first glance, there wae something aboutber that awakened in me actual repul-sion.

"But I waa completely under her in-fluence. Krom the first meeting ehe hadabsolute control of my existence. Therewae some good in her for me, however,because ebe awakened in me a greatdesire to do something grand forher sake. 1 strove with might andhad almost succeeded. 1 had moved toChicago. There I was slowly but Bare-ly gaining admission into the artisticlife of the western metropolis. Mywork wai being recognized. Successseemed sure.

"Occasionally I visited Madison andmy black-haired beauty. Her powerover me was resistless, though I realizedupon every visit that Bhe waa taking me? way further and further from my art.She even talked to me about giving upthe painting business, as she called it,?nd finally set herseii firmlyto work totake me away from it, and at laat shesucceeded. I gave it all up, left Chica-go, went with ber to Keokuk, la., andthere we sank very low.

"One morning Iawoke in tbe policestation. I had not a cent in my pocket,was dressed in rags that once had beenfine clothes, was hungry and wretched.Iresolved to come to California,

"Ten years ago I arrived in San Fran-cisco. There I worked in a barber shop.Two years later 1 cams to Los Angeles.Jam istilla barber. But the words thatthe old German fortune-teller of BerlinSDoke to me as she held my hand andstudied tne lines written upon it bynature, have come into my ihoughts\u25a0ed 1 cannot get them out.

"Now follow me closely again. lammarried and have five children. 1 amworking for them and my home. Mywife was a widow when 1 married her.She was taking in washing and used to

_cero for the clothes at the house where1 boarded. She is very fair, with hairlike burnished gold with sunshine on it,aud eyes as bine as the heavens atnight, and if ever an angol walked the

/.earth it's the girl Imarried just a year

'' ago."The five children wero hers before

,we were married ; I forgot to tell yon.that, and?yes, a shave is 25 cents ouSunday?but watt jnst a minute, I showyou oaa of my paintings," and be tookirom a drawer at hand a small piece ofcanvas on a frame and tbere was paint-ed on the canvas a scene?it might havebeen intended for a picture of a storm

;ia a forest or the interior of a desertedmad house at midnight. Anyway it

»was the most atrocious botch the re-t purler ever laid eyes upon.

.ARCHITECTS AND ENGINEERS.They Form an Association to Advance

Th«lr lr.tore.Mti.At » meeting held on Tuesday last at

the office of Mr. F. W. Wood, a numberof the prominent architects and engi-neers of thiß city organized an aeaocia-

' tion of engineers and architects, the ob-ject of tbe association being the promo-

; tion of technical information at period-ical meetings, and the advancement of

professional interests generally in this! section ot the country. The movement'having been set afoot by the leadingmen of tbe various professions is a guar-antes that membership will be man-

-1 tsined at a high standard. The associa-, tion starts out with 30 good names onits membership roll, and promises tobecome a strong institution.

In matters of public interest involvingtechnical questions, euch as the "goodroads" movement, the harbor question,the amendment of the city charter, asregards the technical offices of the mu-nicipality, etc., tbe existence o! a repre-sentative body, euch as this, is of ma-terial advantage to the community.

The officers elected for tbe present ses-sion are as follows: H. Hawgood, mem-ber inst. C. E., president; F. W. Wood,member American Society M. E., J. N.Preston, fellow American Institutearchitects, vice-presidents; O. Morgan,president Southern California chapter,A. L A., E. T. Wright, member Ameri-can Society C. E., T. A. Eisen, fellowSouthern California chapter, A. I. A., J.H. Dockweiler, city engineer, directors;F. Van Vleek, member American Soci-ety M. E. secretary and manager.

K. OF P.

They Will Una Thalr Reunion atTerminal lal&ud.

The event of the coming week will bethe basket picnic and reunion of theKnights of Pythias at Terminal IslandFriday, September 21st, the followinglodges participating: Olive, No. 26;La Fraterniti, No. 79; Tri Cilor, No.96; Gauntlet, No. 129; Samson, No.148; Marathon, No. 182, of Los Angeles ;Gardenia. No. 127, of Albambra; Pasa-dena, No. 132, of Pasadena; Redlands,No. 186. of Redlands; Sunnyside, No.112, of Riveraidu; Valley, No. 27, of SanBernatdiao; Colton, No. 137, of Colton ;.K-no, No. 107, of Pomona; Nero, No.177, of Chino; Santa Ana, No. 149, ofSanta Ana; Perris, No. 190, of Ferris;Lake Kisinore, No. 140, of Eisinore, to-gether with ail members of the ordersojourning in this vicinity who belongto eastern lodges. The committee haeprepared an elaborate programme con-sisting of speaitiag, singing, dancingand various eports.

Brother A. H. Polig of Gardenialodge, No. 127, will daliver the addressof welcome.

Tbe cost of attending this entertain-ment is nominal, the Terminal Rail-road company having made the lowrate of 50 cents for the round trip. All

.who attend may be assured of thatchivalric and knightly welcome forwhich thia order is so justly ronowned.

