THE GREENBELT FESTIVAL

A CASE STUDY OF COMMUNICATION AND EVANGELICAL CHRISTIANITY

RICHARD P. B. WALLIS

Dissertation presented for the degree of B.A. (Hons) Communication Studies at Sunderland Polytechnic. 1983

Terms and conditions of use: This article may be used for research, teaching, and private study purposes. Any substantial or systematic reproduction, redistribution, reselling, loan, sub-licensing, systematic supply, or distribution in any form requires the written permission of the author. The author does not give any warranty express or implied or make any representation that the contents is complete or accurate or up to date. The accuracy of the content should be independently verified with primary sources. The author shall not be liable for any loss, actions, claims, proceedings, demand, or costs or damages whatsoever or howsoever caused arising directly or indirectly in connection with or arising out of the use of this material. Author contact: Richard Wallis Senior Lecturer The Media School, Bournemouth University rwallis@bournemouth.co.uk

To cite this article: Richard Wallis (1983), The Greenbelt Festival: A Case Study of Communication & Evangelical Christianity. Unpublished dissertation (BA Communication Studies) Sunderland University.

Contents Page Synopsis

Acknowledgments

Chapter One

Evangelical Christianity in perspective

1

Chapter Two

A diversity within the unity

3

Chapter Three

An introduction to the case-study 7

Chapter Four

The Greenbelt Festival: a history 9

Chapter Five

A weekend at Knebworth 11

Chapter Six

The 'sacred' and the 'secular': a dichotomy

15

Chapter Seven

Communicating an alternative vision 17

Footnotes

20

Bibliography

21

Appendix I

24

Appendix II

26

Appendix III

29

Appendix IV

31

Synopsis The Greenbelt Festival is an annual Christian arts festival held on August Bank Holiday at Knebworth Park, near Stevenage. In an investigation into the origins, development and purpose of the festival, I attempt to relate it to a long tradition of Evangelicalism. I examine some of the tensions and problems evidenced within Evangelicalism today, and then look more specifically at the views of organisers, artists and visitors to Greenbelt. I note different attitudes towards the Christians’ task of evangelism and examine a wider problem that the festival has to face - that of communicating an alternative vision of society through the use of currently popular means.

---oOo---

Acknowledgements I wish to thank the many people who contributed in one way or another to this project. Special thanks to Dr Mike Sweeting, Roger Forster and Dr Jim Beckford who helped with guidance in the early stages of my research. For the co-operation and advice of members of the Greenbelt Festival's executive committee, the Deo Gloria Trust, and in particular: Tom Poulson, Clive Frampton, Jonathan Cooke, Heidi Mronz, and other artists and organisers who allowed themselves to be interviewed. To Teena Acland and Judith Moir who gave up a lot of time at the Festival to assist me with the questionnaires. My thanks also to Rev. Peter Collinson and to my uncle, Rev. Dr George Beasley-Murray for their theological and overall advice; to my parents for their continual interest and helpful comments, and to my sister, Ruth Ward, for her extremely efficient typing of the manuscript. Finally, my special thanks to Judith Chaney for a year of wise counsel and competent supervision.

---oOo---

1

Chapter One

Evangelical Christianity in Perspective The watchword of the early Reformers, ‘ecclesia refomata sed semper reformanda’ is translated ‘the church reformed yet always being reformed’. A currently popular evangelical slogan paraphrases this as ‘constant change is here to stay’. Change, whether it be due to Christian reformation or processes of de-Christianization1, has certainly marked the face of the evangelical movement of the past twenty years. The purpose of this paper is to outline the characteristics of this change, and examine some of the tensions and problems that surround the communication of a ‘sacred’ message in a ‘secular’ society. As a case-study, I have selected the Greenbelt Festival which is essentially a Christian arts festival with a strong bias towards popular music. There are three main reasons for choosing Greenbelt, First, it is the largest annual gathering of evangelical Christians in Britain, Secondly, it is highly publicity-orientated and attracts a large amount of national attention. Thirdly, it draws Evangelicals from across a wide range of denominational and independent groups. Although it is no more than one small segment of a worldwide expression of the Christian Faith evident in all continents and among all confessions, the Greenbelt Festival does lend itself well to examination of evangelicalism in Britain, both generally and particularly in relation to modern culture. I shall begin by clarifying what is meant by Evangelical Christianity. The term ‘Evangelicalism’ derives from the Greek word ‘eugelion’ which translated means ‘good news’ or ‘gospel’. As it is adopted by Christians, therefore, it is intended to indicate a conformity to the basic doctrines of the New Testament2. Evangelical Christians in general would hold to ‘the preaching of the gospel of Jesus Christ, personal conversion experiences, Scripture as the only basis for faith, and active home and foreign evangelism’. (Encyclopedia Britannica p.1010) Since the sixteenth century Protestant Reformation, the term has been applied to various groups with different emphases at different times. According to E. J. Poole-Connor (1951), the decline of the ancient church, the emergence of the Holy Roman Empire and eventually the Dark Ages had slowly submerged civilized Europe into intellectual stagnation. Christianity became simplistic, ritualistic and eroded by irrational superstitions. At a Council of the Church in 992 it was asserted that there was scarcely a single person to be found in Rome ‘who knew the first elements of letters’ (E. J. Poole-Connor 1951, p.16). John Wycliffe (1329-1384), best known for his instigation of a translation of the Vulgate into English, earned for himself the title of ‘Morning Star of the Reformation’. His prolific writings, in which he asserted that the Scriptures were the only authoritative guide for faith and which challenged many of the existing practices of the institutional church, branded him ‘the evangelical doctor’. Many believe that the so-called Christianization of Europe led largely to the thorough corruption of the Church:

2

From 1471 to the end of the century the papal chair was filled with a trio of base and bloodthirsty profligates; the last and worst being the notorious Alexander Borgia, who united in himself the infamy of the persecutor, the plunderer, the assassin and the debaucher.

(H. Cowan 1896, p.153) The resurgence of interest in the Biblical manuscript came as part of the revival of scholarship in the Rennaissance. The preoccupation with Greek culture illuminated the need for an adequate Greek text of the Bible. As a result Desiderius Erasmus (prob. 1469-1536), the first teacher of Greek at the University of Cambridge, published in 1516 his celebrated edition of the Greek New Testament. The desire to challenge the profound ignorance of Christian doctrine in both clergy and laity led to the translation of Erasmus’ colume into English in 1525 by William Tyndale (1494-1539). The person commonly considered as the Father of Protestant evangelicalism is Martin Luther (1483-1546) who championed the cause of the Reformation with ‘sola fide’ (faith alone), ‘sola gratia’ (grace alone) and ‘sola Scriptura’ (the Bible alone). Luther and the other Reformers were not innovators so much as renovators. They saw themselves as simply restoring adherence to the forgotten Biblical doctrines. That is, they were ‘evangelici’ as distinct from ‘pontifici’ (those retaining allegiance to the pope and scholastic theology). To this day the Lutheran Church in Germany is known as the ‘Evangelical Church’. Since the sixteenth century, the term ‘Evangelical’ has been applied in the English speaking world in a wide sense to all whose primary loyalty is to the basic doctrines of the New Testament rather than the preservation of a religious institutional structure. It has also been applied in a narrower sense to label particular denominational groups. Initially it was applied to those who preached the doctrines of revival and in the early stages of Methodism, the label ‘Methodist’ was virtually interchangeable with ‘Evangelical’. Others then began using the label such as the American protestant group, the Albright Brethren, who became known as the Evangelical Church. There was soon a proliferation of protestant denominational and independent groups that adopted the term. By 1846 a body calling itself the Evangelical Alliance had emerged. Its purpose was to:

associate and concentrate the strength of an enlightened Protestantism against the encroachments of Popery and Puscyism, and to promote the interests of a Scriptural Unity.

(Oxford Dict. of the Christian Church 1974, p.485) These specific uses of the term Evangelical are valid if they do not blur the wider meaning of the word. While it is certainly useful as a term of group categorisation, it is also problematic when applied to the individual Groups that are Evangelical in name may cease to be so in practice. Alternatively, non-evangelical churches may contain large numbers of evangelical individuals within their congregations. To refer to any entire denomination as evangelical is likely to be a generalisation. It is a reference that transcends institutional boundaries. In his article ‘Evangelicalism: A Historical Perspective’, A.S. Wood (1971) writes:

Authentic evangelicals have no love either for party names or party stances. We do not seek to monopolize the title evangelical as a narrowly exclusive label. We prefer to regard it as descriptive of what the whole church must inevitably be if it is aligned to the biblical pattern in doctrine, worship and. spirit. (p.20)

