Heraion Acroterion

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Iconographical Intent of the Heraion Acroterion Janet Puchino While researching the Temple of Hera at Olympia, a fascination for the terra cotta disc acroterion which had adorned the apex of the temples tiled roof manifested. Once reassembled and reconstructed by the German Archeological Institute, the enormity of scale (m.2.31 x m.1.50) and unique decorative patterning of the Heraion acroterion1 served to underscore its importance. Searls and Dinsmoor present the most thorough investigation of the work and its provenance to date in order to substantiate their conclusion that the foundations for the new Temple of Hera were laid approximately 590 BC.2 Its twelve zones are detailed and, through several similarities with fragments of acroteria excavated at the sanctuary of Artemis Orthia in Sparta (dated to ca. 580 BC), they determined the Heraion acroterion to have been manufactured some place in Laconia, probably in Sparta.3 Other than dating and place of origin, the only other question addressed with regard to the adornment was whether its base was cut off horizontally or triangularly to ease its placement atop the temples pediment. No evidence has been forth-coming to indicate that the Temple of Hera was additionally embellished on its exterior with pedimental sculpture, cymae, antefixes, or cornice decoration. It stands to reason, therefore, that the architectural function of the one enormous extant exterior embellishment4 of the first temple in a sanctuary which had become the cultural, religious, and political forum of Hellenism by the beginning of the sixth-century BC5 might have intentionally been augmented by symbolic, decorative elements.6 This premise was substantiated upon reading that the intelligent alternation of the flat and the moulded surfaces of the disc and the harmonisation of the decorative elements with the shades of colour give the impression of perpetual motion. Because of this, the acroterion, placed at the highest point of the temple, would have looked like the sun or a stellar emblem, burning and spinning, [it is] daemonic in the archaic sense.7 Perpetual motion, daemonic, a reflective, stellar emblem, call to mind legendary attributes and trials of some Greek gods abstracted and unified into the crowning Heraion disc, an inspirational effigy for the Greek citizens who had congregated to peacefully worship national deities while praying for the glory of their home state and local gods. It is my contention that the Heraion acroterion is a combination polos/helmet-shield/mirror meant to honor said divinities, an apotropaic symbol for the site and its visitors, especially Spartan youth. Substantiation of such a claim required that a variety of sources be tapped, not just the Laconian pottery referred to by Searles and Dinsmoor. This, however, provided a worthwhile starting point which revealed further evidence that the acroterion was made in Sparta. As accounted by A M Woodward8 while excavating a building of unknown identity (probably dedicated to Athena) on the Spartan Acropolis, fragments of an acroterion were discovered outside the buildings wall decorated in the same black couched technique utilized during the manufacture of the Heraion disc9 and probably contemporary with the latter work. An illustration if the shards10 accompanied by the