THE HUMANB bOCiETY.Officer Wright'. Mfrolful Work Last

Month.Officer Wright of tha Loa Angola) Hu-

mana society makea tha following reportforAnguat:

Caeca reported, 75; Inyestigatsd, 66;?hildren involved, 45; incarrigibloe, 25;having intemperate parents, 10; visit-

i-iug saloons, 20; ran away from home,10; returned to their homei. 5,

Animal*, 31; hortes, 25; doga, 6;horaes abandoned, 10; cruelly treated,8; overworked. 6; hot properly fed, IB;condemned to be killed, 10; ownera ar-reated, 3; convicted, 2; dismissed, 1.

Irving W. Larimore, physical directorof the Y. M. 0. A., Det Moines, In., eayobe can conscientiously recommendChamberlain's Fain Balm to athletes,gymnasts, bicyclists, football players andthe profession in general for'bruises,sprains and dislocations; also for sore-ness and stiffness of the muscles. Whenapplied before the parte become swollenit will effect a cure in one-half the timeusually required. For aale by Off &Vaughn, Fourth and Spring, and C. F.leiczeraan, 222 North Main, druggists.1 jOeuv*'ope«. .iOc; ',r vi wrttinipapsr, Ms.

iglWdter, 214 W. 8 KMHMI, Mo.l-juhßjlt uulni.

't ortuoru celery at Allhntin- Grot. T 1. XI3.Vo.. efc »*arker, I89!< West F::j: c:rw_

1< btine

HE GIVES NUMEROUS REASONSWhy Senator Jones Left the

Republican Party.

He Cannot Stomqeh That Party'sBetrayal of Silver.

And Urn Saea No rI ...... For tba People at

Large In the further Grant-ing ? f rower to That

Organtz .tion.

Uxited States Scxatb. )Washington, D. 0., Aug. '_'!), 1894 )

Hon. Enoch Btrother. Chairman RepublicanState Central Committee ol Nevada:Dkar Stit?Having become firmly con-

vinced that the Republican party or-ganization is unalterably opposed to thefree coinage of silvar at ths Americanratio of 10 to 1, or at all, except with theconsent of foreign governments and at aratio to bs dictated by thsm, I have toannounce tbat I can no longer act withthat party.

I have not arrived nt this conclusionwithout extreme regret. It is alwayspainful to sever associations of longstanding, bnt fidelity to my own convic-tions and my imporative duty, as I seeit, to the people of Nevada, who havelong and greatly honored me, compel meto this course. To my constituents Ineed hardly say that whatever changehas occurred iv ths relation between tbeRepublican party and myself is not achange iv me. My opinions are in everyrespect what they have always been. 1bold today with all tbe earnestness ofthe day of my election, every one of tbeprinciples for whose prior Bupport in thesenate 1 was for the fourth time honoredby my constituents with a seat iv thatbody. 1 abate not au iota of myconvictions with reference to thebeneficent influence on American indus-try oi tbe principle ol protection. Aprotective tariffI regard merely as ameans by which the p»-.pi >ot the coun-try may secure to themselves the doingof their own work in such volume andwith such complete variety and perfectco-ordination of industries aa to afforduninterrupted employment for all. Andnot employment merely, but what ia oftbe utmost consequence, employmentfor each in the occupation of his apti-tude ?the work tbat is to his taste?thelabor ofhis lovs?tbe labor whose returnis not alone the dollars and cents thatform his necessary pecuniary reward,but whose compensation in the largereen«e is tbe high delightdaily and hour-ly distilled from a pursuit which eachfinds exactly adapted to bis bent ofmind. It is only when workers, whetherwith hand or brain, are thus benefi -cially differentiated aud co-ordinatedtbat their enduring happiness is found.Into such well orderad work men puttheir hearts, as well as their hands andtbeir brains, and that which wouldotherwise be a mere drudjery becomes amoral aa well as a physical support?agreat ageucy for the spiritualizing ofman?a blessing and a benefaction tothe human race. Among a numerouspopulation such a result can novsr bereached unless they do their own work,for tbe larger the numbers of tbe peoplethe greater willbe the variety of tastesand aptitudes and ths greater the needol infinitely diversifying the occupa-tions.