3

Chapter Two A Diversity Within the Unity

Having considered that which unites Evangelicals through a single definition of the Christian Faith, I will now consider some of the tensions that exist. In modern British Evangelicalism these differ from group to group and certain issues are of more importance to some than to others. However, in general, tensions may be discerned in five major areas3. These we may describe as political, doctrinal, evangelistic, charismatic and ecclesiastical. They will each be considered in detail. (a) Political At a political level, Evangelicals reflect the wider social differences of Left and Right; the age-old tension between Equality and Liberty. The Christ who said ‘render unto Ceasar…’ (Matthew 22.21) was the same Christ who said ‘set at liberty these who are oppressed’ (Luke 4.19). The difference was illustrated particularly well in the Evangelical magazine Buzz. In an article entitled ‘Left, Right’, I. Russell-Jones argued that ‘Christianity is political because we are political…’ and ‘the Gospel will not allow us to remain mindless Conservatives…’ (Buzz Jan. l981, pp.19-23). This is a manifestation of a strong line of ‘social awareness’ and concern for social reform that has existed within Evangelicalism throughout the last two centuries4. Justice is seen by Russell-Jones as ‘not just a Marxist hang-up, but a thoroughly biblical and Christian emphasis. The aim of Christian political activity ought then to be the establishment of justice, and not simply the protection of British Industry or the presentation of British institutions’. The article concludes:

in view of the build-up in defence spending in Britain and America, the commitment of monetarist policies of Republicans and Tories, the cuts in welfare and overseas aid - all at a time when the gulf between rich and poor is growing faster all the time - I find it difficult to see how Conservatism, the bosom friend of evangelicals, squares with the gospel at all. (p.23)

The right-wing, however, stresses that the Kingdom of God ‘is not of this world’ (John 18.36) and change begins in the individuals’ conversion. As some replying to the ‘Left, Right’ article put it:

Even if Christians put all their efforts into trying to change the world, and brought about a good and caring society, it would be useless unless people were born again. The souls of men, and not the needs of society must remain at the heart of Christianity.

(Buzz March 1981, p.11) (b) Doctrinal Calvinism and Arminianism are two opposing theological positions emerging from the Reformation and continue to be a source of contention among Evangelical Christians. The word ‘Calvinism’ is a loose term used to describe the doctrines and practices that derive from the theology of John Calvin (1509-1564). While this originally embraced a whole gamut of biblical teachings, after his death an emphasis became increasingly put upon two particular

4

aspects of it. First, the literal interpretation of the Bible, and secondly, an emphasis on the sovereignty of God, which expresses itself in the doctrine of Predestination, the salvation only of those predestined to be saved. ‘Arminianism’ was a reaction to Calvinism based upon the teachings of a Dutch Reformed theologian, Jacobus Arminius (1560-1609). Just as Calvinism has not been a true reflection of the theology of Calvin, so Arminianism has tended towards a more liberal interpretation of the theology of Arminius. Where Calvin had stressed the Sovereignty of God, Armimius asserted the importance of the unimpaired freedom of the human will to choose. As both views support their arguments with Biblical reference, most modern Evangelicals fall somewhere between the two extremes. An Arminian extreme concludes that the foreknowledge of God is limited for, they argue, to foreknow is to predetermine. The ‘hyper-Calvinist’, on the other hand, is in danger of falling into a religious form of fatalism. Because this debate is likely to continue to be a source of disagreement (though many Evangelicals either agree to differ or do not admit to holding any particular view) the implications are likely to be important in relation to attitudes towards communication and evangelism. The Arminian emphasis that ‘God willeth all men to be saved’ is likely to produce a different kind of motivation to evangelism than the determinist element of Calvinism. A clear connection may be seen to exist, then, between this issue and what I have called the ‘evangelistic’ tension to which I now turn. (c) Evangelistic The ‘evangelistic tension’, for some, is the direct result of the differences in doctrine that I have just discussed, while for others it is linked more with the Ecclesiastical tension. I have called this the ‘salt’ and ‘light’ dichotomy. In his ‘Sermon on the Mount’, Christ used two analogies to refer to the ‘blessed’. One is that of ‘salt’, the other ‘light’:

You are the salt of the earth; but if salt has lost its taste, how shall its saltness be restored? It is no longer good for anything except to be thrown out and trodden under foot by men. You are the light of the world. A city set on a hill cannot be hid. Nor do men light a lamp and put it under a bushel, but on a stand, and it gives light to all the house. (Matthew 5.14-15)

These analogies are obviously intended to complement each other, but modern Evangelicalism seems to have evolved a distinction. It is the difference between ‘witness’ used as a noun and ‘witness’ used as a verb; those stressing the former identify with the idea of light. The former believe that the Christian message is lived and practised ‘in the world’, and their evangelism is based upon the idea of life-example and is summed up in phrases such as ‘friendship evangelism’. These Evangelicals tend to be more socially aware and are often active in social involvement. (It is therefore possible to see some approximation to the ‘left-right’ division that we have already discussed, although there is no necessary link.) The latter place much more of an emphasis on ‘preaching the Gospel’. They are less concerned with being ‘in the world’ as they are with not being ‘of the world’. Let us take, as an example, two prevalent attitudes towards popular music, one of the main features of the Greenbelt Festival. From one viewpoint, music is seen as just one manifestation of the Christian’s total life. It is judged not so much by the nature of the content as by the quality of the content. A musician glorifies God, not necessarily by using music for evangelism, but by being a ‘good’ musician - that is, playing music ‘as unto the Lord’. From

5

the other viewpoint, music is seen as a tool to bring people to the Faith. The term often used in this context is that the music or the musician ‘ministers’, or exercises ‘a ministry’. The obvious consequences of being ‘salt’ without ‘light’, or vice versa, are implicit in the words of Christ; salt sometimes loses its savour, and light sometimes is extinguished under a bushel. Thus the tension becomes evident when the ‘salt’ is accused of being compromised, being both in the world and of it, and the ‘light’ is said to be made irrelevant - even becoming smothered through being placed ‘under a bushel’ (neither in the world nor of it). (d) Charismatic Here is a tension that exists between those Evangelicals who claim to be ‘charismatic’ and those who do not. What has become known as the Charismatic Renewal began in the United States of America and entered Britain in the early ‘60’s. Throughout history, small groups had periodically attempted to stress the importance of a post-conversion ‘Pentecost’ experience, as described in Acts 2, and argued that Christ’s promise of the Holy Spirit (John 14.16) was available to all men in a similar way. The evidence of this ‘second blessing’ or ‘Baptism in the Spirit’ was seen as the ‘charismata’ (supernatural ‘gifts’ of the Holy Spirit), most particularly ‘the gift of tongues’ (glossolalia), in accordance with Acts 2.4:

And they were all filled with the Holy Spirit and began to speak in other tongues, as the Spirit gave them utterance.

Other ‘gifts’ emphasised by Charismatic groups include healing and prophecy. A significant precedent for this current situation in Britain was the emergence of the Pentecostal Movement in 1907.5 While the effects of this development within Evangelicalism were widespread, especially in North and South America, it remained ‘a working-class movement, developed and led largely by laymen’ (D. Cartwright 1983, p.7). It is this factor that primarily distinguishes the Pentecostal movement from the Charismatic movement of the last twenty years. The latter tends to be more middle-class in orientation though by no means exclusively. The Charismatic Movement in Britain must be the single most significant and controversial issue among the Churches today. It has swept across Evangelical Christians of all denominations and made a great impact within Roman Catholicism. D. Perman writes in his chapter ‘The Charismatics’:

The Movement is clearly no respector of ecumenical or political divisions, or of divisions of education, class or churchmanship either.

(D. Perman 1977, p.74) He goes on to describe its impact upon individual churches: The churches are full, particularly with young people, strangers are welcomed, the Bible is proclaimed eagerly, the worship is informal, uninhibited and often quite protracted, congregational participation is total, and everyone appears to be standing on tip-toe to see some new manifestation of the Holy Spirit, for example, in the curing of the sick. There appear to be two major objections voiced against the movement by a more traditional element within Evangelicalism. First, that it was an experience necessary for the instigation of the ancient Church, as recorded in Acts, but not a necessity ‘for today’. Secondly, it is alleged that an over-emphasis on experience has been at the expense of ‘doctrinal truth’. Some,

6

indeed, argue that the movement has become non-evangelical. This has inevitably resulted in schism, and an enormous growth of independent charismatic groups which meet in halls or members’ homes. Thus, the Charismatic movement is in evidence both within and without the Institutional Church. (e) Ecclesiastical Within sociology a distinction has been made between what has been labelled as ‘a gathered church’ and a ‘folk religion’ approach to the church. The former is intended to indicate an emphasis placed upon the individual member’s commitment to the Christian gospel (e.g. the Baptist Churches, where there is no centralization of denominational ecclesiastical authority). The latter is intended to indicate an emphasis upon the institution’s commitment to the Christian Gospel (e.g. the Church of England, which, as an authoritative institution, is intended to enshrine the Gospel message). This is a tension that has been particularly in evidence from the days of the Reformation, since when there has been a significant move towards the recognition of a ‘gathered’ church approach. The most recent expression of this has been loosely termed, the ‘house church’ movement. The term ‘house church’ has been applied to many of the charismatic groups that did not stay within the institutional churches. While many of these groups have retained their independence, a large number are linked by an allegiance to commonly recognised groups of leaders, as also through large conferences, common styles of worship, and similar goals. One of the main goals was expressed recently in Restoration, a bi-monthly magazine circulated widely among many of these groups. It describes a return to ‘New Testament principles’ and the experience of ‘God’s full purpose for his church’:

This involves casting aside what is merely institutional and traditional, and restoring much that has been lost or neglected over the centuries.