Iconographical Intent of the Heraion Acroterion Janet Puchino

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following description, commencing from the center of fragments a & b, which seem to join: semi-circular vent hole; large toris and two smaller tori; cymatium with leaf pattern, alternate leaves being red and black, with white edges, separated by incised lines; coursed masonry or step-pattern with incised guidelines, in eight courses, with colors arranged diagonally thus: white, red, black, white, black, red;11 proves the step pattern to have been decoratively utilized on at least one acroterion from Sparta and not confined solely to Laconian II pottery.12 From its placement atop the temple, its dentellated border, and its shape,13 the acroterion could easily be interpreted as a polos which, as described by Maria Pipili, is a regular headdress for goddesses, only exceptionally worn by heroines.14 Terra cotta figurines dating from 700 to 500 BC have been found in the excavation at the Temple of Artemis Orthia at Sparta. They are cult statues of the goddess Orthia wearing a polos and a Doric peplos and the goddess is further thought to be represented by a sixth-century marble head from the Orthia sanctuary which probably wore a polos.15 One would be remiss in failing to mention that the colossal head found near the Temple of Hera at Olympia is also wearing a polos. A Laconian vase, now in the collection of the Metropolitan Museum of Art in New York, by the Boreads Painter, dated ca. 570 BC, depicts the introduction of Herakles to Olympus (Zeus and Hera) by Athena. Easily recognizable is the dentellated polos atop Athenas head and one can assume the more important goddess, Hera, would have been similarly adorned although evidence of that assumption is no longer extant.16 On a bronze cuirass found at Olympia by N Yalouris, dated ca. 660 BC, and identified as depicting Helen and the Dioscuri, an oversized polos rests atop Helens head, enhancing her centrality in the myth and the significance of the decorative motif.17 The polos had also been utilized on occasion by artists of the Geometric and Archaic periods to adorn the images of gorgon and sphinxes fosters the assumption that it may have been appropriate attire for a variety of beings possessing supernatural powers. One example is a bronze in the Olympia Museum from a Laconian atelier of a Sphinx at rest attentively gazing at the viewer and wearing a polos with at least three decorated zones. It dates from the second half of the sixth-century BC, but its refined workmanship would suggest it was not the first such Laconian work.18 Indeed, a carving in the round in soft limestone of a similar sphinx was found at Artemis Orthia. She, too, wears a polos while assuming a similar pose.19 Found in a stratum of sand along with pottery from the Laconian II period, the work dates from ca. 630 600 BC. The abundance of lead figures of goddesses and sphinxes with similar head garb beginning ca. 700 BC and continuing well into the sixth-century BC serve to underscore Spartan familiarity with this decorative motif. Finally, a fragment of a large lustral bowl with Gorgoneion in high relief, made of Laconian marble and dated by Dawkins as a Spartan work of the sixth-century BC, is described by the author as follows, the Gorgon wears a low polos and has short locks on either side of the face20 The above abbreviated list of Greek creations of this style touching upon varied mediums and concentrating primarily on works of Laconian origin should suffice to emphasize that the artists of Sparta were responsible for many representations of supernatural beings wearing a polos and could easily have incorporated such a meaning into their design of the Heraion acroterion.


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In the seventh and the first quarter of the sixth-century, before the military ideal gradually strangled other activities, Sparta was prominent in the arts.21 That is not to say the military ideal during these centuries was not of the same high caliber that has garnered fame for Spartan warriors. Aristotle explained that Sparta was the first Greek state to introduce a systematic physical and military training which, for a time, made her unrivalled in sports and war.22 Her leadership in all areas during this period prompted Gardiner to note Spartan participation in the Olympic festival not only raised [its] prestige, but gave a new importance and seriousness to athletics, making them part of the education of the people not just a [heretofore] diversion of the nobles.23 From the fifteenth to the fiftieth Olympiads (720 576 BC) her athletes dominated the games as is thoroughly documented in Spartas records of athletic victories. From the early age of six or seven, the Spartan boy commenced an intense program of physical education which stressed victory and culminated in Olympic competition. The boys underwent the stages of initiation to become strong and virtuous warriors.24 Only the strongest and most victorious would travel to the games, and the Olympic champions would then become the military leaders of Sparta. Other than greaves and a spear, protection in battle for the boys would come from their helmet and shield. Laconian depictions of the late seventh- and early sixth-century show a helmet which completely covers the head atop of which is affixed a metal crest beginning at the forehead and continuing around to the nape of the neck as can be seen on a fragment of a large terra-cotta pithos from the Heroon at Sparta.25 The lead figurines from the Temple of Artemis Orthia further support this basic shape (although some notable embellish its design) as does an ivory seal from the mid-seventh-century.26 The Geometric period bronze figurine of a warrior which decorated a tripod handle wears a similar helmet as does a winged gorgon shield device ca. 550 BC although the hammered bronze decoupe sheet depicts the daemons head encircled from ear to ear rather than forehead to nape.27 A late Archaic bronze greave sports curvilinear decorations that could almost be read as an abstraction of a helmeted warrior with a shield hanging at his side. Judging from the inscription, The Cleonians [dedicated this] to Zeus of Olympia,28 and knowing Zeus power required no such attributes, one might read this figure as Athena, born fully armed from Zeus head. The shield she carried since birth would later become apotropaically embellished with Medusas hideous image once Perseus had successfully brought the gorgons head to the goddess. This design became a protective talisman and varied interpretations often adorned the shields of Hellenic warriors. One such shield device, also abstracted, is of a winged gorgoneion. It measures almost one meter in diameter, dates to circa the sixth-century, and is described by Yalouris as a head from which sprout ten snakes, surrounded by a moulded chaplet with three large swirling wings.29 Hellenic gorgoneion representations had not yet become uniform by the first of the sixth-century BC, and the above device demonstrates artists were inclined to limit the representation to its basic components, tongue, snakes, and wings (also suggestive of appendages). The bands which are centrally prominent to the Heraion acroterion are