Bnt while fully convinced ef the moraland material progress made possiblefor our people by their doing their work,I am no less firmly of the convictionthat in the absence of a monetary sys-tem that will admit of the quantity ofmoney constantly keeping pace with de-mand, it is in vain to expect such pro-gress. By tbis age industrial achieve-ment is by aggregations of laborers. Itie ths age of furnaces and factories with-out number. Theso depend for vigorand especially for unbroken continuityof operation upon an institution un-known to former periods of history,namely the time contract. Upon thedegree of accuracy with which the man-agers and organizers of large establish-ments and projectors ofgreat enterprisescan make business forecasts will dependthe enormously important considerationof continuity of employment not only ofthose directly engaged in production butof all who, whether with hand or brain,are occupied in connection wilh the dis-tribution and exchange cf the productsof labor. Idleness is ths destruction,moral and physical, of a people. Tbafate ol mankind hangs upon the ques-tion whether civilization can persistwhile larger and larger numbers of peo-ple in all countries are being rele-gated to idleness. Tbe compulsoryidleness of wilting workers, of whomthere are millions even in times muchmore prosperous than the present, isdue to a force that acts upon industrialsociety like a deadly but odorless gas,which, because of its subtle character,escapes detection. In its methods it isas silent aa tims, yet as inexorable asdeath. Its victims usually attributetheir sufferings to every ctuse bat theright one. This fatal influence affectsalike employer and employed, agricul-turist and artisan. What it this power?Itis the rapacious and engorging powerof an ever-increasing value in the unitof money?that ie to say, in the dollar.When an obligation has been enteredinto requiring the payment of money ata future time this ia the subtle alchemywhich, without effecting any changein the written figures, yet enlarges theburden of tha obligation by extractingfrom him who is to pay tho money?and all business men are in thiscatogory ? more sacrifice fer eachdollar than a dollar represented atthe time tha obligation was mads.This progress paralyzes industry andrelegates to a pitiful and corroding idle-ness multitudes of willing workore. Thisit accomplishes by producing an arti-ficial sod unnatural fall in the prices ofproperty and in the products of labor?

a fall not arising from tba natural opera-tion of the forcos of Bupply aud demandaffecting the property and commodities;but from a change in the relation of sup-ply of, and demand for, money. Whenpopulation and bueiness are increasing,if tbere be no concurrent increase of thequantity of money, general prices mustfall. Ail political economists agree that,other things remaining unchanged, adiminution in the quantity of moneyiowera prices. Such diminution occursequally whether it be accomplished byactual falling oil in the supply of moneywhen population and business are sta-tionary, or by the quantity of money re-maining fixed while population andbusiness aro increasing. This countrystands in the latter category. Its popu-lation is constantly increasing at arate unknown in any other coun-try of Ihe world. In order thatpr.cej-up.m which depend ths unin-terrupted employment of wage-earners,and the capacity o! bi-ineoi aim andagriculturists to meet their iuouevt> 1 on.ligations?mav not be artificially presseddelta for t»i# bs::*ii*. ec-isHy oi a coterie of

money-lenders and people with fixed in-comes, it is absolutely necessary that thequantity of our money should increasepari passu with demand. By means offalling prices the profits which shouldcorns to the enterprising producer areabsorbed by tbe lender of money. Thusthe working bees of humanity?bothemployers and employed alike, brainworkers and hand workers?are payingan over-increasing tribute to the drones.

When people see that general pricesare falling and tbink it an advantage,they do not perceive the enormouslyimportant consequences lying concealedin the fall. They do not perceive theconverse of the proposition, namely,that what is really happening is thatmoney is becoming dearer. To say thatprices of property and commodities arecoming down is to say that money isgoing up. The only classes benefited bythis?and they are benefited unjustly?are the classes tbat have lent money atinterest and are living at fixed incomes.Their only "products" being bonds,mortgages and money, they gladly seethese rising in value by the fall of gen-eral prices, to the extreme detriment ofindustry and commerce.

To my mind, therefore, the very ksy--1stone of tbe arch of national progress iaa sufficiency of money, and, for thiscountry, a "sufficiency" means a con-stantly increasing quantity. Withoutsuch increase all the factors that go tomake up this great arch must tumble inconfusion to the ground. In the pres-ence of a money famine the most con-summate statesmanship and tbe moatintelligent business foresight are morehelpless than in the presence of an all-pervading and consuming pestilence;for tbe horrors even of pestilence maybe mitigated, and its ravages stayed bythe manifold assuaging offices and all-commanding power nf money. For theabsence of m jney nothing avails.

To attempt, whether with or withouta tariff, to secure national prosperitywithout a sufficient quantity of moneyis to attempt to float ships without aproper depth of water or to conductpassengers and freights over railroadswithout a sufficiency of engines andcars, or even a sufficient number ofrailsto constitute a continuous track.

While therefore not underestimating

the importance to the country of a fullrecognition of the protective principle, Ihold tbat the tariffaud all other issuesare in the nature of the caee subordinateto the great and far -reaching question ofthe money supply. In this conviction Ibelieve the people of Nevada to a man?

and to a woman?are heart and soulwith me.

So long aa thp party to which I haveheretofore belonged was moving to thedirection of a solution of the great mone-tary problem by giving the country asteady increase in the quantity of money,I was bound alike by personal oonvictlonand by duty to my constituents to givethat party my support. Although I didnot believe the amount of such mone-tary increase to be sufficient to overcomethe ever-intensifying contraction eet onfoot by the demonetization of silver, Iwas willing to take, for the time, thebest that could bs got, and await thematurity of what Ihoped was a growingdisposition on the part of tbe Republicanparty to finally place upon ita bannerthe motto of free coinage of silver andgold without discrimination, at the long-established American ratio.