(Restoration March/April 1983, p.2) According to another article entitled ‘House Church Growth’, based upon recent statistics published by The Bible Society, the house churches are the fastest growing religious group in Britain:

In 1975 there were 20,000 members in 1,000 churches. By 1980 this figure had grown to 60,000 members in 2,000 churches. Since then numbers have probably risen faster and there could now be as many as 200,000 members.

(Restoration March/April 1983, p.36) In assessing these five tensions I have observed many links between them. Their relationship, however, would appear not to be causal so much as reciprocal and extremely complex. As D. Perman (1977) writes in his discussion of ‘Church and Nation’:

To formalize this diversity into two clear camps - progressive and traditionalist, perhaps, or Left and Right, is to fail to see that modern Christian diversity is truly pluralistic. (p.21)

7

Chapter Three An Introduction the Case-Study

The concept of sub-culture as conventionally used within sociology is applied to groups of individuals who adopt a way of life – common attitudes and beliefs – that are at variance with the main-stream culture. Therefore it usually implies the notion of strain. A sub-culture will emerge when there is a disjunction between the goals that are set for individuals within a system, and the institutionalized means available for actually achieving them. The implication of the term ‘sub-culture’ therefore indicates a group of people who occupy a similar position within a structure. As a result, this is not an entirely appropriate term to use in reference to Evangelicalism which does not appear to be amenable to sub-cultural analysis in quite the same way. However, a useful perspective is taken by M. Clarke (1974) who argues that, in many cases, a sub-culture may only become significant on certain occasions:

In most sub-cultures there are occasions like this when the identity of the sub-culture receives a boost and is set off against that of the major culture. The occasion may be… the institutionalized celebration of the sub-culture which takes place at the meeting of the members where the focal concerns are indulged… Thus although sub-cultures like those of youth can remain socially insignificant for long periods for individuals, there can arise points at which they suddenly gain salience and the cultural differences which existed all along are suddenly brought into focus.

(British Journal of Sociology Dec. 1974, p.433) Greenbelt, and other similar gatherings, represents such an occasion within Evangelicalism. It is interesting to note that the term sub-culture has been used by some Evangelicals to refer pejoratively to an unhealthy ‘ghetto’ mentality, Laurie Mellors is the manager of ‘Ghettout’, an organization specifically geared to encourage Christian musicians to play where ‘ordinary’ people play. He told me:

I feel very much as if there’s a real sort of “ghetto” - sub-culture - in Christian music. Christians just playing to other Christians.

Singer and songwriter Graham Kendrick, who regularly appears at Greenbelt, expressed his concern as follows:

I think there’s a real danger that we have created and are continuing to perpetuate a whole little “scene”, a kind of youth culture among Christians which has many good and positive things in it, but which is a stopping off point; it doesn’t take us anywhere. It’s a self-perpetuating thing which absorbs a lot of energy and resources, time and talent, to what purpose? Entertaining Christians?

(Strait, Michaelmas 1981, pp.20-21) My case-study will examine the Greenbelt Festival by looking at the origin and history of the event, the people who attend, and the nature of their religious attachment; also the relationship between Greenbelt and the wider stream of popular culture. In doing this I have drawn upon six major sources of information: l. Informal interviews with (a) the administrator and (b) representatives from the Deo Gloria Trust, prior to the 1982 Festival. 2. The results of a questionnaire survey of attenders at the 1982 Greenbelt Festival.

8

3. Taped and informal interviews conducted with artists and organisers at the 1982 Festival. 4. Informal participant observation at the 1982 Festival. 5. An evaluation questionnaire distributed by the organisers of the Festival. 6. Coverage of Greenbelt both in the Evangelical press and the national and local media.

9

Chapter Four The Greenbelt Festival: A History

The face of Evangelical Christianity has changed almost unrecognisably over the last twenty years. The Greenbelt Festival represents an acceptance of popular trends and styles that would have been unheard of only a few years ago. In a humourous examination of some of these changes in the evangelical magazine Buzz, (June 1982), S. Jenkins observes:

Since 1965 we’ve had the Festival of Light, the Charismatic movement, the Christian Cliff Richard, the Jesus People, Tear Fund, the Living Bible, Francis Schaeffer, Youth Praise, Greenbelt, the Laussanne Covenant, a multitude of Christian tours, roadshows and extravaganzas, Christian record companies, Riding Lights, and verily, this magazine… All these influences have had both positive and negative effects in shaping the evangelical variety of Christianity as it is today.

(S. Jenkins, 1982, p.22) ‘God rock’ was discovered by the music press in 1970, according to Michael Jacob in his book Pop Goes Jesus (1972). It was that year that a variety of musicals and so-called ‘rock operas’ based to a greater or lesser extent on the Gospels, followed a train of well-known artists suddenly adopting songs of religious sentiment. In 1971, with the slogan ‘moral pollution needs a solution’, the Festival of Light drew a crowd variously estimated as between 35,000 and 60,000. It was here that most Evangelicals had their first experience of the American Jesus Movement with the appearance of unconventional ‘Sunset Strip Evangelist’ Arthur Blessitt, and rock singer Larry Norman. The latter echoed the words of early Salvationist William Booth, with the question ‘Why should the devil have all the good music?’ In 1972 the Festival of Light’s theme sang ‘Light up the Fire’ charted, and various regional Festivals for Jesus were held all over the country. By 1973 there had been a proliferation of evangelical ‘beat groups’, and London’s Rainbow Theatre ran a ‘Jesus People’ musical for three months. In the United States, the hippie movement produced a counter-trend which became known as the Jesus Movement, but the same did not happen in Britain. The Festival of Light had successfully mobilized a large section of the traditional evangelical community into a form of social action and had also provided a renewed sense of group-identity. It had not been a movement of disillusioned youth ‘turning to Jesus’. Instead, it was what D. Perman (1977) describes as ‘a well-planned import programme, carefully marketed by the far from youthful evangelical establishment of the existing churches’ (p.60). One of the results of this ‘import programme’ was the arrival in this country, in November 1972, of the Jesus Family. Having been a part of the American Jesus Movement, this group of about forty ‘ex-drug users, bikers, and revolutionaries’ came to England with a musical called ‘Lonesome Stone’. It was described by the Sunday People as ‘one of the most extraordinary line-ups in show business’. The programme stated:

‘Lonesome Stone’ is a multi-media rock musical telling the story of youth’s search for reality on the West Coast of America in 1967. Not only was the hippy generation born then but also an alternative lifestyle known as the ‘Jesus Movement’. ‘Lonesome Stone’ simply tells parts of how this came about, and portrays the transformation that Jesus has made in the lives of the cast. (p.1)

10

The musical toured successfully and ran for three months at the Rainbow Theatre. It was during this time that one of the producers of ‘Lonesome Stone’, Jim Palossari, came into contact with James Holloway. Holloway was involved in a Christian community in Suffolk which supported its own rock band called All Things New. Both parties had previously considered the possibility of putting on a Christian Festival, and the result of this meeting was the first Greenbelt in 1974. Holloway provided the venue, a farm near Ipswich. Palossari’s sponsor for Lonesome Stone, the Deo Gloria Trust, were approached for financial backing. The man behind Deo Gloria Trust, property owner and businessman Kenneth Frampton, had gained considerable trust in Palassari and his work in connection with ‘Lonesome Stone’, and agreed to back the project. The name ‘Greenbelt’ was chosen by Caryl Matrisciana, one of the early organisers of the festival, who told me by letter that she thought that if they aimed at keeping it in the Greenbelt Zone, it would be most appropriate. Woodstock had taken place in America a couple of years before Greenbelt and that festival was named after the town… they were confident that the attendance would never outgrow the Greenbelt Zone. Thus it was in Woodbridge in Suffolk, during the August of 1974, that the first Greenbelt Festival welcomed 2,000 punters. The organisers had prepared for 10,000; the police presence was enormous and the press coverage extensive. According to Strait, the official Greenbelt paper,

most of the police went home except two coppers who stayed because they were enjoying themselves – bands too numerous to mention played non stop; the Raydan Youth fellowship, according to a M.M. report by humourist Pat Jennings, sang choruses to keep their pecker up.

(Strait, issue 1, p.3) In 1975 Greenbelt was moved to Odell, Bedford, where it was to remain for seven years. The chosen site was an estate owned by the Christian peer, Lord Luke. Being better known and more centrally situated, the numbers increased to 5,000. By 1978 the attendance had again doubled to 10,000 and the festival was beginning to make a small financial profit. In 1979 the wider social significance of the festival began to be evident. The appearance of Cliff Richard coincided with his single ‘We Don’t Talk Anymore’ topping the British charts; B.B.C. Radio One conducted an hour-long ‘live’ show from Odell, and Greenbelt also became the feature of a 68 minute documentary film. Over 15,000 people attended, and the net profit transferred back to the Deo Gloria Trust account was in excess of £26,000. The generally agreed success of the 1979 festival appears to have resulted in an optimistic enthusiasm. The expenditure for the following year almost doubled, while the number of punters remained at about 15,000. Money spent on advertising alone jumped from £5,251 to £16,556. Consequently, with losses in excess of £33,000, the 1980 festival was a financial disaster. In 1981 there was a change of administration, the crowd-puller Cliff Richard returned and the festival made another profit. Although it was judged to have been a success, the Odell site was no longer considered to be big enough to contain Greenbelt for another year, and plans were made to move the festival again, this time to Knebworth Park.