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decorated with the tongue, spiral hook, and angled step patterns and may have been intended to call to mind gorgoneion traits. The tongue pattern has been thrice repeated and the spiral hook was often found to encircle gorgon faces representative of a corona of serpentine tendrils.30 Lane informs us that Lanconian depictions of the running gorgon are rare31 but the painted sculpture on the handle of a Laconian II lakaine32 proves they had existed by the sixth-century BC and in the swastika-like pose which became the norm. The severe angularity of appendages is easily equated with the same continuous right-angled relationship of each level of the step pattern. The constant motion implied by both the former and latter geometrizations further enhances their association. In this particular sculpture, the use of a white/purple/black color scheme, exactly like that chosen by the Spartan artist for the step pattern of the acroterion, lends additional credence to the suggestion that the two could be related. The decorative scheme of tongue, hook, and step-pattern in adjacent bands, centrally located on the disc, and being the patterns most suggestive of movement in the overall design, must hold significance. It doesnt seem too unreasonable that the artists intent may have been to imply gorgoneion attributes in order to both shield the temples inhabitants and those competing near its entrance. Remembering Yalouris description of the acroterion as burning, a stellar emblem, much like a mirror capturing the light and appearing to burn while reflecting it downward, was reminiscent of a passage by Pausanias. While at Lycosura in Arcadia he had noticed a mirror set in the wall at the exit of the Sanctuary of Despaina. Her cult image included her mother, Demeter, seated at her side, the two surrounded by Arthemis and Anytos (a Titan). Pausainas writes of the mirror: whoever looks at it, or witness reports, either only sees himself as an obscure reflection, faint and indistinct, or sees nothing at all. On the other hand, the figures of the gods and the throne that supports them show up clearly in the mirror; one can gaze at them there distinctly (8.37.7). It has rendered the real who peer into it invisible or indistinct while revealing clearly the divine, the normally invisible. Upon departing, the final image the devotees take with them is of the importance of the gods in their lives and the insignificance of the individual. One of the most widely represented episodes of courage in Greek mythology, as noted earlier, is of the beheading of Medusa by Perseus. Knowing the gorgons powers, the hero can only achieve his task successfully with Athenas help. The goddess uses her bronze shield to mirror the image of the scene in order that Perseus may gaze safely into its reflection and accurately guide his curved sickle through the neck of the sleeping monster. With Athenas help, Perseus would become aware of his inability to perform the task without divine intervention. To hear or see accounts of the myth would remind Greek citizens of their subservience in the greater national and religious goals. In a similar fashion, athletes and worshippers at Olympia, upon gazing toward this burning emblem, twirling and reflecting the suns rays, would have been reminded of the importance in their lives played by the deity enthroned within the temple and draw courage in their pursuit of a victory to honor the gods. Added meaning is suggested by the votive mirror handles created to represent the victorious female Spartan youths at the Olympic festival dedicated to Hera and at the