The situation ia wholly changed whenthe Republican party reverses the policywhich for 15 yeara it had maintained,and by its officialvote in both houses ofcongress relegates the country to thesingle gold standard with all that thatimplies of industrial dry-rot and com-pnlsnry idleness among the people.While it is true that the Democraticparty must share with the Republicanthe responsibility for that act, I am con-cerned only with tbe share taken ia itspassage by the party to the Buccess ofwhose politics I havo devoted the bestyears of my life. The Republican rep-resentatives in both houses of oongressconstitute the strength of the repealingparty, both in numbers and iv intel-lectual force. Without a majority of tbeRepublican votes to aid the Democraticadministration there waa never one mo-ment when the bill could have beenpassed. For me, in my long-maintainedand solacing political affiliations, theposition thus assumed by the Republicanparty ia a grievous change, and, so faras I am coneernsd, brings us to the part-ing oi the ways. To my profound re-gret, Ican no longer bsot the householdof tbe party whioh brought freedom tothe slave and preserved the union of thestates. The great party which couldunflinchingly face the slave power doesnot dare attack the money power.

After tbe fatal error of 1873 the Rs-publicao party, by ths passage of tbeact of 1878, took a Step in the directionof reparation for the wrong it bad com-mitted against the producing masses oftbe country. Ia 1890 it took anotherstep in the same direction?a stepwhich, owing to tbe defective executionof tbe law of 1873, was an advance nponthat law. But by tbe passage of the sotoi 1893 all the hopes born of ths twoformer acts have beeu scattered to thewinds.

Having always deemed the demonotizing law of 1873 to have been enacted inignorance of the baleful effects which itwould have upon the prosperity oftho country, I hays been disposed ratherto award to ths Rapbulican party nilproper credit for the two succassfnll at-tempts made in tbe direction of undoingthat wrong than to mete out censure forcommitting it. I cannot secure the ap-proval of my conscience for a similar de-gree of lenity with regard to the enact-ment of the law of 1893.

On tbe demand of a Democratic presi-dent the Republican party repealed themost important?in fact the only im-portant?feature of au act passed bytheir own votes exclusively and ap-proved by a president of their own elec-tion. At the dictation of au administra-tion adverse to them we sen them delib-erately abandon their eilver record, un-do, and impliedly condemn and repudi-ate all that they have ttiemielves donein this regard for many years in thepast, and at one bonnd set the countryback to the point at which it was left

!by the act of 1873. So far as concerns| the interests of the American people the:repealing act of 1893 WB9, in my opinion,, less justin.ble and involved a greaterdegree of moral hod political turpitudethan that Of 1873 In 1870 we had apopulation of but 33,0*),000; we have Inow 70,000,000?nearly double.

When, as in the etnergencv of lastyear, the prices of commodities andwages of labor Were falling in every di-rection, aud workingmen were beingdischarged from employment by hun-dreds ol thousands, it seems extraordi-nary that law-makers could deliberatelycut off from the people of the UnitedStates all supplies of new money. Thatthe emergency which called for the 6xtra session of eongreis wes hot causadby too great an issue ol silver moneyunder the law of 1880 must have beenpalpable to every impartial mind whonit was universally known that the crisiswae uut cmiinel ti 'he U \u25a0tiled States,aud that in bluer countries no silverla* exlate I tj become the convenient

: scapegoat for the cupidity of moneyIleaders and tbeir numerous and intiueu-

tia.l agents. Tbat the difficulty couldnot have been due to the want of confi-dence of our own people in tbe eilvermoney of tbe country must have beenequally clear when it was observed that,during the very fiercest days of thepanic eilvor dollars were selling andwere eagerly bought up even in Wallatreet at a premium of three per cent.?that is to eav they were paid for at theratn of $103 in gold for $100 in eilver.These facts were well known to Repub-licans nnd Democrats alike in congressand out during the extraordinary session

of 1893.There are Borne silver Republicans who

still hope and perhaps believe that theRepublican party will take up the silvercause in good faith and advocate theunrestricted ooinageof that metal at therelation of 10 to 1. lam sorry to differwith those who entertain tbat opinion.In my judgment there ia not the slight-est foundation for it. Actions speaklouder than words. Among the entireRepublican congressional representationin both houses of congress from stateseast of the Mississippi, on the passage ofthe repeal bill in Obtober last, therewere but six votes in tbe bouse and onein tbe eenate cast ia favor of silver.

Of course conventions of both partiesare still presenting to the cmntry reso-lutions demanding a larger use of eilverin the currency, its restoration to itsformer position, etc. After tbe severeuse to which phrases of this characterhave for many yeara been subjected,oue would suppose they could nowhardly be taken seriously. They maybest be characterized in the slang of theday as "chestnuts."

With oue honorable exception amongstates not distinctly recognized as silver-producing states,?that of California?tbe silver resolutions and "planks" ofRepublican conventions are, in sub-stance, the same resolutions that warebo frequently passed at Republican stateand national conventions before the re-pealing act of last year.