11

Chapter Five A Weekend at Knebworth

1982, the ninth Greenbelt Festival, was set in the rural surroundings of Knebworth Park, just a twenty-five minute train journey out of central London. The 600 acres of woodland and fields that surround Knebworth House – the home of Lord and Lady Lytton Cobbold - also include a lake, skate park, a miniature railway and a variety of wild life. A large sloping field and the wide open spaces make it an ideal situation for out-of-door concerts. Nearby Stevenage has long since become used to being descended upon by thousands of music fans for performances of anything from the Rolling Stones to the annual Jazz Festival held there. It is not so often, however, that the visitors come to camp for an entire weekend, particularly for a religious festival. Preparation for Greenbelt 1982 began nearly a year in advance. Jonathan Cooke, the administrator who is employed by the Deo Gloria Trust, works from his own offices near the new B.B.C. building in Wood Lane. Assisted by his secretary, Heidi Mroncz, Cooke deals with all the administration from the booking of the artists to the sending of tickets. When I first visited him in May 1982, much of the ground work had been done, and publicity material was just being distributed. He explained that there were six sub-committees responsible for various aspects of the festival: music and the main stage; publicity; seminars and speakers; worship and the Sunday service; the ‘village’ and fringe festival; and the overall site. These sub-committees, however, were an ‘ad hoc’ arrangement and a lot of the work was done by a small number of people. The pace increases as the festival approaches. By August, a large number of people had already booked, but Cooke explained that it was impossible to assess a likely turn-out on the probability suggested by the booking forms. The evangelical public, it seems, are not so predictable. The festival was to open officially with a concert performance on the Friday evening. Many visitors had in fact arrived on the Thursday and some even earlier. It was a relaxed holiday atmosphere as caravans and tents emerged out of a steady stream of vehicles that stretched back to the A.1. Once on site, the ‘village’ contained facilities of every description from record and food shops, to unemployment advice and a Christian counselling service. At a cost of £1.25, the Official Programme gave a complete guide to all the events, enabling punters to be in the right place at the right time. In addition to the main stage for concerts every evening, there were at least nine other marquees for additional concerts and seminars. When the festival got under way, some people stayed consistently in the main stage area, anxious for a good position for the evening concert. Others rushed frantically about trying to get their money’s worth from as many seminars and fringe events as possible. Many, indeed, themselves participated in church groups and amateur drama groups that performed constantly throughout the day. The artists and organisers were able to escape into the far more relaxed cafeteria-style marquee-lounge in the backstage area. Even here, though, there was a constant thudding and droning as mainstage music competed with other live bands performing in various surrounding tents and marquees pitched too closely together. ‘One of the problems of a first time site’ Graham Cray, the chairman of the Greenbelt Committee, apologised.

12

The nature of the Greenbelt Festival made it impossible to obtain any representative sample of those who attended, but we interviewed forty-eight visitors randomly over the three day period. In a gathering of 15,000 people, this can only be used to indicate and illustrate some of the interesting features of the event and the people who were there. Those who we interviewed with my questionnaire were mainly ‘born again’ Christians. They nearly all had strong church allegiance and represented a wide range of Christian denominations. Many of the churches attended were evangelical. Over three-quarters of informants were under the age of twenty-five, predominantly single, and from middle-class backgrounds. They tended to be from cities and towns rather than rural areas, London and the south-east region being particularly well represented. Many preferred Christian music to other kinds and, on the whole, were not accustomed to attending large art or music festivals. They claimed to come to Greenbelt ‘for the whole event’, although music was clearly a very large part of that for many. Nearly all of them had heard about Greenbelt directly from other people, and many came in groups. My questionnaire (see Appendix IV) falls into three parts. Section A asks about the interviewee’s attitudes towards Greenbelt. Section B deals with religious attitudes. Section C asks for more personal details such as their occupation, marital status, church and political affiliation. Most people that we spoke to with the questionnaire responded with serious and helpful answers. The People who Attend The ages of those we spoke to ranged from fourteen to forty, 85.4% of whom were under twenty-five. Greenbelt is own evaluation questionnaire, which was completed by 840 people, indicated that just under half were between the age of 19 and 25. Nearly 90% came from cities and towns, over half of which were within the London and south-east region. There were a large number of students and school attenders (35.4%). According to categorization based upon the occupation of father, an overwhelming proportion of the informants were from middle-class backgrounds, falling mainly into the Registrar General’s Class II, intermediate non-manual, and Class III skilled-manual occupations. Politically they tended to be Conservative and most did not describe themselves as being politically active. A few expressed an active support for the Campaign for Nuclear Disarmament and Pax Christi. Only five people that we spoke to were married, the others being, without exception, ‘single’. None of the interviewers named ‘living together’ (common law), divorced, separated or widowed as being applicable categories. To the question ‘What do you most enjoy doing in your free time (outside the home)?’ most people replied by naming some kind of sport. Many, however, felt the question to be ambiguous and this resulted with some answers like ‘praying’ and ‘sowing’. Music and artistic related pursuits were named, although over three-quarters of them had never attended any other major rock/folk/art festival. When naming favourite musical artists, one third named Christians, of whom nearly all had, at some time, played at Greenbelt. Of over forty different artists named, Cliff Richard proved to be the most popular. Nearly half also named Christian artists when asked what was the last concert that they had attended.

13

Why they attend, and their assessment 77.1% of the interviewers had heard about Greenbelt through friends. Only one person had heard through television alone and only one through publicity material. A host of different reasons were named as to why they came. Several mentioned ‘music’ and ‘teaching’ while many referred more generally to ‘good fellowship’ and ‘meeting other Christian youngsters’. Some just spoke of ‘a holiday’ and ‘getting away’. When asked why they thought others came to the festival, well over half (62.5%) replied that they thought that the majority came exclusively for the music, although less than a quarter (14.6%) named that as being the reason that they had come. Only seven interviewees had ever been to a non-Christian festival. The festivals named by these seven included Glastonbury, Stonehenge, Reading, and the Knebworth Jazz Festival. Most of their comments on the difference with Greenbelt had to do with the absence of what they saw as being the more ‘sordid’ side of many such festivals. To the question ‘What have you been impressed with so far?’, several named individual artists or speakers. The answers ‘standard of music’ and ‘standard of seminars’ were also common. Over three-quarters of informants had something positive to say about the festival. Just over half of the evaluation sample (59.8%) thought the quality of mainstage concerts to be ‘good’ or ‘very good’, while just under a third said that they thought they were ‘O.K.’. This compares with the assessment of the seminars which were considered ‘good’ or ‘very good’ by all of the 80% who had attended. The nature of their religious convictions Forty out of the forty-eight people interviewed told us that they considered themselves to be ‘born again’ or ‘converted’. Of the other eight, two said that they had once been so but had ‘lost the faith’. One of these told me that he was still ‘God-conscious’. When asked how long ago ‘conversion’ had happened, answers ranged from three weeks to ‘a long time’. Most of the answers were specific as interviewees could refer to occasions of conversion. Some were more vague, however, with replies such as ‘it was gradual’, ‘since childhood’, and ‘five years but not really active until recently’. One person said that he had been converted at Greenbelt 1979 and his reason for being at the festival again was to celebrate his ‘Christian birthday’. When asked if they would care to mention any part of their life they felt had been particularly affected or changed by the experience, most answers were general. A number of people said ‘every part’ or ‘general outlook’. More specific answers included ‘my attitude to time’, ‘motivation for living’, and ‘became more financially caring’. Most people seemed keen to indicate that their conversion had resulted in changes for the better of some kind. One interviewee explained ‘it changed me but didn’t cramp my style’. Three quarters of informants acknowledged a ‘religious influence’ in childhood. Only two of these did not view this as a ‘positive’ thing, although they claimed to be ‘born again’ now and to attend a church regularly. Only two interviewees said that they did not attend church regularly and neither claimed to be ‘born again’. Out of the forty-four church attenders, the most well-represented denominations were the Church of England (27.3%) and the Baptist Churches (20.5%). A quarter were from various Free Evangelical Churches, while the remainder represented Methodist, United Reformed, Brethren, Elim Pentecostal, Assemblies of God, Church of Scotland, and Roman Catholic churches. Most people (84%) said that the local Church they attended was evangelical. Just over half of those ‘born again’ were involved in Christian

14

activities outside of their local churches. Most of these were youth club groups or student Christian Unions. While a wide range of denominations was represented, there was conspicuously little sign of the newer House Church groups. This is interesting in view of the ecclesiastical tension that I discussed in Chapter 2. A possible explanation for the absence of a group which one might have expected to be well represented is that the sub-cultural identity affirmed within the group setting at Greenbelt is not needed to the same extent by members of groups where there is already a strong group identity. Out of the ‘born again’ interviewees, 40.0% had spoken in ‘tongues’ and most of them said that they made it a practice. One person said that he had never spoken in ‘tongues’ but specified that he was ‘baptised in the Spirit’. These people represented all of the above named denominations with the exception of the Methodist Church. The Sunday morning service indicated a spontaneity typical of charismatic-style worship, and generally Charismata did not appear to be a point of any major tension. A few interviewees, however, who had not spoken in ‘tongues’ seemed to object to my asking such a question, indicating some sensitivity surrounding this subject. Of the two people who had ‘lost the faith’ one had spoken in ‘tongues’, the other had not. I did not observe any evidence of the doctrinal tension, other than so far as it is related to the evangelistic tension. Differences in attitudes to evangelism were very visible, both among punters and within the executive committee. It is a tension that touches the core of the philosophy behind the Greenbelt Festival and is related to the wider dichotomy between that which is viewed as ‘sacred’ and that which is ‘profane’. I shall consider this problem in more detail in Chapter Six. However, in general it can be seen from these results that Greenbelt is no ordinary arts festival. The punters to whom we spoke, the reasons that they gave for attending, and their evident dedication to the Christian religion, marks the Festival not merely as a sub-cultural celebration, but an extraordinary demonstration of evangelical solidarity.