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Spartan festival honoring Artemis. The physical education of the virgins of Sparta during the Archaic and Classical periods was no less important than that of the male youths although its focus, according to Scanlon, was to present stages of initiation to become strong and virtuous.wives.33 Symbolically, then, the virgins who attended the quadrennial Heraion were attempting to enlist Heras aid in the pursuit of marriage. Scanlon further suggests specifically that the bronze votive mirror handles represent Spartan female athletes actual or ideal.34 One such mirror handle of probable Spartan provenance and now in the collection of the Metropolitan Museum of Art in New York depicts a female wearing a hair net made for use during athletic events and holding attributes which have been identified as being more likely an oil flask [and] a lotus blossom, the former a common implement for athletes, and the latter a victory prize symbolic of the maidens fertility, vitality, and virginal purity.35 This image provides an additional connection with the Heraion acroterion in that its outer zone is decorated in what appears to be the spiral hook and tongue patterns edged by a somewhat dentellated border.36 Coupled with Scanlons suggestion that the Heraia may have been reorganized ca. 580 BC under contemporary Spartan political influence in Elia,37 the connection with the Heraion acroterion becomes even firmer as does its probable date ca. 570 BC.38 Lane tells us that traditionally Laconian exports are finer than those found on home ground39 making it reasonable to assume that Spartan pride would have required this acroteria be not only the largest and most perfectly executed to date but also symbolic of national and local beliefs and customs. I have suggested only a few of the intrinsic meanings which could have been inferred by athletes and worshippers alike. A more detailed study would probably bring to light other associations with Hellenic tradition, but the aim for this paper was to focus on Laconian motifs, creations and customs to further support Spartan provenance of the disc. By the beginning of the fifth-century, a profound change had occurred in Sparta demanding that her citizens focus solely on reinforcing her military might. Spartan influence in cultural and artistic matters had effectively ended as Athenian dominance in these areas began, further enhancing the acroterions emblematic importance as a symbol of what a well-rounded, strong, balanced, focused society could accomplish.


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Notes 1 The acroterion from the Temple of Apollo at Bassae is more elaborate both in zones and variety of decorative motifs, as would befit its later date of mid to late fifth-century (see A W Lawrence, Greek Architecture, 4th ed; Yale University Press, New Haven, p. 231), but doesnt approach the size of its predecessor at the Temple of Hera. Neither do the shards documented in E D Van Burens Greek Fictile Revetments in the Archaic Period (Wash. DC, McGrath Publishing Co., 1973) found throughout the Peloponnesus and Aegina indicating that a second disc actoterion of this enormity never existed. 2 Helen E Searls and Wm. B Dinsmoor, The Date of the Olympia Heraeum, AJA, vol. 49, No. 1, 1945, p. 73. 3 Ibid, p. 69. 4 Lawrence informs us on p. 143 of Greek Architecture that one stood on each gable. Since thought to be identical, I here speak of the pair as a unit and will continue to do so throughout unless otherwise noted. 5 Wendy J Raschke, Images of Victory, The Archaeology of the Olympics, Madison University of Wisconsin Press, 1988, p. 38. 6 According to A & K Yalouris, Olympia: Guide to the Museum and the Sanctuary, Athens, Ekdotike Athenon, SA, 1987, p. 81, the rearside was so fashioned as to support the crowning ridge tile of the roof. 7 Ibid, p. 81. 8 A M Woodward, Excavations at Sparta: The Acropolis, BSA, Vol. 28, 1926-1927, p. 37-48. 9 Van Buren, Greek Fictile Revetments in the Archaic Period, p. 181. 10 See Illustration 1 11 Woodward, Excavations at Sparta: The Acropolis, p. 41. The purple of some acroterion and red of others are often more similar that the names would indicate depending on the clay and slip used. 12 Searls/Dinsmoor, The Date of the Olympia Heraeum, p. 71. The authors simply state that the step pattern was frequently used in Laconian II pottery. 13 Were it flexible and able to be joined along the two straight sides, the shape wiould approximate the circular, ever widening polos as illustrated in various Archaic medium. If worn reversed it could also resemble the somewhat pointed head garb sported by the bronze figurine of Zeus. See Yalouris, Olympia: Guide to the Museum and the Sanctuary, p. 53.