All these resolutions and so-calledsilver planks are the same sort of dustthat for many years has been thrownini,o the eyes of silver Republicans andsilver Democrats to bnud them suffi-ciently long to permit a particular elec-tion to be held, and to secure their votes(or that election. If thoae conventionsfavored the free coinage of silver at aratio of 10 to 1, the English language ia\u25a0 ufficiently copious to enable them to sayto. The repeal of the act of 1890?forthe purcbase clause was all there was oftt?constitutes a much more eloquentlilver plank for the Republican as wellis the Democratic party than any that:an be inserted in platforms. *

"And Joab eaid to Amasa, 'art thou iniiealth, my brother?' and Joab tookAmasa by the beard with tbe right handto kiss him. But Amasa took no heedto the eword that was in Josh's hand;to he smote him therewith in ths fifthrib."

Those Republicans who stillentertain.he idea tbat their party may take up;ho silver cause do not fully underetand:he position of its leaders. With tbelingle exception which I have noted, all;hose leaders are proud to be knownlot as national but as international hi-uetalliats. No "pent up llttca" con-n-nets their powers. They propose tointer into partnership with the govern-nents of Earope in respect to a mattera Inch the constitution places solely in.he keeping of our own national legis-lature. The idea they impliedly holdforth is that the process is very simple?that nothing is needed but to call aconference of the nations and havethe whole matter arranged to thesatisfaction of the American people,rhey are willing to concede that we ivthis country may have free coinage ofsilver, provided we can ibd'.tse Europeanmoney lenders to foregi tne unjust andmearned iucretnent which tbey are de-riving from the persistently appreciat-ing value of gold.

The leaders of both parties very wellknow that there will be no further in-ternational couferencas for many a day;that no persan in authority here or else-where wishes one called, and that ifsailed such a conference would accom-plish nothing whatever.

Great Britain has had a single goldstandard law on its statute books forneatly 80 years, and does not propose toadopt bimetallism, though if it did, itwould be at a ratio whioh tbe silverusing countries would never accept?aratio not far removed from 32 to 1. Ac-cording to all political economists of re-pute, the value poaioseed by any mone-tary unit, such as a dollar, will depend,other things being tbe same, upon thenumber of units or dollars out. Now, arjuantity of eilver, which at the presentAmerican ratio of 16 to 1 would produoe$50,000,000, would undue the other ratioproduce but $25,000,000. So that thachange would enable the creditor classesof tbe world to accomplish a monetaryoontraction greater than waa ever knownin the history of time.

The money lenders of Great Britaindo not propose to concern themselves inany way with bimetallism. They aredoing much better under the presentarrangement. Yet our Republicanleaders pretend to suppose that althoughthe bondholders and national bankersof this country will not permit our goveminent to go to free eilver coinage, thebondholders and hankers of Great Brit-ain will permit their government to doso. How do the banking classes ofGreat Britain look on the question? Letme quote from the testimony of Mr.Bertram Ourrie, who is at the head ofone of the greatest banking bouses ofLoudon, given before the British royalcommission on gold and silver:

Question?Do you thiuk that a fall ofpn.-vs due to an appreciation of thestandard is no evil?

Answer?l think that a fall of pricesis no evil.

Q?A fall of prices due to a cheaperprodnction of commodities would be again ?

A.?l ask no questions as a consumer.A fall in prices benefits me.

Q. ?Is it not a fact tbat, owing to lowprices, large tracts of country that wereformerly profitably cultivated in Eng-land have gone out uf cultivation audare now producing nothing?

A.?If tbat is so it is because they areunstiited to the production of thoso com-modities.

Q. ? But lam speikiog of land whichproduced those commodities at greetprofit not very long ago.

A.?That is the general fate of man-kind. Somebody else has found that hecan produce them cheaper and better.

Q ?Well, we will deal with tbe ques-tion of mints. ... If, owing tothe present state of things, that busi-ness had ceased to be able to be con-ducted at a profit, that many mineswore shut up and thousands of peoplewere out of employment, would you stillBay thnt that was no evil at all ?

A.?! would not say that it is no evil,but it is a necessary evil, and one thatWould correct itself.

Mr. Currie hare means that the diffi-culty would "correct itself" by starvingout the miners ?Which is quite true. Asa "u'efe&jrtkry evil" it is not a matterwith which peiiuie in hi-, class concernrhuaii.lvee As '?'ColfiiUiueri'' thoy "sskno questions" when tbey find producersstarving by reason of the artificial and

unnatural fall ot prices caused by a con-traction of the money volume?a con-traction created for the very purpose of

| depressing prices.Upon Mr. Curries admitting that

the fall in the gold price of eilver bullionihad been one of the causes of the fall in

the price of wheat, he was asked thequestion :

"Then we have arrived at this onyour own admission, that there Is oneindustry whicn has been injuriously af-fected by the fall in tbe price of silver."

To this he aswered :"There is one commodity the price of

which has been lowered by the fall inthe price of silvor."