15

Chapter Six The Sacred and the Secular: A Dichotomy

In Chapter Two I discussed evangelism as one of five tensions characterising Evangelicalism in its contemporary forms. I suggested that a distinction had evolved among Evangelicals, and I used the analogy of salt and light. It is the problem of being ‘in the world, but not of it’ and a manifestation of a wider issue, the nature of the relationship between ‘sacred’ and ‘secular’. In relation to Greenbelt this can be examined at two levels. First, in the executive committee, and the philosophy behind the Festival. Secondly, in the attitudes of artists and visitors towards Greenbelt and towards main-stream popular culture. (i) The executive committee The stated aim of Greenbelt 1982 according to the publicity material, was:

The celebration of the Christian Faith and a teaching programme based upon contemporary relevance of that faith in every area of life.

Previous publications have referred to the festival as featuring those ‘involved in the arts who work from a Christian viewpoint’. Palossari described the first festival as an opportunity for ‘born again’ musicians to play anything they wished, but at the same time expressed his ideal for any festival to be ‘an evangelistic tool for the Lord’. Similarly, a representative of the Deo Gloria Trust told me that their primary reason for sponsoring it was that it should be a ‘tool for evangelism’. On the other hand, the organisational element within the committee (administrator Jonathan Cooke and others) prefer to see the festival as a ‘celebration of God-given creativity’. James Holloway is interested in ‘radical discipleship’ (the application of Biblical principles to every area of life). What matters to him is the basic Christian philosophy on which the festival is based, not necessarily ‘evangelism’. (ii) Artists and visitors The result of this diversity within the committee is that Greenbelt itself takes a ‘something-for-everybody’ approach. The festival featured both the overtly ‘evangelistic’ as well as values of ‘Christian philosophy’. Inextricably inter-related with this issue of ‘salt’ and ‘light’ is the distinction between ‘sacred’ and ‘secular’. In commenting on these terms, Garth Hewitt, a member of the executive committee, wrote:

I think this division is the result of Greek thought, not Hebrew thought and so I don’t think it’s a Biblical position. If you look at Judaism you find that people don’t distinguish between a song that’s religious or non-religious, it’s interwoven, which for me seems to be the Scriptural position, because it’s seeing that God is Lord of every part of life. (Strait, Issue 2, p.20)

The question that Evangelicals have to face, then, is twofold: Does the Greenbelt Festival overcome this distinction? And, if so, is it done by the ‘secular’ being made ‘sacred’, or the ‘sacred’ being made ‘secular’? Within Britain all too many Evangelicals have for years existed in the cultural back-waters. The Greenbelt Festival represents, for many, an

16

opportunity to become part of that culture and change it. A member of one of the groups that was interviewed for Radio One’s Bank Holiday audience, announced:

We’re going to get into the charts so we can tell everyone about Jesus. The crowd applauded warmly. It was a sentiment shared by many artists and punters alike and one of the reasons for the huge popularity of people like Cliff Richard. However, it is not a view shared by everybody. One of the artists whom I spoke to was Paul Fields, who appeared with Cliff Richard at Greenbelt 1981. He has given up attempts to become commercially successful with E.M.I. and has returned to recording for a Christian record company. He explained:

We were suddenly playing Hammersmith Odeon and really big concerts, and seeing how difficult it was for Cliff in many ways to put over positive things about his faith simply because of his style. Cliff could stand on the stage and sing in Swahili and there’d still be three hundred screaming girls at the front.

Fields went on to say that apart from ‘phenomena’ like Cliff Richard (‘who has the respect of practically twenty-five years in the business’) it is virtually impossible for a Christian band to be successful in the commercial world without compromising their Christian beliefs:

…the Bible itself says that the world is not going to like what Christians are saying. If you speak the truth, the world is not going to hear it. Therefore they are not likely to go out and buy too many records of you telling them it… basically it’s a paradox for a Christian to be accepted in the world completely; for a Christian to be ‘popular’ in the world. If a Christian’s really popular in the world then he’s doing something wrong.

It is the implications of this suggestion that I must finally consider.

17

Chapter Seven Communicating an Alternative Vision

The condition for being successful in the commercial world, as Paul Fields suggests, is to be popular. Popularity comes by being listened to by large numbers of people at the same time. In his book The Sociology of Rock, Simon Frith describes how music becomes a mass culture:

…by entering a mass consciousness, by being heard simultaneously on people’s radios and record players, on pub. and cafe juke boxes, at discos and dances. Mass music is recorded music; records which don’t sell, which don’t become popular, don’t enter mass consciousness whatever their particular artistic claims, their authenticity and interest as music.

(Frith, 1978, p.203) The success of a popular record, therefore, is a three-fold process; the production (by the music industry), the selection (by the mass media), and the consumption (by the mass media audiences). This process determines the very nature of popular music and is worthy of some further consideration. The British music industry, using the distinctions of Richard Hoggart (1957), deals largely in ‘processed’ culture. Record production, selection of images and styles, promotion and advertising are all determined by a commercial system of mass production. Music, together with the personalities that go with it, have become commodities to be bought and sold. It is a system that relies heavily, therefore, on preconceived notions of market taste, and massive over-production since only a limited number of records will become ‘hits’. The selection process takes place largely outside the direct control of the music industry. In his article ‘Processing Fads and Fashions’, P. M. Hirsch (1972) discusses the importance of mass media gatekeepers (‘surrogate consumers’) who are the primary target of any pop music advertising. These gatekeepers, the ‘institutional regulators of innovation’ (Boskoff 1964), are those in positions of influence for the exposure of the product to the general public. Without the ‘approval’ of these disc jockeys, and music critics, the members of the public are unlikely to become aware of the product at all, or to use Frith’s phrase, are unlikely to enter ‘mass consciousness’. The decisions of these gatekeepers, however, are not arbitrary. They themselves are dependent upon audiences, and their selection of goods for the mass audience is, itself, dependent upon their perception of the tastes of their listeners. At the level of consumption mass audiences are offered a limited market range that has been based largely upon previous sales patterns. The process is, therefore, a circular one and as a result formula production is more a feature than innovation. I do not wish to suggest that the consumer is entirely at the dictates of the industry and gatekeepers. Innovation does occur as the punk movement of 1977 demonstrated. Punk was a direct assault upon the music industry that actually sought to undermine it. However, such innovation always initially occurs outside of the major commercial record companies. The norm of the culture is one of ‘predictable market tastes and indulgent superstars, of slick radio shows and standardized sounds...’ (Frith, 1978, p.209). This commercialized system has two major affects upon popular music artists, and both at an ideological level, are in direct conflict with the ideology of Greenbelt. First, market

18

determined industry results in alienation. The most glaringly obvious feature of this is its reinforcement of the ‘star’ system. Music is not something to be shared, but something to be admired. The ‘star’ system is also the basis of a whole supportive industry that surrounds it (selling ‘fan’ material) and relates closely to the enormous importance placed upon image. Greenbelt, on the other hand, attempts to discourage the ‘star’ syndrome by promoting the Festival as ‘a whole event’ rather than a platform for individuals. Secondly, the music industry works against innovation. A tremendous pressure is placed upon artists to conform to the market and the whole system is ‘hit’ orientated. This is opposed to Greenbelt’s philosophy which attempts to encourage innovation as ‘God given creativity’. It would seem that the idea of evangelicals utilizing the existing system of commercialism, contains an ideological contradiction. Change, whether it be political, moral, social or spiritual, is unlikely to be brought about through an industry, the very existence of which depends upon its mass appeal and the market value of its products. Evangelicals seek to represent an alternative vision of society. Whether as ‘salt’ or ‘light’ the vehicle for such a message has been encoded in the existing forms. While the Greenbelt Festival certainly presents an alternative ideology, it still embraces the same basic apparatus that, by its very nature, will affirm only the status quo. This is not a problem faced only by evangelicals. Any group seeking to communicate an alternative vision of society does so either through existing forms in a limited way, or through alternative forms in a radical way. Within evangelicalism there has been much debate about the rights and wrongs of utilizing existing forms, but little effort to seek an alternative form. This would be no simple quest. Punk attempted to do this by undermining the multi-national record companies and demystifying the production process itself (Frith 1980). However, as Simon Frith points out in his article ‘Music for Pleasure’ it has actually evolved into just another type of consumerism:

...the creation of an ‘alternative’ production system that both parallels the established industry (alternative shops sell records made by alternative record companies and featured in the Alternative Charts) and is integrated into it. ‘Independent’ records made by do-it-yourself companies, remain commodities.