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14 Maria Pipili, Laconian Iconography of the Sixth-Century B.C., Oxford University Committee for Archaeology, Oxford, 1987, p. 12. 15 Ibid, p. 43, both quotes. Images of the terra cotta figurines are also illustrated on this page. The illustration of the marble head of Orthia can be found in R M Dawkins The Sanctuary of Artemis Orthia at Sparta, London, McMillan & Co., 1929, p. 389. Similarities noted by this author between the marble head and the head of Hera at Olympia were supported by Dawkins on p. 390. 16 Pipili, Laconian Iconography of the Sixth-Century B.C., p. 12, figure 16. 17 Karl Schefold, Myth and Legend in Early Greek Art, New York, Harry N Abrams, Inc., Translated by Audrey Hicks, Plate 20. 18 Yalouris, Olympia: Guide to the Museum and the Sanctuary, p. 89, Illustration b. 19 Dawkins, The Sanctuary of Artemis Orthia at Sparta, pp 187, 194, 195, Plate LXXIII. 20 Dawkins, The Sanctuary of Artemis Orthia at Sparta, p. 387, Illustrated on p. 388. 21 Gisela M A Richter, Archaic Greek Art, New York, Oxford University Press, 1949, p. 18. 22 Aristotle, Politics, v. 4. 23 E Norman Gardiner, Greek Athletic Sports and Festivals, London, Macmillan & Co., Ltd., 1910, p. 57. 24 Thomas F. Scanlon, Virgineum Gymnasium, The Archaeology of the Olympics, Madison, University of Wisconsin Press, 1988, p. 188. 25 Richter, Archaic Greek Art, figure 30. 26 Dawkins, The Sanctuary of Artemis Orthia at Sparta, plate CXCI for examples of lead figurines. See plate CXLV for the ivory seal. 27 Yalouris, Olympia: Guide to the Museum and the Sanctuary, p. 68. 28 Ibid, p. 66, illustration B4465. 29 Ibid, p. 63. 30 Humfry Payne, Necrocorinthia, Oxford, Clarendon Pressd, 1931, see Protocorinthian and Corinthian examples on p. 52, figure 12, and p. 80, figure 23. Payne explains on p. 51 that the Corinthian artist broke the rules and experimented with combinations and stylizations of the daemonic. See also Jeffrey M Hurwit, The Art and Culture of Early Greece, New York, Cornell University Press, 1985, p. 19, illustration off the E B Amphora by the Nettos Painter, ca. 620. He states on p. 178 that from now on every gorgon in Archaic art will look more or less like this a swastika-like pose symbolic of rapid movement formulaic after a period of experiment. Often the large wings


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of the body and the small wings protruding from the skin take on the same spiral hook pattern. Laconian II pottery may have gone through this experimentation a few decades later but was influenced by Attic and Corinthian variations. For examples, see Dawkins, The Sanctuary of Artemis Orthia at Sparta, fig. 47d, p. 75 and plate VII. While the spiral head had been used prior decoratively, this was one of its first applications in a figural motif where the intent was obvious. 31 E A Lane, Lakonian Vase Painting, BSA, vol. 34, p. 172. 32 Dawkins, The Sanctuary of Artemis Orthia at Sparta, plate VIII. 33 Scanlon, Virgineum Gymnasium, Archaeology, p. 188. 34 Ibid, pp. 191 & 192, respectively. 35 Ibid, p. 194. 36 See illustration 2. 37 Scanlon, Virgineum Gymnasium, Archaeology, p. 201. 38 Since Spartan victories are notably infrequent after 576 bc, the acroterion would have probably been created after this date to provide inspiration for all Spartan athletes. 39 Lane, Lakonian Vase Painting, BSA, p. 129.