A few further words from his testi-mony will give his summing up of tbesituation. He oald : "I believe in theinherited preference for gold,i know the feeling of the class to whichI belong, and I know that any change

' is diametrically opposed to our feelings,and that whatever change is made, towhatever extent we can we will bs clearof it. Ifwe lend a man one thousandpounds we will say to htm, 'Understandwe are not to bs paid back in this newstuff; we must have gold.' "The matter I have quoted is sufficientto, show the temper of the gold stand-ard bankers land their allies, whetherin Great Britain or elsewhere. There isno doubt tbat Mr. Currie thoroughlyunderstands the feelings of his class andcandidly sets it forth. That the govern-ment of Great Britian was iv full accordwith the opinions expressed by htm asabove quoted, is evidenced by the factthat it appointe i him a delegate to theBrussels monetary conference of 1892.Hia remarks before the conference werein line with the testimony he had givenbefore the royal commission, but ac-companied by the extraordinary declara-tion that his monetary ideal was "a goldstandard eveu without agold currency."This is tbe answer of the bankingclaseesto the demand of the producing mussesfor bimetallism. It ia a proposition notto have more money but to have less?aproposition evincing the monstrous andc lid-hearted determination to furtherdespoil the masses of mankind underthe forms of law ?a proposition to pro-duce a maximum depression in theprices of property and a maximum re-duction in the wages of labor in the inter-est solely of a small coterie of moneylenders ?a proposition for the weightingdown of laborers until, as in formerperiods of history, they may receivewages of half a penny a day, while theowners of national and other long timebonds may, for every penny of debt,receive in wealth, or tbe products oflabor, the present equivalent of a dollar.

The advocates of the gold standard andso-called international bimetalliets areentirely safe in professing a readiness toleave to ths arbitrament of Europeangovernments the question whether thepeople of the United States shall have,and continue to have, a sufficient quan-tity of money with which to carry onths processes of industry and enable ourpeople te exchange tbe products of theirlabor among themselves without loss.Are the people of this country willing towait for the free coinage of eilver untilthey obtain the content thereto of theclass of persons represented by Mr.Carrie?

Ifnot, the beneficiaries of the stand-ard of contraction propound to us thequestion: "What are you going to doabout it?

A change of party affiliations Is notto be either advised or commended ex-cept iv obedience to the imperativedemands of principle. But, I submit tomy friends and all who believe with me,that in this great emergency tbe mone-tary issue is, and ofrightought to be, thesupreme, if not the sole issue whiohshould now be deemed to be before thecountry. That being so, I ask whether,with the principles which they reallyentertain, they are not doing more vio-lence to their cousciencee by remainingIn the old party organizations than theywould do by joining a party which,though new, has the courage of Its con-victions?tbe courage to treat this greatquestion as it deserves to be treated,namely as the leading question of theage. Do not the people of Nevada andadvocates the treo coinage in every statebelieve that the monetary question ismore important than the tariff? Istbere a Republican or a Democrat in thestate v/bo does not believe lhat thequestion of money is tbe most supreme-ly important of all the questions thatcan affect the welfare of the people.And is itnot reversing the natural orderof things for political parties to treat aasubordinate and collateral?to treat as amere side issue?a question which infact towers above all others? Both theold party organizations persist in treat-ing this most imperious of all questionsas a mere tail to party kite. After thspassage of the nefarious law of 1893, bymeans with which ths contrary is famil-iar, will not ths voters who coniiuue toact with old parties, find themselvesmore untrue to their convictions than iftbey placed their ballots in a repositoryin which thoy would stand for those con-victions?

So far ac Nevada Is concerned it ia nota question at to who ia friendly or un-friendly to silver. It is well known thatall tho people of Nevada, without dis-tinction of party, are advocates oi freeooinage at the old ratio. It is only aquestion as to how beat to accomplishthe purpose which the people of Nevadahold most dear.

The supreme purpose of the beae-ficiariea and advocates of a gold stand-ard, not only in tbe United States butthroughout the world, now h»V9 in viewis to keep what may be called the silvervote in this country ho divided outamong the old parties that it cannotassert Itself; go tbat it cannot even dis-cover its strength.

Iv the ranks of the Republican andDemocratic parties in every Btate in theunion are large numbers of voters whobelieve lhat the free coinage of silver attbe American ratio is indispensable tothe prosperity of our people and to themaintenance of our industries upon alevel which sha'.l invite tho productiveinvestment of our idle capital. Ia thepreaent condition of these parties it isimpossible for such voters to give effectto their convictions. In my belief itwill always bs impossible while voterstamely acquiesce in ths sinister man-ipulation) by which for years their voteshave been made to count directlyagainst their strongest convictions.Wera all the Republicans aud Demo-crats who believe in tbe free coinage ofsilver at a ratio of 16 to 1 to step out oftheir old party organizations even forone campaign and stand upon a platformof one plank?a silver one?or at leaston a platform which makes monetary re-form its dominant feature, not abandon-ing, but holding in reserve, their con-victions on other issues?the presidentto bo elected in 189G would, without theshadow ol a doubt, be one who, ofwhatever party, would sign a free coin-age bill. He might not be the nomineeof a new party, hut if of one of the oldparties, it would be because on al leastthat issue he would be acceptable to thenew one.