It is a problem of inherent conflict; the tension of contradictory value-systems. The Greenbelt Festival is not just music. As a celebratory occasion it succeeds in uniting and informing evangelicals in the Christian faith. The ‘God given creativity’ was evidenced in an impressively varied programme and the overall event was a singular affirmation of the values that Greenbelt seeks to represent. For the visitors whom we spoke to, the festival clearly represented a significant sub-cultural identity, witnessed both in the ‘alternative’ content of the festival, as well as in the overall event itself. The teaching and seminar programmes proved to be enormously popular. The fringe events together with the ‘good fellowship’ and ‘atmosphere’ seemed to be as important for many people as the main-stage music. Many aspects marked Greenbelt as unique including the extraordinary multi-denominational congregation, and the overtly noticeable areas of social and moral attitudes reflected both in conversation and behaviour. One example of this was at the end of the weekend, when the three under-occupied police (the sale representatives of official agencies of social control) were awarded a bouquet of flowers to a standing ovation. According to administrator Jonathan Cooke, the overall aim of Greenbelt is ‘to make people think’. And it must certainly do that.

19

…we’ve set out to be different, as an event, and Greenbelt is certainly unique in many ways. In my opinion it’s not living dangerously enough, but in contrast to most Christian events it’s living very dangerously. People still misunderstand it and go away very unhappy about it.’

(Strait, issue 2) The people to whom we spoke did not look too unhappy. Greenbelt is emerging as a major national event. The 1983 Festival is planned to be bigger and better, and the tenth year looks like being set for another success. The tensions, however, are in evidence, and questions remain unanswered. Does Greenbelt represent Evangelicals ‘reformata et reformanda’? I, for one, will be watching its development with the keenest interest.

20

Footnotes 1 I have deliberately avoided using the term ‘secularization’ because of the different meanings attributed to that word. Bryan Wilson (1966) associates the word with religious thought and practice which is progressively weakening in social significance. I am less concerned with social significance. By ‘de-Christianization’ I mean the process whereby religious groups lose sight of their institutional religious goals, and become more concerned with their own institutional structure. 2 The term ‘evangelical’ should not be confused with the term ‘evangelism’. The latter refers more specifically to the proclamation of the evangelical message and indicates a sense of missionary zeal. While one might expect evangelicals to be concerned with evangelism, the terms are not synonymous. (For a further discussion of evangelism see Chapter Two.) 3 A sixth tension could be argued to exist over the issue of the literal interpretation of the Bible. However, modern Fundamentalism in its most anti-intellectual form has, so far, largely confined itself to America. The term Fundamentalist has been so over-used by the mass media, of late, often with political connotation, that many Evangelicals would wish to disassociate themselves from it. 4 The dilemma between personal conversion and public legislation for bringing about social reform, must be distinguished from the similar issue of moral reform. (For reference to the Festival of Light, see Chapter Four.) The problem between militative and coercive reform is obviously an important one in the consideration of political motivation. 5 The Pentecostal Movement first emerged in Britain at All Saints Parish Church, Monkwearmouth, Sunderland in 1907. The vicar was the Rev. A. A. Boddy (1854-1930) who had first witnessed Pentecostalism in Norway, where it had been taken by T. B. Barratt who shared in the early beginnings of Pentecostalism in the U.S.A.

21

Bibliography Boskoff, A. 1964, ‘Functional analysis as a source of a theoretical, repertory and

research task in the study of social change’ in Explorations in Social Change ed. by G.K. Zollschan et al, Houghton Mifflin, Boston.

Brake, M. 1980, The Sociology of Youth Culture and Youth Sub-culture, Routledge and Kegan Paul, London.

Buzz Numerous back issues of this magazine were consulted. Of particular note were October 1979, January 1981, March 1981, June 1982 and September 1982 issues.

Cartwright, D. 1983, ‘Echoes from the Past’, Elim Evangel, 15 January 1983. Charity Commission 1981, Deo Gloria Trust: Balance sheet and accounts for the year ended

31 March 1981. Clarke, M. 1974, ‘On the Concept of Sub-culture’, British Journal of Sociology, Vol.

25, 4 December 1974, 428-441. Cowan, H. 1896, Landmarks of Church History to the Reformation, Adam and Charles

Black, London. Deo Gloria Trust sponsored publications: Lonesome Stone (theatre programme) 1973.

An Evening with the Jesus family (concert programme) 1973. Greenbelt Festival Programme, 1982.

Encyclopedia Britannica 1974, (15th edition), Helen Hemingway Benton, London. Frith, S. 1980, ‘Music for Pleasure’, Screen Education 34, Spring 1980, 51-61. 1981, ‘Hooked on Love’, New Society, 23 July 1981, 152-153. Vol.57, No.

975. 1981, ‘The Voices of Women’, New Statesman, 13 November 1981, 28-29. 1978, The Sociology of Rock, Constable, London.

Glasner, P.E. 1971, ‘Secularization: Its Limitations and Usefulness in Sociology’, The Expository Times, 83, October 1971, 18-23.

Guinness, O. 1983, ‘The Subversive Society’ (an interview), Pastoral Renewal, Vol.7, No.7, February 1983.

Hall, S. and Jefferson, T. 1976, Resistance Through Rituals, Hutchinson, London. Halsall, M. 1981, ‘Sounds and Silence: 10,000 flock for bishop, goats and rock’, The

Guardian, 31 August 1981. Henshaw, D. 1981, ‘Britain’s “born again” Christians’ The Listener, 3 September 1981,

233-234, Vol. l06, No.2725. Hirsch, P.M. 1972, ‘Processing Fads and Fashions: An Organisation - Set Analysis of

Cultural Industry Systems’, American Journal of Sociology, Vol.77, No.4, January 1972.

Haggart, R. 1957, The Uses of Literacy, Penguin, Harmondsworth. Hollenweger, W.J. 1980, ‘The House Church Movement in Great Britain’, Expository Times,

92, November 1980, 45-7. Jacob, M. 1972, Pop Goes Jesus, Mowbrays, London and Oxford. Jenkins, S. 1982, ‘Mervyn Christian’, Buzz, June 1982, 22-23 (See Buzz). Leech, K. 1973, Keep the Faith Baby, SPCK, London.

1973, Youthquake, Sheldon Press, London. Lloyd-Jones, D. 1968, ‘Melody and Harmony’, The Westminster Record, Vol.43, No.10,

October 1968. Lofland, J. 1971, Analysing Social Settings, Wadsworth Publishing Co., California.

22

Martin, B. 1981, A Sociology of Contemporary Cultural Change, Basil Blackwell, Oxford.

Martin, D. 1969, The Religious and the Secular, Routledge and Kegan Paul, London. 1969, A Sociological Yearbook of Religion in Britain, S.C.M. Press Ltd, London. 1971, ‘The Secularization Issue’, review article in Encounter, April 1971, 72-79.

Musgrove, F. 1974, Ecstasy and Holiness, Cox and Wyman Ltd, Fakenham. The New International Dictionary of the Christian Church, 1974, ed Douglas, J.D.,

Paternoster Press, Exeter. The Oxford Dictionary of the Christian Church, 1974, ed., Cross, F.L., and Livingstone, E.A.,

Oxford University Press, Oxford. Packer, J. I. 1958, Fundamentalism and the Word of God, Inter-Varsity Press, London. Penman, D. 1977, Change and the Churches, The Bodley Head, London. Plowman, E.E. 1972, The Jesus Movement, Hodder and Stoughton, London. Poole-Connor, E.J. 1951, Evangelicalism in England, Truslove and Bray, London. Restoration March/April 1983, available from Harvestime Publications, Bradford. Robertson, R. 1969, Sociology of Religion, Penguin, Harmondsworth.

1970, The Sociological Interpretation of Religion, Basil Blackwell, Oxford. Schatzman, L. and Strauss, A. 1973, Field research: Strategies for a natural sociology,

Prentice-Hall Inc., New Jersey. Strait (The Official Greenbelt paper) All issues of this publication were consulted

at length. It is available only by mail from: Greenbelt Festivals, 15 Eynham Road, Wood Lane, London, W12 OHD.

Wallis, A. 1981, The Radical Christian, Kingsway Publications, Eastbourne. Wallis, R. 1972, ‘Dilemma of a moral crusade’, New Society, 13 July 1972, Vol.21,

No.571, 69-72. Willis, P.E. (undated) ‘Symbolism and Practice: A Theory for the Social Meaning of

Pop Music’, Working Papers from Centre for contemporary, cultural studies, Birmingham.

Wilson, B. 1982, ‘Greenbelt- Rock under fire’, New Christian Music, Vol.2, No.9, 1982.

Wilson, B.R. 1966, Religion in a Secular Society: A Sociological comment, Watts, London.

Wood, A.S. 1971, ‘Evangelicalism: A Historical Perspective’, Theological Student fellowship Bulletin 60, Summer 1971.

