surroundings. Goodinfrastructural provisions are necessary in order to reduce this nuisance to a

minimum.

These effects and the architecture (CIAM and construction methods referred to above)

of high-rise districts make their mark on the characteristics of the area around high-rise

built before 1990. Besides the physical characteristics of the surroundings (what a

district looks like) there are of course also social and economic characteristics.

3.3.1 Physical characteristics of the living environment in post-war high-rise districts

The living environment includes public spaces and planting at ground level, and alsothe semi-public spaces, such as covered car parking, covered pathways between

buildings, stairwells, lifts and galleries. The primary physical characteristics of the post-

war high-rise districts are that they are spread out with a great deal of planting between

the blocks of flats and there is very considerable public and semi-public space. There

are often water features, but they were not designed for active use (playing, boating)

and the water quality is usually mediocre as a result of sewers overflowing, polluters in

the neighbourhood or the inflow of polluted water from elsewhere. The roads are wide.

In some cases this is a nuisance and unsafe because of traffic driving through the

district. Public transport is normally good and the location in regard to the city centre is

relatively favourable. The districts usually have a shopping centre, schools, nurseries, a

21Hoogbouw, inventarisatie know-how en regelgeving


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sports hall, a church and a park. Residents have to leave the district for other amenities,

such as restaurants or a cinema. The flats themselves can be of differing quality. The

later high-rise flats, in particular, can be large with reasonable facilities. In many cases,

however, the flats are small, they have poor thermal and sound insulation, and the

facilities, such as the heating system, kitchen and bathroom, are outdated. An importantfeature of the living environment in post-war high-rise districts in the Netherlands is

that generally speaking there are no flats on the ground floor, and this is one of the

reasons why there are no private outdoor areas. Virtually all the space outside the flats

is public or semi-public, and consequently in the perception of the residents it does not

belong to anyone, and therefore they do not feel obliged to intervene in the event of

problems involving filth, safety or vandalism. Living, parking, enjoying water and

planting, sports - all these activities are physically segregated, as a result of which there

is a lack of social control. Only the flat itself is private domain. This is different from

low-rise housing, for example, where living, gardening, parking and direct contact with

what is happening in the street form much more of a whole.

3.3.2 Social and economic characteristics

High-rise flats no longer meet current requirements and therefore everyone who has the

means moves to a more modern dwelling, which by definition is outside the high-rise

district. Their flats, in some cases after standing empty, are taken over by starters, who

in turn move on as quickly as possible. The result is high mobility and little social

bonding. The people who remain behind older people and low-income groups,

including many ethnic minorities are often faced with problems. Long-term

unemployment, little education, drugs problems and personal financial problems are at

relatively high levels, and this is exacerbated by the fact that there are many households

with comparable problems concentrated together. Ethnic and ethnic-religious

organizations can play a very positive role in the social involvement and welfare ofthese groups of residents. One of the characteristics of the high-rise districts, which is

entirely in line with the separation of functions, is that as a rule they can contribute little

to a healthy economic climate (Profit/Prosperity). The economic activities are usually

limited to the shopping centre.

Summarizing, it can be concluded that the different characteristics that have developed

over the course of time are displaying a downward spiral that cannot be stopped by

measures in only one sector of the Triple P approach. The answer is a sustainable,

integrated approach with a balanced distribution of environmental/physical, social and

economic measures.

3.3.3 Opportunities for sustainable improvements in the high-rise living environment

Over and above the improvements to the dwellings themselves, the structure of high-

rise districts also offers many opportunities. The generous amounts of space create the

option of building additional housing. This increase in density makes it possible to

create a differentiated living environment by means of a range of different types of

homes. The excessive amount of communal space can be used for new build or

additions to existing buildings. This in turn produces resources that can be used to

finance other items associated with the regeneration. Public areas can be divided up

among private individuals; anonymous areas on the ground floor (covered parking,

storerooms) can be transformed into homes or premises for small businesses. This

revives life and involvement at street level, and social control and the perception of


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safety increase. Through traffic is kept out of the district, and there is priority for

walking, cycling and public transport. Road traffic is local and it proceeds slowly

through the district in the interests of the safety of children playing outside and old

people. Rainwater is no longer discharged to the sewer. It is retained in the district and

purified in reed beds. This reduces the chances of sewers overflowing and no water, thatmay possibly by polluted, needs to be brought in from other areas. The banks are

constructed so that they are sloping, which is better for wildlife, children and the

microclimate. In some cases purified surface water can be used for flushing toilets.

Wherever it is possible to construct new water features next to the blocks of flats, the

idea of living on the water enhances the appeal of the district and it benefits the status

of the buildings and homes.

The participation of residents in the improvement processes at an early stage creates a

broad social support base and commitment, and the social structure is reinforced. See

also chapter 5.