Iam tfrmlv convinced that there is noprospect oi relief from c ther ot the oldparties as such, and least of ail I regretto say from the Uepublieau partF. itae

financial leader of that party, Mr. Sher-man of Ohio, stated in the senate at theopening of the debate in 1893 tbat tbe?ilver lair of 1899 had bean passer] oulyfor tbe purpose of defeating a free coin-age bill. To give credit where credit is

jdue, there would be more hope of favor-Iable action from the Democratic thanI from the Republican party, ior althoughI the Democratic national convention de-| manded the repeal of the law of 1890,jtbe demand was at least professedlyIbased on "the ground not that tbat actIwas an advance in the use of eilver, butjthat it was not so great an advance as a! free coinage measure would be. ThereIwere numbers of Democrats, however,| who, at the dictation of officials in high; places, voted for repeal while knowingjthat tbeir constituents were firmly op-posed to it.

The masses of the people from whomreform must spring do not manage pri-maries, and although the advocates of a

jcertain policy may have a majority ofvoteß, tbey feel obliged, so long as they

remain in the party, to vote for auchcandidates as wirepullers and manipu-

lators may choose to nominate.In order that a great cause may win at

elections it must be championed by aparty whose leaders are for it and for it?

not haltingly, but with heart and sonl.So long as men are not elected to officedistinctly and specifically for the pur-pose of achieving tbia reform above allothera, it will, in my judgment, neverbe achieved. The reasons that cau headvanced by an official who bas 300,000officea in his gift are likely to he moie

effective than reasons that can have onlylogic for their foundation. Men havebeen known to "crook tbe pregnauthinges of the knee that thrift may fol-low fnwuing."

If the advocates of monetary reformdo not come together, how oan tbey ex-pect to crystnlize their conviction intostatutes? Even were the Republicanparty to favor free coinage nt the Amer-ican ratio, it will not sural v be contendedtbat, co long as human nature remainswhat it is, silver Democrats wonld thenbecome Republicans; nor, were theDemocratic party to adopt tree coinage,could we expect silver Republicans tobecome Democrats, while in any case,unless this were done, thers would be asufficient number of gold advocates ineither party to defeat free coinage legisla-tion. Party names,aaaooiatione,aud mem-ories develop likea and dislikes which,whatever may be said of their unreason-ableness, must be admitted to exist.

The opponents of silver have pointedout to us precisely what we ought todo. When tbey determined to repeal

the purchase clause of the law of 1890tbey ignored for the nonce all otherissues, forgot tbe struggles and ani-mosities of a third of a century, shuttheir eyes to tariffcampaigns and to ex-hausting struggles with torce bills, to-gether with all the bitterness which the

jmemory of such oocasions recalled, andi joined hands without hesitation for tbejaccomplishment of tbeir commonpurpose, not abandoning, but holding inreserve the differences. In other words,they formed for the purpose, aud for thetime, a third party. That purpose ac-complished, tbay immediately restoredtbe status quo and returned to tbeir dif-ferences. They voted, in congress, atone party, in their representative ca-pacity. We should vote at the polls asone party in our individual capacity.All who believe in the predominance ofmonetary reform, should, in my opinion,come together on that issue, and for thetime being hold in abeyance their con-victions upon other question!?reservingto themselves the light to readjust theirparty relations when the monetary ques-tion is settled and other issues come tothe front. History teachea that whitereforms of a minor character may be ac-complished through parties formed forthe achievement of otber purposes, noquestion of tbe first magnitude?noquestion involving a great fundamentalprinciple operating in the interest ofths masses of mankind waa over settledwithout ths creation cf a now party toachieve it.

Great partlea have their rise, not, assome suppose, in the vagaries oi acci-dent or in the caprices of ambition.They are the legitimate outcome of theirrepressible aspirations of a people;they are instrumentalists created fortbe achievement of a great and well-defined purpose, to the accomplish -ment of whioh existing instrumental-ities provs insufficient or indifferent.They are but illustrations, in the societydomain, of that institution which mauhas in all ages applied to the difficul-ties of his individual environment.Whenever in his upward path he wasobstructed by barriers which no in-strument in his possession would ro-move, he proceeded to make an in-strument that would accomplish thepurpose.

Itis for this reason that new partiescannot be expected to emanate fromthose members of society that bask intbe sunshine of prosperity. Tbeir path-way being already unobstructed, theyare naturally opposed to a change.Hence the responsibility of inaugurat-ing great humanitarian movementsmust always rest with tho strugglingmaßSes. New parties must spring fromthe ground. It was the operation ofthis prinoiple that produced the Re-publican party, and, were that partytrue to the sources of its origin, itwould yet be worthy the allegiance ofmonetary reformers. Like Antaeus ofold, its strength would be invincibleso long as it kept in touch with theground.