All Bible references have been taken from the Revised Standard Version.

23

Appendices It would obviously be impossible to include all of the source material that I referred to in chapter three. In the following appendices I have attempted to present a selection of examples. I An excerpt of the Radio One coverage of the Festival. II Part of one of the taped interviews that I conducted at the Festival. III An example of a report written after a visit to the Deo Gloria Trust. IV A summary of my questionnaire results, and a copy of the questionnaire.

24

Appendix I An extract of a transcription of the Peter Powell Roadshow as broadcasted from Greenbelt on Monday 30th August on B.B.C. Radio One. Peter Powell interviewing John Pack, manager of Pilgrim Records. Peter John, you’ve actually got a stall here, because there’s a whole mass - I mean it’s

like a market place – like Portobello Road if you live in London. John That’s right. There’s an awful lot of people here selling a lot of different things.

And we’re one of the record companies here. There are… four record companies here and we’re Pilgrim Records, one of the companies. As you can see there’s an awful lot of talent here, and we just make it available the way that any other company would.

Peter Now, I’ve got a whole pile of albums here some of which are on your label.

Pilgrim records is really no different, except perhaps not making so much money, as say Richard Branston’s Virgin Records.

John Absolutely right. Peter Do you only take Christian bands onto your label? John Yes. I think that we mainly record people who are Christians because we are

trying to say something and we’re trying to do that in the way we know best, and that’s in the music field.

Peter Do you think it’s because Christian bands obviously put so much pressure on the

lyrics that that is the reason they are not having so much commercial success as, say, A.B.C. or Duran Duran or whatever?

John I would say it’s because so far the music hasn’t been up to standard really, and I

think now the music we produce is as good as any music. Peter That is the impression I’ve got from the Festival so far; that it’s purely based, not

on the type - on what you’re singing about, but much more on what’s actually being made.

John Well, I think there’s two types of music, good and bad. Peter Do you think that the Christian music thing suffers from not having enough

money injected into it. It perhaps appears to me that some of these albums are good, but perhaps haven’t got quite the same production as one or two of the more commercial…

John Yes. So far our market is obviously a smaller market. I mean we’re trying to get

into the wider market by the albums we do. And so far we’ve not been terribly successful, but I think it’s early days yet. We’ve really just started.

25

Peter (looking through records) The covers of these records are totally misleading. I

mean, you wouldn’t think they were a Christian record at all. It’s purely the lyrics, is it not?

John I think it is. But, you know, it’s like anybody - er, I mean, your music is an

expression of yourself. Peter Here’s one. Giantkiller, ‘Who’s Side You On’. It’s a guy in army gear carrying a

sub-machine gun. Yet on the back you’ve got a band just like any other playing good tracks of music!

26

Appendix II An example of a transcription of one of my taped interviews conducted at the Festival. Jim Palossarri is the manager of the American rock band Servant, and was involved with the organisation of the very first Greenbelt in 1974. Richard How do you think the Festival has changed since your initial involvement? Jim Well, I think it’s changed just between this year and last year. Richard Really? Jim Oh yes. To me it’s evident. It’s the spirit. I think there’s more of a feeling that -

well - let me start at the beginning. Greenbelt was started, in part, as an outreach of the Jesus Family who were at that time living in England, of which I was one of the directors, and under the auspices of the Deo Gloria Trust. And we were then, and always have been, very evangelistic. Now sometimes you say the word ‘evangelistic’ and defences go up - ‘Ah! That must mean preachy’ - it doesn’t need to be. I think there are evangelistic methods of presenting the Gospel that won’t turn people off. And we felt we were that way then with ‘Lonesome Stone’ and The Sheep. In other words you can present the Gospel, still say a heavy message, but do it in such an artistic and entertaining way that people aren’t put off. Well, that always was the idea behind Greenbelt as far as we’re concerned. I mean, speaking for myself and that faction of it. I don’t believe in ‘art for arts sake’ personally. I understand the theory of it, but the equation that ‘well, if I’m a plumber and I’m a musician what’s the difference, if I plumb for Jesus or if I play music for Jesus?’ The big difference is a plumber doesn’t go in there and have everybody watch his work, and say ‘Oh, you do such good plumbling!’ and analyse it. In fact they stay away from the plumber; go into another room even. Whereas the person who is communicating the Gospel is being analysed, scrutinized and being copied and emulated. We have a responsibility. So it isn’t enough to say that a man’s a Christian, that’s all that is important - I think you have to take it one step beyond that and we have to say, not only does he have to profess his Christianity but he has to live his Christianity.

Last year I was here, and at first I had a hard time adjusting to the purple hair and the things we don’t have in the States. A lot of it was just cultural. And, it seemed a little rougher crowd last year than there is this year. A little seedier, I don’t know how to put it - O.K., they seemed to be here just for the music last year. This year there seems to be a lot more emphasis on the content of the seminars and what’s being said. And from the main stage last night there was a big push ‘Attend these seminars’. That’s where the strength of Greenbelt will come, not just in listening to the music. Music’s fine, entertainment, and some of it will not just be entertainment but edifying, but there are some great teachers, like the gentleman I was just talking to, Harold Snyder (from the States) who has written just tremendous books on Christian growth. And Jim Wallace who’s been picked by Time Magazine as one of the 50 young men to watch in the future of the

27

United States. These people have got something to say. Not just in the States, but anywhere in the world. They’re chosen by God to speak. They have an anointing on their messages. This is the calibre of the people they’re getting here at Greenbelt. It’s the best of any festival in the world. There’s no question about that. I was just talking to Howard about this. How we want to start something like this in the States. There is nothing like Greenbelt anywhere in the world! This is unique! I’m very proud of the fact - if pride is a virtue in any sense, to have - that God allowed me to be involved in the beginning of this. And what it’s become. And what it can be - the potential. And sure there’ll be up and down years and times when they’ll get a little too far out, and - you know. But that’s going to come I with the freedom to explore our Faith. That’s bound to come when you reach out a little bit beyond tradition. And you must reach out beyond tradition. Otherwise we get bogged down in tradition - and that is what kills the Gospel. That’s what turns off the youth, when you’re bogged in tradition.

Richard I’ve been aware of a tension between evangelicals who prefer to see themselves as

‘salt’ and those who prefer to see themselves as ‘light’ - the latter being more overtly evangelistic.

Jim Yes! Jesus said some are called to water and some plant. And a lot of times they

just like to water here, instead of plant. I think there will always be that difference. But I think the two can live in harmony, and I think it’s happening right here at Greenbelt. They are watering and they are planting. There will always be those who say ‘that’s broad enough a tack to bring in almost every type of entertainer and any kind of…’ you know. But that taken to extreme leads to a very liberal church which at some stage leaves the Gospel and its teaching behind. So, you need a balance with the conservatives. The youth always have a tendency to be less conservative. But with age you learn... ‘Hey! We make mistakes.’ I think now they’ve got a good balance. In their committee and everything else…

[interruption] …a good balance between the philosophy of the Evangelical who wants to get

right up and say ‘Are you saved?’ and those who, as you say, want to be salt and introduce to them the Christian philosophy of Greenbelt. We need both. D’y’know why? Because there are some people out there who will not respond to a subtle Gospel. And there are some people out there who will only respond to a subtle Gospel. So you need them both…

Another good thing about Greenbelt is its social content. They’re really aware of the world situation. They want to make it so that the world - they’re interested in helping and caring for people. They’re teaching responsibilities and kingdom living. That you have to live the teachings of Christ. And that’s being stressed here by both of these factions. Both the Evangelical and the more liberal philosophy here. Both are come to agreement on this. That the Gospel has to be more than words. So, I think there have been divisions of philosophy in the past. But I’d almost say Greenbelt’s growing up, maturing, even turning the corner to another era.

Richard So you’re happy.

28

Jim I’m very happy. I think last year I had my reservations. Steps have been made, those things have been changed. And I think they’ve got a much better balance than I think they had two or three years ago, from what I heard. In fact I’m impressed. Enough to want to do the same thing in the United States.

29

Appendix III Example of one of my reports after a visit to the Deo Gloria Trust for informal interviews. Report After First Visit To Deo Gloria Trust: 14th May 1982 Interviewed Mr Tom Poulson, the General secretary of Deo Gloria Dutreach, and Mr Clive Frampton (son of Kenneth Frampton). Both are on the Greenbelt Committee. Considering that I arrived in Bromley with very little information and consequently a few not-very-intelligent questions, my visit proved extremely rewarding. My limited information consisted mainly of what Dr Beckford had told me about Kenneth Frampton and his concern for those involved in cult groups. This, it seems, grew from his contact with the ‘Children of God’ (‘Family of Love’) cult who, when they first appeared on the scene had been generally accepted as a Christian group. Subsequently the Deo Gloria Trust has become something of a research centre into cult-groups, and on arrival I was closely questioned to establish that I had had no links with Scientology, After their experience with the C.O.G., Deo Gloria sponsored another group (‘the genuine article’) called ‘The Jesus Family’. As part of the ‘Jesus Movement’ on the West Coast of America, this group of around forty ‘ex-drug users, bikers, and revolutionaries’ came to England with a musical called ‘Lonesome Stone’. Described by the Sunday People as one of ‘the most extraordinary line-ups in show business’, the musical toured and then ran for three months at the Rainbow. The programme stated:

‘Lonesome Stone’ is a multi-media rock musical telling the story of youth’s search for reality on the West Coast of America in 1967. Not only was the hippy generation born then but also an alternative lifestyle known as the ‘Jesus Movement’. ‘Lonesome Stone’ simply tells part of how this came about, and portrays the transformation that Jesus has made in the lives of the cast.