The living environment of high-rise built after 1990

High-rise dating from the nineteen-nineties is concentrated primarily in city centres.

There are no longer high-rise districts, but separate individual cases. The CIAM ideas of

large scale, equality and function separation have been replaced by the concept of urban

regeneration, differentiation, smallness of scale and urban intimacy. The large green

spaces between blocks have disappeared and car parking is usually underground. The

living environment is characterized by a very varied urban area where living is

interspersed with work, where facilities play an important part and where there are

fewer open spaces. As a result, the feeling of being unsafe is often reduced. The image

of this type of high-rise is also much better that the situation described above of the

high-rise built in the nineteen-sixties and seventies.

The centres of large cities have made particular use of high-

rise, primarily over the last couple of years, with Rotterdam as

the most striking example. Buildings tens of metres high

provide space for people who want to live in the city and

moreover want to benefit from the amenities of the city

centre. This type of high-rise living has a good image and is

catching on in the Netherlands. The living environment is no

longer defined by the high-rise but by the location where the

high-rise is situated. The living environment can therefore no

longer be typified, because it is strongly dependent on factors

specific to the location.

3.4 A European comparison

The characteristics of the Dutch high-rise housing stock were discussed in the preceding

three sections. A concise comparison with the high-rise situation in the other European

Union member states is appropriate in order to create insight into the extent to which

the Dutch situation applies to other member states, and also to get a feel for the absolute

and relative figures that are quoted in the different tables. The following tables compare

the Dutch situation with the average of the fifteen European Union member states and

with the average of the ten new member states that joined in May 2004.


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Dwelling type Dutch Situation EU 15 EU 10

Multi-family 30.0 41.8 55.8

High-rise 6.7 13.0 34.1

Table 3.9 Multi-family dwellings and high-rise dwellings share in total housing stock

One is struck immediately by the fact that the Netherlands has fewer multi-family

dwellings and above all fewer high-rise dwellings than the rest of Europe. In relative

terms the 10 new member states have much more high-rise. It should be pointed out

with regard to this table that high-rise is part of the multi-family category (for example,

of the 30% multi-family dwellings in the Netherlands, 6.7% are in high-rise blocks and

23.3% are in other sorts of buildings).

Floor space Dutch Situation EU 15 EU 10

Up to 20 m2 0.7 0.9 5.8

20- 60 m2 23 52.3 56.460-100 m2 52.7 42.8 37.4

> 100 m2 23.6 11.0 0.4

Tenure structure Dutch Situation EU 15 EU 10

Public Rental

(state/municipal)

- 14.0 20.8

Social landlords 62.2 - -

Private rental 15.8 9.1 10.2

Owner-occupied 21.9 49.2 35.5Cooperative - 1.6 31.2

Table 3.10: Tenure structure; high-rise situation; comparison Dutch situation with European average

Number of rooms per

dwelling

Dutch Situation EU 15 EU 10

1 4.0 22.9 17.5

2 20.4 43.5 39.8

3 38.5 24.1 38.2

4 32.7 9.7 4.1

5+ 4.4 5.8 0.2

Table 3.11: Number of rooms per high-rise dwelling; Dutch situation and EU situation

Period of construction Dutch situation EU 15 EU 10

< 1945 2.5 10.1 7.4

1945-1990 77.9 82.5 83.3

>1990 19.6 9.3 7.4

Table 3.12: Period of construction of high-rise buildings; Dutch situation and EU situation

It can be seen from the five tables above that the average Dutch high-rise home is:

Table 3.10 Floor space comparison Dutch high rise si tuation with European average


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significantly bigger than the average European high-rise flat. 23% of Dutch high-rise

flats are bigger than 100 square metres, whereas this figure in other member states is

only 11%.

There is much less owner-occupation in the Netherlands than in the other member

states. This difference is caused primarily by the absence of housing associations asmanagement structures in other member states. The proportion of private high-rise

rental flats in the Netherlands corresponds reasonably well with the rest of Europe.

One of the most striking differences is that there are many high-rise dwellings,

particularly in the old member states, with only one room (22.5%). This figure in the

Netherlands is only 4%, yet the average household size does not differ much in the

European member states. In the Netherlands there are many more high-rise flats with

four rooms (nearly 33% in the Netherlands compared with less than 10% in the other

member states).

The high-rise wave occurred in all member states as approximately the same time.

However, it is striking that in the other member states more high-rise was built

before 1945, so their high-rise housing stock is older.

Detailed information for each country and additional analysis of high-rise data can be

found in the study Sustainable Refurbishment of High-Rise Residential Buildings and

Restructuring of Surrounding Areas.22

22Report for European Housing Ministers conference, Netherlands Ministry of Housing, S

High-Rise Housing In The Netherlands

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