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Bibliography Dawkins, R M. The Sanctuary of Artemis Orthia at Sparta. London: Macmillan & Co., 1929. Gardiner, E Norman. Greek Athletic Sports and Festivals. London: Macmillan & Co., 1910. Hurwit, Jeffrey M. The Art and Culture of Early Greece. New York: Cornell University Press, 1985. Lane, E A. Lakonian Vase Painting. BSA 34, 1933-1934. Lawrence, A W. Greek Architecture. 4th ed. New Haven: Yale University Press, 1983. Pausanias. Description of Greece, translated by W H Jones. 5 volumes. London and Cambridge, Mass.: Harvard University Press, 1983. Payne Humfry. Necrocorinthia. Oxford: Clarendon Press, 1931. Pipili, Maria. Laconian Iconography of the Sixth-Century BC. Oxford: Oxford University Committee for Archaeology, 1987. Raschke, Wendy J (ed.). The Archaeology of the Olympics. Madison: University of Wisconsin Press, 1988. Richter, Gisela, M A. Archaic Greek Art. New York: Oxford University Press, 1949. Searls, Helen E and Wm. B Dinsmoor. The Date of the Olympia Heraeum. AJA 49, no.1 (1945). Schefold, Karl. Myth and Legend in Early Greek Art. translated by Audrey Hicks, New York: Harry N Abrams. Van Buren, E D. Greek Fictile Revetments in the Archaic Period. Washington, DC: McGrath Publishing Co., 1973. Woodward, A M. Excavations at Sparta: The Acropolis. B.S.A. 28, 1926-27. Yalouris, A and N. Olympia: Guide to the Museum and the Sanctuary. Athens: Ekdotike Athenon, S A, 1987.


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Glossary Acroterion an architectural ornament placed on a flat base called the acroter or plinth, and mounted at the apex of the pediment of a building in the Classical style. Found in both Gothic and Classical sculpture, it can take many sculptural form such as a statue, tripod, disc, urn, or palmette. Antefix An upright ornament along the eaves of a tiled roof designed to conceal the joints between the rows of tiles. Cornice the horizontal decorative molding which crowns any building or furniture element. Cuirass defensive armor for the torso comprising a breastplate and backplate, originally made of leather. Cyma the uppermost member of a full classical order, usually a cyma recta, representing a roof gutter. Cymatium The topmost molding of a classical cornice. Decoupe cut out Dioscuri Castor and Pollux, the twin sons of Zeus and Leda, transformed by Zeus into the constellation Gemini. Gorgon any of three sister monsters commonly represented as having snakes for hair, wings, brazen claws, and eyes that turned anyone looking into them to stone. Medusa, the only mortal Gorgon, was beheaded by Perseus with help from Athena. Gorgoneion a representation of the head of a Gorgon, esp. that of Medusa. Hera The queen of the Olympian deities. She is a daughter of Cronus and Rhea, and wife and sister of Zeus. Heraion Any Greek temple dedicated to Hera. Heroon A sanctuary for the worship of a hero. These are often enclosures, which may be associated with the hero's tomb, or home, but do not generally have the temple and cult statue which are normal for worship of Olympian gods. Sacrifice was also managed differently with offerings made to the earth rather than burnt on an altar. Lakaine As pictured, a widemouthed, shallow bowl with handles and lid.


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Lustral of, pertaining to, or employed in the lustrum, or rite of purification. Pediment (in classical architecture) a low gable, typically triangular with a horizontal cornice and raking cornices, surmounting a colonnade, an end wall, or a major division of a faade. Peplos a loosefitting outer garment worn, draped in folds, by women in ancient Greece Pithos a very large earthenware jar having a wide mouth, used by the ancient Greeks for storing liquids, as wine, or for holding food, as grain, or for the burial of the dead. Polos a headdress for a goddess. Toris A large convex molding, semicircular in cross section, located at the base of a classical column.

Heraion Acroterion

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