During this time the leader of the ‘Jesus Family’, Pastor Jim Palossari came into contact with a Suffolk-based group ‘All Things New’. Between him and ‘All Things New’ leader, James Holloway (now editor of Strait), there was discussed the possibility of having a ‘Jesus Festival’ American-style. A farm near Ipswich was examined as a possible venue, and Deo Gloria Trust were approached for sponsorship. Thus it was as a result of combined effort that in 1974, in a field in Suffolk, with a massive police presence and very few punters, the first ‘Greenbelt’ took place. The name ‘Greenbelt’ was actually coined by Caryl Matriciano (formerly Brown-Constable, nee Williams). There have since been eight festivals in Bedford (Odell) and 1982 will be the first Greenbelt to be held at Knebworth Park.

Jim Palossari writes of the first festival: All musicians who were born again were eligible to play at Greenbelt. What they played was up to them. For instance, Narnia played music not related to the Gospel… Another thing that was different – Greenbelt was to be more than just music. All Christian art forms, i.e. dance and drama, were to be highlighted, as we had dance and drama from the main stage the first year. Greenbelt was free from the beginning of a lot of restrictions; however, as far as I am concerned, at no time

30

was evangelism one of the things it was free from. At the time, I was part of a missionary organisation called ‘The Jesus Family’. By our very nature, we were evangelistic, leading people to the Lord and seeing them mature was at the heart of our goals. It would have made no sense for us to be involved with Greenbelt to the extent we were and not want to see souls won for Christ.

The letter from which this extract is taken finishes:

I hope this letter clears up some of the questions regarding Greenbelt and its origin and its intended purpose.

Highlighted here then is an issue of obvious contention within the Executive Committee. Clive Frampton and Tom Poulson made it quite clear that Deo Gloria’s primary reason for sponsoring the festival was that it was to be a ‘tool for evangelism’. On the other hand, the organisational element within the committee (namely James Holloway, administrator Jonathan Cooke and others of the Suffolk contingent) prefer to see the festivals as a ‘celebration of Christian Art’ for the enjoyment of ‘God-given creativity’.

The Greenbelt Committee consists of: Kenneth P. Frampton Clive Frampton (Deo Gloria Trust trustee) Tom Poulson (Deo Gloria Outreach, General Secretary) Jack Eakin (Trust accountant) - only two persons from the Trust at any one meeting Rev. Graham Cray (Greenbelt Chairman) James Holloway (College House, Suffolk) Jonathan Cooke (Administrator) Rev. Garth Hewitt (Singer/songwriter) Bill Lathan (Manager: Cliff Richard) Claire Goodman (B.B.C. Radio 1) Kevin Shergold (Christian Arts Centre) John Gooding (D.J.M. Records) Jim Punton (Frontier Youth Trust)

In a recent issue of Greenbelt’s own paper Strait, James. Holloway interviewed Clive Frampton about D.G.T.’s relationship with Greenbelt. (Issue 3, page 6.) One particularly interesting comment came from Frampton when asked if his ‘vision for Greenbelt changed much from the original vision’:

I don’t think our original vision has changed in that we are always seeking to introduce young people to Christ, but with the growth of the festival there are obvious pressures such as commercialism which sometimes make it difficult for others to see that this is indeed our vision.

I left D.G.T.’s offices with three albums of the ‘Sheep’/’Lonesome Stone’, a film strip about the musical, and numerous programmes and back-issues of Strait as well as a warm invitation to get in touch again had I any more questions or required further information. The visit illuminated the following areas that I shall have to look into: 1) The Suffolk people (Koinonia Fellowship or College House) and their perspective on

Greenbelt. 2) A report on Greenbelt ‘74 from Caryl Matriciano and why the name ‘Greenbelt’. 3) Discover how much research has been done in this area (e.g. by the B.B.C. for their

documentary ‘Greenbelt Live’). Richard P. B. Wallis 16.5.82

31

Appendix IV

A General Summary of the Questionnaire Results The questionnaire was discussed with 48 visitors, twenty- three of whom were female and twenty-five male. A. 1. Is this the first Greenbelt that you’ve been to? Yes 20 Second time 10 Third time 8 More than three times 10 2 Are you a weekend or day visitor?

Weekend visitor 47 Day visitor 1

3 How did you first hear of Greenbelt? Friends/church friends/school friends/ 33

youth group Relatives 5 Buzz and friends 8 T.V. 1 Poster/Leaflet 1

4 (a) What was your main reason for coming to Greenbelt? Music 7 Teaching 3 Atmosphere/social/‘whole event’ 28 Holiday 5 Find out more about God 3 Curiosity 2

(b) What have you been most impressed by so far? Music/professionalism 9 Named artists or particular speakers 6 Teaching and seminars 8 Atmosphere 6 Fringe festival 4 Site/organisation 2 Size 3 Negative comment 10

32

5 What do you think the majority come for? Music 30 Music and atmosphere 3 Social 6 Other 9 6 What other major rock/folk/art festival have you attended?

None 37 Other Christian events 4

Major rock festivals 7 (who represented 10 festivals between them) 7 In what way, if any, does Greenbelt differ from other major rock/folk/art festivals

you’ve attended? ‘Atmosphere better at Greenbelt’

‘Compares favourably’ ‘No police hassle’ ‘More well-behaved’ ‘Less violence and drugs; fewer bikers’ ‘More meaning and purpose’ ‘Less sordid’

8 Who is your favourite musical artist?

13 Christian artists named by 16 visitors 26 ‘secular’ artists named by 29 visitors Cliff Richard 6 U2 2 (Bob Dylan’s name was conspicuous by its absence from this list)

9 Last concert attended? 36 different artists were named of which 17 were Christians. B. 10 (a) Do you think of yourself as being ‘born again’ or ‘converted’?

No 8 Yes 40

(b) If not, have you ever thought of yourself as being ‘born again’?

No 6 Yes 2

33

11 How long ago did this happen?

One year, or less 5 Two years 5 Three years 4 Four years 3 Five years 4 Six years and over 19

12 *Would you care to mention any part of your life particularly affected or changed by that

experience?

‘Every part’ 18 ‘Relationships’ 5 ‘Attitudes’ 8 ‘Morals’ 2 Other comments included:

‘Desire to study the Bible’ ‘Became more financially caring’ ‘Acceptance of God’s will’ ‘Changed, but didn’t cramp my style’ ‘Motivation for living’ ‘Attitude to time’

13 *Are you involved in any other Christian organisation or activity? No 19 Youth groups/Christian Unions 18

Christian C.N.D. 3 Other various evangelistic activities 4

14 (a) Have you ever had the experience of ‘speaking in tongues’?

Yes 16 No 22 Not applicable 8 No answer 1 ‘No but baptised in the Spirit’ 1

(b) If yes, do you make it a practice?

No 5 Yes 11

15 May I ask your age?

19 and under 23

21 and under 33 25 and under 41

34

16 Where do you live?

Cities and town areas 44 Village and rural areas 4 ‘London and the South East’ was the most represented region)

17 What is/was your father’s occupation? Class I 4

Class II 17 Class Ill (non-manual) 45 Class III (manual) 14 (Others said ‘unemployed’ or failed to answer the question)

18 Status Single 43

Married 5

19 What is the occupation of your partner?

‘Unemployed’, ‘Service engineer’, ‘Civil servant’, ‘Mother’, ‘Housewife’

20 Would your partner claim to be ‘born again’?

Yes 4 No 1

21 Would you say there was any (particular) religious influence in your childhood?

Yes 36 No 12

If ‘Yes’, do you view this as a positive thing?

Yes 30 No 2 Not sure 4

22 Do you attend church regularly? Yes 44

No 2 ‘Sometimes’ 2

Denomination:

Church of England 12 Free Evangelical 11 Baptist 9

35

Methodist 2 Brethren 2 Assemblies of God 2 Elim 1 Church of Scotland 1 United Reformed 1 Roman Catholic 1 No answer 2

23 Church attended: Evangelical 28

Evangelical and charismatic 9 Charismatic Catholic 1 Non-evangelical 1

24 What do you most enjoy doing in your free time (outside the home)?

Some specific sport 19 Various cultural pursuits 10 Music 8 Artistic 4 Church related activities 5 Other 2

25 Would you describe yourself as politically active?

Yes 10 No 38

26 If yes, in what way? Peace movement involvement 3

Other answers included: ‘Liberal Party canvesser’ ‘Vice chairman of Hove Young Conservatives’ ‘Youth Service Councils (pressure group)’

27 If there were a general election tomorrow, which party do you think you would vote for?

Conservative 16 Labour 8 S.D.P. 5 Liberal 3 Socialist 1 Declined to answer 15

* Multiple answers