Deprived in tbe course of time of theenthusiasm and momentum of its firstcause?the cause which was the reasonfor its being?every party becomes proneto inertia, and to "lag superfluous" onthe field of its former glory. It is heldtogether principally by regard for itsname, by its long-standing personalassociations and hy ths cohesive powerof official patronage. When the timearrives its great mission is ended. Fromthat time forth tbe tendency of old par-ties is not towards progress, but to-wards petrifaction. They stand in thepathway of progress and retard the ra-tional nnd logical advance of tbe conn-try. They are obstructions to bs dit-placer) by new instrumentalities pre-pared by and for the emergency. Suchinstrumentalities are new parties, notas I have aaid apringiug up by accident,but coming naturally into lifo by theimperious demands of great causes wilhwhich the old parties, locked in the em-braces of the past, are unable to sympa-thize. A noble aud inspiring cause?acause in which ia enfolded the wholeheart of humanity?is worth the undi-vided enthusiasm, and devotion of afearless people.

Is monetary reform auch a cause? Ianswer yes!?a thousand times yeß!How does it compare with the greatcauses oi which history tells?causeswhich have inspired heroes and movedpeoples? Examine the records of allcountries and all times, note the bene-fits conferred on mankind by tbe mostthrilling achievements of war, the mostbeneficent movements of peace, the mostexquitjite creations of art, the mostni'.oud.J tiiecoveriee of science?sumthem all up, and that sum will wehthbut aa a grain ol aand in the balance ov*r

against tbs sarattssingly wondsrfui ben-

elite eonfsrrable upon mankind by ?monetary system tbat eliuiild ever keepeven step and pace with the advancin ;demands of society?a system worthythe dignity of beings whose mysteriousand unique destiny it iv to obtain do-minion over all the forces of nature, andto unfold powers and forces as muchgreater than those already kuowu asthose excel the primitive tools of theaborigines. No instrumentality evermade with hunutn hand or conceived byhuman brain is in its effects upon tbehappiness and progress of mankind, fora moment comparable with money inquantity sufficient to enable all men tobe uninterruptedly employed in thelabor of their aptitudes, and to enableall exchanges of tbe products of theiilabor to be made without loss.

For the aanue reason tbat money whenin ample quantity ia an immeasurablebenefaction to mankind, ao when itcomes to be deficient iv quantity it ialike a blighting curse, not by reason ofits nature, bnt of the deficiency of quan-tity. Tbe most important duty of or-ganized society, ihat is to say of govern-ments, properly understood, should beto see that a sufficiency of money exists.Tbe aim of political parties should bedirected, not to tbe enactment of lawsreducing the quantity of money, but oflaws properly and rationally increasingit. The difficulty in the way of reformis that the people who are of one minddo not at the fitting time come together. ajWYet tbis iB the indispensable condition ofVsuccess. Men are the children of a re- »mote past, and are as it were wrapt abont ,with the bands of tradition. With theprogress of their growth they can ac-complish but one great purpose at atime and should undortako first thatwhich ia most important and urgent.For this purpose, those who believe inthe supreme importance and urgency ofa reform should unite to give it effect.The inexorable law of progress is thatachievement results only from concen-tration. It is only as men have un-fretted themselves irom tradition, asthey have developed aggregations, unitedtheir energies, and intelligently directedthe vast mass of thoae united energiesto the accomplishment of a oommoupurpose, that their aspirations have re-sulted in fruition. Mankind have devel-oped a wonderful civilization, but prog,ress does not end now. We are yetfar from tbe goal. The process muttcontinue or our present civilization, likethe civilizations of other countries, andof former times, must either petrify ortotally decay. Mon who wish to em-body into laws their most cherishedconvictions must learn the lesson of ag-gregations. They must learn that truthis greater than tradition ; that princi-ples are greater than men; that causesare greater than parties, and that agreat cause ?a cause destined to ad-vance and ennoble humanity aa noother cause ever did or even can, laworthy of distinct recognition aud advo-caoy for its own sake. Formally, andas I believe finally, rejected by both tbaold parties, which nave combined toplace ths country squarely on the goldstandard. Monetary reform must in myjudgment look lor present advancementand ultimate realization to a partywhich shall treat it not as a secondaryor collateral question but as abova andbeyond all others, the moat transcendedissue thnt can be discussed or deoidedby a people. Hhonld we not now assert

iourselves aa becomes men of independent minds, and decline longer to beheld iv the thraldom of mere names?"Why hesitate? Ye are full-bearded men,With God implanted will and courage 11Ye dar, but Umw it. Never yet waa willBut found Home way or rueaui to work itoutKor o'er did vurtUne frown ou him who dared,Shall we, ivpresence of this srievoua wrong,In tbla uppermost movement of all time,Btand tremblti.g, cowering,when with one bold

strokeTheso groaului: millions might be ever freeTAnd that one airoko so juat, 80 greatly good,Bo level with the; happiness of manThat ail the augela will applaud the deed,"

In the immovable conviction that theprogress, prosperity and happiness ofnot only the people of Nevada, but otthose of the entire country, are moraImmediately dependent on monetaryreform than npou any other isaue thatcan bs preeented for political action. 1shall henceforth vote for, and act with,tbe party tbat brings this overmaster-ing issue to tha front. Yours truly,

J. P. Jonrs.

LOS ANGELES HERALPj SUNDAY MORNING; SEPTEMBER lfi, 1891.10

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